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diff --git a/39711-h/39711-h.htm b/39711-h/39711-h.htm new file mode 100644 index 0000000..3fec21d --- /dev/null +++ b/39711-h/39711-h.htm @@ -0,0 +1,20687 @@ +<!DOCTYPE html PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD XHTML 1.0 Strict//EN" + "http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml1/DTD/xhtml1-strict.dtd"> + +<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml"> + <head> + <meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html;charset=iso-8859-1" /> + <meta http-equiv="Content-Style-Type" content="text/css" /> + <title> + The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Constitutional History of England, Vol I, Henry VII To George II, by Henry Hallam. + </title> + <style type="text/css"> + +body { + margin-left: 10%; + margin-right: 10%; +} + +h1,h2,h3 { + text-align: center; + clear: both; +} + +p { + margin-top: .75em; + text-align: left; + margin-bottom: .75em; +} + +.pagenum { + position: absolute; + left: 92%; + font-size: smaller; + text-align: right; +} +hr { + width: 33%; + margin-top: 2em; + margin-bottom: 2em; + margin-left: auto; + margin-right: auto; + clear: both; +} + +hr.l15 { + width: 15%; +} + +.center { + text-align: center; +} + +.smcap { + font-variant: small-caps; +} + +.caption { + font-weight: bold; + margin-left: 15%; + margin-right: 15%; + text-align: center; + margin-bottom: 2em; +} + +.figright { + float: right; + clear: right; + margin-left: 1em; + margin-bottom: 1em; + margin-top: 1em; + margin-right: 0; + padding: 0; + text-align: center; +} + +.figleft { + float: left; + clear: left; + margin-left: 0; + margin-bottom: 1em; + margin-top: 1em; + margin-right: 1em; + padding: 0; + text-align: center; +} + +.left65 { + margin-left: 65%; +} + +.flright { + float: right; +} + +.footnote { + margin-left: 10%; + margin-right: 10%; + font-size: 0.9em; +} + +.footnotes { + border: dashed 1px; +} + +.footnote .label { + position: absolute; + right: 84%; + text-align: right; +} + +.fnanchor { + vertical-align: super; + font-size: .8em; + text-decoration: + none; +} + +authorities { + margin-left: 2em; +} +.authorities p { + text-indent: -3em; + margin-left: 3em; +} +.authorities p.sub { + text-indent: -3em; + margin-left: 6em; +} + +.poem { + font-size: 95%; + margin-left: 5%; + margin-right: 10%; + margin-bottom: 1em; + text-align: left; +} + +.poem p { + margin: 0; + padding-left: 3em; + text-indent: -3em; +} + +.i1 { + margin-left: 1em; +} + +.i2 { + margin-left: 2em; +} + +.i8 { + margin-left: 8em; +} +.i9 { + margin-left: 9em; +} + +.i10 { + margin-left: 10em; +} + +.i15 { + margin-left: 15em; +} + +.o2 { + margin-left: -1em; +} + +.p2 {margin-top: 2em;} +.p4 {margin-top: 4em;} +.p6 {margin-top: 6em;} + +.b11 {font-size:1.1em;} +.b12 {font-size:1.2em;} +.s08 {font-size:.8em;} + +.blockquot { + margin-left: 5%; + margin-right: 10%; + font-size: 90%; +} + +.tnbox { + margin-left: auto; + margin-right: auto; + margin-bottom: 8em; + margin-top: auto; + text-align: center; + border: 1px solid; + padding: 1em; + color: black; + background-color: #f6f2f2; + width: 25em; +} + +.title_block { + margin-left: 30%; + margin-right: 30%; +} + +p.bjust { + text-align:justify; +} + + </style> + </head> +<body> + + +<pre> + +The Project Gutenberg EBook of Constitutional History of England, Vol 1 of +3, by Henry Hallam + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license + + +Title: Constitutional History of England, Vol 1 of 3 + Henry VII to George II + +Author: Henry Hallam + +Release Date: May 16, 2012 [EBook #39711] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK CONSTITUTIONAL HISTORY OF ENGLAND (V.1/3) *** + + + + +Produced by Juliet Sutherland, Melissa McDaniel and the +Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net + + + + + + +</pre> + + +<div class="tnbox"> +<p class="center"><b>Transcriber's Note:</b></p> +<p>Obvious typographical errors have been corrected. +Inconsistent spelling and hyphenation in the original +document have been preserved.</p> +</div> + +<div class="title_block"> +<p class="b12 center p6">EVERYMAN'S LIBRARY<br /> +EDITED BY ERNEST RHYS</p> + +<p class="b12 center p6">HISTORY</p> + +<p class="p6 center b12">HALLAM'S<br /> +CONSTITUTIONAL HISTORY<br /> +WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY<br /> +<span class="smcap">Professor</span> J. H. MORGAN<br /> +VOLUME ONE</p> + +<p class="p6 bjust">THE PUBLISHERS OF <i>EVERYMAN'S +LIBRARY</i> WILL BE PLEASED TO SEND +FREELY TO ALL APPLICANTS A LIST +OF THE PUBLISHED AND PROJECTED +VOLUMES TO BE COMPRISED UNDER +THE FOLLOWING THIRTEEN HEADINGS:</p> + +<hr class="l15" /> + +<p class="center">TRAVEL * SCIENCE *FICTION<br /> + +THEOLOGY & PHILOSOPHY<br /> + +HISTORY * CLASSICAL<br /> + +FOR YOUNG PEOPLE<br /> + +ESSAYS * ORATORY<br /> + +POETRY & DRAMA<br /> + +BIOGRAPHY<br /> + +REFERENCE<br /> + +ROMANCE</p> + +<hr class="l15" /> + +<p class="bjust"> +IN FOUR STYLES OF BINDING: CLOTH, +FLAT BACK, COLOURED TOP; LEATHER, +ROUND CORNERS, GILT TOP; LIBRARY +BINDING IN CLOTH, & QUARTER PIGSKIN</p> + +<hr class="l15" /> + +<p class="center"><span class="smcap">London</span>: <span class="b12">J. M. DENT & SONS,</span> <span class="smcap">Ltd.</span><br /> +<span class="smcap">New York</span>: E. P. DUTTON & CO.</p> +</div> + +<div class="figleft p6"> +<img src="images/frontis.jpg" width="292" height="450" alt="Frontispiece" /> +<p class="caption"> + +CONSIDER<br /> +HISTORY<br /> +WITH THE<br /> +BEGINNINGS OF<br /> +IT STRETCHING<br /> +DIMLY INTO THE<br /> +REMOTE TIME; EMERGING<br /> +DARKLY<br /> +OVT OF THE<br /> +MYSTERIOVS<br /> +ETERNITY:<br /> +THE TRVE EPIC<br /> +POEM AND VNIVERSAL<br /> +DIVINE<br /> +SCRIPTVRE.<br /> +<br /> +CARLYLE</p> +</div> + +<div class="figright p6"> +<img src="images/titlepage.jpg" width="281" height="450" alt="Title Page" /> +<p class="caption"> +CONSTITUTIONAL<br /> +HISTORY of<br /> +ENGLAND<br /> +HENRY VII TO<br /> +GEORGE II<br /> +BY HENRY<br /> +HALLAM VOL I<br /> +<br /> + +LONDON: PUBLISHED<br /> +by J·M·DENT·&·SONS·LTD<br /> +AND IN NEW YORK<br /> +BY E·P·DUTTON & CO</p> +</div> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_vii" id="Page_vii"></a></span></p> +<h2 class="p6">INTRODUCTION</h2> + +<p>Few historical works have stood the test of time better than +Hallam's <i>Constitutional History</i>. It was written nearly a +century ago—the first edition was published in 1827—and at +a time when historians were nothing if not stout party men. +The science of history, as we now know it, was in its infancy; +apologetics were preferred to exegesis; the study of "sources," +the editing of texts, the classification of authorities were almost +unknown. History was regarded as the handmaid of politics, +and the duty of the historian was conceived as being, in the +language of Macaulay, the impression of "general truths" +upon his generation as to the art of government and the +progress of society. Whig and Tory, Erastian and High +Churchman, debated on the field of history. The characters of +Laud and Cromwell excited as much passion and recrimination +as if they were contemporary politicians. That a history +written in such times, and by a writer who was proud to call +himself a Whig, should still hold its place is not a little remarkable. +The reason for its vitality is to be found in the +temperament and training of the author. Hallam was a +lawyer in the sense in which that term is used at the Bar; +that is to say, not so much a seductive advocate as a man +deeply versed in the law, accurate, judicious, and impartial. +Macaulay, who was as much the advocate as Hallam is the +judge, described the <i>Constitutional History</i> as "the most +impartial book we ever read," and the tribute was not undeserved. +Hallam is often didactic, but he is never partisan. +Although a Whig he was by no means concerned, like Macaulay, +to prove that the Whigs were never in the wrong, and, as he +shrewdly remarks, in his examination of the tenets of the two +great parties in the eighteenth century: "It is one thing to +prefer the Whig principles, another to justify, as an advocate, +the party which bore that name." No better illustration of +his attitude of mind can be found than the passage in which, +treating of the outbreak of hostilities between Charles I. and +the Long Parliament, he sets himself to consider "whether +<i>a thoroughly upright and enlightened man</i> would rather have +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_VIII" id="Page_VIII">viii</a></span> +listed under the royal or the parliamentary standard." In +these days when, as the distinguished occupant of the chair +of Modern History at Cambridge tells us, "history has nothing +to do with morality," Hallam's grave anxiety to solve this +problem may sound quaint and, indeed, irrelevant; but there +is no denying the high purpose, the sincerity, and the passion +for truth which characterise the passage in question. To-day +the historian's conception of truth is purely objective: his +aim is to discover what former generations thought rather +than to concern himself with what we should think of them. +The late Lord Acton<a name="FNanchor_1" id="FNanchor_1" href="#Footnote_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> stood almost alone among the modern +school of historians in insisting that it is the duty of the +historian to uphold "the authority of conscience" and "that +moral standard which the powers of earth and religion itself +tend constantly to depress." It is more fashionable to contend +that the moral standard is relative; that we cannot judge +the men of the past by the ethical rules of the present; that +conscience itself is the product of historical development. It +may be questioned whether this scepticism has not been +carried too far. Hallam had no such doubts. For him "the +thoroughly upright and enlightened man" of the seventeenth +century was not intrinsically different from the thoroughly +upright and enlightened man of the nineteenth; the one concession +he makes to time is that the historian is probably in +a better, not a worse, position to judge than the men of whom +he writes—if only because he is more detached. He condemns +the obsequiousness of Cranmer, the bigotry of Laud, the +tortuousness of Charles I., the ambition of Strafford, with the +same reprobation as he would have extended to similar +obliquities in a contemporary. Unless we are to exclude +conduct altogether from our consideration and to deny the +personal factor in history, we shall find it hard to say he is +wrong. Gardiner, the latest historian of the Stuarts, does not +hesitate to pronounce similar judgments, though he expresses +himself more mildly. Sorel, perhaps the most illustrious of the +modern school of French historians and a scholar who spent +his life among the archives, has not hesitated—in writing on +the Partition of Poland—to speak of the Nemesis which always +waits upon such "public crimes."</p> + +<p>Hallam's predilection for moral judgments is the more +intelligible if we remember that his conception of "constitutional" +history is somewhat wider than ours is to-day. He +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_IX" id="Page_IX">ix</a></span> +included in it much that would now be called "political" +history. One has only to compare his work with the latest +of our authorities—the posthumous book of F. W. Maitland—to +realise how the term has become specialised. Maitland +confines his treatment to the results of political action as they +are represented in the growth of institutions; with political +action itself he is, unlike Hallam, not concerned. The rise +and fall of parties, the issues of Parliamentary debate, the +progress of political speculation interest him but little and +disturb him not at all. But to Hallam these things were +hardly less important than the statute book and the law +reports. This liberal view of his subject is not a thing to be +regretted. It enables the reader to appreciate the large part +played in the development of the English constitution by +those "conventions" which are a gloss upon the law and +without which the constitution itself is unintelligible. As +Bagehot has pointed out, the legal powers of the king are as +large as his actual authority is small. In strict legal theory +the cabinet is merely an informal group of ministers of the +crown who hold office during the king's pleasure. In fact +and in practice it is a committee of the House of Commons +dependent upon the support of the majority of the members. +The fact is the outcome of a conventional modification of the +theory, and this convention is due to the political changes of +the eighteenth century and the growth of the party system. +In the pages of Hallam these changes receive their due +recognition, and without it the development of the English +constitution is unintelligible. It was a favourite doctrine of +Hallam that so far as the law was concerned the constitution +was developed very early and that all that later generations +contributed to it was better administration of the law and a +more vigilant public opinion. He even goes so far as to say +in his chapter in the <i>Middle Ages</i> that he doubts "whether +there are any essential privileges of our countrymen, any +fundamental securities against arbitrary power, so far as they +depend upon positive institutions, which may not be traced +to the time of the Plantagenets." This is something of an +anachronism, but it represents a not unjustifiable reaction +against the high prerogative doctrines of writers of his own +day. What Hallam, however, was really concerned to prove +was that constitutional law in this country rests upon the +common law—upon the rules laid down by mediæval judges +as to the right of the subject to trial by jury, his immunity +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_X" id="Page_X">x</a></span> +from arbitrary arrest, his claim not to be arbitrarily dispossessed +of his property, and his right of action against the +servants of the crown when he has suffered wrong. In this +conception Hallam was undoubtedly right, and he urged it at +a time when no one had made it as familiar as it has now +become in the classic pages of Professor Dicey. But Hallam +was perfectly well aware that these securities for the liberty of +the subject were often abused, that the sheriffs who empanelled +the jury were often corrupt and the judges who directed it +were not infrequently servile; also that so long as the Star +Chamber existed no jury could venture to give a verdict of +"not guilty" in a prosecution by the crown without running +the risk of being heavily punished. He is not insensible to +these abuses and to the length of time it took to correct them, +as the reader of the following pages will discover for himself, +and he attaches due weight to the constitutional importance +of the Act for the Abolition of the Star Chamber. But the +truth of his main contention (as expressed in his chapter on +"The English Constitution" in an earlier work<a name="FNanchor_2" id="FNanchor_2" href="#Footnote_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a>), that what +chiefly distinguished our constitution from that of other +countries was the "security for personal freedom and property" +enjoyed by the subject, is undeniable. It was not so much the +possession of representative institutions as the enjoyment of +equal rights at common law that constituted the Englishman's +advantage. Maitland<a name="FNanchor_3" id="FNanchor_3" href="#Footnote_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> has recently pointed this out in language +almost identical with that of Hallam when he insists that +"Parliaments" or "Estates" were in no way peculiar to +England; every country in Western Europe possessed them +in the Middle Ages, but what those countries did not possess +was a great school of law like the Inns of Court determined to +uphold at all costs the claims of the customary law of the +nation against the despotic doctrines of the civil law of Rome.</p> + +<p>Hallam's attitude towards the constitution was that of +Burke—he regarded it with a veneration little short of +superstition. He has expressed himself in his earlier works in +words which can hardly fail to provoke a smile to-day:—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"> +<p> +"No unbiassed observer, who derives pleasure from the +welfare of his species, can fail to consider the long and uninterruptedly +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_XI" id="Page_XI">xi</a></span> +increasing prosperity of England as the most +beautiful phenomenon in the history of mankind. Climates +more propitious may impart more largely the mere enjoyments +of existence; but in no other region have the benefits that +political institutions can confer been diffused over so extended +a population; nor have any people so well reconciled the +discordant elements of wealth, order, and liberty. These +advantages are surely not owing to the soil of this island, +nor to the latitude in which it is placed; but to the spirit of +its laws, from which, through various means, the characteristic +independence and industriousness of our nation have been +derived. The constitution, therefore, of England must be +to inquisitive men of all countries, far more to ourselves, an +object of superior interest; distinguished especially as it is +from all free governments of powerful nations which history +has recorded by its manifesting, after the lapse of several +centuries, not merely no symptom of irretrievable decay, but +a more expansive energy."<a name="FNanchor_4" id="FNanchor_4" href="#Footnote_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> +</p> +</div> + +<p>If his language seems extravagant, I may remind the reader +that there would have been few in Hallam's day who were +prepared to dispute it. England, almost alone among the +states of Europe, had escaped the infection of the French +Revolution. Its constitution had survived the shock of a +movement which, as De Tocqueville has remarked, was as +widely destructive of the old order in Europe as the Reformation +itself. The result was to give the English constitution +such a prestige as it had not enjoyed since the days of +Montesquieu. A school of thinkers, beginning with Guizot +and hardly terminating with Gneist, grew up on the continent +who made it their duty to follow Burke's advice and "study +the British constitution" as the last word in political wisdom. +Hallam's complacency may be naive in its expression, but its +sentiment is sound, and Englishmen should be the last to +disclaim it. Upon this rock many a political church has been +built; the "law and custom of our Parliament" have, since +he wrote, been studied in every university in Europe and +adopted in almost all the legislatures of the civilised world. +Hallam, like Thucydides, with whom in dignity and sententiousness +he may not unjustly be compared, had a noble pride in +the constitution of his country.</p> + +<p><span class="left65"> +J. H. MORGAN.</span></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_XII" id="Page_XII">xii</a></span></p> + +<h2 class="p6">BIBLIOGRAPHY</h2> + +<p>A View of the State of Europe during the Middle Ages, 1818; 2nd +edition, 1819; passed through twelve editions before 1855; revised and +corrected, 1868; adapted to the use of students by W. Smith, 1871; +edited by A. Murray, 1872; translated into Italian by G. Carraro and +published at Firenze, 1874; Supplemental Notes to View of the State of +Europe, 1848. The Constitutional History of England from the Accession +of Henry VIII. to Death of George II., 1827; translated into German by +F. A. Rüder and published at Leipzig, 1828; translated into French by +M. Guizot and published in Paris, 1832; passed through eight editions +before 1855; adapted to the use of students by W. Smith, 1872. Edited +(with preface and memoir of his son) Remains in Verse and Prose of A. H. +Hallam, 1834, 1863. The Introduction to the Literature of Europe during +the 15th, 16th, and 17th Centuries, 1837-1839; 2nd edition, 1843; other +editions, 1854, 1855, 1881. Contributed to J. C. Hare's Vindication of +Luther against his recent English assailants (2nd edition, enlarged), 1855.</p> + +<p>A Short Life and Criticism of Henry Hallam appears in F. A. M. Mignet's +<i>Eloges Historiques</i>, published in Paris in 1864. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_XIII" id="Page_XIII">xiii</a></span></p> + +<p class="center p6">TO<br /> +<br /> +<span class="b12">HENRY MARQUIS OF LANSDOWNE</span><br /> +<br /> +IN TOKEN OF HIGH ESTEEM<br /> +<br /> +AND SINCERE REGARD<br /> +<br /> +THIS WORK IS RESPECTFULLY INSCRIBED<br /> +<br /> +BY<br /> +<br /> +<span class="b11">THE AUTHOR</span></p> + +<h2 class="p6">CONTENTS</h2> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_XV" id="Page_XV">xv</a></span></p> + +<p class="center">CHAPTER I</p> + +<p class="center">ON THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION FROM HENRY VII. TO MARY</p> + +<p class="i1"><span class="o2">Ancient</span> Government of England—Limitations of Royal Authority—Difference +in the Effective Operation of these—Sketch of the State of +Society and Law—Henry VII.—Statute for the Security of the Subject +under a King <i>de facto</i>—Statute of Fines—Discussion of its Effect and +Motive—Exactions of Money under Henry VII.—Taxes demanded by +Henry VIII.—Illegal Exactions of Wolsey in 1523 and 1525—Acts of +Parliament releasing the King from his Debts—A Benevolence again +exacted—Oppressive Treatment of Reed—Severe and unjust Executions +for Treason—Earl of Warwick—Earl of Suffolk—Duke of +Buckingham—New Treasons created by Statute—Executions of +Fisher and More—Cromwell—Duke of Norfolk—Anne Boleyn—Fresh +Statutes enacting the Penalties of Treason—Act giving Proclamations +the Force of Law—Government of Edward VI.'s Counsellors—Attainder +of Lord Seymour and Duke of Somerset—Violence of Mary's +Reign—The House of Commons recovers part of its independent +Power in these two Reigns—Attempt of the Court to strengthen itself +by creating new Boroughs—Causes of the High Prerogative of the +Tudors—Jurisdiction of the Council of Star-Chamber—This not the +same with the Court erected by Henry VII.—Influence of the Authority +of the Star-Chamber in enhancing the Royal Power—Tendency of +religious Disputes to the same End <span class="flright"><a href="#Page_7">Page 7</a></span></p> + +<p class="center p4">CHAPTER II</p> + +<p class="center">ON THE ENGLISH CHURCH UNDER HENRY VIII., EDWARD VI., +AND MARY</p> + +<p class="i1"><span class="o2">State</span> of public Opinion as to Religion—Henry VIII.'s Controversy with +Luther—His Divorce from Catherine—Separation from the Church of +Rome—Dissolution of Monasteries—Progress of the Reformed Doctrine +in England—Its Establishment under Edward—Sketch of the +chief Points of Difference between the two Religions—Opposition +made by Part of the Nation—Cranmer—His Moderation in introducing +Changes not acceptable to the Zealots—Mary—Persecution under her—Its +Effect rather favourable to Protestantism <span class="flright"><a href="#Page_58">Page 58</a></span> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_XVI" id="Page_XVI">xvi</a></span></p> + +<p class="center p4">CHAPTER III</p> + +<p class="center">ON THE LAWS OF ELIZABETH'S REIGN RESPECTING THE +ROMAN CATHOLICS</p> + +<p class="i1"><span class="o2">Change</span> of Religion on the Queen's Accession—Acts of Supremacy and +Uniformity—Restraint of Roman Catholic Worship in the first Years +of Elizabeth—Statute of 1562—Speech of Lord Montague against it—This +Act not fully enforced—Application of the Emperor in behalf +of the English Catholics—Persecution of this Body in the ensuing +Period—Uncertain Succession of the Crown between the Families of +Scotland and Suffolk—The Queen's Unwillingness to decide this, or +to marry—Imprisonment of Lady Catherine Grey—Mary Queen of +Scotland—Combination in her Favour—Bull of Pius V.—Statutes for +the Queen's Security—Catholics more rigorously treated—Refugees +in the Netherlands—Their Hostility to the Government—Fresh Laws +against the Catholic Worship—Execution of Campion and others—Defence +of the Queen by Burleigh—Increased Severity of the Government—Mary—Plot +in her Favour—Her Execution—Remarks upon +it—Continued Persecution of Roman Catholics—General Observations +<span class="flright"><a href="#Page_105">Page 105</a></span></p> + +<p class="center p4">CHAPTER IV</p> + +<p class="center">ON THE LAWS OF ELIZABETH'S REIGN RESPECTING PROTESTANT +NONCONFORMISTS</p> + +<p class="i1"><span class="o2">Origin</span> of the Differences among the English Protestants—Religious +Inclinations of the Queen—Unwillingness of many to comply with the +established Ceremonies—Conformity enforced by the Archbishop—Against +the Disposition of others—A more determined Opposition, +about 1570, led by Cartwright—Dangerous Nature of his Tenets—Puritans +supported in the Commons—and in some Measure by the +Council—Prophesyings—Archbishops Grindal and Whitgift—Conduct +of the latter in enforcing Conformity—High Commission Court—Lord +Burleigh averse to Severity—Puritan Libels—Attempt to set up a +Presbyterian System—House of Commons averse to episcopal +Authority—Independents liable to severe Laws—Hooker's <i>Ecclesiastical +Polity</i>—Its Character—Spoliation of Church Revenues—General +Remarks—Letter of Walsingham in Defence of the Queen's Government +<span class="flright"><a href="#Page_162">Page 162</a></span></p> + +<p class="center p4">CHAPTER V</p> + +<p class="center">ON THE CIVIL GOVERNMENT OF ELIZABETH</p> + +<p class="i1"><span class="o2">General</span> Remarks—Defective Security of the Subject's Liberty—Trials for +Treason and other Political Offences unjustly conducted—Illegal +Commitments—Remonstrance of Judges against them—Proclamations +unwarranted by Law—Restrictions on Printing—Martial Law—Loans +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_XVII" id="Page_XVII">xvii</a></span> +of Money not quite voluntary—Character of Lord Burleigh's +Administration—Disposition of the House of Commons—Addresses +concerning the Succession—Difference on this between the Queen and +Commons in 1566—Session of 1571—Influence of the Puritans in +Parliament—Speech of Mr. Wentworth in 1576—The Commons continue +to seek Redress of ecclesiastical Grievances—Also of Monopolies, +especially in the Session of 1601—Influence of the Crown in Parliament—Debate +on Election of non-resident Burgesses—Assertion of +Privileges by Commons—Case of Ferrers, under Henry VIII.—Other +Cases of Privilege—Privilege of determining Contested Elections +claimed by the House—The English Constitution not admitted to be +an absolute Monarchy—Pretensions of the Crown <span class="flright"><a href="#Page_215">Page 215</a></span></p> + +<p class="center p4">CHAPTER VI</p> + +<p class="center">ON THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION UNDER JAMES I.</p> + +<p class="i1"><span class="o2">Quiet</span> Accession of James—Question of his Title to the Crown—Legitimacy +of the Earl of Hertford's Issue—Early Unpopularity of the King—Conduct +towards the Puritans—Parliament convoked by an irregular +Proclamation—Question of Fortescue and Goodwin's Election—Shirley's +Case of Privilege—Complaints of Grievances—Commons' +Vindication of themselves—Session of 1605—Union with Scotland +debated—Continual Bickerings between the Crown and Commons—Impositions +on Merchandise without Consent of Parliament—Remonstrances +against these in Session of 1610—Doctrine of King's absolute +Power inculcated by Clergy—Articuli Cleri—Cowell's Interpreter—Renewed +Complaints of the Commons—Negotiation for giving up the +Feudal Revenue—Dissolution of Parliament—Character of James—Death +of Lord Salisbury—Foreign Politics of the Government—Lord +Coke's Alienation from the Court—Illegal Proclamations—Means +resorted to in order to avoid the Meeting of Parliament—Parliament +of 1614—Undertakers—It is dissolved without passing a single Act—Benevolences—Prosecution +of Peacham—Dispute about the Jurisdiction +of the Court of Chancery—Case of Commendams—Arbitrary +Proceedings in Star-Chamber—Arabella Stuart—Somerset and Overbury—Sir +Walter Raleigh—Parliament of 1621—Proceedings against +Mompesson and Lord Bacon—Violence in the Case of Floyd—Disagreement +between the King and Commons—Their Dissolution, after +a strong Remonstrance—Marriage-Treaty with Spain—Parliament of +1624—Impeachment of Middlesex <span class="flright"><a href="#Page_266">Page 266</a></span></p> + +<p class="center p4">CHAPTER VII</p> + +<p class="center">ON THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION FROM THE ACCESSION OF CHARLES I. +TO THE DISSOLUTION OF HIS THIRD PARLIAMENT</p> + +<p class="i1"><span class="o2">Parliament</span> of 1625—Its Dissolution—Another Parliament called—Prosecution +of Buckingham—Arbitrary Proceedings towards the +Earls of Arundel and Bristol—Loan demanded by the King—Several +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_XVIII" id="Page_XVIII">xviii</a></span> +committed for Refusal to contribute—They sue for a Habeas Corpus—Arguments +on this Question, which is decided against them—A +Parliament called in 1628—Petition of Right—King's Reluctance to +grant it—Tonnage and Poundage disputed—King dissolves Parliament—Religious +Differences—Prosecution of Puritans by Bancroft—Growth +of High-Church Tenets—Differences as to the Observance of +Sunday—Arminian Controversy—State Catholics under James—Jealousy +of the Court's Favour towards them—Unconstitutional +Tenets promulgated by the High-Church Party—General Remarks <span class="flright"><a href="#Page_347">Page 347</a></span></p> + +<h2 class="p6">PREFACE</h2> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">1</a></span> +</p> + +<p>The origin and progress of the English Constitution, down to +the extinction of the house of Plantagenet, formed a considerable +portion of a work published by me some years since, on +the history, and especially the laws and institutions, of Europe +during the period of the middle ages. It had been my first +intention to have prosecuted that undertaking in a general +continuation; and when experience taught me to abandon a +scheme projected early in life with very inadequate views of its +magnitude, I still determined to carry forward the constitutional +history of my own country, as both the most important to ourselves, +and, in many respects, the most congenial to my own +studies and habits of mind.</p> + +<p>The title which I have adopted, appears to exclude all matter +not referable to the state of government, or what is loosely +denominated the constitution. I have, therefore, generally +abstained from mentioning, except cursorily, either military or +political transactions, which do not seem to bear on this primary +subject. It must, however, be evident, that the constitutional +and general history of England, at some periods, nearly coincide; +and I presume that a few occasional deviations of this nature +will not be deemed unpardonable, especially where they tend, +at least indirectly, to illustrate the main topic of enquiry. Nor +will the reader, perhaps, be of opinion that I have forgotten my +theme in those parts of the following work which relate to the +establishment of the English church, and to the proceedings of +the state with respect to those who have dissented from it; +facts certainly belonging to the history of our constitution, in +the large sense of the word, and most important in their application +to modern times, for which all knowledge of the past is +principally valuable. Still less apology can be required for +a slight verbal inconsistency with the title of these volumes in +the addition of two supplemental chapters on Scotland and +Ireland. This indeed I mention less to obviate a criticism, +which possibly might not be suggested, than to express my regret +that, on account of their brevity, if for no other reasons, they are +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">2</a></span> +both so disproportionate to the interest and importance of their +subjects.</p> + +<p>During the years that, amidst avocations of different kinds, +have been occupied in the composition of this work, several +others have been given to the world, and have attracted considerable +attention, relating particularly to the periods of the +Reformation and of the civil wars. It seems necessary to +mention that I have read none of these, till after I had written +such of the following pages as treat of the same subjects. The +three first chapters indeed were finished in 1820, before the +appearance of those publications which have led to so much +controversy, as to the ecclesiastical history of the sixteenth +century; and I was equally unacquainted with Mr. Brodie's +<i>History of the British Empire from the Accession of Charles I. to +the Restoration</i>, while engaged myself on that period. I have, +however, on a revision of the present work, availed myself of +the valuable labours of recent authors, especially Dr. Lingard +and Mr. Brodie; and in several of my notes I have sometimes +supported myself by their authority, sometimes taken the +liberty to express my dissent; but I have seldom thought it +necessary to make more than a few verbal modifications in my +text.</p> + +<p>It would, perhaps, not become me to offer any observations on +these contemporaries; but I cannot refrain from bearing testimony +to the work of a distinguished foreigner, M. Guizot, +<i>Histoire de la Revolution d'Angleterre, depuis l'Avenement de +Charles I. jusqu'à la Chute de Jacques II.</i>, the first volume of +which was published in 1826. The extensive knowledge of +M. Guizot, and his remarkable impartiality, have already been +displayed in his collection of memoirs illustrating that part of +English history; and I am much disposed to believe that if the +rest of his present undertaking shall be completed in as satisfactory +a manner as the first volume, he will be entitled to the +preference above any one, perhaps, of our native writers, as a +guide through the great period of the seventeenth century.</p> + +<p>In terminating the <i>Constitutional History of England</i> at the +accession of George III., I have been influenced by unwillingness +to excite the prejudices of modern politics, especially those +connected with personal character, which extend back through +at least a large portion of that reign. It is indeed vain to expect +that any comprehensive account of the two preceding centuries +can be given without risking the disapprobation of those parties, +religious or political, which originated during that period; but +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">3</a></span> +as I shall hardly incur the imputation of being the blind zealot +of any of these, I have little to fear, in this respect, from the +dispassionate public, whose favour, both in this country and on +the Continent, has been bestowed on my former work, with a +liberality less due to any literary merit it may possess, than to a +regard for truth, which will, I trust, be found equally characteristic +of the present.</p> + +<p><span class="i2"><i>June 1827.</i></span></p> + +<p class="center p6"><span class="b12">ADVERTISEMENT</span><br /> +<br /> +TO THE<br /> +<br /> +<span class="b11">THIRD EDITION</span></p> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">4</a></span></p> + +<p>The present edition has been revised, and some use +made of recent publications. The note on the authenticity +of the Icon Basilice, at the end of the second +volume of the two former editions, has been withdrawn; +not from the slightest doubt in the author's +mind as to the correctness of its argument; but +because a discussion of a point of literary criticism, +as this ought to be considered, seemed rather out of +its place in the <i>Constitutional History of England</i>.</p> + +<p><span class="i2"><i>April 1832.</i></span></p> + +<div class="authorities"> +<p class="center p6 b12">LIST OF AUTHORITIES</p> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">5</a></span></p> + +<p class="center"><i>The following Editions have been used for the References in these +Volumes</i></p> + +<p class="p2"> +<i>Statutes at Large</i>, by Ruffhead, except where the late edition of <i>Statutes +of the Realm</i> is expressly quoted.</p> + +<p><i>State Trials</i>, by Howell.</p> + +<p>Rymer's <i>Fœdera</i>, London, 20 vols.</p> +<p class="sub">The paging of this edition is preserved in the margin of the Hague +edition in 10 vols.</p> + +<p><i>Parliamentary History</i>, new edition.</p> + +<p>Burnet's <i>History of the Reformation</i>, 3 vols. folio, 1681.</p> + +<p>Strype's <i>Ecclesiastical Memorials</i>, <i>Annals of Reformation</i>, and Lives of +Archbishops Cranmer, Parker, Grindal, and Whitgift, folio.</p> +<p class="sub">The paging of these editions is preserved in those lately published +in 8vo.</p> + +<p>Hall's <i>Chronicles of England</i>.</p> + +<p>Holingshed's <i>Chronicles of England, Scotland, and Ireland</i>.</p> +<p class="sub">The edition in 4to published in 1808.</p> + +<p><i>Somers Tracts</i>, by Walter Scott, 13 vols. 4to.</p> + +<p><i>Harleian Miscellany</i>, 8 vols. 4to.</p> + +<p>Neal's <i>History of the Puritans</i>, 2 vols. 4to.</p> + +<p>Bacon's Works, by Mallet, 3 vols. folio, 1753.</p> + +<p>Kennet's <i>Complete History of England</i>, 3 vols. folio, 1719.</p> + +<p>Wood's <i>History of University of Oxford</i>, by Gutch, 4 vols. 4to.</p> + +<p>Lingard's <i>History of England</i>, 10 vols. 8vo.</p> + +<p>Butler's <i>Memoirs of English Catholics</i>, 4 vols. 1819.</p> + +<p>Harris's <i>Lives of James I., Charles I., Cromwell, and Charles II.</i>, 5 vols. 1814.</p> + +<p>Clarendon's <i>History of the Rebellion</i>, 8 vols. 8vo. Oxford, 1826.</p> +<p class="sub">It is to be regretted that the editor has not preserved the paging of +the folio in his margin, which is of great convenience in a book so +frequently referred to; and still more so, that he has not thought +the true text worthy of a better place than the bottom of the page, +leaving to the spurious readings the post of honour.</p> + +<p>Clarendon's <i>Life</i>, folio.</p> + +<p><i>Rushworth Abridged</i>, 6 vols. 8vo. 1703.</p> +<p class="sub">This edition contains many additions from works published since the +folio edition in 1680.</p> + +<p>Whitelock's <i>Memorials</i>, 1732.</p> + +<p><i>Memoirs of Col. Hutchinson</i>, 4to. 1806.</p> + +<p>May's <i>History of the Parliament</i>, 4to. 1812.</p> + +<p>Baxter's <i>Life</i>, folio.</p> + +<p>Rapin's <i>History of England</i>, 3 vols. folio, 1732. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">6</a></span></p> + +<p>Burnet's <i>History of his own Times</i>, 2 vols. folio.</p> +<p class="sub">The paging of this edition is preserved in the margin of that printed +at Oxford, 1823, which is sometimes quoted, and the text of which +has always been followed.</p> + +<p><i>Life of William Lord Russell</i>, by Lord John Russell, 4to.</p> + +<p>Temple's <i>Works</i>, 2 vols. folio, 1720.</p> + +<p>Coxe's <i>Life of Marlborough</i>, 3 vols. 4to.</p> + +<p>Coxe's <i>Memoirs of Sir Robert Walpole</i>, 3 vols. 4to.</p> + +<p>Robertson's <i>History of Scotland</i>, 2 vols. 8vo. 1794.</p> + +<p>Laing's <i>History of Scotland</i>, 4 vols. 8vo.</p> + +<p>Dalrymple's <i>Annals of Scotland</i>, 2 vols. 4to.</p> + +<p>Leland's <i>History of Ireland</i>, 3 vols. 4to.</p> + +<p>Spenser's <i>Account of State of Ireland</i>, in 8th volume of Todd's edition of + Spenser's works.</p> + +<p>These are, I believe, almost all the works quoted in the following volumes, +concerning which any uncertainty could arise from the mode of reference.</p> +</div> + +<h1 class="p6">CONSTITUTIONAL HISTORY<br /> +OF ENGLAND<br /> +<br /><br /> +<span class="s08">FROM HENRY VII. TO GEORGE II.</span></h1> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">7</a></span></p> + +<h3 class="p6">CHAPTER I</h3> + +<p class="center">ON THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION FROM HENRY VII. TO MARY</p> + +<p><i>Ancient government of England.</i>—The government of England, +in all times recorded by history, has been one of those mixed or +limited monarchies which the Celtic and Gothic tribes appear +universally to have established, in preference to the coarse +despotism of eastern nations, to the more artificial tyranny of +Rome and Constantinople, or to the various models of republican +polity which were tried upon the coasts of the Mediterranean +Sea. It bore the same general features, it belonged, as it were, +to the same family, as the governments of almost every +European state, though less resembling, perhaps, that of France +than any other. But, in the course of many centuries, the +boundaries which determined the sovereign's prerogative and +the people's liberty or power having seldom been very accurately +defined by law, or at least by such law as was deemed fundamental +and unchangeable, the forms and principles of political +regimen in these different nations became more divergent from +each other, according to their peculiar dispositions, the revolutions +they underwent, or the influence of personal character. +England, more fortunate than the rest, had acquired in the +fifteenth century a just reputation for the goodness of her laws +and the security of her citizens from oppression.</p> + +<p>This liberty had been the slow fruit of ages, still waiting a +happier season for its perfect ripeness, but already giving proof +of the vigour and industry which had been employed in its +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">8</a></span> +culture. I have endeavoured, in a work of which this may in a +certain degree be reckoned a continuation, to trace the leading +events and causes of its progress. It will be sufficient in this +place briefly to point out the principal circumstances in the +polity of England at the accession of Henry VII.</p> + +<p><i>Limitations of royal authority.</i>—The essential checks upon the +royal authority were five in number.—1. The king could levy +no sort of new tax upon his people, except by the grant of his +parliament, consisting as well of bishops and mitred abbots, or +lords spiritual, and of hereditary peers or temporal lords, who +sat and voted promiscuously in the same chamber, as of representatives +from the freeholders of each county, and from the +burgesses of many towns and less considerable places, forming +the lower or commons' house. 2. The previous assent and +authority of the same assembly was necessary for every new law, +whether of a general or temporary nature. 3. No man could +be committed to prison but by a legal warrant specifying his +offence; and by an usage nearly tantamount to constitutional +right, he must be speedily brought to trial by means of regular +sessions of gaol-delivery. 4. The fact of guilt or innocence on +a criminal charge was determined in a public court, and in the +county where the offence was alleged to have occurred, by a +jury of twelve men, from whose unanimous verdict no appeal +could be made. Civil rights, so far as they depended on questions +of fact, were subject to the same decision. 5. The officers +and servants of the Crown, violating the personal liberty or other +right of the subject, might be sued in an action for damages, to +be assessed by a jury, or, in some cases, were liable to criminal +process; nor could they plead any warrant or command in their +justification, not even the direct order of the king.</p> + +<p>These securities, though it would be easy to prove that they +were all recognised in law, differed much in the degree of their +effective operation. It may be said of the first, that it was +now completely established. After a long contention, the +kings of England had desisted for near a hundred years from +every attempt to impose taxes without consent of parliament; +and their recent device of demanding benevolences, or half-compulsory +gifts, though very oppressive, and on that account +just abolished by an act of the late usurper, Richard, was in +effect a recognition of the general principle, which it sought to +elude rather than transgress.</p> + +<p>The necessary concurrence of the two houses of parliament +in legislation, though it could not be more unequivocally established +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">9</a></span> +than the former, had in earlier times been more free from +all attempt or pretext of encroachment. We know not of any +laws that were ever enacted by our kings without the assent +and advice of their great council; though it is justly doubted, +whether the representatives of the ordinary freeholders, or of +the boroughs, had seats and suffrages in that assembly during +seven or eight reigns after the conquest. They were then, +however, ingrafted upon it with plenary legislative authority; +and if the sanction of a statute were required for this fundamental +axiom, we might refer to one in the 15th of Edward II. +(1322), which declares that "the matters to be established +for the estate of the king and of his heirs, and for the estate of +the realm and of the people, should be treated, accorded, and +established in parliament, by the king, and by the assent of the +prelates, earls, and barons, and the commonalty of the realm, +according as had been before accustomed."<a name="FNanchor_5" id="FNanchor_5" href="#Footnote_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a></p> + +<p>It may not be impertinent to remark in this place, that the +opinion of such as have fancied the royal prerogative under the +houses of Plantagenet and Tudor to have had no effectual or +unquestioned limitations is decisively refuted by the notorious +fact, that no alteration in the general laws of the realm was +ever made, or attempted to be made, without the consent of +parliament. It is not surprising that the council, in great +exigency of money, should sometimes employ force to extort +it from the merchants, or that servile lawyers should be found +to vindicate these encroachments of power. Impositions, like +other arbitrary measures, were particular and temporary, +prompted by rapacity, and endured through compulsion. But +if the kings of England had been supposed to enjoy an absolute +authority, we should find some proofs of it in their exercise of +the supreme function of sovereignty, the enactment of new +laws. Yet there is not a single instance from the first dawn +of our constitutional history, where a proclamation, or order +of council, has dictated any change, however trifling, in the +code of private rights, or in the penalties of criminal offences. +Was it ever pretended that the king could empower his subjects +to devise their freeholds, or to levy fines of their entailed lands? +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">10</a></span> +Has even the slightest regulation as to judicial procedure, or any +permanent prohibition, even in fiscal law, been ever enforced +without statute? There was, indeed, a period, later than that +of Henry VII., when a control over the subject's free right of +doing all things not unlawful was usurped by means of proclamations. +These, however, were always temporary, and did +not affect to alter the established law. But though it would be +difficult to assert that none of this kind had ever been issued +in rude and irregular times, I have not observed any under the +kings of the Plantagenet name which evidently transgress the +boundaries of their legal prerogative.</p> + +<p>The general privileges of the nation were far more secure than +those of private men. Great violence was often used by the +various officers of the Crown, for which no adequate redress +could be procured; the courts of justice were not strong enough, +whatever might be their temper, to chastise such aggressions; +juries, through intimidation or ignorance, returned such verdicts +as were desired by the Crown; and, in general, there was perhaps +little effective restraint upon the government, except in the two +articles of levying money and enacting laws.</p> + +<p><i>State of society and law.</i>—The peers alone, a small body varying +from about fifty to eighty persons, enjoyed the privileges of +aristocracy; which, except that of sitting in parliament, were +not very considerable, far less oppressive. All below them, +even their children, were commoners, and in the eye of the law +equal to each other. In the gradation of ranks, which, if not +regally recognised, must still subsist through the necessary +inequalities of birth and wealth, we find the gentry or principal +landholders, many of them distinguished by knighthood, and +all by bearing coat armour, but without any exclusive privilege; +the yeomanry, or small freeholders and farmers, a very numerous +and respectable body, some occupying their own estates, some +those of landlords; the burgesses and inferior inhabitants of +trading towns; and, lastly, the peasantry and labourers. Of +these, in earlier times, a considerable part, though not perhaps +so very large a proportion as is usually taken for granted, had +been in the ignominious state of villenage, incapable of possessing +property but at the will of their lords. They had, however, +gradually been raised above this servitude; many had acquired +a stable possession of lands under the name of copyholders; +and the condition of mere villenage was become rare.</p> + +<p>The three courts at Westminster—the King's Bench, Common +Pleas, and Exchequer—consisting each of four or five judges, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">11</a></span> +administered justice to the whole kingdom; the first having an +appellant jurisdiction over the second, and the third being in +a great measure confined to causes affecting the Crown's property. +But as all suits relating to land, as well as some others, and all +criminal indictments, could only be determined, so far as they +depended upon oral evidence, by a jury of the county, it was +necessary that justices of assize and gaol-delivery, being in +general the judges of the courts at Westminster, should travel +into each county, commonly twice a year, in order to try issues +of fact, so called in distinction from issues of law, where the +suitors, admitting all essential facts, disputed the rule applicable +to them.<a name="FNanchor_6" id="FNanchor_6" href="#Footnote_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> By this device, which is as ancient as the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">12</a></span> +reign of Henry II., the fundamental privilege of trial by jury, +and the convenience of private suitors, as well as accused +persons, was made consistent with an uniform jurisprudence; +and though the reference of every legal question, however +insignificant, to the courts above must have been inconvenient +and expensive in a still greater degree than at present, it had +doubtless a powerful tendency to knit together the different +parts of England, to check the influence of feudality and clanship, +to make the inhabitants of distant counties better acquainted +with the capital city and more accustomed to the +course of government, and to impair the spirit of provincial +patriotism and animosity. The minor tribunals of each county, +hundred, and manor, respectable for their antiquity and for +their effect in preserving a sense of freedom and justice, had in +a great measure, though not probably so much as in modern +times, gone into disuse. In a few counties there still remained +a palatine jurisdiction, exclusive of the king's courts; but in +these the common rules of law and the mode of trial by jury +were preserved. Justices of the peace, appointed out of the +gentlemen of each county, enquired into criminal charges, committed +offenders to prison, and tried them at their quarterly +sessions, according to the same forms as the judges of gaol-delivery. +The chartered towns had their separate jurisdiction +under the municipal magistracy.</p> + +<p>The laws against theft were severe, and capital punishments +unsparingly inflicted. Yet they had little effect in repressing +acts of violence, to which a rude and licentious state of manners, +and very imperfect dispositions for preserving the public peace, +naturally gave rise. These were frequently perpetrated or +instigated by men of superior wealth and power, above the +control of the mere officers of justice. Meanwhile the kingdom +was increasing in opulence, the English merchants possessed +a large share of the trade of the north; and a woollen manufacture, +established in different parts of the kingdom, had not +only enabled the legislature to restrain the import of cloths, but +begun to supply foreign nations. The population may probably +be reckoned, without any material error, at about three millions, +but by no means distributed in the same proportions as at +present; the northern counties, especially Lancashire and +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">13</a></span> +Cumberland, being very ill peopled, and the inhabitants of +London and Westminster not exceeding sixty or seventy +thousand.<a name="FNanchor_7" id="FNanchor_7" href="#Footnote_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a></p> + +<p>Such was the political condition of England, when Henry +Tudor, the only living representative of the house of Lancaster, +though incapable, by reason of the illegitimacy of the ancestor +who connected him with it, of asserting a just right of inheritance, +became master of the throne by the defeat and death +of his competitor at Bosworth, and by the general submission +of the kingdom. He assumed the royal title immediately +after his victory, and summoned a parliament to recognise or +sanction his possession. The circumstances were by no means +such as to offer an auspicious presage for the future. A subdued +party had risen from the ground, incensed by proscription and +elated by success; the late battle had in effect been a contest +between one usurper and another; and England had little +better prospect than a renewal of that desperate and interminable +contention, which the pretences of hereditary right have +so often entailed upon nations.</p> + +<p>A parliament called by a conqueror might be presumed to +be itself conquered. Yet this assembly did not display so +servile a temper, or so much of the Lancastrian spirit, as might +be expected. It was "ordained and enacted by the assent of +the Lords, and at the request of the Commons, that the inheritance +of the crowns of England and France, and all dominions +appertaining to them, should remain in Henry VII. and the +heirs of his body for ever, and in none other."<a name="FNanchor_8" id="FNanchor_8" href="#Footnote_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> Words studiously +ambiguous, which, while they avoid the assertion of an +hereditary right that the public voice repelled, were meant to +create a parliamentary title, before which the pretensions of +lineal descent were to give way. They seem to make Henry +the stock of a new dynasty. But, lest the spectre of indefeasible +right should stand once more in arms on the tomb of +the house of York, the two houses of parliament showed an +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">14</a></span> +earnest desire for the king's marriage with the daughter of +Edward IV., who, if she should bear only the name of royalty, +might transmit an undisputed inheritance of its prerogatives +to her posterity.</p> + +<p><i>Statute for the security of the subject under a king</i> de facto.—This +marriage, and the king's great vigilance in guarding his +crown, caused his reign to pass with considerable reputation, +though not without disturbance. He had to learn by the +extraordinary, though transient, success of two impostors (if +the second may with certainty be reckoned such), that his +subjects were still strongly infected with the prejudice which +had once overthrown the family he claimed to represent. Nor +could those who served him be exempt from apprehensions of +a change of dynasty, which might convert them into attainted +rebels. The state of the nobles and gentry had been intolerable +during the alternate proscriptions of Henry VI. and Edward IV. +Such apprehensions led to a very important statute in the +eleventh year of this king's reign, intended, as far as law could +furnish a prospective security against the violence and vengeance +of factions, to place the civil duty of allegiance on a just +and reasonable foundation, and indirectly to cut away the distinction +between governments <i>de jure</i> and <i>de facto</i>. It enacts, +after reciting that subjects by reason of their allegiance are +bound to serve their prince for the time being against every +rebellion and power raised against him, that "no person attending +upon the king and sovereign lord of this land for the time +being, and doing him true and faithful service, shall be convicted +of high treason, by act of parliament or other process +of law, nor suffer any forfeiture or punishment; but that every +act made contrary to this statute should be void and of no +effect."<a name="FNanchor_9" id="FNanchor_9" href="#Footnote_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> The endeavour to bind future parliaments was of +course nugatory; but the statute remains an unquestionable +authority for the constitutional maxim, that possession of the +throne gives a sufficient title to the subject's allegiance, and +justifies his resistance of those who may pretend to a better +right. It was much resorted to in argument at the time of the +revolution, and in the subsequent period.<a name="FNanchor_10" id="FNanchor_10" href="#Footnote_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">15</a></span></p> + +<p>It has been usual to speak of this reign as if it formed a +great epoch in our constitution; the king having by his politic +measures broken the power of the barons who had hitherto +withstood the prerogative, while the commons had not yet risen +from the humble station which they were supposed to have +occupied. I doubt, however, whether the change was quite so +precisely referable to the time of Henry VII., and whether his +policy has not been somewhat over-rated. In certain respects, +his reign is undoubtedly an æra in our history. It began in +revolution and a change in the line of descent. It nearly +coincides, which is more material, with the commencement of +what is termed modern history, as distinguished from the middle +ages, and with the memorable events that have led us to make +that leading distinction, especially the consolidation of the +great European monarchies, among which England took a +conspicuous station. But, relatively to the main subject of +our enquiry, it is not evident that Henry VII. carried the +authority of the Crown much beyond the point at which Edward +IV. had left it. The strength of the nobility had been grievously +impaired by the bloodshed of the civil wars, and the +attainders that followed them. From this cause, or from the +general intimidation, we find, as I have observed in another +place, that no laws favourable to public liberty, or remedial +with respect to the aggressions of power, were enacted, or (so +far as appears) even proposed in parliament, during the reign +of Edward IV.; the first, since that of John, to which such a +remark can be applied. The Commons, who had not always +been so humble and abject as smatterers in history are apt to +fancy, were by this time much degenerated from the spirit +they had displayed under Edward III. and Richard II. Thus +the founder of the line of Tudor came, not certainly to an +absolute, but a vigorous prerogative, which his cautious dissembling +temper and close attention to business were well +calculated to extend.</p> + +<p><i>Statute of Fines.</i>—The laws of Henry VII. have been highly +praised by Lord Bacon as "deep and not vulgar, not made upon +the spur of a particular occasion for the present, but out of +providence for the future, to make the estate of his people still +more and more happy, after the manner of the legislators in +ancient and heroical times." But when we consider how +very few kings or statesmen have displayed this prospective +wisdom and benevolence in legislation, we may hesitate a little +to bestow so rare a praise upon Henry. Like the laws of all +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">16</a></span> +other times, his statutes seem to have had no further aim than +to remove some immediate mischief, or to promote some particular +end. One, however, has been much celebrated as an +instance of his sagacious policy, and as the principal cause of +exalting the royal authority upon the ruins of the aristocracy; +I mean, the Statute of Fines (as one passed in the fourth year +of his reign is commonly called), which is supposed to have +given the power of alienating entailed lands. But both the +intention and effect of this seem not to have been justly apprehended.</p> + +<p>In the first place it is remarkable that the statute of Henry +VII. is merely a transcript, with very little variation, from one +of Richard III., which is actually printed in most editions. It +was re-enacted, as we must presume, in order to obviate any +doubt, however ill-grounded, which might hang upon the +validity of Richard's laws. Thus vanish at once into air the +deep policy of Henry VII. and his insidious schemes of leading +on a prodigal aristocracy to its ruin. It is surely strange that +those who have extolled this sagacious monarch for breaking +the fetters of landed property (though many of them were +lawyers) should never have observed, that whatever credit +might be due for the innovation should redound to the honour +of the unfortunate usurper. But Richard, in truth, had no +leisure for such long-sighted projects of strengthening a throne +for his posterity which he could not preserve for himself. His +law, and that of his successor, had a different object in view.</p> + +<p>It would be useless to some readers, and perhaps disgusting +to others, especially in the very outset of this work, to enter +upon the history of the English law as to the power of alienation. +But I cannot explain the present subject without mentioning +that, by a statute in the reign of Edward I, commonly +called <i>de donis conditionalibus</i>, lands given to a man and the +heirs of his body, with remainder to other persons, or reversion +to the donor, could not be alienated by the possessor for the +time being, either from his own issue, or from those who were +to succeed them. Such lands were also incapable of forfeiture +for treason or felony; and more, perhaps, upon this account +than from any more enlarged principle, these entails were not +viewed with favour by the courts of justice. Several attempts +were successfully made to relax their strictness; and finally, +in the reign of Edward IV., it was held by the judges in the +famous case of Taltarum, that a tenant in tail might, by what +is called suffering a common recovery, that is, by means of an +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">17</a></span> +imaginary process of law, divest all those who were to come +after him of their succession, and become owner of the fee +simple. Such a decision was certainly far beyond the sphere +of judicial authority. The legislature, it was probably suspected, +would not have consented to infringe a statute which +they reckoned the safeguard of their families. The law, however, +was laid down by the judges; and in those days the +appellant jurisdiction of the House of Lords, by means of +which the aristocracy might have indignantly reversed the +insidious decision, had gone wholly into disuse. It became by +degrees a fundamental principle, that an estate in tail can be +barred by a common recovery; nor is it possible by any legal +subtlety to deprive the tenant of this control over his estate. +Schemes were indeed gradually devised, which to a limited +extent have restrained the power of alienation; but these do +not belong to our subject.</p> + +<p>The real intention of these statutes of Richard and Henry was +not to give the tenant in tail a greater power over his estate +(for it is by no means clear that the words enable him to bar +his issue by levying a fine; and when a decision to that effect +took place long afterwards (19 H. 8), it was with such difference +of opinion that it was thought necessary to confirm the interpretation +by a new act of parliament); but rather, by establishing +a short term of prescription, to put a check on the suits +for recovery of lands, which, after times of so much violence +and disturbance, were naturally springing up in the courts. +It is the usual policy of commonwealths to favour possession; +and on this principle the statute enacts, that a fine levied with +proclamations in a public court of justice shall after five years, +except in particular circumstances, be a bar to all claims upon +lands. This was its main scope; the liberty of alienation was +neither necessary, nor probably intended to be given.<a name="FNanchor_11" id="FNanchor_11" href="#Footnote_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a></p> + +<p><i>Exactions of Henry VII.</i>—The two first of the Tudors rarely +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">18</a></span> +experienced opposition but when they endeavoured to levy +money. Taxation, in the eyes of their subjects, was so far +from being no tyranny, that it seemed the only species worth +a complaint. Henry VII. obtained from his first parliament +a grant of tonnage and poundage during life, according to +several precedents of former reigns. But when general subsidies +were granted, the same people, who would have seen an +innocent man led to prison or the scaffold with little attention, +twice broke out into dangerous rebellions; and as these, however +arising from such immediate discontent, were yet a good +deal connected with the opinion of Henry's usurpation and the +claims of a pretender, it was a necessary policy to avoid too +frequent imposition of burdens upon the poorer classes of the +community.<a name="FNanchor_12" id="FNanchor_12" href="#Footnote_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> He had recourse accordingly to the system of +benevolences, or contributions apparently voluntary, though +in fact extorted from his richer subjects. These having become +an intolerable grievance under Edward IV., were abolished in +the only parliament of Richard III. with strong expressions of +indignation. But in the seventh year of Henry's reign, when, +after having with timid and parsimonious hesitation suffered +the marriage of Anne of Brittany with Charles VIII., he was +compelled by the national spirit to make a demonstration of +war, he ventured to try this unfair and unconstitutional method +of obtaining aid, which received afterwards too much of a +parliamentary sanction, by an act enforcing the payment of +arrears of money, which private men had thus been prevailed +upon to promise.<a name="FNanchor_13" id="FNanchor_13" href="#Footnote_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> The statute indeed of Richard is so expressed +as not clearly to forbid the solicitation of voluntary +gifts, which of course rendered it almost nugatory.</p> + +<p>Archbishop Morton is famous for the dilemma which he +proposed to merchants and others, whom he solicited to contribute. +He told those who lived handsomely, that their opulence +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">19</a></span> +was manifest by their rate of expenditure. Those, again, +whose course of living was less sumptuous, must have grown +rich by their economy. Either class could well afford assistance +to their sovereign. This piece of logic, unanswerable in the +mouth of a privy councillor, acquired the name of Morton's +fork. Henry doubtless reaped great profit from these indefinite +exactions, miscalled benevolences. But, insatiate of accumulating +treasure, he discovered other methods of extortion, still +more odious, and possibly more lucrative. Many statutes had +been enacted in preceding reigns, sometimes rashly or from +temporary motives, sometimes in opposition to prevailing +usages which they could not restrain, of which the pecuniary +penalties, though exceedingly severe, were so little enforced as +to have lost their terror. These his ministers raked out from +oblivion; and, prosecuting such as could afford to endure the +law's severity, filled his treasury with the dishonourable produce +of amercements and forfeitures. The feudal rights became, +as indeed they always had been, instrumental to oppression. +The lands of those who died without heirs fell back to the Crown +by escheat. It was the duty of certain officers in every county +to look after its rights. The king's title was to be found by +the inquest of a jury, summoned at the instance of the escheator, +and returned into the exchequer. It then became a matter of +record, and could not be impeached. Hence the escheators +taking hasty inquests, or sometimes falsely pretending them, +defeated the right heir of his succession. Excessive fines were +imposed on granting livery to the king's wards on their majority. +Informations for intrusion, criminal indictments, outlawries on +civil process, in short, the whole course of justice, furnished +pretences for exacting money; while a host of dependents on +the court, suborned to play their part as witnesses, or even as +jurors, rendered it hardly possible for the most innocent to +escape these penalties. Empson and Dudley are notorious as +the prostitute instruments of Henry's avarice in the later and +more unpopular years of his reign; but they dearly purchased +a brief hour of favour by an ignominious death and perpetual +infamy.<a name="FNanchor_14" id="FNanchor_14" href="#Footnote_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> The avarice of Henry VII., as it rendered his government +unpopular, which had always been penurious, must be +deemed a drawback from the wisdom ascribed to him; though +by his good fortune it answered the end of invigorating his +power. By these fines and forfeitures he impoverished and +intimidated the nobility. The Earl of Oxford compounded, by +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">20</a></span> +the payment of £15,000, for the penalties he had incurred by +keeping retainers in livery; a practice mischievous and illegal, +but too customary to have been punished before this reign. +Even the king's clemency seems to have been influenced by the +sordid motive of selling pardons; and it has been shown, that +he made a profit of every office in his court, and received money +for conferring bishoprics.<a name="FNanchor_15" id="FNanchor_15" href="#Footnote_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a></p> + +<p>It is asserted by early writers, though perhaps only on conjecture, +that he left a sum thus amassed, of no less than £1,800,000 +at his decease. This treasure was soon dissipated by his successor, +who had recourse to the assistance of parliament in the +very first year of his reign. The foreign policy of Henry VIII., +far unlike that of his father, was ambitious and enterprising. +No former king had involved himself so frequently in the +labyrinth of continental alliances. And, if it were necessary +to abandon that neutrality which is generally the most advantageous +and laudable course, it is certain that his early undertakings +against France were more consonant to English interests, +as well as more honourable, than the opposite policy, which he +pursued after the battle of Pavia. The campaigns of Henry +in France and Scotland displayed the valour of our English +infantry, seldom called into action for fifty years before, and +contributed with other circumstances to throw a lustre over +his reign, which prevented most of his contemporaries from +duly appreciating its character. But they naturally drew the +king into heavy expenses, and, together with his profusion and +love of magnificence, rendered his government very burthensome. +At his accession, however, the rapacity of his father's +administration had excited such universal discontent, that it +was found expedient to conciliate the nation. An act was +passed in his first parliament to correct the abuses that had +prevailed in finding the king's title to lands by escheat.<a name="FNanchor_16" id="FNanchor_16" href="#Footnote_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> The +same parliament repealed a law of the late reign, enabling +justices of assize and of the peace to determine all offences, +except treason and felony, against any statute in force, without +a jury, upon information in the king's name.<a name="FNanchor_17" id="FNanchor_17" href="#Footnote_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> This serious +innovation had evidently been prompted by the spirit of rapacity, +which probably some honest juries had shown courage +enough to withstand. It was a much less laudable concession +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">21</a></span> +to the vindictive temper of an injured people, seldom unwilling +to see bad methods employed in punishing bad men, that +Empson and Dudley, who might perhaps by stretching the +prerogative have incurred the penalties of a misdemeanor, were +put to death on a frivolous charge of high treason.<a name="FNanchor_18" id="FNanchor_18" href="#Footnote_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a></p> + +<p><i>Taxes demanded by Henry VIII.</i>—The demands made by +Henry VIII. on parliament were considerable both in frequency +and amount. Notwithstanding the servility of those times, +they sometimes attempted to make a stand against these +inroads upon the public purse. Wolsey came into the House +of Commons in 1523, and asked for £800,000, to be raised by a +tax of one-fifth upon lands and goods, in order to prosecute the +war just commenced against France. Sir Thomas More, then +speaker, is said to have urged the House to acquiesce.<a name="FNanchor_19" id="FNanchor_19" href="#Footnote_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> But +the sum demanded was so much beyond any precedent, that +all the independent members opposed a vigorous resistance. A +committee was appointed to remonstrate with the cardinal, and +to set forth the impossibility of raising such a subsidy. It was +alleged that it exceeded all the current coin of the kingdom. +Wolsey, after giving an uncivil answer to the committee, came +down again to the House, on pretence of reasoning with them, +but probably with a hope of carrying his end by intimidation. +They received him, at More's suggestion, with all the train of +attendants that usually encircled the haughtiest subject who +had ever been known in England. But they made no other +answer to his harangue than that it was their usage to debate +only among themselves. These debates lasted fifteen or sixteen +days. A considerable part of the Commons appears to have +consisted of the king's household officers, whose influence, with +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">22</a></span> +the utmost difficulty, obtained a grant much inferior to the +cardinal's requisition, and payable by instalments in four years. +But Wolsey, greatly dissatisfied with this imperfect obedience, +compelled the people to pay up the whole subsidy at once.<a name="FNanchor_20" id="FNanchor_20" href="#Footnote_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a></p> + +<p><i>Illegal exactions of Wolsey in 1522 and 1525.</i>—No parliament +was assembled for nearly seven years after this time. Wolsey +had already resorted to more arbitrary methods of raising money +by loans and benevolences.<a name="FNanchor_21" id="FNanchor_21" href="#Footnote_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> The year before this debate in +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">23</a></span> +the Commons, he borrowed twenty thousand pounds of the +city of London; yet so insufficient did that appear for the +king's exigencies, that within two months commissioners were +appointed throughout the kingdom to swear every man to the +value of his possessions, requiring a rateable part according to +such declaration. The clergy, it is said, were expected to +contribute a fourth; but I believe that benefices above ten +pounds in yearly value were taxed at one-third. Such unparalleled +violations of the clearest and most important privilege +that belonged to Englishmen excited a general apprehension.<a name="FNanchor_22" id="FNanchor_22" href="#Footnote_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> +Fresh commissioners however were appointed in 1525, with +instructions to demand the sixth part of every man's substance, +payable in money, plate, or jewels, according to the last valuation.<a name="FNanchor_23" id="FNanchor_23" href="#Footnote_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a> +This demand Wolsey made in person to the mayor and +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">24</a></span> +chief citizens of London. They attempted to remonstrate, but +were warned to beware, lest "it might fortune to cost some +their heads." Some were sent to prison for hasty words, to +which the smart of injury incited them. The clergy, from whom, +according to usage, a larger measure of contribution was demanded, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">25</a></span> +stood upon their privilege to grant their money only +in convocation, and denied the right of a king of England to +ask any man's money without authority of parliament. The +rich and poor agreed in cursing the cardinal as the subverter of +their laws and liberties; and said "if men should give their +goods by a commission, then it would be worse than the taxes +of France, and England should be bond, and not free."<a name="FNanchor_24" id="FNanchor_24" href="#Footnote_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> Nor +did their discontent terminate in complaints. The commissioners +met with forcible opposition in several counties, and a +serious insurrection broke out in Suffolk. So menacing a spirit +overawed the proud tempers of Henry and his minister, who +found it necessary not only to pardon all those concerned in +these tumults, but to recede altogether upon some frivolous +pretexts from the illegal exaction, revoking the commissions +and remitting all sums demanded under them. They now +resorted to the more specious request of a voluntary benevolence. +This also the citizens of London endeavoured to repel, +by alleging the statute of Richard III. But it was answered +that he was an usurper, whose acts did not oblige a lawful +sovereign. It does not appear whether or not Wolsey was more +successful in this new scheme; but, generally, rich individuals +had no remedy but to compound with the government.</p> + +<p>No very material attempt had been made since the reign of +Edward III. to levy a general imposition without consent of +parliament, and in the most remote and irregular times it would +be difficult to find a precedent for so universal and enormous +an exaction; since tallages, however arbitrary, were never paid +by the barons or freeholders, nor by their tenants; and the aids +to which they were liable were restricted to particular cases. +If Wolsey therefore could have procured the acquiescence of +the nation under this yoke, there would probably have been an +end of parliaments for all ordinary purposes; though, like the +States General of France, they might still be convoked to give +weight and security to great innovations. We cannot indeed +doubt that the unshackled condition of his friend, though rival, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">26</a></span> +Francis I., afforded a mortifying contrast to Henry. Even +under his tyrannical administration there was enough to distinguish +the king of a people who submitted in murmuring +to violations of their known rights, from one whose subjects +had almost forgotten that they ever possessed any. But the +courage and love of freedom natural to the English commons, +speaking in the hoarse voice of tumult, though very ill supported +by their superiors, preserved us in so great a peril.<a name="FNanchor_25" id="FNanchor_25" href="#Footnote_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a></p> + +<p><i>Acts of parliament releasing the king from his debts.</i>—If we +justly regard with detestation the memory of those ministers +who have aimed at subverting the liberties of their country, we +shall scarcely approve the partiality of some modern historians +towards Cardinal Wolsey; a partiality, too, that contradicts +the general opinion of his contemporaries. Haughty beyond +comparison, negligent of the duties and decorums of his station, +profuse as well as rapacious, obnoxious alike to his own order +and to the laity, his fall had long been secretly desired by the +nation and contrived by his adversaries. His generosity and +magnificence seem rather to have dazzled succeeding ages than +his own. But, in fact, his best apology is the disposition of +his master. The latter years of Henry's reign were far more +tyrannical than those during which he listened to the counsels +of Wolsey; and though this was principally owing to the peculiar +circumstances of the latter period, it is but equitable to allow +some praise to a minister for the mischief which he may be +presumed to have averted. Had a nobler spirit animated the +parliament which met at the era of Wolsey's fall, it might have +prompted his impeachment for gross violations of liberty. But +these were not the offences that had forfeited his prince's favour, +or that they dared bring to justice. They were not absent +perhaps from the recollection of some of those who took a part +in prosecuting the fallen minister. I can discover no better +apology for Sir Thomas More's participation in impeaching +Wolsey on articles so frivolous that they have served to redeem +his fame with later times, than his knowledge of weightier +offences against the common weal which could not be alleged, +and especially the commissions of 1525.<a name="FNanchor_26" id="FNanchor_26" href="#Footnote_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a> But in truth this +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">27</a></span> +parliament showed little outward disposition to object any +injustice of such a kind to the cardinal. They professed to +take upon themselves to give a sanction to his proceedings, as +if in mockery of their own and their country's liberties. They +passed a statute, the most extraordinary perhaps of those +strange times, wherein "they do, for themselves and all the +whole body of the realm which they represent, freely, liberally, +and absolutely, give and grant unto the king's highness, by +authority of this present parliament, all and every sum and +sums of money which to them and every of them, is, ought, or +might be due, by reason of any money, or any other thing, to +his grace at any time heretofore advanced or paid by way of +trust or loan, either upon any letter or letters under the king's +privy seal, general or particular, letter missive, promise bond, +or obligation of repayment, or by any taxation or other assessing, +by virtue of any commission or commissions, or by any other +mean or means, whatever it be, heretofore, passed for that +purpose."<a name="FNanchor_27" id="FNanchor_27" href="#Footnote_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a> This extreme servility and breach of trust naturally +excited loud murmurs; for the debts thus released had +been assigned over by many to their own creditors, and having +all the security both of the king's honour and legal obligation, +were reckoned as valid as any other property. It is said by +Hall, that most of this House of Commons held offices under +the Crown. This illaudable precedent was remembered in 1544, +when a similar act passed, releasing to the king all monies +borrowed by him since 1542, with the additional provision, +that if he should have already discharged any of these debts, +the party or his heirs should repay his majesty.<a name="FNanchor_28" id="FNanchor_28" href="#Footnote_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a></p> + +<p><i>A benevolence again exacted.</i>—Henry had once more recourse, +about 1545, to a general exaction, miscalled benevolence. The +council's instructions to the commissioners employed in levying +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">28</a></span> +it leave no doubt as to its compulsory character. They were +directed to incite all men to a loving contribution according to +the rates of their substance, as they were assessed at the last +subsidy, calling on no one whose lands were of less value than +40<i>s.</i> or whose chattels were less than £15. It is intimated that +the least which his majesty could reasonably accept would be +twenty pence in the pound, on the yearly value of land, and +half that sum on movable goods. They are to summon but +a few to attend at one time, and to commune with every one +apart, "lest some one unreasonable man, amongst so many, +forgetting his duty towards God, his sovereign lord, and his +country, may go about by his malicious frowardness to silence +all the rest, be they never so well disposed." They were to use +"good words and amiable behaviour," to induce men to contribute, +and to dismiss the obedient with thanks. But if any +person should withstand their gentle solicitations, alleging either +poverty or some other pretence which the commissioners should +deem unfit to be allowed, then after failure of persuasions and +reproaches for ingratitude, they were to command his attendance +before the privy council, at such time as they should +appoint, to whom they were to certify his behaviour, enjoining +him silence in the meantime, that his evil example might not +corrupt the better disposed.<a name="FNanchor_29" id="FNanchor_29" href="#Footnote_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a></p> + +<p>It is only through the accidental publication of some family +papers, that we have become acquainted with this document, so +curiously illustrative of the government of Henry VIII. From +the same authority may be exhibited a particular specimen of +the consequences that awaited the refusal of this benevolence. +One Richard Reed, an alderman of London, had stood alone, +as is said, among his fellow-citizens, in refusing to contribute. +It was deemed expedient not to overlook this disobedience; +and the course adopted in pursuing it is somewhat remarkable. +The English army was then in the field on the Scots border. +Reed was sent down to serve as a soldier at his own charge; +and the general, Sir Ralph Ewer, received intimations to employ +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">29</a></span> +him on the hardest and most perilous duty, and subject him, +when in garrison, to the greatest privations, that he might feel +the smart of his folly and sturdy disobedience. "Finally," the +letter concludes, "you must use him in all things according to +the sharpe disciplyne militar of the northern wars."<a name="FNanchor_30" id="FNanchor_30" href="#Footnote_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a> It is +natural to presume that few would expose themselves to the +treatment of this unfortunate citizen; and that the commissioners, +whom we find appointed two years afterwards in every +county, to obtain from the king's subjects as much as they +would willingly give, if they did not always find perfect readiness, +had not to complain of many peremptory denials.<a name="FNanchor_31" id="FNanchor_31" href="#Footnote_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a></p> + +<p><i>Severe and unjust executions for treason.</i>—Such was the security +that remained against arbitrary taxation under the two Henries. +Were men's lives better protected from unjust measures, and +less at the mercy of a jealous court? It cannot be necessary +to expatiate very much on this subject in a work that supposes +the reader's acquaintance with the common facts of our history; +yet it would leave the picture too imperfect, were I not to +recapitulate the more striking instances of sanguinary injustice +that have cast so deep a shade over the memory of these princes.</p> + +<p><i>Earl of Warwick.</i>—The Duke of Clarence, attainted in the +reign of his brother Edward IV., left one son, whom his uncle +restored to the title of Earl of Warwick. This boy, at the +accession of Henry VII., being then about twelve years old, was +shut up in the Tower. Fifteen years of captivity had elapsed, +when, if we trust to the common story, having unfortunately +become acquainted with his fellow-prisoner Perkin Warbeck, he +listened to a scheme for their escape, and would probably not +have been averse to second the ambitious views of that young +man. But it was surmised, with as much likelihood as the +character of both parties could give it, that the king had +promised Ferdinand of Aragon to remove the Earl of Warwick +out of the way, as the condition of his daughter's marriage +with the Prince of Wales, and the best means of securing their +inheritance. Warwick accordingly was brought to trial for a +conspiracy to overturn the government; which he was induced +to confess, in the hope, as we must conceive, and perhaps with +an assurance, of pardon, and was immediately executed.</p> + +<p><i>Earl of Suffolk.</i>—The nearest heir to the house of York, after +the queen and her children, and the descendants of the Duke +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">30</a></span> +of Clarence, was a son of Edward IV.'s sister, the Earl of Suffolk, +whose elder brother, the Earl of Lincoln, had joined in the +rebellion of Lambert Simnel, and perished at the battle of Stoke. +Suffolk, having killed a man in an affray, obtained a pardon +which the king compelled him to plead in open court at his +arraignment. This laudable impartiality is said to have given +him offence, and provoked his flight into the Netherlands; +whence, being a man of a turbulent disposition, and partaking +in the hatred of his family towards the house of Lancaster, he +engaged in a conspiracy with some persons at home, which +caused him to be attainted of treason. Some time afterwards, +the Archduke Philip, having been shipwrecked on the coast +of England, found himself in a sort of honourable detention +at Henry's court. On consenting to his departure, the king +requested him to send over the Earl of Suffolk; and Philip, +though not insensible to the breach of hospitality exacted from +him, was content to satisfy his honour by obtaining a promise +that the prisoner's life should be spared. Henry is said to have +reckoned this engagement merely personal, and to have left as +a last injunction to his successor, that he should carry into effect +the sentence against Suffolk. Though this was an evident +violation of the promise in its spirit, yet Henry VIII., after +the lapse of a few years, with no new pretext, caused him to +be executed.</p> + +<p><i>Duke of Buckingham.</i>—The Duke of Buckingham, representing +the ancient family of Stafford, and hereditary high +constable of England, stood the first in rank and consequence, +perhaps in riches, among the nobility. But being too ambitious +and arrogant for the age in which he was born, he drew on himself +the jealousy of the king, and the resentment of Wolsey. +The evidence, on his trial for high treason, was almost entirely +confined to idle and vaunting language, held with servants who +betrayed his confidence, and soothsayers whom he had believed. +As we find no other persons charged as parties with him, it +seems manifest that Buckingham was innocent of any real +conspiracy. His condemnation not only gratified the cardinal's +revenge, but answered a very constant purpose of the Tudor +government, that of intimidating the great families, from whom +the preceding dynasty had experienced so much disquietude.<a name="FNanchor_32" id="FNanchor_32" href="#Footnote_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">31</a></span></p> + +<p><i>New treasons created by statutes.</i>—The execution, however, of +Suffolk was at least not contrary to law; and even Buckingham +was attainted on evidence which, according to the tremendous +latitude with which the law of treason had been construed, +a court of justice could not be expected to disregard. But after +the fall of Wolsey, and Henry's breach with the Roman see, his +fierce temper, strengthened by habit and exasperated by resistance, +demanded more constant supplies of blood; and many +perished by sentences which we can hardly prevent ourselves +from considering as illegal, because the statutes to which they +might be conformable seem, from their temporary duration, +their violence, and the passiveness of the parliaments that +enacted them, rather like arbitrary invasions of the law than +alterations of it. By an act of 1534, not only an oath was +imposed to maintain the succession in the heirs of the king's +second marriage, in exclusion of the Princess Mary; but it was +made high treason to deny that ecclesiastical supremacy of the +Crown, which, till about two years before, no one had ever +ventured to assert. Bishop Fisher, the most inflexibly honest +churchman who filled a high station in that age, was beheaded +for this denial. Sir Thomas More, whose name can ask no +epithet, underwent a similar fate. He had offered to take the +oath to maintain the succession, which, as he justly said, the +legislature was competent to alter; but prudently avoided to +give an opinion as to the supremacy, till Rich, solicitor-general, +and afterwards chancellor, elicited, in a private conversation, +some expressions, which were thought sufficient to bring him +within the fangs of the recent statute. A considerable number +of less distinguished persons, chiefly ecclesiastical, were afterwards +executed by virtue of this law.</p> + +<p>The sudden and harsh innovations made by Henry in religion, +as to which every artifice of concealment and delay is required, +his destruction of venerable establishments, his tyranny over +the recesses of the conscience, excited so dangerous a rebellion +in the north of England, that his own general, the Duke of +Norfolk, thought it absolutely necessary to employ measures +of conciliation.<a name="FNanchor_33" id="FNanchor_33" href="#Footnote_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a> The insurgents laid down their arms, on an +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">32</a></span> +unconditional promise of amnesty. But another rising having +occurred in a different quarter, the king made use of this pretext +to put to death some persons of superior rank, who, though +they had, voluntarily or by compulsion, partaken in the first +rebellion, had no concern in the second, and to let loose military +law upon their followers. Nor was his vengeance confined to +those who had evidently been guilty of these tumults. It is, +indeed, unreasonable to deny that there might be, nay, there +probably were, some real conspirators among those who suffered +on the scaffolds of Henry. Yet in the processes against the +Countess of Salisbury, an aged woman, but obnoxious as the +daughter of the Duke of Clarence and mother of Reginald Pole, +an active instrument of the pope in fomenting rebellion,<a name="FNanchor_34" id="FNanchor_34" href="#Footnote_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a> against +the abbots of Reading and Glastonbury, and others who were +implicated in charges of treason at this period, we find so much +haste, such neglect of judicial forms, and so blood-thirsty a +determination to obtain convictions, that we are naturally +tempted to reckon them among the victims of revenge or +rapacity.</p> + +<p><i>Cromwell.</i>—It was, probably, during these prosecutions that +Cromwell, a man not destitute of liberal qualities, but who is +liable to the one great reproach of having obeyed too implicitly +a master whose commands were crimes, inquired of the judges +whether, if parliament should condemn a man to die for treason +without hearing him, the attainder could ever be disputed. +They answered that it was a dangerous question, and that +parliament should rather set an example to inferior courts for +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">33</a></span> +proceeding according to justice. But being pressed to reply +by the king's express commandment, they said that an attainder +in parliament, whether the party had been heard or not in his +defence, could never be reversed in a court of law. No proceedings, +it is said, took place against the person intended, nor is it +known who he was.<a name="FNanchor_35" id="FNanchor_35" href="#Footnote_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a> But men prone to remark all that seems +an appropriate retribution of Providence, took notice that he, +who had thus solicited the interpreters of the law to sanction +such a violation of natural justice, was himself its earliest +example. In the apparent zenith of favour, this able and +faithful minister, the king's viceregent in his ecclesiastical +supremacy, and recently created Earl of Essex, fell so suddenly, +and so totally without offence, that it has perplexed some +writers to assign the cause. But there seems little doubt that +Henry's dissatisfaction with his fourth wife, Anne of Cleves, +whom Cromwell had recommended, alienated his selfish temper, +and inclined his ear to the whisperings of those courtiers who +abhorred the favourite and his measures. An act attainting +him of treason and heresy was hurried through parliament, +without hearing him in his defence.<a name="FNanchor_36" id="FNanchor_36" href="#Footnote_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a> The charges, indeed, at +least of the first kind, were so ungrounded, that had he been +permitted to refute them, his condemnation, though not less +certain, might, perhaps, have caused more shame. This precedent +of sentencing men unheard, by means of an act of +attainder, was followed in the case of Dr. Barnes, burned not +long afterwards for heresy. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">34</a></span></p> + +<p><i>Duke of Norfolk.</i>—The Duke of Norfolk had been, throughout +Henry's reign, one of his most confidential ministers. But as +the king approached his end, an inordinate jealousy of great men, +rather than mere caprice, appears to have prompted the resolution +of destroying the most conspicuous family in England. +Norfolk's son, too, the Earl of Surrey, though long a favourite +with the king, possessed more talents and renown, as well as a +more haughty spirit, than was compatible with his safety. A +strong party at court had always been hostile to the Duke of +Norfolk; and his ruin was attributed especially to the influence +of the two Seymours. No accusations could be more futile +than those who sufficed to take away the life of the noblest and +most accomplished man in England. Surrey's treason seems +to have consisted chiefly in quartering the royal arms in his +escutcheon; and this false heraldry, if such it were, must have +been considered as evidence of meditating the king's death. +His father ignominiously confessed the charges against himself, +in a vain hope of mercy from one who knew not what it meant. +An act of attainder (for both houses of parliament were commonly +made accessary to the legal murders of this reign) was +passed with much haste, and perhaps irregularly; but Henry's +demise ensuing at the instant, prevented the execution of +Norfolk. Continuing in prison during Edward's reign, he just +survived to be released and restored in blood under Mary.</p> + +<p><i>Anne Boleyn.</i>—Among the victims of this monarch's ferocity, +as we bestow most of our admiration on Sir Thomas More, so +we reserve our greatest pity for Anne Boleyn. Few, very few, +have in any age hesitated to admit her innocence.<a name="FNanchor_37" id="FNanchor_37" href="#Footnote_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a> But her +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">35</a></span> +discretion was by no means sufficient to preserve her steps on +that dizzy height, which she had ascended with more eager +ambition than feminine delicacy could approve. Henry was +probably quick-sighted enough to perceive that he did not +possess her affections; and his own were soon transferred to +another object. Nothing in this detestable reign is worse than +her trial. She was indicted, partly upon the statute of Edward +III., which, by a just though rather technical construction, has +been held to extend the guilt of treason to an adulterous queen +as well as to her paramour, and partly on the recent law for +preservation of the succession, which attached the same penalties +to anything done or said in slander of the king's issue. Her +levities in discourse were brought within this strange act by +a still more strange interpretation. Nor was the wounded pride +of the king content with her death. Under the fear, as is most +likely, of a more cruel punishment, which the law affixed to her +offence, Anne was induced to confess a pre-contract with Lord +Percy, on which her marriage with the king was annulled by +an ecclesiastical sentence, without awaiting its certain dissolution +by the axe.<a name="FNanchor_38" id="FNanchor_38" href="#Footnote_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a> Henry seems to have thought his honour too +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">36</a></span> +much sullied by the infidelity of a lawful wife. But for this +destiny he was yet reserved. I shall not impute to him as an +act of tyranny the execution of Catherine Howard, since it +appears probable that the licentious habits of that young woman +had continued after her marriage; and though we might not in +general applaud the vengeance of a husband who should put a +guilty wife to death, it could not be expected that Henry VIII. +should lose so reasonable an opportunity of shedding blood.<a name="FNanchor_39" id="FNanchor_39" href="#Footnote_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a> +It was after the execution of this fifth wife that the celebrated +law was enacted, whereby any woman whom the king should +marry as a virgin incurred the penalties of treason, if she did +not previously reveal any failings that had disqualified her for +the service of Diana.<a name="FNanchor_40" id="FNanchor_40" href="#Footnote_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a></p> + +<p><i>Fresh statutes enacting the penalties of treason.</i>—These parliamentary +attainders, being intended rather as judicial than +legislative proceedings, were violations of reason and justice in +the application of law. But many general enactments of this +reign bear the same character of servility. New political +offences were created in every parliament, against which the +severest penalties were denounced. The nation had scarcely +time to rejoice in the termination of those long debates between +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">37</a></span> +the houses of York and Lancaster, when the king's divorce, and +the consequent illegitimacy of his eldest daughter, laid open the +succession to fresh questions. It was needlessly unnatural and +unjust to bastardise the Princess Mary, whose title ought rather +to have had the confirmation of parliament. But Henry, who +would have deemed so moderate a proceeding injurious to his +cause in the eyes of Europe, and a sort of concession to the +adversaries of the divorce, procured an act settling the crown +on his children by Anne or any subsequent wife. Any person +disputing the lawfulness of the king's second marriage might, +by the sort of construction that would be put on this act, +become liable to the penalties of treason. In two years more +this very marriage was annulled by sentence; and it would +perhaps have been treasonable to assert the Princess Elizabeth's +legitimacy. The same punishment was enacted against such +as should marry without licence under the great seal, or have +a criminal intercourse with any of the king's children "lawfully +born, or otherwise commonly reputed to be his children, or his +sister, aunt, or niece."<a name="FNanchor_41" id="FNanchor_41" href="#Footnote_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a></p> + +<p><i>Act giving proclamations the force of law.</i>—Henry's two divorces +had created an uncertainty as to the line of succession, which +parliament endeavoured to remove, not by such constitutional +provisions in concurrence with the Crown as might define the +course of inheritance, but by enabling the king, on failure of +issue by Jane Seymour or any other lawful wife, to make over +and bequeath the kingdom to any persons at his pleasure, not +even reserving a preference to the descendants of former +sovereigns.<a name="FNanchor_42" id="FNanchor_42" href="#Footnote_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a> By a subsequent statute, the Princesses Mary and +Elizabeth were nominated in the entail, after the king's male +issue, subject, however, to such conditions as he should declare, +by non-compliance with which their right was to cease.<a name="FNanchor_43" id="FNanchor_43" href="#Footnote_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a> This +act still left it in his power to limit the remainder at his discretion. +In execution of this authority, he devised the crown, +upon failure of issue from his three children, to the heirs of the +body of Mary Duchess of Suffolk, the younger of his two sisters; +postponing at least, if not excluding, the royal family of Scotland, +descended from his elder sister Margaret. In surrendering the +regular laws of the monarchy to one man's caprice, this parliament +became accessary, so far as in it lay, to dispositions +which might eventually have kindled the flames of civil war. +But it seemed to aim at inflicting a still deeper injury on future +generations, in enacting that a king, after he should have +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">38</a></span> +attained the age of twenty-four years, might repeal any statutes +made since his accession.<a name="FNanchor_44" id="FNanchor_44" href="#Footnote_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a> Such a provision not only tended +to annihilate the authority of a regency, and to expose the +kingdom to a sort of anarchical confusion during its continuance, +but seemed to prepare the way for a more absolute power of +abrogating all acts of the legislature. Three years afterwards +it was enacted that proclamations made by the king and council, +under penalty of fine and imprisonment, should have the force +of statutes, so that they should not be prejudicial to any person's +inheritance, offices, liberties, goods, and chattels, or infringe the +established laws. This has been often noticed as an instance +of servile compliance. It is, however, a striking testimony to +the free constitution it infringed, and demonstrates that the +prerogative could not soar to the heights it aimed at, till thus +imped by the perfidious hand of parliament. It is also to be +observed, that the power given to the king's proclamations is +considerably limited.<a name="FNanchor_45" id="FNanchor_45" href="#Footnote_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a></p> + +<p>A government administered with so frequent violations not +only of the chartered privileges of Englishmen, but of those still +more sacred rights which natural law has established, must have +been regarded, one would imagine, with just abhorrence, and +earnest longings for a change. Yet contemporary authorities +by no means answer to this expectation. Some mention Henry +after his death in language of eulogy; and, if we except those +whom attachment to the ancient religion had inspired with +hatred towards his memory, very few appear to have been aware +that his name would descend to posterity among those of the +many tyrants and oppressors of innocence, whom the wrath +of Heaven has raised up, and the servility of men has endured. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">39</a></span> +I do not indeed believe that he had really conciliated his people's +affection. That perfect fear which attended him must have +cast out love. But he had a few qualities that deserve esteem, +and several which a nation is pleased to behold in its sovereign. +He wanted, or at least did not manifest in any eminent degree, +one usual vice of tyrants, dissimulation; his manners were +affable, and his temper generous. Though his schemes of +foreign policy were not very sagacious, and his wars, either with +France or Scotland, productive of no material advantage, they +were uniformly successful, and retrieved the honour of the +English name. But the main cause of the reverence with which +our forefathers cherished this king's memory, was the share +he had taken in the Reformation. They saw in him not indeed +the proselyte of their faith, but the subverter of their enemies' +power, the avenging minister of Heaven, by whose giant arm +the chain of superstition had been broken, and the prison gates +burst asunder.<a name="FNanchor_46" id="FNanchor_46" href="#Footnote_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a></p> + +<p><i>Government of Edward VI.'s counsellors.</i>—The ill-assorted body +of counsellors who exercised the functions of regency by Henry's +testament, were sensible that they had not sinews to wield his +iron sceptre, and that some sacrifice must be made to a nation +exasperated as well as overawed by the violent measures of his +reign. In the first session accordingly of Edward's parliament, +the new treasons and felonies which had been created to please +his father's sanguinary disposition, were at once abrogated.<a name="FNanchor_47" id="FNanchor_47" href="#Footnote_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a> +The statute of Edward III. became again the standard of high +treason, except that the denial of the king's supremacy was still +liable to its penalties. The same act, which relieves the subject +from these terrors, contains also a repeal of that which had +given legislative validity to the king's proclamations. These +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">40</a></span> +provisions appear like an elastic recoil of the constitution after +the extraordinary pressure of that despotic reign. But, however +they may indicate the temper of parliament, we must consider +them but as an unwilling and insincere compliance on the part +of the government. Henry, too arrogant to dissemble with his +subjects, had stamped the law itself with the print of his +despotism. The more wily courtiers of Edward's council deemed +it less obnoxious to violate than to new-mould the constitution. +For, although proclamations had no longer the legal character +of statutes, we find several during Edward's reign enforced by +penalty of fine and imprisonment. Many of the ecclesiastical +changes were first established by no other authority, though +afterwards sanctioned by parliament. Rates were thus fixed +for the price of provisions; bad money was cried down, with +penalties on those who should buy it under a certain value, and +the melting of the current coin prohibited on pain of forfeiture.<a name="FNanchor_48" id="FNanchor_48" href="#Footnote_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a> +Some of these might possibly have a sanction from precedent, +and from the acknowledged prerogative of the crown in regulating +the coin. But no legal apology can be made for a proclamation +in April 1549, addressed to all justices of the peace, enjoining them +to arrest sowers and tellers abroad of vain and forged tales and +lies, and to commit them to the galleys, there to row in chains +as slaves during the king's pleasure.<a name="FNanchor_49" id="FNanchor_49" href="#Footnote_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a> One would imagine that +the late statute had been repealed, as too far restraining the royal +power, rather than as giving it an unconstitutional extension.</p> + +<p><i>Attainder of Lord Seymour.</i>—It soon became evident that, if +the new administration had not fully imbibed the sanguinary +spirit of their late master, they were as little scrupulous in +bending the rules of law and justice to their purpose in cases of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">41</a></span> +treason. The Duke of Somerset, nominated by Henry only as +one of his sixteen executors, obtained almost immediately afterwards +a patent from the young king, who during his minority +was certainly not capable of any valid act, constituting him sole +regent under the name of protector, with the assistance indeed +of the rest as his counsellors, but with the power of adding any +others to their number. Conscious of his own usurpation, it +was natural for Somerset to dread the aspiring views of others; +nor was it long before he discovered a rival in his brother, Lord +Seymour of Sudeley, whom, according to the policy of that age, +he thought it necessary to destroy by a bill of attainder. Seymour +was apparently a dangerous and unprincipled man; he +had courted the favour of the young king by small presents of +money, and appears beyond question to have entertained a hope +of marrying the Princess Elizabeth, who had lived much in his +house during his short union with the queen dowager. It was +surmised that this lady had been poisoned to make room for a +still nobler consort.<a name="FNanchor_50" id="FNanchor_50" href="#Footnote_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a> But in this there could be no treason; and +it is not likely that any evidence was given which could have +brought him within the statute of Edward III. In this prosecution +against Lord Seymour, it was thought expedient to follow +the very worst of Henry's precedents, by not hearing the accused +in his defence. The bill passed through the upper house, the +natural guardian of a peer's life and honour, without one dissenting +voice. The Commons addressed the king that they +might hear the witnesses, and also the accused. It was answered +that the king did not think it necessary for them to hear the +latter, but that those who had given their depositions before the +Lords might repeat their evidence before the lower house. It +rather appears that the Commons did not insist on this any +farther; but the bill of attainder was carried with a few negative +voices.<a name="FNanchor_51" id="FNanchor_51" href="#Footnote_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a> How striking a picture it affords of the sixteenth +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">42</a></span> +century, to behold the popular and well-natured Duke of +Somerset, more estimable at least than any statesman employed +under Edward, not only promoting this unjust condemnation +of his brother, but signing the warrant under which he was +beheaded!</p> + +<p><i>Attainder of Duke of Somerset.</i>—But it was more easy to crush +a single competitor, than to keep in subjection the subtle and +daring spirits trained in Henry's councils, and jealous of the +usurpation of an equal. The protector, attributing his success, +as is usual with men in power, rather to skill than fortune, and +confident in the two frailest supports that a minister can have, +the favour of a child and of the lower people, was stripped of +his authority within a few months after the execution of Lord +Seymour, by a confederacy which he had neither the discretion +to prevent, nor the firmness to resist. Though from this time +but a secondary character upon the public stage, he was so +near the throne as to keep alive the suspicions of the Duke of +Northumberland, who, with no ostensible title, had become not +less absolute than himself. It is not improbable that Somerset +was innocent of the charge imputed to him, namely, a conspiracy +to murder some of the privy councillors, which had been +erected into felony by a recent statute; but the evidence, though +it may have been false, does not seem legally insufficient. He +demanded on his trial to be confronted with the witnesses; a +favour rarely granted in that age to state criminals, and which +he could not very decently solicit after causing his brother to +be condemned unheard. Three lords, against whom he was +charged to have conspired, sat upon his trial; and it was thought +a sufficient reply to his complaints of this breach of a known +principle, that no challenge could be allowed in the case of a +peer.</p> + +<p>From this designing and unscrupulous oligarchy no measure +conducive to liberty and justice could be expected to spring. +But among the Commons there must have been men, although +their names have not descended to us, who, animated by a purer +zeal for these objects, perceived on how precarious a thread the +life of every man was suspended, when the private deposition +of one suborned witness, unconfronted with the prisoner, could +suffice to obtain a conviction in cases of treason. In the worst +period of Edward's reign, we find inserted in a bill creating +some new treasons, one of the most important constitutional +provisions which the annals of the Tudor family afford. It is +enacted, that "no person shall be indicted for any manner of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">43</a></span> +treason, except on the testimony of two lawful witnesses, who +shall be brought in person before the accused at the time of his +trial, to avow and maintain what they have to say against him, +unless he shall willingly confess the charges."<a name="FNanchor_52" id="FNanchor_52" href="#Footnote_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a> This salutary +provision was strengthened, not taken away, as some later +judges ventured to assert, by an act in the reign of Mary. In a +subsequent part of this work, I shall find an opportunity for +discussing this important branch of constitutional law.</p> + +<p><i>Violence of Mary's reign.</i>—It seems hardly necessary to +mention the momentary usurpation of Lady Jane Grey, founded +on no pretext of title which could be sustained by any argument. +She certainly did not obtain that degree of actual possession +which might have sheltered her adherents under the statute of +Henry VII.; nor did the Duke of Northumberland allege this +excuse on his trial, though he set up one of a more technical +nature, that the great seal was a sufficient protection for acts +done by its authority.<a name="FNanchor_53" id="FNanchor_53" href="#Footnote_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a> The reign that immediately followed is +chiefly remembered as a period of sanguinary persecution; but +though I reserve for the next chapter all mention of ecclesiastical +disputes, some of Mary's proceedings in re-establishing popery +belong to the civil history of our constitution. Impatient, under +the existence, for a moment, of rites and usages which she +abhorred, this bigoted woman anticipated the legal authority +which her parliament was ready to interpose for their abrogation; +the Latin liturgy was restored, the married clergy expelled from +their livings, and even many protestant ministers thrown into +prison for no other crime than their religion, before any change +had been made in the established laws.<a name="FNanchor_54" id="FNanchor_54" href="#Footnote_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a> The queen, in fact, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">44</a></span> +and those around her, acted and felt as a legitimate government +restored after an usurpation, and treated the recent statutes as +null and invalid. But even in matters of temporal government, +the stretches of prerogative were more violent and alarming +than during her brother's reign. It is due indeed to the memory +of one who has left so odious a name, to remark that Mary was +conscientiously averse to encroach upon what she understood to +be the privileges of her people. A wretched book having been +written to exalt her prerogative, on the ridiculous pretence that, +as a queen, she was not bound by the laws of former kings, she +showed it to Gardiner, and on his expressing indignation at the +sophism, threw it herself into the fire. An act passed, however, +to settle such questions, which declares the queen to have all the +lawful prerogatives of the Crown.<a name="FNanchor_55" id="FNanchor_55" href="#Footnote_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a> But she was surrounded by +wicked counsellors, renegades of every faith and ministers of +every tyranny. We must, in candour, attribute to their advice +her arbitrary measures, though not her persecution of heresy, +which she counted for virtue. She is said to have extorted loans +from the citizens of London, and others of her subjects.<a name="FNanchor_56" id="FNanchor_56" href="#Footnote_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a> This, +indeed, was not more than had been usual with her predecessors. +But we find one clear instance during her reign of a duty upon +foreign cloth, imposed without assent of parliament; an encroachment +unprecedented since the reign of Richard II. +Several proofs might be adduced from records of arbitrary +inquests for offences, and illegal modes of punishment. The +torture is, perhaps, more frequently mentioned in her short +reign than in all former ages of our history put together; and +probably from that imitation of foreign governments, which +contributed not a little to deface our constitution in the sixteenth +century, seems deliberately to have been introduced as +part of the process in those dark and uncontrolled tribunals +which investigated offences against the state.<a name="FNanchor_57" id="FNanchor_57" href="#Footnote_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a> A commission +issued in 1557, authorising the persons named in it to enquire, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">45</a></span> +by any means they could devise, into charges of heresy or other +religious offences, and in some instances to punish the guilty, +in others of a graver nature to remit them to their ordinaries, +seems (as Burnet has well observed) to have been meant as a +preliminary step to bringing in the inquisition. It was at least +the germ of the high-commission court in the next reign.<a name="FNanchor_58" id="FNanchor_58" href="#Footnote_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a> One +proclamation, in the last year of her inauspicious administration, +may be deemed a flight of tyranny beyond her father's example; +which, after denouncing the importation of books filled with +heresy and treason from beyond sea, proceeds to declare that +whoever should be found to have such books in his possession +should be reputed and taken for a rebel, and executed according +to martial law.<a name="FNanchor_59" id="FNanchor_59" href="#Footnote_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a> This had been provoked as well by a violent +libel written at Geneva by Goodman, a refugee, exciting the +people to dethrone the queen; as by the recent attempt of one +Stafford, a descendant of the house of Buckingham, who, having +landed with a small force at Scarborough, had vainly hoped +that the general disaffection would enable him to overthrow her +government.<a name="FNanchor_60" id="FNanchor_60" href="#Footnote_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a></p> + +<p><i>The House of Commons recovers part of its independent power +in these two reigns.</i>—Notwithstanding, however, this apparently +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">46</a></span> +uncontrolled career of power, it is certain that the children of +Henry VIII. did not preserve his almost absolute dominion over +parliament. I have only met with one instance in his reign +where the Commons refused to pass a bill recommended by the +Crown. This was in 1532; but so unquestionable were the +legislative rights of parliament, that, although much displeased, +even Henry was forced to yield.<a name="FNanchor_61" id="FNanchor_61" href="#Footnote_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a> We find several instances +during the reign of Edward, and still more in that of Mary, +where the Commons rejected bills sent down from the upper +house; and though there was always a majority of peers for the +government, yet the dissent of no small number is frequently +recorded in the former reign. Thus the Commons not only +threw out a bill creating several new treasons, and substituted +one of a more moderate nature, with that memorable clause for +two witnesses to be produced in open court, which I have +already mentioned;<a name="FNanchor_62" id="FNanchor_62" href="#Footnote_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a> but rejected one attainting Tunstal Bishop +of Durham for misprision of treason, and were hardly brought +to grant a subsidy.<a name="FNanchor_63" id="FNanchor_63" href="#Footnote_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a> Their conduct in the two former instances, +and probably in the third, must be attributed to the indignation +that was generally felt at the usurped power of Northumberland, +and the untimely fate of Somerset. Several cases of similar +unwillingness to go along with court measures occurred under +Mary. She dissolved, in fact, her two first parliaments on this +account. But the third was far from obsequious, and rejected +several of her favourite bills.<a name="FNanchor_64" id="FNanchor_64" href="#Footnote_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a> Two reasons principally contributed +to this opposition; the one, a fear of entailing upon the +country those numerous exactions of which so many generations +had complained, by reviving the papal supremacy, and more +especially of a restoration of abbey lands; the other, an extreme +repugnance to the queen's Spanish connection.<a name="FNanchor_65" id="FNanchor_65" href="#Footnote_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a> If Mary could +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">47</a></span> +have obtained the consent of parliament, she would have settled +the crown on her husband, and sent her sister, perhaps, to the +scaffold.<a name="FNanchor_66" id="FNanchor_66" href="#Footnote_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a></p> + +<p><i>Attempt of the court to strengthen itself by creating new boroughs.</i>—There +cannot be a stronger proof of the increased weight of +the Commons during these reigns, than the anxiety of the court +to obtain favourable elections. Many ancient boroughs undoubtedly +have at no period possessed sufficient importance to +deserve the elective franchise on the score of their riches or +population; and it is most likely that some temporary interest +or partiality, which cannot now be traced, first caused a writ to +be addressed to them. But there is much reason to conclude +that the counsellors of Edward VI., in erecting new boroughs, +acted upon a deliberate plan of strengthening their influence +among the Commons. Twenty-two boroughs were created or +restored in this short reign; some of them, indeed, places of +much consideration, but not less than seven in Cornwall, and +several others that appear to have been insignificant. Mary +added fourteen to the number; and as the same course was +pursued under Elizabeth, we in fact owe a great part of that +irregularity in our popular representation, the advantages or +evils of which we need not here discuss, less to changes wrought +by time, than to deliberate and not very constitutional policy. +Nor did the government scruple a direct and avowed interference +with elections. A circular letter of Edward to all the +sheriffs commands them to give notice to the freeholders, +citizens, and burgesses within their respective counties, "that +our pleasure and commandment is, that they shall choose and +appoint, as nigh as they possibly may, men of knowledge and +experience within the counties, cities, and boroughs;" but +nevertheless, that where the privy council should "recommend +men of learning and wisdom, in such case their directions be +regarded and followed." Several persons accordingly were +recommended by letters to the sheriffs, and elected as knights for +different shires; all of whom belonged to the court, or were in +places of trust about the king.<a name="FNanchor_67" id="FNanchor_67" href="#Footnote_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a> It appears probable that persons +in office formed at all times a very considerable portion of +the House of Commons. Another circular of Mary before the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">48</a></span> +parliament of 1554, directing the sheriffs to admonish the electors +to choose good catholics and "inhabitants, as the old laws +require," is much less unconstitutional; but the Earl of Sussex, +one of her most active counsellors, wrote to the gentlemen of +Norfolk, and to the burgesses of Yarmouth, requesting them to +reserve their voices for the person he should name.<a name="FNanchor_68" id="FNanchor_68" href="#Footnote_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a> There is +reason to believe that the court, or rather the imperial ambassador, +did homage to the power of the Commons, by presents of +money, in order to procure their support of the unpopular +marriage with Philip;<a name="FNanchor_69" id="FNanchor_69" href="#Footnote_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a> and if Noailles, the ambassador of +Henry II., did not make use of the same means to thwart the +grants of subsidy and other measures of the administration, he +was at least very active in promising the succour of France, +and animating the patriotism of those unknown leaders of that +assembly, who withstood the design of a besotted woman and +her unprincipled counsellors to transfer this kingdom under the +yoke of Spain.<a name="FNanchor_70" id="FNanchor_70" href="#Footnote_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a></p> + +<p><i>Causes of the high prerogative of the Tudors.</i>—It appears to be +a very natural enquiry, after beholding the course of administration +under the Tudor line, by what means a government so +violent in itself, and so plainly inconsistent with the acknowledged +laws, could be maintained; and what had become of that +English spirit which had not only controlled such injudicious +princes as John and Richard II., but withstood the first and +third Edward in the fulness of their pride and glory. Not, +indeed, that the excesses of prerogative had ever been thoroughly +restrained, or that, if the memorials of earlier ages had been as +carefully preserved as those of the sixteenth century, we might +not possibly find in them equally flagrant instances of oppression; +but still the petitions of parliament and frequent statutes remain +on record, bearing witness to our constitutional law and to the +energy that gave it birth. There had evidently been a retrograde +tendency towards absolute monarchy between the reigns of +Henry VI. and Henry VIII. Nor could this be attributed to +the common engine of despotism, a military force. For, except +the yeomen of the guard, fifty in number, and the common +servants of the king's household, there was not, in time of peace, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">49</a></span> +an armed man receiving pay throughout England.<a name="FNanchor_71" id="FNanchor_71" href="#Footnote_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a> A government +that ruled by intimidation was absolutely destitute of +force to intimidate. Hence risings of the mere commonalty +were sometimes highly dangerous, and lasted much longer than +ordinary. A rabble of Cornishmen, in the reign of Henry VII., +headed by a blacksmith, marched up from their own county to +the suburbs of London without resistance. The insurrections +of 1525 in consequence of Wolsey's illegal taxation, those of the +north ten years afterwards, wherein, indeed, some men of higher +quality were engaged, and those which broke out simultaneously +in several counties under Edward VI., excited a well-grounded +alarm in the country; and in the two latter instances were not +quelled without much time and exertion. The reproach of +servility and patient acquiescence under usurped power falls not +on the English people, but on its natural leaders. We have seen, +indeed, that the House of Commons now and then gave signs of +an independent spirit, and occasioned more trouble, even to +Henry VIII., than his compliant nobility. They yielded to +every mandate of his imperious will; they bent with every +breath of his capricious humour; they are responsible for the +illegal trial, for the iniquitous attainder, for the sanguinary +statute, for the tyranny which they sanctioned by law, and for +that which they permitted to subsist without law. Nor was this +selfish and pusillanimous subserviency more characteristic of the +minions of Henry's favour, the Cromwells, the Riches, the +Pagets, the Russells, and the Powletts, than of the representatives +of ancient and honourable houses, the Norfolks, the +Arundels, and the Shrewsburies. We trace the noble statesmen +of those reigns concurring in all the inconsistencies of their +revolutions, supporting all the religions of Henry, Edward, +Mary, and Elizabeth; adjudging the death of Somerset to gratify +Northumberland, and of Northumberland to redeem their participation +in his fault, setting up the usurpation of Lady Jane, +and abandoning her on the first doubt of success, constant only +in the rapacious acquisition of estates and honours from whatever +source, and in adherence to the present power.</p> + +<p><i>Jurisdiction of the council of star-chamber.</i>—I have noticed in +a former work that illegal and arbitrary jurisdiction exercised +by the council, which, in despite of several positive statutes, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">50</a></span> +continued in a greater or less degree through all the period of +the Plantagenet family, to deprive the subject, in many criminal +charges, of that sacred privilege, trial by his peers.<a name="FNanchor_72" id="FNanchor_72" href="#Footnote_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a> This +usurped jurisdiction, carried much farther and exercised more +vigorously, was the principal grievance under the Tudors; and +the forced submission of our forefathers was chiefly owing to +the terrors of a tribunal, which left them secure from no infliction +but public execution, or actual dispossession of their freeholds. +And, though it was beyond its direct province to pass +sentence on capital charges; yet, by intimidating jurors, it +procured convictions which it was not authorised to pronounce. +We are naturally astonished at the easiness with which verdicts +were sometimes given against persons accused of treason on +evidence insufficient to support the charge in point of law, or +in its nature not competent to be received, or unworthy of +belief. But this is explained by the peril that hung over the +jury in case of acquittal. "If," says Sir Thomas Smith, in his +<i>Treatise on the Commonwealth of England</i>, "they do pronounce +not guilty upon the prisoner, against whom manifest witness +is brought in, the prisoner escapeth, but the twelve are not only +rebuked by the judges, but also threatened of punishment, and +many times commanded to appear in the star-chamber, or before +the privy council, for the matter. But this threatening chanceth +oftener than the execution thereof; and the twelve answer +with most gentle words, they did it according to their consciences, +and pray the judges to be good unto them; they did +as they thought right, and as they accorded all; and so it +passeth away for the most part. Yet I have seen in my time, +but not in the reign of the king now [Elizabeth], that an inquest +for pronouncing one not guilty of treason contrary to such +evidence as was brought in, were not only imprisoned for a +space, but a large fine set upon their heads, which they were +fain to pay; another inquest for acquitting another, beside +paying a fine, were put to open ignominy and shame. But +these doings were even then accounted of many for violent, +tyrannical, and contrary to the liberty and custom of the realm +of England."<a name="FNanchor_73" id="FNanchor_73" href="#Footnote_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a> One of the instances to which he alludes was +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">51</a></span> +probably that of the jury who acquitted Sir Nicholas Throckmorton +in the second year of Mary. He had conducted his +own defence with singular boldness and dexterity. On delivering +their verdict, the court committed them to prison. Four, +having acknowledged their offence, were soon released; but the +rest, attempting to justify themselves before the council, were +sentenced to pay, some a fine of two thousand pounds, some of +one thousand marks; a part of which seems ultimately to have +been remitted.<a name="FNanchor_74" id="FNanchor_74" href="#Footnote_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a></p> + +<p>It is here to be observed that the council of which we have +just heard, or, as Lord Hale denominates it (though rather, I +believe, for the sake of distinction than upon any ancient +authority), the king's ordinary council, was something different +from the privy council, with which several modern writers are +apt to confound it; that is, the court of jurisdiction is to be +distinguished from the deliberative body, the advisers of the +Crown. Every privy councillor belonged to the concilium +ordinarium; but the chief justices, and perhaps several others +who sat in the latter (not to mention all temporal and spiritual +peers, who, in the opinion at least of some, had a right of suffrage +therein), were not necessarily of the former body.<a name="FNanchor_75" id="FNanchor_75" href="#Footnote_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a> This cannot +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">52</a></span> +be called in question, without either charging Lord Coke, Lord +Hale, and other writers on the subject, with ignorance of what +existed in their own age, or gratuitously supposing that an +entirely novel tribunal sprung up in the sixteenth century under +the name of the star-chamber. It has indeed been often +assumed that a statute enacted early in the reign of Henry VII. +gave the first legal authority to the criminal jurisdiction exercised +by that famous court, which in reality was nothing else +but another name for the ancient concilium regis, of which our +records are full, and whose encroachments so many statutes +had endeavoured to repress; a name derived from the chamber +wherein it sat, and which is found in many precedents before +the time of Henry VII., though not so specially applied to the +council of judicature as afterwards.<a name="FNanchor_76" id="FNanchor_76" href="#Footnote_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a> The statute of this reign +has a much more limited operation. I have observed in another +place, that the coercive jurisdiction of the council had great +convenience, in cases where the ordinary course of justice was +so much obstructed by one party, through writs, combinations +of maintenance, or overawing influence, that no inferior court +would find its process obeyed; and that such seem to have been +reckoned necessary exceptions from the statutes which restrain +its interference. The act of 3 H. 7, c. 1 appears intended to +place on a lawful and permanent basis the jurisdiction of the +council, or rather a part of the council, over this peculiar class +of offences; and after reciting the combinations supported by +giving liveries, and by indentures or promises, the partiality of +sheriffs in making pannels, and in untrue returns, the taking +of money by juries, the great riots and unlawful assemblies, +which almost annihilated the fair administration of justice, +empowers the chancellor, treasurer, and keeper of the privy +seal, or any two of them, with a bishop and temporal lord of +the council, and the chief justices of king's bench and common +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">53</a></span> +pleas, or two other justices in their absence, to call before them +such as offended in the before-mentioned respects, and to punish +them after examination in such manner as if they had been +convicted by course of law. But this statute, if it renders legal +a jurisdiction which had long been exercised with much advantage, +must be allowed to limit the persons in whom it should +reside, and certainly does not convey by any implication more +extensive functions over a different description of misdemeanours. +By a later act, 21 H. 8, c. 20, the president of the council is +added to the judges of this court; a decisive proof that it still +existed as a tribunal perfectly distinct from the council itself. +But it is not styled by the name of star-chamber in this, any +more than in the preceding statute. It is very difficult, I +believe, to determine at what time the jurisdiction legally vested +in this new court, and still exercised by it forty years afterwards, +fell silently into the hands of the body of the council, +and was extended by them so far beyond the boundaries assigned +by law, under the appellation of the court of star-chamber. +Sir Thomas Smith, writing in the early part of Elizabeth's +reign, while he does not advert to the former court, speaks of +the jurisdiction of the latter as fully established, and ascribes +the whole praise (and to a certain degree it was matter of +praise) to Cardinal Wolsey.</p> + +<p>The celebrated statute of 31 H. 8, c. 8, which gives the +king's proclamations, to a certain extent, the force of acts of +parliament, enacts that offenders convicted of breaking such +proclamations before certain persons enumerated therein (being +apparently the usual officers of the privy council, together with +some bishops and judges), "in the star-chamber or elsewhere," +shall suffer such penalties of fine and imprisonment as they shall +adjudge. "It is the effect of this court," Smith says, "to +bridle such stout noblemen or gentlemen which would offer +wrong by force to any manner of men, and cannot be content +to demand or defend the right by order of the law. It began +long before, but took augmentation and authority at that time +that Cardinal Wolsey, Archbishop of York, was chancellor of +England, who of some was thought to have first devised that +court, because that he, after some intermission, by negligence +of time, augmented the authority of it,<a name="FNanchor_77" id="FNanchor_77" href="#Footnote_77" class="fnanchor">[77]</a> which was at that time +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">54</a></span> +marvellous necessary to do to repress the insolency of the +noblemen and gentlemen in the north parts of England, who +being far from the king and the seat of justice, made almost, +as it were, an ordinary war among themselves, and made their +force their law, binding themselves, with their tenants and +servants, to do or revenge an injury one against another as they +listed. This thing seemed not supportable to the noble prince +Henry VIII.; and sending for them one after another to his +court, to answer before the persons before named, after they +had remonstrance showed them of their evil demeanour, and +been well disciplined, as well by words as by <i>fleeting</i> [confinement +in the Fleet prison] a while, and thereby their pride and +courage somewhat assuaged, they began to range themselves +in order, and to understand that they had a prince who would +rule his subjects by his law and obedience. Since that time, +this court has been in more estimation, and is continued to +this day in manner as I have said before."<a name="FNanchor_78" id="FNanchor_78" href="#Footnote_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a> But as the court +erected by the statute of Henry VII. appears to have been in +activity as late as the fall of Cardinal Wolsey, and exercised its +jurisdiction over precisely that class of offences which Smith +here describes, it may perhaps be more likely that it did not +wholly merge in the general body of the council till the minority +of Edward, when that oligarchy became almost independent +and supreme. It is obvious that most, if not all, of the judges +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">55</a></span> +in the court held under that statute were members of the +council; so that it might in a certain sense be considered as a +committee from that body, who had long before been wont to +interfere with the punishment of similar misdemeanours. And +the distinction was so soon forgotten, that the judges of the +king's bench in the 13th of Elizabeth cite a case from the year-book +of 8 H. 7 as "concerning the star-chamber," which related +to the limited court erected by the statute.<a name="FNanchor_79" id="FNanchor_79" href="#Footnote_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a></p> + +<p>In this half-barbarous state of manners we certainly discover +an apology, as well as motive, for the council's interference; +for it is rather a servile worshipping of names than a rational +love of liberty, to prefer the forms of trial to the attainment of +justice, or to fancy that verdicts obtained by violence or corruption +are at all less iniquitous than the violent or corrupt sentences +of a court. But there were many cases wherein neither +the necessity of circumstances, nor the legal sanction of any +statute, could excuse the jurisdiction habitually exercised by +the court of star-chamber. Lord Bacon takes occasion from +the act of Henry VII. to descant on the sage and noble institution, +as he terms it, of that court, whose walls had been so often +witnesses to the degradation of his own mind. It took cognisance +principally, he tells us, of four kinds of causes, "forces, +frauds, crimes various of stellionate, and the inchoations or +middle acts towards crimes capital or heinous, not actually +committed or perpetrated."<a name="FNanchor_80" id="FNanchor_80" href="#Footnote_80" class="fnanchor">[80]</a> Sir Thomas Smith uses expressions +less indefinite than these last; and specifies scandalous +reports of persons in power, and seditious news, as offences +which they were accustomed to punish. We shall find abundant +proofs of this department of their functions in the succeeding +reigns. But this was in violation of many ancient laws, and +not in the least supported by that of Henry VII.<a name="FNanchor_81" id="FNanchor_81" href="#Footnote_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">56</a></span></p> + +<p><i>Influence of the authority of the star-chamber in enhancing the +royal power.</i>—A tribunal so vigilant and severe as that of the +star-chamber, proceeding by modes of interrogatory unknown +to the common law, and possessing a discretionary power of +fine and imprisonment, was easily able to quell any private +opposition or contumacy. We have seen how the council dealt +with those who refused to lend money by way of benevolence, +and with the juries who found verdicts that they disapproved. +Those that did not yield obedience to their proclamations were +not likely to fare better. I know not whether menaces were +used towards members of the Commons who took part against +the Crown; but it would not be unreasonable to believe it, or +at least that a man of moderate courage would scarcely care +to expose himself to the resentment which the council might +indulge after a dissolution. A knight was sent to the Tower +by Mary, for his conduct in parliament;<a name="FNanchor_82" id="FNanchor_82" href="#Footnote_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a> and Henry VIII. is +reported, not perhaps on very certain authority, to have talked +of cutting off the heads of refractory commoners.</p> + +<p>In the persevering struggles of earlier parliaments against +Edward III., Richard II., and Henry IV., it is a very probable +conjecture, that many considerable peers acted in union with, +and encouraged the efforts of, the Commons. But in the period +now before us, the nobility were precisely the class most deficient +in that constitutional spirit, which was far from being extinct +in those below them. They knew what havoc had been made +among their fathers, by multiplied attainders during the rivalry +of the two Roses. They had seen terrible examples of the danger +of giving umbrage to a jealous court, in the fate of Lord Stanley +and the Duke of Buckingham, both condemned on slight evidence +of treacherous friends and servants, from whom no man +could be secure. Though rigour and cruelty tend frequently +to overturn the government of feeble princes, it is unfortunately +too true that, steadily employed and combined with vigilance +and courage, they are often the safest policy of despotism. A +single suspicion in the dark bosom of Henry VII., a single cloud +of wayward humour in his son, would have been sufficient to +send the proudest peer of England to the dungeon and the +scaffold. Thus a life of eminent services in the field, and of +unceasing compliance in council, could not rescue the Duke of +Norfolk from the effects of a dislike which we cannot even +explain. Nor were the nobles of this age more held in subjection +by terror than by the still baser influence of gain. Our +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">57</a></span> +law of forfeiture was well devised to stimulate, as well as to +deter; and Henry VIII., better pleased to slaughter the prey +than to gorge himself with the carcass, distributed the spoils it +brought him among those who had helped in the chase. The +dissolution of monasteries opened a more abundant source of +munificence; every courtier, every peer, looked for an increase +of wealth from grants of ecclesiastical estates, and naturally +thought that the king's favour would most readily be gained +by an implicit conformity to his will. Nothing however seems +more to have sustained the arbitrary rule of Henry VIII. than +the jealousy of the two religious parties formed in his time, and +who, for all the latter years of his life, were maintaining a +doubtful and emulous contest for his favour. But this religious +contest, and the ultimate establishment of the Reformation, are +events far too important, even in a constitutional history, to +be treated in a cursory manner; and as, in order to avoid transitions, +I have purposely kept them out of sight in the present +chapter, they will form the proper subject of the next.</p> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">58</a></span></p> + +<h3 class="p6">CHAPTER II</h3> + +<p class="center">ON THE ENGLISH CHURCH UNDER HENRY VIII., EDWARD VI., +AND MARY</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Reformation.</span> <i>State of public opinion as to religion.</i>—No +revolution has ever been more gradually prepared than that +which separated almost one-half of Europe from the communion +of the Roman see; nor were Luther and Zuingle any more than +occasional instruments of that change which, had they never +existed, would at no great distance of time have been effected +under the names of some other reformers. At the beginning of +the sixteenth century, the learned doubtfully and with caution, +the ignorant with zeal and eagerness, were tending to depart +from the faith and rites which authority prescribed. But probably +not even Germany was so far advanced on this course as +England. Almost a hundred and fifty years before Luther, +nearly the same doctrines as he taught had been maintained by +Wicliffe, whose disciples, usually called Lollards, lasted as a +numerous, though obscure and proscribed sect, till, aided by +the confluence of foreign streams, they swelled into the protestant +church of England. We hear indeed little of them during +some part of the fifteenth century; for they generally shunned +persecution; and it is chiefly through records of persecution +that we learn the existence of heretics. But immediately +before the name of Luther was known, they seem to have +become more numerous, or to have attracted more attention; +since several persons were burned for heresy, and others abjured +their errors, in the first years of Henry VIII.'s reign. Some of +these (as usual among ignorant men engaging in religious speculations) +are charged with very absurd notions; but it is not so +material to observe their particular tenets as the general fact, +that an inquisitive and sectarian spirit had begun to prevail.</p> + +<p>Those who took little interest in theological questions, or +who retained an attachment to the faith in which they had been +educated, were in general not less offended than the Lollards +themselves with the inordinate opulence and encroaching temper +of the clergy. It had been for two or three centuries the policy +of our lawyers to restrain these within some bounds. No +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">59</a></span> +ecclesiastical privilege had occasioned such dispute, or proved +so mischievous, as the immunity of all tonsured persons from +civil punishment for crimes. It was a material improvement in +the law under Henry VI. that, instead of being instantly claimed +by the bishop on their arrest for any criminal charge, they were +compelled to plead their privilege at their arraignment, or after +conviction. Henry VII. carried this much farther, by enacting +that clerks convicted of felony should be burned in the hand. +And in 1513 (4 H. 8), the benefit of clergy was entirely taken +away from murderers and highway robbers. An exemption +was still made for priests, deacons, and subdeacons. But this +was not sufficient to satisfy the church, who had been accustomed +to shield under the mantle of her immunity a vast number of +persons in the lower degrees of orders, or without any orders at +all; and had owed no small part of her influence to those who +derived so important a benefit from her protection. Hence, +besides violent language in preaching against this statute, the +convocation attacked one Doctor Standish, who had denied the +divine right of clerks to their exemption from temporal jurisdiction. +The temporal courts naturally defended Standish; +and the parliament addressed the king to support him against +the malice of his persecutors. Henry, after a full debate between +the opposite parties in his presence, thought his prerogative +concerned in taking the same side; and the clergy sustained a +mortifying defeat. About the same time, a citizen of London +named Hun, having been confined on a charge of heresy in the +bishop's prison, was found hanged in his chamber; and though +this was asserted to be his own act, yet the bishop's chancellor +was indicted for the murder on such vehement presumptions, +that he would infallibly have been convicted, had the attorney-general +thought fit to proceed in the trial. This occurring at +the same time with the affair of Standish, furnished each party +with an argument; for the clergy maintained that they should +have no chance of justice in a temporal court; one of the +bishops declaring, that the London juries were so prejudiced +against the church, that they would find Abel guilty of the +murder of Cain. Such an admission is of more consequence +than whether Hun died by his own hands, or those of a clergyman; +and the story is chiefly worth remembering, as it illustrates +the popular disposition towards those who had once been +the objects of reverence.<a name="FNanchor_83" id="FNanchor_83" href="#Footnote_83" class="fnanchor">[83]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">60</a></span></p> + +<p><i>Henry VIII.'s controversy with Luther.</i>—Such was the temper +of England when Martin Luther threw down his gauntlet of +defiance against the ancient hierarchy of the catholic church. +But, ripe as a great portion of the people might be to applaud +the efforts of this reformer, they were viewed with no approbation +by their sovereign. Henry had acquired a fair portion of +theological learning, and on reading one of Luther's treatises, +was not only shocked at its tenets, but undertook to confute +them in a formal answer.<a name="FNanchor_84" id="FNanchor_84" href="#Footnote_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a> Kings who divest themselves of their +robes to mingle among polemical writers, have not perhaps a +claim to much deference from strangers; and Luther, intoxicated +with arrogance, and deeming himself a more prominent individual +among the human species than any monarch, treated Henry, in +replying to his book, with the rudeness that characterised his +temper. A few years afterwards, indeed, he thought proper to +write a letter of apology for the language he had held towards +the king; but this letter, a strange medley of abjectness and +impertinence, excited only contempt in Henry, and was published +by him with a severe commentary.<a name="FNanchor_85" id="FNanchor_85" href="#Footnote_85" class="fnanchor">[85]</a> Whatever apprehension +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">61</a></span> +therefore for the future might be grounded on the +humour of the nation, no king in Europe appeared so steadfast +in his allegiance to Rome as Henry VIII. at the moment when +a storm sprang up that broke the chain for ever.</p> + +<p><i>His divorce from Catherine.</i>—It is certain that Henry's marriage +with his brother's widow was unsupported by any precedent +and that, although the pope's dispensation might pass for a cure +of all defects, it had been originally considered by many persons +in a very different light from those unions which are merely +prohibited by the canons. He himself, on coming to the age of +fourteen, entered a protest against the marriage which had been +celebrated more than two years before, and declared his intention +not to confirm it; an act which must naturally be ascribed to +his father.<a name="FNanchor_86" id="FNanchor_86" href="#Footnote_86" class="fnanchor">[86]</a> It is true that in this very instrument we find no +mention of the impediment on the score of affinity; yet it is +hard to suggest any other objection, and possibly a common +form had been adopted in drawing up the protest. He did not +cohabit with Catherine during his father's lifetime. Upon his +own accession, he was remarried to her; and it does not appear +manifest at what time his scruples began, nor whether they +preceded his passion for Anne Boleyn.<a name="FNanchor_87" id="FNanchor_87" href="#Footnote_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a> This, however, seems +the more probable supposition; yet there can be little doubt, +that weariness of Catherine's person, a woman considerably +older than himself and unlikely to bear more children, had a +far greater effect on his conscience than the study of Thomas +Aquinas or any other theologian. It by no means follows from +hence that, according to the casuistry of the catholic church +and the principles of the canon law, the merits of that famous +process were so much against Henry, as out of dislike to him +and pity for his queen we are apt to imagine, and as the writers +of that persuasion have subsequently assumed.</p> + +<p>It would be unnecessary to repeat, what is told by so many +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">62</a></span> +historians, the vacillating and evasive behaviour of Clement VII., +the assurances he gave the king, and the arts with which he +receded from them, the unfinished trial in England before his +delegates, Campegio and Wolsey, the opinions obtained from +foreign universities in the king's favour, not always without a +little bribery,<a name="FNanchor_88" id="FNanchor_88" href="#Footnote_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a> and those of the same import at home, not given +without a little intimidation, or the tedious continuance of the +process after its adjournment to Rome. More than five years +had elapsed from the first application to the pope, before Henry, +though by nature the most uncontrollable of mankind, though +irritated by perpetual chicanery and breach of promise, though +stimulated by impatient love, presumed to set at nought the +jurisdiction to which he had submitted, by a marriage with +Anne. Even this was a furtive step; and it was not till compelled +by the consequences that he avowed her as his wife, and +was finally divorced from Catherine by a sentence of nullity, +which would more decently, no doubt, have preceded his second +marriage.<a name="FNanchor_89" id="FNanchor_89" href="#Footnote_89" class="fnanchor">[89]</a> But, determined as his mind had become, it was +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">63</a></span> +plainly impossible for Clement to have conciliated him by anything +short of a decision, which he could not utter without the +loss of the emperor's favour and the ruin of his own family's +interests in Italy. And even for less selfish reasons, it was an +extremely embarrassing measure for the pope, in the critical +circumstances of that age, to set aside a dispensation granted +by his predecessor; knowing that, however erroneous allegations +of fact contained therein might serve for an outward pretext, +yet the principle on which the divorce was commonly supported +in Europe, went generally to restrain the dispensing power of +the holy see. Hence it may seem very doubtful whether the +treaty which was afterwards partially renewed through the +mediation of Francis I., during his interview with the pope at +Nice about the end of 1533, would have led to a restoration of +amity through the only possible means; when we consider the +weight of the imperial party in the conclave, the discredit that +so notorious a submission would have thrown on the church, +and, above all, the precarious condition of the Medici at +Florence in case of a rupture with Charles V. It was more +probably the aim of Clement to delude Henry once more by his +promises; but this was prevented by the more violent measure +into which the cardinals forced him, of a definitive sentence in +favour of Catherine, whom the king was required under pain of +excommunication to take back as his wife. This sentence of the +23rd of March 1534, proved a declaration of interminable war; +and the king, who, in consequence of the hopes held out to him +by Francis, had already despatched an envoy to Rome with his +submission to what the pope should decide, now resolved to +break off all intercourse for ever, and trust to his own prerogative +and power over his subjects for securing the succession to +the crown in the line which he designed. It was doubtless a +regard to this consideration that put him upon his last overtures +for an amicable settlement with the court of Rome.<a name="FNanchor_90" id="FNanchor_90" href="#Footnote_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">64</a></span></p> + +<p>But long before this final cessation of intercourse with that +court, Henry had entered upon a course of measures which +would have opposed fresh obstacles to a renewal of the connection. +He had found a great part of his subjects in a disposition +to go beyond all he could wish in sustaining his quarrel, not, in +this instance, from mere terror, but because a jealousy of +ecclesiastical power, and of the Roman court, had long been a +sort of national sentiment in England. The pope's avocation +of the process to Rome, by which his duplicity and alienation +from the king's side was made evident, and the disgrace of +Wolsey, took place in the summer of 1529. The parliament +which met soon afterwards was continued through several +sessions (an unusual circumstance), till it completed the separation +of this kingdom from the supremacy of Rome. In the +progress of ecclesiastical usurpation, the papal and episcopal +powers had lent mutual support to each other; both consequently +were involved in the same odium, and had become the +object of restrictions in a similar spirit. Warm attacks were +made on the clergy by speeches in the Commons, which Bishop +Fisher severely reprehended in the upper house. This provoked +the Commons to send a complaint to the king by their speaker, +demanding reparation; and Fisher explained away the words +that had given offence. An act passed to limit the fees on +probates of wills, a mode of ecclesiastical extortion much complained +of, and upon mortuaries.<a name="FNanchor_91" id="FNanchor_91" href="#Footnote_91" class="fnanchor">[91]</a> The next proceeding was +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">65</a></span> +of a far more serious nature. It was pretended, that Wolsey's +exercise of authority as papal legate contravened a statute of +Richard II., and that both himself and the whole body of the +clergy, by their submission to him, had incurred the penalties +of a præmunire, that is, the forfeiture of their movable estate, +besides imprisonment at discretion. These old statutes in +restraint of the papal jurisdiction had been so little regarded, +and so many legates had acted in England without objection, +that Henry's prosecution of the church on this occasion was +extremely harsh and unfair. The clergy, however, now felt +themselves to be the weaker party. In convocation they +implored the king's clemency, and obtained it by paying a large +sum of money. In their petition he was styled the protector +and supreme head of the church and clergy of England. Many +of that body were staggered at the unexpected introduction of +a title that seemed to strike at the supremacy they had always +acknowledged in the Roman see. And in the end it passed +only with a very suspicious qualification, "so far as is permitted +by the law of Christ." Henry had previously given the pope +several intimations that he could proceed in his divorce without +him. For, besides a strong remonstrance by letter from the +temporal peers as well as bishops against the procrastination of +sentence in so just a suit, the opinions of English and foreign +universities had been laid before both houses of parliament and +of convocation, and the divorce approved without difficulty in +the former, and by a great majority in the latter. These proceedings +took place in the first months of 1531, while the king's +ambassadors at Rome were still pressing for a favourable +sentence, though with diminished hopes. Next year the annates, +or first fruits of benefices, a constant source of discord between +the nations of Europe, and their spiritual chief, were taken away +by act of parliament, but with a remarkable condition, that if +the pope would either abolish the payment of annates, or reduce +them to a moderate burthen, the king might declare before +next session, by letters patent, whether this act, or any part +of it, should be observed. It was accordingly confirmed by +letters patent more than a year after it received the royal +assent.</p> + +<p>It is difficult for us to determine whether the pope, by conceding +to Henry the great object of his solicitude, could in this +stage have not only arrested the progress of the schism, but +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">66</a></span> +recovered his former ascendency over the English church and +kingdom. But probably he could not have done so in its full +extent. Sir Thomas More, who had rather complied than concurred +with the proceedings for a divorce, though his acceptance +of the great seal on Wolsey's disgrace would have been +inconsistent with his character, had he been altogether opposed +in conscience to the king's measures, now thought it necessary +to resign, when the papal authority was steadily, though +gradually, assailed.<a name="FNanchor_92" id="FNanchor_92" href="#Footnote_92" class="fnanchor">[92]</a> In the next session an act was passed +to take away all appeals to Rome from ecclesiastical courts; +which annihilated at one stroke the jurisdiction built on long +usage and on the authority of the false decretals. This law +rendered the king's second marriage, which had preceded it, +secure from being annulled by the papal court. Henry, however, +still advanced, very cautiously, and on the death of +Warham, Archbishop of Canterbury, not long before this time, +applied to Rome for the usual bulls in behalf of Cranmer, whom +he nominated to the vacant see. These were the last bulls +obtained, and probably the last instance of any exercise of the +papal supremacy in this reign. An act followed in the next +session, that bishops elected by their chapter on a royal recommendation, +should be consecrated, and archbishops receive the +pall, without suing for the pope's bulls. All dispensations and +licences hitherto granted by that court were set aside by another +statute, and the power of issuing them in lawful cases transferred +to the Archbishop of Canterbury. The king is in this act recited +to be the supreme head of the church of England, as the clergy +had two years before acknowledged in convocation. But this +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">67</a></span> +title was not formally declared by parliament to appertain to +the Crown till the ensuing session of parliament.<a name="FNanchor_93" id="FNanchor_93" href="#Footnote_93" class="fnanchor">[93]</a></p> + +<p><i>Separation from the Church of Rome.</i>—By these means was the +church of England altogether emancipated from the superiority +of that of Rome. For as to the pope's merely spiritual primacy +and authority in matters of faith, which are, or at least were, +defended by catholics of the Gallican or Cisalpine school on +quite different grounds from his jurisdiction or his legislatorial +power in points of discipline, they seem to have attracted little +peculiar attention at the time, and to have dropped off as a +dead branch, when the axe had lopped the fibres that gave it +nourishment. Like other momentous revolutions, this divided +the judgment and feelings of the nation. In the previous affair +of Catherine's divorce, generous minds were more influenced by +the rigour and indignity of her treatment than by the king's +inclinations, or the venal opinions of foreign doctors in law. +Bellay, Bishop of Bayonne, the French ambassador at London, +wrote home in 1528, that a revolt was apprehended from the +general unpopularity of the divorce.<a name="FNanchor_94" id="FNanchor_94" href="#Footnote_94" class="fnanchor">[94]</a> Much difficulty was +found in procuring the judgments of Oxford and Cambridge +against the marriage; which was effected in the former case, +as is said, by excluding the masters of arts, the younger and +less worldly part of the university, from their right of suffrage. +Even so late as 1532, in the pliant House of Commons, a member +had the boldness to move an address to the king, that he would +take back his wife. And this temper of the people seems to +have been the great inducement with Henry to postpone any +sentence by a domestic jurisdiction, so long as a chance of the +pope's sanction remained.</p> + +<p>The aversion entertained by a large part of the community, +and especially of the clerical order, towards the divorce, was +not perhaps so generally founded upon motives of justice and +compassion, as on the obvious tendency which its prosecution +latterly manifested to bring about a separation from Rome. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">68</a></span> +Though the principal Lutherans of Germany were far less favourably +disposed to the king in their opinions on this subject than +the catholic theologians, holding that the prohibition of marrying +a brother's widow in the Levitical law was not binding on +Christians, or at least that the marriage ought not to be annulled +after so many years' continuance;<a name="FNanchor_95" id="FNanchor_95" href="#Footnote_95" class="fnanchor">[95]</a> yet in England the interests +of Anne Boleyn and of the Reformation were considered as the +same. She was herself strongly suspected of an inclination to +the new tenets; and her friend Cranmer had been the most +active person both in promoting the divorce, and the recognition +of the king's supremacy. The latter was, as I imagine, by +no means unacceptable to the nobility and gentry, who saw in +it the only effectual method of cutting off the papal exactions +that had so long impoverished the realm; nor yet to the citizens +of London, and other large towns, who, with the same dislike +of the Roman court, had begun to acquire some taste for the +protestant doctrine. But the common people, especially in +remote counties, had been used to an implicit reverence for the +holy see, and had suffered comparatively little by its impositions. +They looked up also to their own teachers as guides in +faith; and the main body of the clergy was certainly very +reluctant to tear themselves, at the pleasure of a disappointed +monarch, in the most dangerous crisis of religion, from the +bosom of catholic unity.<a name="FNanchor_96" id="FNanchor_96" href="#Footnote_96" class="fnanchor">[96]</a> They complied indeed with all the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">69</a></span> +measures of government far more than men of rigid conscience +could have endured to do; but many who wanted the courage +of More and Fisher, were not far removed from their way of +thinking.<a name="FNanchor_97" id="FNanchor_97" href="#Footnote_97" class="fnanchor">[97]</a> This repugnance to so great an alteration showed +itself, above all, in the monastic orders, some of whom by +wealth, hospitality, and long-established dignity, others by +activity in preaching and confessing, enjoyed a very considerable +influence over the poorer class. But they had to deal with +a sovereign, whose policy as well as temper dictated that he had +no safety but in advancing; and their disaffection to his government, +while it overwhelmed them in ruin, produced a second +grand innovation in the ecclesiastical polity of England.</p> + +<p><i>Dissolution of monasteries.</i>—The enormous, and in a great +measure ill-gotten, opulence of the regular clergy had long +since excited jealousy in every part of Europe. Though the +statutes of mortmain under Edward I. and Edward III. had +put some obstacle to its increase, yet as these were eluded by +licences of alienation, a larger proportion of landed wealth was +constantly accumulating, in hands which lost nothing that +they had grasped.<a name="FNanchor_98" id="FNanchor_98" href="#Footnote_98" class="fnanchor">[98]</a> A writer much inclined to partiality +towards the monasteries says that they held not one-fifth part +of the kingdom; no insignificant patrimony! He adds, what +may probably be true, that through granting easy leases, they +did not enjoy more than one-tenth in value.<a name="FNanchor_99" id="FNanchor_99" href="#Footnote_99" class="fnanchor">[99]</a> These vast +possessions were very unequally distributed among four or five +hundred monasteries. Some abbots, as those of Reading, +Glastonbury, and Battle, lived in princely splendour, and were +in every sense the spiritual peers and magnates of the realm. +In other foundations, the revenues did little more than afford a +subsistence for the monks, and defray the needful expenses. +As they were in general exempted from episcopal visitation, +and intrusted with the care of their own discipline, such +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">70</a></span> +abuses had gradually prevailed and gained strength by connivance, +as we may naturally expect in corporate bodies of men +leading almost of necessity useless and indolent lives, and in +whom very indistinct views of moral obligations were combined +with a great facility of violating them. The vices that for many +ages had been supposed to haunt the monasteries, had certainly +not left their precincts in that of Henry VIII. Wolsey, as papal +legate, at the instigation of Fox, Bishop of Hereford, a favourer +of the Reformation, commenced a visitation of the professed as +well as secular clergy in 1523, in consequence of the general +complaint against their manners.<a name="FNanchor_100" id="FNanchor_100" href="#Footnote_100" class="fnanchor">[100]</a> This great minister, though +not perhaps very rigid as to the morality of the church, was +the first who set an example of reforming monastic foundations +in the most efficacious manner, by converting their revenues to +different purposes. Full of anxious zeal for promoting education, +the noblest part of his character, he obtained bulls from +Rome suppressing many convents (among which was that of +St. Frideswide at Oxford), in order to erect and endow a new +college in that university, his favourite work, which after his +fall was more completely established by the name of Christ +Church.<a name="FNanchor_101" id="FNanchor_101" href="#Footnote_101" class="fnanchor">[101]</a> A few more were afterwards extinguished through +his instigation; and thus the prejudice against interference +with this species of property was somewhat worn off, and men's +minds gradually prepared for the sweeping confiscations of +Cromwell. The king indeed was abundantly willing to replenish +his exchequer by violent means, and to avenge himself on those +who gainsayed his supremacy; but it was this able statesman +who, prompted both by the natural appetite of ministers for +the subject's money and by a secret partiality towards the +Reformation, devised and carried on with complete success, if +not with the utmost prudence, a measure of no inconsiderable +hazard and difficulty. For such it surely was, under a system +of government which rested so much on antiquity, and in spite +of the peculiar sacredness which the English attach to all freehold +property, to annihilate so many prescriptive baronial +tenures, the possessors whereof composed more than a third +part of the House of Lords, and to subject so many estates +which the law had rendered inalienable, to maxims of escheat +and forfeiture that had never been held applicable to their +tenure. But for this purpose it was necessary, by exposing the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">71</a></span> +gross corruptions of monasteries, both to intimidate the regular +clergy, and to excite popular indignation against them. It is +not to be doubted that in the visitation of these foundations +under the direction of Cromwell, as lord vicegerent of the king's +ecclesiastical supremacy, many things were done in an arbitrary +manner, and much was unfairly represented.<a name="FNanchor_102" id="FNanchor_102" href="#Footnote_102" class="fnanchor">[102]</a> Yet the reports +of these visitors are so minute and specific that it is rather a +preposterous degree of incredulity to reject their testimony, +whenever it bears hard on the regulars. It is always to be +remembered that the vices to which they bear witness, are not +only probable from the nature of such foundations, but are +imputed to them by the most respectable writers of preceding +ages. Nor do I find that the reports of this visitation were +impeached for general falsehood in that age, whatever exaggeration +there might be in particular cases. And surely the +commendation bestowed on some religious houses as pure and +unexceptionable, may afford a presumption that the censure of +others was not an indiscriminate prejudging of their merits.<a name="FNanchor_103" id="FNanchor_103" href="#Footnote_103" class="fnanchor">[103]</a></p> + +<p>The dread of these visitors soon induced a number of abbots +to make surrenders to the king; a step of very questionable +legality. But in the next session the smaller convents, whose +revenues were less than £200 a year, were suppressed by act of +parliament, to the number of three hundred and seventy-six, +and their estates vested in the crown. This summary spoliation +led to the great northern rebellion soon afterwards. It +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">72</a></span> +was, in fact, not merely to wound the people's strongest impressions +of religion, and especially those connected with their +departed friends, for whose souls prayers were offered in the +monasteries, but to deprive the indigent, in many places, of +succour, and the better rank of hospitable reception. This of +course was experienced in a far greater degree at the dissolution +of the larger monasteries, which took place in 1540. But, +Henry having entirely subdued the rebellion, and being now +exceedingly dreaded by both the religious parties, this measure +produced no open resistance; though there seems to have been +less pretext for it on the score of immorality and neglect of discipline +than was found for abolishing the smaller convents.<a name="FNanchor_104" id="FNanchor_104" href="#Footnote_104" class="fnanchor">[104]</a> +These great foundations were all surrendered; a few excepted, +which, against every principle of received law, were held to fall +by the attainder of their abbots for high treason. Parliament +had only to confirm the king's title arising out of these surrenders +and forfeitures. Some historians assert the monks to +have been turned adrift with a small sum of money. But it +rather appears that they generally received pensions not inadequate, +and which are said to have been pretty faithfully +paid.<a name="FNanchor_105" id="FNanchor_105" href="#Footnote_105" class="fnanchor">[105]</a> These however were voluntary gifts on the part of +the Crown. For the parliament which dissolved the monastic +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">73</a></span> +foundations, while it took abundant care to preserve any rights +of property which private persons might enjoy over the estates +thus escheated to the Crown, vouchsafed not a word towards +securing the slightest compensation to the dispossessed owners.</p> + +<p>The fall of the mitred abbots changed the proportions of the +two estates which constitute the upper house of parliament. +Though the number of abbots and priors to whom writs of +summons were directed varied considerably in different parliaments, +they always, joined to the twenty-one bishops, preponderated +over the temporal peers.<a name="FNanchor_106" id="FNanchor_106" href="#Footnote_106" class="fnanchor">[106]</a> It was no longer possible +for the prelacy to offer an efficacious opposition to the reformation +they abhorred. Their own baronial tenure, their high +dignity as legislative counsellors of the land, remained; but, +one branch as ancient and venerable as their own thus lopped +off, the spiritual aristocracy was reduced to play a very secondary +part in the councils of the nation. Nor could the protestant +religion have easily been established by legal methods under +Edward and Elizabeth without this previous destruction of the +monasteries. Those who, professing an attachment to that +religion, have swollen the clamour of its adversaries against the +dissolution of foundations that existed only for the sake of a +different faith and worship, seem to me not very consistent or +enlightened reasoners. In some, the love of antiquity produces +a sort of fanciful illusion; and the very sight of those buildings, +so magnificent in their prosperous hour, so beautiful even in +their present ruin, begets a sympathy for those who founded +and inhabited them. In many, the violent courses of confiscation +and attainder which accompanied this great revolution +excite so just an indignation, that they either forget to ask +whether the end might not have been reached by more laudable +means, or condemn that end itself either as sacrilege, or at least +as an atrocious violation of the rights of property. Others again, +who acknowledge that the monastic discipline cannot be reconciled +with the modern system of religion, or with public utility, +lament only that these ample endowments were not bestowed +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">74</a></span> +upon ecclesiastical corporations, freed from the monkish cowl, +but still belonging to that spiritual profession to whose use they +were originally consecrated. And it was a very natural theme +of complaint at the time, that such abundant revenues as might +have sustained the dignity of the crown and supplied the means +of public defence without burthening the subject, had served +little other purpose than that of swelling the fortunes of rapacious +courtiers, and had left the king as necessitous and +craving as before.</p> + +<p>Notwithstanding these various censures, I must own myself +of opinion, both that the abolition of monastic institutions +might have been conducted in a manner consonant to justice +as well as policy, and that Henry's profuse alienation of the +abbey lands, however illaudable in its motive, has proved upon +the whole more beneficial to England than any other disposition +would have turned out. I cannot, until some broad principle +is made more obvious than it ever has yet been, do such violence +to all common notions on the subject, as to attach an equal +inviolability to private and corporate property. The law of +hereditary succession, as ancient and universal as that of property +itself, the law of testamentary disposition, the complement +of the former, so long established in most countries as to +seem a natural right, have invested the individual possessor of +the soil with such a fictitious immortality, such anticipated +enjoyment, as it were, of futurity, that his perpetual ownership +could not be limited to the term of his own existence, without +what he would justly feel as a real deprivation of property. +Nor are the expectancies of children, or other probable heirs, +less real possessions, which it is a hardship, if not an absolute +injury, to defeat. Yet even this hereditary claim is set aside +by the laws of forfeiture, which have almost everywhere prevailed. +But in estates held, as we call it, in mortmain, there +is no intercommunity, no natural privity of interest, between +the present possessor and those who may succeed him; and as +the former cannot have any pretext for complaint, if, his own +rights being preserved, the legislature should alter the course +of transmission after his decease, so neither is any hardship +sustained by others, unless their succession has been already +designated or rendered probable. Corporate property therefore +appears to stand on a very different footing from that of private +individuals; and while all infringements of the established +privileges of the latter are to be sedulously avoided, and held +justifiable only by the strongest motives of public expediency, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">75</a></span> +we cannot but admit the full right of the legislature to new +mould and regulate the former in all that does not involve +existing interests upon far slighter reasons of convenience. If +Henry had been content with prohibiting the profession of +religious persons for the future, and had gradually diverted +their revenues instead of violently confiscating them, no protestant +could have found it easy to censure his policy.</p> + +<p>It is indeed impossible to feel too much indignation at the +spirit in which these proceedings were conducted. Besides +the hardship sustained by so many persons turned loose upon +society for whose occupations they were unfit, the indiscriminate +destruction of convents produced several public mischiefs. +The visitors themselves strongly interceded for the nunnery of +Godstow, as irreproachable managed, and an excellent place of +education; and no doubt some other foundations should have +been preserved for the same reason. Latimer, who could not +have a prejudice on that side, begged earnestly that the priory +of Malvern might be spared, for the maintenance of preaching +and hospitality. It was urged for Hexham abbey that, there +not being a house for many miles in that part of England, the +country would be in danger of going to waste.<a name="FNanchor_107" id="FNanchor_107" href="#Footnote_107" class="fnanchor">[107]</a> And the total +want of inns in many parts of the kingdom must have rendered +the loss of these hospitable places of reception a serious grievance. +These and probably other reasons ought to have checked +the destroying spirit of reform in its career, and suggested to +Henry's counsellors that a few years would not be ill consumed +in contriving new methods of attaining the beneficial effects +which monastic institutions had not failed to produce, and in +preparing the people's minds for so important an innovation.</p> + +<p>The suppression of monasteries poured in an instant such a +torrent of wealth upon the crown, as has seldom been equalled +in any country by the confiscations following a subdued rebellion. +The clear yearly value was rated at £131,607; but was +in reality, if we believe Burnet, ten times as great; the courtiers +undervaluing those estates, in order to obtain grants or sales +of them more easily. It is certain, however, that Burnet's supposition +errs extravagantly on the other side.<a name="FNanchor_108" id="FNanchor_108" href="#Footnote_108" class="fnanchor">[108]</a> The movables +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">76</a></span> +of the smaller monasteries alone were reckoned at £100,000; +and, as the rents of these were less than a fourth of the whole, +we may calculate the aggregate value of movable wealth in the +same proportion. All this was enough to dazzle a more prudent +mind than that of Henry, and to inspire those sanguine dreams +of inexhaustible affluence with which private men are so often +filled by sudden prosperity.</p> + +<p>The monastic rule of life being thus abrogated, as neither +conformable to pure religion nor to policy, it is to be considered, +to what uses these immense endowments ought to have been +applied. There are some, perhaps, who may be of opinion that +the original founders of monasteries, or those who had afterwards +bestowed lands on them, having annexed to their grants +an implied condition of the continuance of certain devotional +services, and especially of prayers for the repose of their souls, +it were but equitable that, if the legislature rendered the performance +of this condition impossible, their heirs should re-enter +upon the lands that would not have been alienated from them +on any other account. But, without adverting to the difficulty +in many cases of ascertaining the lawful heir, it might be +answered that the donors had absolutely divested themselves of +all interest in their grants, and that it was more consonant to +the analogy of law to treat these estates as escheats or vacant +possessions, devolving to the sovereign, than to imagine a right +of reversion that no party had ever contemplated. There was +indeed a class of persons, very different from the founders of +monasteries, to whom restitution was due. A large proportion +of conventual revenues arose out of parochial tithes, diverted +from the legitimate object of maintaining the incumbent to swell +the pomp of some remote abbot. These impropriations were in +no one instance, I believe, restored to the parochial clergy, and +have passed either into the hands of laymen, or of bishops and +other ecclesiastical persons, who were frequently compelled by +the Tudor princes to take them in exchange for lands.<a name="FNanchor_109" id="FNanchor_109" href="#Footnote_109" class="fnanchor">[109]</a> +It was + +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">77</a></span> +not in the spirit of Henry's policy, or in that of the times, to +preserve much of these revenues to the church, though he had +designed to allot £18,000 a year for eighteen new sees, of which +he only erected six with far inferior endowments. Nor was +he much better inclined to husband them for public exigencies, +although more than sufficient to make the Crown independent +of parliamentary aid. It may perhaps be reckoned a providential +circumstance that his thoughtless humour should have +rejected the obvious means of establishing an uncontrollable +despotism, by rendering unnecessary the only exertion of power +which his subjects were likely to withstand. Henry VII. would +probably have followed a very different course. Large sums, +however, are said to have been expended in the repair of highways, +and in fortifying ports in the Channel.<a name="FNanchor_110" id="FNanchor_110" href="#Footnote_110" class="fnanchor">[110]</a> But the greater +part was dissipated in profuse grants to the courtiers, who +frequently contrived to veil their acquisitions under cover of a +purchase from the crown. It has been surmised that Cromwell, +in his desire to promote the Reformation, advised the king to +make this partition of abbey lands among the nobles and gentry, +either by grant, or by sale on easy terms, that, being thus bound +by the sure ties of private interest, they might always oppose +any return towards the dominion of Rome.<a name="FNanchor_111" id="FNanchor_111" href="#Footnote_111" class="fnanchor">[111]</a> In Mary's reign +accordingly her parliament, so obsequious in all matters of +religion, adhered with a firm grasp to the possession of church +lands; nor could the papal supremacy be re-established until a +sanction was given to their enjoyment. And we may ascribe +part of the zeal of the same class in bringing back and preserving +the reformed church under Elizabeth to a similar motive; not +that these gentlemen were hypocritical pretenders to a belief +they did not entertain, but that, according to the general laws +of human nature, they gave a readier reception to truths which +made their estates more secure.</p> + +<p>But, if the participation of so many persons in the spoils of +ecclesiastical property gave stability to the new religion, by +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">78</a></span> +pledging them to its support, it was also of no slight advantage +to our civil constitution, strengthening, and as it were infusing +new blood into the territorial aristocracy, who were to withstand +the enormous prerogative of the Crown. For if it be true, as +surely it is, that wealth is power, the distribution of so large +a portion of the kingdom among the nobles and gentry, the +elevation of so many new families, and the increased opulence +of the more ancient, must have sensibly affected their weight +in the balance. Those families indeed, within or without the +bounds of the peerage, which are now deemed the most considerable, +will be found, with no great number of exceptions, to +have first become conspicuous under the Tudor line of kings; +and, if we could trace the titles of their estates, to have acquired +no small portion of them, mediately or immediately, from +monastic or other ecclesiastical foundations. And better it has +been that these revenues should thus from age to age have been +expended in liberal hospitality, in discerning charity, in the +promotion of industry and cultivation, in the active duties or +even generous amusements of life, than in maintaining a host +of ignorant and inactive monks, in deceiving the populace by +superstitious pageantry, or in the encouragement of idleness and +mendicity.<a name="FNanchor_112" id="FNanchor_112" href="#Footnote_112" class="fnanchor">[112]</a> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">79</a></span></p> + +<p>A very ungrounded prejudice had long obtained currency, +and, notwithstanding the contradiction it has experienced in our +more accurate age, seems still not eradicated, that the alms of +monasteries maintained the indigent throughout the kingdom, +and that the system of parochial relief, now so much the topic of +complaint, was rendered necessary by the dissolution of those +beneficent foundations. There can be no doubt that many of +the impotent poor derived support from their charity. But the +blind eleemosynary spirit inculcated by the Romish church is +notoriously the cause, not the cure, of beggary and wretchedness. +The monastic foundations, scattered in different counties, but +by no means at regular distances, could never answer the end +of local and limited succour, meted out in just proportion to the +demands of poverty. Their gates might indeed be open to those +who knocked at them for alms, and came in search of streams +that must always be too scanty for a thirsty multitude. Nothing +could have a stronger tendency to promote that vagabond +mendicity, which unceasing and very severe statutes were +enacted to repress. It was and must always continue a hard +problem, to discover the means of rescuing those whom labour +cannot maintain from the last extremities of helpless suffering. +The regular clergy were in all respects ill fitted for this great +office of humanity. Even while the monasteries were yet +standing, the scheme of a provision for the poor had been +adopted by the legislature, by means of regular collections, +which in the course of a long series of statutes, ending in the +43rd of Elizabeth, were almost insensibly converted into compulsory +assessments.<a name="FNanchor_113" id="FNanchor_113" href="#Footnote_113" class="fnanchor">[113]</a> It is by no means probable that, however +some in particular districts may have had to lament the cessation +of hospitality in the convents, the poor in general were placed +in a worse condition by their dissolution; nor are we to forget +that the class to whom the abbey lands have fallen have been +distinguished at all times, and never more than in the first +century after that transference of property, for their charity and +munificence.</p> + +<p>These two great political measures, the separation from the +Roman see, and the suppression of monasteries, so broke the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">80</a></span> +vast power of the English clergy, and humbled their spirit, that +they became the most abject of Henry's vassals, and dared not +offer any steady opposition to his caprice, even when it led him +to make innovations in the essential parts of their religion. It +is certain that a large majority of that order would gladly have +retained their allegiance to Rome, and that they viewed with +horror the downfall of the monasteries. In rending away so +much that had been incorporated with the public faith, Henry +seemed to prepare the road for the still more radical changes +of the reformers. These, a numerous and increasing sect, +exulted by turns in the innovations he promulgated, lamented +their dilatoriness and imperfection, or trembled at the reaction +of his bigotry against themselves. Trained in the school of +theological controversy, and drawing from those bitter waters +fresh aliment for his sanguinary and imperious temper, he displayed +the impartiality of his intolerance by alternately persecuting +the two conflicting parties. We all have read how +three persons convicted of disputing his supremacy, and three +deniers of transubstantiation, were drawn on the same hurdle +to execution. But the doctrinal system adopted by Henry in +the latter years of his reign, varying indeed in some measure +from time to time, was about equally removed from popish and +protestant orthodoxy. The corporal presence of Christ in the +consecrated elements was a tenet which no one might dispute +without incurring the penalty of death by fire; and the king had +a capricious partiality to the Romish practice in those very +points where a great many real catholics on the Continent were +earnest for its alteration, the communion of the laity by bread +alone, and the celibacy of the clergy. But in several other +respects he was wrought upon by Cranmer to draw pretty near +to the Lutheran creed, and to permit such explications to be +given in the books set forth by his authority, the <i>Institution</i>, +and the <i>Erudition of a Christian Man</i>, as, if they did not absolutely +proscribe most of the ancient opinions, threw at best +much doubt upon them, and gave intimations which the people, +now become attentive to these questions, were acute enough to +interpret.<a name="FNanchor_114" id="FNanchor_114" href="#Footnote_114" class="fnanchor">[114]</a> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">81</a></span></p> + +<p><i>Progress of the reformed doctrine in England.</i>—It was +natural to suspect, from the previous temper of the nation, +that the revolutionary spirit which blazed out in Germany +should spread rapidly over England. The enemies of +ancient superstition at home, by frequent communication with +the Lutheran and Swiss reformers, acquired not only more +enlivening confidence, but a surer and more definite system of +belief. Books printed in Germany or in the Flemish provinces, +where at first the administration connived at the new religion, +were imported and read with that eagerness and delight which +always compensate the risk of forbidden studies.<a name="FNanchor_115" id="FNanchor_115" href="#Footnote_115" class="fnanchor">[115]</a> Wolsey, +who had no turn towards persecution, contented himself with +ordering heretical writings to be burned, and strictly prohibiting +their importation. But to withstand the course of popular +opinion is always like a combat against the elements in commotion; +nor is it likely that a government far more steady and +unanimous than that of Henry VIII. could have effectually +prevented the diffusion of protestantism. And the severe +punishment of many zealous reformers, in the subsequent part +of his reign, tended, beyond a doubt, to excite a favourable +prejudice for men whose manifest sincerity, piety, and constancy +in suffering, were as good pledges for the truth of their doctrine, +as the people had been always taught to esteem the same +qualities in the legends of the early martyrs. Nor were Henry's +persecutions conducted upon the only rational principle, that of +the inquisition, which judges from the analogy of medicine, that +a deadly poison cannot be extirpated but by the speedy and +radical excision of the diseased part; but falling only upon a few +of a more eager and officious zeal, left a well-grounded opinion +among the rest, that by some degree of temporising prudence +they might escape molestation till a season of liberty should +arrive.</p> + +<p>One of the books originally included in the list of proscription +among the writings of Luther and the foreign Protestants, was +a translation of the New Testament into English by Tindal, +printed at Antwerp in 1526. A complete version of the Bible, +partly by Tindal, and partly by Coverdale, appeared, perhaps +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">82</a></span> +at Hamburgh, in 1535; a second edition, under the name of +Matthews, following in 1537; and as Cranmer's influence over +the king became greater, and his aversion to the Roman church +more inveterate, so material a change was made in the ecclesiastical +policy of this reign, as to direct the Scriptures in this +translation (but with corrections in many places) to be set up +in parish churches, and permit them to be publicly sold.<a name="FNanchor_116" id="FNanchor_116" href="#Footnote_116" class="fnanchor">[116]</a> This +measure had a strong tendency to promote the Reformation, +especially among those who were capable of reading; not surely +that the controverted doctrines of the Romish church are so +indisputably erroneous as to bear no sort of examination, but +because such a promulgation of the Scriptures at that particular +time seemed both tacitly to admit the chief point of contest, +that they were the exclusive standard of Christian faith, and to +lead the people to interpret them with that sort of prejudice +which a jury would feel in considering evidence that one party +in a cause had attempted to suppress; a danger which those +who wish to restrain the course of free discussion without very +sure means of success will in all ages do well to reflect upon. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">83</a></span></p> + +<p>The great change of religious opinions was not so much +effected by reasoning on points of theological controversy, upon +which some are apt to fancy it turned, as on a persuasion that +fraud and corruption pervaded the established church. The +pretended miracles, which had so long held the understanding in +captivity, were wisely exposed to ridicule and indignation by the +government. Plays and interludes were represented in churches, +of which the usual subject was the vices and corruptions of the +monks and clergy. These were disapproved of by the graver sort, +but no doubt served a useful purpose.<a name="FNanchor_117" id="FNanchor_117" href="#Footnote_117" class="fnanchor">[117]</a> The press sent forth its +light hosts of libels; and though the catholic party did not fail +to try the same means of influence, they had both less liberty +to write as they pleased, and fewer readers than their antagonists.</p> + +<p><i>Its establishment under Edward.</i>—In this feverish state of the +public mind on the most interesting subject, ensued the death +of Henry VIII., who had excited and kept it up. More than +once, during the latter part of his capricious reign, the popish +party, headed by Norfolk and Gardiner, had gained an ascendant +and several persons had been burned for denying transubstantiation. +But at the moment of his decease, Norfolk was a +prisoner attainted of treason, Gardiner in disgrace, and the +favour of Cranmer at its height. It is said that Henry had +meditated some further changes in religion. Of his executors, +the greater part, as their subsequent conduct evinces, were +nearly indifferent to the two systems, except so far as more +might be gained by innovation. But Somerset, the new protector, +appears to have inclined sincerely towards the Reformation, +though not wholly uninfluenced by similar motives. His +authority readily overcame all opposition in the council: and it was +soon perceived that Edward, whose singular precocity gave his +opinions in childhood an importance not wholly ridiculous, had +imbibed a steady and ardent attachment to the new religion, +which probably, had he lived longer, would have led him both +to diverge farther from what he thought an idolatrous superstition, +and to have treated its adherents with severity.<a name="FNanchor_118" id="FNanchor_118" href="#Footnote_118" class="fnanchor">[118]</a> Under +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">84</a></span> +his reign accordingly a series of alterations in the tenets and +homilies of the English church were made, the principal of which +I shall point out, without following a chronological order, or +adverting to such matters of controversy as did not produce a +sensible effect on the people.</p> + +<p><i>Sketch of the chief points of difference between the two religions.</i>—1. +It was obviously among the first steps required in order to +introduce a mode of religion at once more reasonable and more +earnest than the former, that the public services of the church +should be expressed in the mother tongue of the congregation. +The Latin ritual had been unchanged ever since the age when +it was familiar; partly through a sluggish dislike of innovation, +but partly also because the mysteriousness of an unknown +dialect served to impose on the vulgar, and to throw an air of +wisdom around the priesthood. Yet what was thus concealed +would have borne the light. Our own liturgy, so justly celebrated +for its piety, elevation, and simplicity, is in great measure +a translation from the catholic services; those portions of course +being omitted which had relation to different principles of +worship. In the second year of Edward's reign, the reformation +of the public service was accomplished, and an English liturgy +compiled not essentially different from that in present use.<a name="FNanchor_119" id="FNanchor_119" href="#Footnote_119" class="fnanchor">[119]</a></p> + +<p>2. No part of exterior religion was more prominent, or more +offensive to those who had imbibed a protestant spirit, than +the worship, or at least veneration, of images, which in remote +and barbarous ages had given excessive scandal both in the +Greek and Latin churches, though long fully established in the +practice of each. The populace, in towns where the reformed +tenets prevailed, began to pull them down in the very first days +of Edward's reign; and after a little pretence at distinguishing +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">85</a></span> +those which had not been abused, orders were given that all +images should be taken away from churches. It was perhaps +necessary thus to hinder the zealous Protestants from abating +them as nuisances, which had already caused several disturbances.<a name="FNanchor_120" id="FNanchor_120" href="#Footnote_120" class="fnanchor">[120]</a> +But this order was executed with a rigour which +lovers of art and antiquity have long deplored. Our churches +bear witness to the devastation committed in the wantonness +of triumphant reform, by defacing statues and crosses on the +exterior of buildings intended for worship, or windows and +monuments within. Missals and other books dedicated to +superstition perished in the same manner. Altars were taken +down, and a great variety of ceremonies abrogated; such as the +use of incense, tapers, and holy water; and though more of these +were retained than eager innovators could approve, the whole +surface of religious ordinances, all that is palpable to common +minds, underwent a surprising transformation.</p> + +<p>3. But this change in ceremonial observances and outward +show was trifling, when compared to that in the objects of +worship, and in the purposes for which they were addressed. +Those who have visited some catholic temples, and attended +to the current language of devotion, must have perceived, what +the writings of apologists or decrees of councils will never enable +them to discover, that the saints, but more especially the Virgin, +are almost exclusively the <i>popular</i> deities of that religion. All +this polytheism was swept away by the reformers; and in this +may be deemed to consist the most specific difference of the two +systems. Nor did they spare the belief in purgatory, that +unknown land which the hierarchy swayed with so absolute +a rule, and to which the earth had been rendered a tributary +province. Yet in the first liturgy put forth under Edward, the +prayers for departed souls were retained; whether out of respect +to the prejudices of the people, or to the immemorial antiquity +of the practice. But such prayers, if not necessarily implying +the doctrine of purgatory (which yet in the main they appear +to do), are at least so closely connected with it, that the belief +could never be eradicated while they remained. Hence, in the +revision of the liturgy, four years afterwards, they were laid +aside;<a name="FNanchor_121" id="FNanchor_121" href="#Footnote_121" class="fnanchor">[121]</a> and several other changes made, to eradicate the +vestiges of the ancient superstition. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">86</a></span></p> + +<p>4. Auricular confession, as commonly called, or the private +and special confession of sins to a priest for the purpose of +obtaining his absolution, an imperative duty in the church of +Rome, and preserved as such in the statute of the six articles, +and in the religious codes published by Henry VIII., was left +to each man's discretion in the new order; a judicious temperament, +which the reformers would have done well to adopt in +some other points. And thus, while it has never been condemned +in our church, it went without dispute into complete +neglect. Those who desire to augment the influence of the +clergy regret, of course, its discontinuance; and some may +conceive that it would serve either for wholesome restraint, or +useful admonition. It is very difficult, or perhaps beyond the +reach of any human being, to determine absolutely how far +these benefits, which cannot be reasonably denied to result in +some instances from the rite of confession, outweigh the mischiefs +connected with it. There seems to be something in the +Roman catholic discipline (and I know nothing else so likely) +which keeps the balance, as it were, of moral influence pretty +even between the two religions, and compensates for the ignorance +and superstition which the elder preserves: for I am not +sure that the protestant system in the present age has any very +sensible advantage in this respect; or that in countries where +the comparison can fairly be made, as in Germany or Switzerland, +there is more honesty in one sex, or more chastity in the +other, when they belong to the reformed churches. Yet, on +the other hand, the practice of confession is at the best of very +doubtful utility, when considered in its full extent and general +bearings. The ordinary confessor, listening mechanically to +hundreds of penitents, can hardly preserve much authority over +most of them. But in proportion as his attention is directed +to the secrets of conscience, his influence may become dangerous; +men grow accustomed to the control of one perhaps more feeble +and guilty than themselves, but over whose frailties they exercise +no reciprocal command! and, if the confessors of kings +have been sometimes terrible to nations, their ascendency is +probably not less mischievous, in proportion to its extent, +within the sphere of domestic life. In a political light, and +with the object of lessening the weight of the ecclesiastical order +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">87</a></span> +in temporal affairs, there cannot be the least hesitation as to +the expediency of discontinuing the usage.<a name="FNanchor_122" id="FNanchor_122" href="#Footnote_122" class="fnanchor">[122]</a></p> + +<p>5. It has very rarely been the custom of theologians to +measure the importance of orthodox opinions by their effect +on the lives and hearts of those who adopt them; nor was this +predilection for speculative above practical doctrines ever more +evident than in the leading controversy of the sixteenth century, +that respecting the Lord's supper. No errors on this point +could have had any influence on men's moral conduct, nor +indeed much on the general nature of their faith; yet it was +selected as the test of heresy; and most, if not all, of those who +suffered death upon that charge, whether in England or on the +Continent, were convicted of denying the corporal presence in +the sense of the Roman church. It had been well if the reformers +had learned, by abhorring her persecution, not to practise it in +a somewhat less degree upon each other, or by exposing the +absurdities of transubstantiation, not to contend for equal +nonsense of their own. Four principal theories, to say nothing +of subordinate varieties, divided Europe at the accession of +Edward VI. about the sacrament of the eucharist. The church +of Rome would not depart a single letter from transubstantiation, +or the change, at the moment of consecration, of the substances +of bread and wine into those of Christ's body and blood; +the accidents, in school language, or sensible qualities of the +former remaining, or becoming inherent in the new substance. +This doctrine does not, as vulgarly supposed, contradict the +evidence of our senses; since our senses can report nothing as +to the unknown being, which the schoolmen denominated substance, +and which alone was the subject of this conversion. +But metaphysicians of later ages might enquire whether material +substances, abstractedly considered, exist at all, or, if they +exist, whether they can have any specific distinction except +their sensible qualities. This, perhaps, did not suggest itself +in the sixteenth century; but it was strongly objected that the +simultaneous existence of a body in many places, which the +Romish doctrine implied, was inconceivable, and even contradictory. +Luther, partly, as it seems, out of his determination +to multiply differences with the church, invented a theory +somewhat different, usually called consubstantiation, which was +adopted in the confession of Augsburgh, and to which, at least +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">88</a></span> +down to the end of the seventeenth century, the divines of that +communion were much attached. They imagined the two +substances to be united in the sacramental elements, so that +they might be termed bread and wine, or the body and blood, +with equal propriety.<a name="FNanchor_123" id="FNanchor_123" href="#Footnote_123" class="fnanchor">[123]</a> But it must be obvious that there is +merely a scholastic distinction between this doctrine and that +of Rome; though, when it suited the Lutherans to magnify, +rather than dissemble, their deviations from the mother church, +it was raised into an important difference. A simpler and more +rational explication occurred to Zuingle and Œcolampadius, +from whom the Helvetian Protestants imbibed their faith. +Rejecting every notion of a real presence, and divesting the +institution of all its mystery, they saw only figurative symbols +in the elements which Christ had appointed as a commemoration +of his death. But this novel opinion excited as much +indignation in Luther as in the Romanists. It was indeed a +rock on which the Reformation was nearly shipwrecked; since +the violent contests which it occasioned, and the narrow intolerance +which one side at least displayed throughout the controversy, +not only weakened on several occasions the temporal +power of the protestant churches, but disgusted many of those +who might have inclined towards espousing their sentiments. +Besides these three hypotheses, a fourth was promulgated by +Martin Bucer of Strasburgh, a man of much acuteness, but +prone to metaphysical subtlety, and not, it is said, of a very +ingenuous character. His theory upon the sacrament of the +Lord's supper, after having been adopted with little variation +by Calvin, was finally received into some of the offices of the +English church. If the Roman and Lutheran doctrines teemed +with unmasked absurdity, this middle system (if indeed it is +to be considered as a genuine opinion, and not rather a politic +device),<a name="FNanchor_124" id="FNanchor_124" href="#Footnote_124" class="fnanchor">[124]</a> had no advantage but in the disguise of unmeaning +terms; while it had the peculiar infelicity of departing as much +from the literal sense of the words of institution, wherein the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">89</a></span> +former triumphed, as the Zuinglian interpretation itself. It is +not easy to state in language tolerably perspicuous this obsolete +metaphysical theology. But Bucer, as I apprehend, though +his expressions are unusually confused, did not acknowledge a +local presence of Christ's body and blood in the elements after +consecration—so far concurring with the Helvetians; while he +contended that they were really, and without figure, received +by the worthy communicant through faith, so as to preserve +the belief of a mysterious union, and of what was sometimes +called a real presence. It can hardly fail to strike every unprejudiced +reader that a material substance can only in a very +figurative sense be said to be received through faith; that there +can be no real presence of such a body, consistently with the +proper use of language, but by its local occupation of space; +and that, as the Romish tenet of transubstantiation is rather +the best, so this of the Calvinists is the worst imagined of the +three that have been opposed to the simplicity of the Helvetic +explanation. Bucer himself came to England early in the reign +of Edward, and had a considerable share in advising the measures +of reformation. But Peter Martyr, a disciple of the Swiss school, +had also no small influence. In the forty-two articles set forth +by authority, the real or corporeal presence, using these words +as synonymous, is explicitly denied. This clause was omitted +on the revision of the articles under Elizabeth.<a name="FNanchor_125" id="FNanchor_125" href="#Footnote_125" class="fnanchor">[125]</a></p> + +<p>6. These various innovations were exceedingly inimical to +the influence and interests of the priesthood. But that order +obtained a sort of compensation in being released from its +obligation to celibacy. This obligation, though unwarranted by +Scripture, rested on a most ancient and universal rule of discipline; +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">90</a></span> +for though the Greek and Eastern churches have always +permitted the ordination of married persons, yet they do not +allow those already ordained to take wives. No very good +reason, however, could be given for this distinction; and the +constrained celibacy of the Latin clergy had given rise to +mischiefs, of which their general practice of retaining concubines +might be reckoned among the smallest.<a name="FNanchor_126" id="FNanchor_126" href="#Footnote_126" class="fnanchor">[126]</a> The German Protestants +soon rejected this burden, and encouraged regular as well +as secular priests to marry. Cranmer had himself taken a wife +in Germany, whom Henry's law of the six articles, one of which +made the marriage of priests felony, compelled him to send +away. In the reign of Edward this was justly reckoned an +indispensable part of the new Reformation. But the bill for +that purpose passed the Lords with some little difficulty, nine +bishops and four peers dissenting; and its preamble cast such +an imputation on the practice it allowed, treating the marriage +of priests as ignominious and a tolerated evil, that another act +was thought necessary a few years afterwards, when the Reformation +was better established, to vindicate this right of the +protestant church.<a name="FNanchor_127" id="FNanchor_127" href="#Footnote_127" class="fnanchor">[127]</a> A great number of the clergy availed +themselves of their liberty; which may probably have had as +extensive an effect in conciliating the ecclesiastical profession, +as the suppression of monasteries had in rendering the gentry +favourable to the new order of religion.</p> + +<p><i>Opposition made by part of the nation.</i>—But great as was the +number of those whom conviction or self-interest enlisted under +the protestant banner, it appears plain that the Reformation +moved on with too precipitate a step for the majority. The new +doctrines prevailed in London, in many large towns, and in the +eastern counties. But in the north and west of England, the +body of the people were strictly Catholics. The clergy, though +not very scrupulous about conforming to the innovations, were +generally averse to most of them.<a name="FNanchor_128" id="FNanchor_128" href="#Footnote_128" class="fnanchor">[128]</a> And, in spite of the church +lands, I imagine that most of the nobility, if not the gentry, +inclined to the same persuasion; not a few peers having sometimes +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">91</a></span> +dissented from the bills passed on the subject of religion +in this reign, while no sort of disagreement appears in the upper +house during that of Mary. In the western insurrection of 1549, +which partly originated in the alleged grievance of enclosures, +many of the demands made by the rebels go to the entire +re-establishment of popery. Those of the Norfolk insurgents +in the same year, whose political complaints were the same, do +not, as far as I perceive, show any such tendency. But an +historian, whose bias was certainly not unfavourable to protestantism, +confesses that all endeavours were too weak to overcome +the aversion of the people towards reformation, and even +intimates that German troops were sent for from Calais on +account of the bigotry with which the bulk of the nation adhered +to the old superstition.<a name="FNanchor_129" id="FNanchor_129" href="#Footnote_129" class="fnanchor">[129]</a> This is somewhat a humiliating admission, +that the protestant faith was imposed upon our ancestors +by a foreign army. And as the reformers, though still the fewer, +were undeniably a great and increasing party, it may be natural +to enquire, whether a regard to policy as well as equitable +considerations should not have repressed still more, as it did in +some measure, the zeal of Cranmer and Somerset? It might +be asked, whether, in the acknowledged co-existence of two +religions, some preference were not fairly claimed for the creed, +which all had once held, and which the greater part yet retained; +whether it were becoming that the counsellors of an infant king +should use such violence in breaking up the ecclesiastical constitution; +whether it were to be expected that a free-spirited +people should see their consciences thus transferred by proclamation, +and all that they had learned to venerate not only +torn away from them, but exposed to what they must reckon +blasphemous contumely and profanation? The demolition of +shrines and images, far unlike the speculative disputes of +theologians, was an overt insult on every catholic heart. Still +more were they exasperated at the ribaldry which vulgar +Protestants uttered against their most sacred mystery. It was +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">92</a></span> +found necessary in the very first act of the first protestant parliament, +to denounce penalties against such as spoke irreverently +of the sacrament, an indecency not unusual with those who held +the Zuinglian opinion in that age of coarse pleasantry and +unmixed invective.<a name="FNanchor_130" id="FNanchor_130" href="#Footnote_130" class="fnanchor">[130]</a> Nor could the people repose much confidence +in the judgment and sincerity of their governors, whom +they had seen submitting without outward repugnance to +Henry's various schemes of religion, and whom they saw every +day enriching themselves with the plunder of the church they +affected to reform. There was a sort of endowed colleges or +fraternities, called chantries, consisting of secular priests, whose +duty was to say daily masses for the founders. These were +abolished and given to the king by acts of parliament in the +last year of Henry, and the first of Edward. It was intimated +in the preamble of the latter statute that their revenues should +be converted to the erection of schools, the augmentation of the +universities, and the sustenance of the indigent.<a name="FNanchor_131" id="FNanchor_131" href="#Footnote_131" class="fnanchor">[131]</a> But this was +entirely neglected, and the estates fell into the hands of the +courtiers. Nor did they content themselves with this escheated +wealth of the church. Almost every bishopric was spoiled by +their ravenous power in this reign, either through mere alienations, +or long leases, or unequal exchanges. Exeter and Llandaff +from being among the richest sees, fell into the class of the +poorest. Lichfield lost the chief part of its lands to raise an +estate for Lord Paget. London, Winchester, and even Canterbury, +suffered considerably. The Duke of Somerset was much +beloved; yet he had given no unjust offence by pulling down +some churches in order to erect Somerset House with the +materials. He had even projected the demolition of Westminster +Abbey; but the chapter averted this outrageous piece +of rapacity, sufficient of itself to characterise that age, by the +usual method, a grant of some of their estates.<a name="FNanchor_132" id="FNanchor_132" href="#Footnote_132" class="fnanchor">[132]</a> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">93</a></span></p> + +<p>Tolerance in religion, it is well known, so unanimously +admitted (at least verbally) even by theologians in the present +century, was seldom considered as practicable, much less as a +matter of right, during the period of the Reformation. The +difference in this respect between the Catholics and Protestants +was only in degree, and in degree there was much less difference +than we are apt to believe. Persecution is the deadly original +sin of the reformed churches; that which cools every honest +man's zeal for their cause, in proportion as his reading becomes +more extensive. The Lutheran princes and cities in Germany +constantly refused to tolerate the use of the mass as an idolatrous +service;<a name="FNanchor_133" id="FNanchor_133" href="#Footnote_133" class="fnanchor">[133]</a> and this name of idolatry, though adopted in retaliation +for that of heresy, answered the same end as the other, of +exciting animosity and uncharitableness. The Roman worship +was equally proscribed in England. Many persons were sent to +prison for hearing mass and similar offences.<a name="FNanchor_134" id="FNanchor_134" href="#Footnote_134" class="fnanchor">[134]</a> The Princess +Mary supplicated in vain to have the exercise of her own religion +at home; and Charles V. several times interceded in her behalf; +but though Cranmer and Ridley, as well as the council, would +have consented to this indulgence, the young king, whose +education had unhappily infused a good deal of bigotry into his +mind, could not be prevailed upon to connive at such idolatry.<a name="FNanchor_135" id="FNanchor_135" href="#Footnote_135" class="fnanchor">[135]</a> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">94</a></span> +Yet in one memorable instance he had shown a milder spirit, +struggling against Cranmer to save a fanatical woman from the +punishment of heresy. This is a stain upon Cranmer's memory +which nothing but his own death could have lightened. In men +hardly escaped from a similar peril, in men who had nothing to +plead but the right of private judgment, in men who had defied +the prescriptive authority of past ages and of established power, +the crime of persecution assumes a far deeper hue, and is capable +of far less extenuation, than in a Roman inquisitor. Thus the +death of Servetus has weighed down the name and memory of +Calvin. And though Cranmer was incapable of the rancorous +malignity of the Genevan lawgiver, yet I regret to say that there +is a peculiar circumstance of aggravation in his pursuing to +death this woman, Joan Boucher, and a Dutchman that had +been convicted of Arianism. It is said that he had been accessary +in the preceding reign to the condemnation of Lambert, +and perhaps some others, for opinions concerning the Lord's +supper which he had himself afterwards embraced.<a name="FNanchor_136" id="FNanchor_136" href="#Footnote_136" class="fnanchor">[136]</a> Such an +evidence of the fallibility of human judgment, such an example +that persecutions for heresy, how conscientiously soever managed, +are liable to end in shedding the blood of those who maintain +truth, should have taught him, above all men, a scrupulous +repugnance to carry into effect those sanguinary laws. Compared +with these executions for heresy, the imprisonment and +deprivation of Gardiner and Bonner appear but measures of +ordinary severity towards political adversaries under the pretext +of religion; yet are they wholly unjustifiable, particularly +in the former instance; and if the subsequent retaliation of +those bad men was beyond all proportion excessive, we should +remember that such is the natural consequence of tyrannical +aggressions.<a name="FNanchor_137" id="FNanchor_137" href="#Footnote_137" class="fnanchor">[137]</a> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">95</a></span></p> + +<p><i>Cranmer.</i>—The person most conspicuous, though Ridley was +perhaps the most learned divine, in moulding the faith and discipline +of the English church, which has not been very materially +altered since his time, was Archbishop Cranmer.<a name="FNanchor_138" id="FNanchor_138" href="#Footnote_138" class="fnanchor">[138]</a> Few men, about +whose conduct there is so little room for controversy upon facts, +have been represented in more opposite lights. We know the +favouring colours of protestant writers; but turn to the bitter +invective of Bossuet; and the patriarch of our reformed church +stands forth as the most abandoned of time-serving hypocrites. +No political factions affect the impartiality of men's judgment so +grossly, or so permanently, as religious heats. Doubtless, if we +should reverse the picture, and imagine the end and scope of +Cranmer's labour to have been the establishment of the Roman +catholic religion in a protestant country, the estimate formed +of his behaviour would be somewhat less favourable than it is +at present. If, casting away all prejudice on either side, we +weigh the character of this prelate in an equal balance, he will +appear far indeed removed from the turpitude imputed to him +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">96</a></span> +by his enemies, yet not entitled to any extraordinary veneration. +Though it is most eminently true of Cranmer that his +faults were always the effect of circumstances, and not of +intention; yet this palliating consideration is rather weakened +when we recollect that he consented to place himself in a station +where those circumstances occurred. At the time of Cranmer's +elevation to the see of Canterbury, Henry, though on the point +of separating for ever from Rome, had not absolutely determined +upon so strong a measure; and his policy required that +the new archbishop should solicit the usual bulls from the pope, +and take the oath of canonical obedience to him. Cranmer, +already a rebel from that dominion in his heart, had recourse +to the disingenuous shift of a protest, before his consecration, +that "he did not intend to restrain himself thereby from anything +to which he was bound by his duty to God or the king, +or from taking part in any reformation of the English church +which he might judge to be required."<a name="FNanchor_139" id="FNanchor_139" href="#Footnote_139" class="fnanchor">[139]</a> This first deviation +from integrity, as is almost always the case, drew after it many +others; and began that discreditable course of temporising, and +undue compliance, to which he was reduced for the rest of +Henry's reign. Cranmer's abilities were not perhaps of a high +order, or at least they were unsuited to public affairs; but his +principal defect was in that firmness by which men of more +ordinary talents may ensure respect. Nothing could be weaker +than his conduct in the usurpation of Lady Jane, which he +might better have boldly sustained, like Ridley, as a step necessary +for the conservation of protestantism, than given into +against his conscience, overpowered by the importunities of a +misguided boy. Had the malignity of his enemies been directed +rather against his reputation than his life, had he been permitted +to survive his shame, as a prisoner in the Tower, it must +have seemed a more arduous task to defend the memory of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">97</a></span> +Cranmer; but his fame has brightened in the fire that consumed +him.<a name="FNanchor_140" id="FNanchor_140" href="#Footnote_140" class="fnanchor">[140]</a></p> + +<p><i>Cranmer's moderation in introducing changes not acceptable to +the zealots.</i>—Those who, with the habits of thinking that prevail +in our times, cast back their eyes on the reign of Edward VI. +will generally be disposed to censure the precipitancy, and still +more the exclusive spirit, of our principal reformers. But +relatively to the course that things had taken in Germany, and +to the feverish zeal of that age, the moderation of Cranmer and +Ridley, the only ecclesiastics who took a prominent share in +these measures, was very conspicuous; and tended above +everything to place the Anglican church in that middle position +which it has always preserved, between the Roman hierarchy +and that of other protestant denominations. It is manifest +from the history of the Reformation in Germany, that its predisposing +cause was the covetous and arrogant character of the +superior ecclesiastics, founded upon vast temporal authority; +a yoke long borne with impatience, and which the unanimous +adherence of the prelates to Rome in the period of separation +gave the Lutheran princes a good excuse for entirely throwing +off. Some of the more temperate reformers, as Melancthon, +would have admitted a limited jurisdiction of the episcopacy: +but in general the destruction of that order, such as it then +existed, may be deemed as fundamental a principle of the new +discipline, as any theological point could be of the new doctrine. +But, besides that the subjection of ecclesiastical to civil tribunals, +and possibly other causes, had rendered the superior clergy in +England less obnoxious than in Germany, there was this important +difference between the two countries, that several +bishops from zealous conviction, many more from pliability to +self-interest, had gone along with the new-modelling of the +English church by Henry and Edward; so that it was perfectly +easy to keep up that form of government, in the regular succession +which had usually been deemed essential; though the +foreign reformers had neither the wish, nor possibly the means, +to preserve it. Cranmer himself, indeed, during the reign of +Henry, had bent, as usual, to the king's despotic humour; and +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">98</a></span> +favoured a novel theory of ecclesiastical authority, which +resolved all its spiritual as well as temporal powers into the +royal supremacy. Accordingly, at the accession of Edward, +he himself, and several other bishops, took out commissions to +hold their sees during pleasure.<a name="FNanchor_141" id="FNanchor_141" href="#Footnote_141" class="fnanchor">[141]</a> But when the necessity of +compliance had passed by, they showed a disposition not only +to oppose the continual spoliations of church property, but to +maintain the jurisdiction which the canon law had conferred +upon them.<a name="FNanchor_142" id="FNanchor_142" href="#Footnote_142" class="fnanchor">[142]</a> And though, as this papal code did not appear +very well adapted to a protestant church, a new scheme of +ecclesiastical laws was drawn up, which the king's death rendered +abortive, this was rather calculated to strengthen the +hands of the spiritual courts than to withdraw any matter from +their cognisance.<a name="FNanchor_143" id="FNanchor_143" href="#Footnote_143" class="fnanchor">[143]</a> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">99</a></span></p> + +<p>The policy, or it may be the prejudices, of Cranmer induced +him also to retain in the church a few ceremonial usages, which +the Helvetic, though not the Lutheran, reformers had swept +away; such as the copes and rochets of bishops, and the surplice +of officiating priests. It should seem inconceivable that any +one could object to these vestments, considered in themselves; +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">100</a></span> +far more, if they could answer in the slightest degree the end +of conciliating a reluctant people. But this motive unfortunately +was often disregarded in that age; and indeed in all +ages an abhorrence of concession and compromise is a never-failing +characteristic of religious factions. The foreign reformers +then in England, two of whom, Bucer and Peter Martyr, enjoyed +a deserved reputation, expressed their dissatisfaction at seeing +these habits retained, and complained, in general, of the backwardness +of the English reformation. Calvin and Bullinger +wrote from Switzerland in the same strain.<a name="FNanchor_144" id="FNanchor_144" href="#Footnote_144" class="fnanchor">[144]</a> Nor was this +sentiment by any means confined to strangers. Hooper, an +eminent divine, having been elected Bishop of Gloucester, +refused to be consecrated in the usual dress. It marks, almost +ludicrously, the spirit of those times, that, instead of permitting +him to decline the station, the council sent him to prison for +some time, until by some mutual concessions the business was +adjusted.<a name="FNanchor_145" id="FNanchor_145" href="#Footnote_145" class="fnanchor">[145]</a> These events it would hardly be worth while to +notice in such a work as the present, if they had not been the +prologue to a long and serious drama.</p> + +<p><i>Persecution under Mary.</i>—It is certain that the re-establishment +of popery on Mary's accession must have been acceptable +to a large part, or perhaps to the majority, of the nation. +There is reason however to believe that the reformed doctrine +had made a real progress in the few years of her brother's +reign. The counties of Norfolk and Suffolk, which placed Mary +on the throne as the lawful heir, were chiefly protestant, and +experienced from her the usual gratitude and good faith of a +bigot.<a name="FNanchor_146" id="FNanchor_146" href="#Footnote_146" class="fnanchor">[146]</a> Noailles bears witness, in many of his despatches, to +the unwillingness which great numbers of the people displayed +to endure the restoration of popery, and to the queen's excessive +unpopularity, even before her marriage with Philip had been +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">101</a></span> +resolved upon.<a name="FNanchor_147" id="FNanchor_147" href="#Footnote_147" class="fnanchor">[147]</a> As for the higher classes, they partook far +less than their inferiors in the religious zeal of that age. Henry, +Edward, Mary, Elizabeth, found almost an equal compliance +with their varying schemes of faith. Yet the larger proportion +of the nobility and gentry appear to have preferred the catholic +religion. Several peers opposed the bills for reformation under +Edward; and others, who had gone along with the current, +became active counsellors of Mary. Not a few persons of family +emigrated in the latter reign; but, with the exception of the +second Earl of Bedford, who suffered a short imprisonment on +account of religion, the protestant martyrology contains no +confessor of superior rank.<a name="FNanchor_148" id="FNanchor_148" href="#Footnote_148" class="fnanchor">[148]</a> The same accommodating spirit +characterised, upon the whole, the clergy; and would have been +far more general, if a considerable number had not availed themselves +of the permission to marry granted by Edward; which +led to their expulsion from their cures on his sister's coming to +the throne.<a name="FNanchor_149" id="FNanchor_149" href="#Footnote_149" class="fnanchor">[149]</a> Yet it was not the temper of Mary's parliaments, +whatever pains had been taken about their election, to second +her bigotry in surrendering the temporal fruits of their recent +schism. The bill for restoring first fruits and impropriations +in the queen's hands to the church passed not without difficulty; +and it was found impossible to obtain a repeal of the Act of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">102</a></span> +Supremacy without the pope's explicit confirmation of the +abbey lands to their new proprietors. Even this confirmation, +though made through the legate Cardinal Pole, by virtue of a +full commission, left not unreasonably an apprehension that, +on some better opportunity, the imprescriptible nature of +church property might be urged against the possessors.<a name="FNanchor_150" id="FNanchor_150" href="#Footnote_150" class="fnanchor">[150]</a> With +these selfish considerations others of a more generous nature +conspired to render the old religion more obnoxious than it had +been at the queen's accession. Her marriage with Philip, his +encroaching disposition, the arbitrary turn of his counsels, the +insolence imputed to the Spaniards who accompanied him, +the unfortunate loss of Calais through that alliance, while it +thoroughly alienated the kingdom from Mary, created a prejudice +against the religion which the Spanish court so steadily +favoured.<a name="FNanchor_151" id="FNanchor_151" href="#Footnote_151" class="fnanchor">[151]</a> So violent indeed was the hatred conceived by the +English nation against Spain during the short period of Philip's +marriage with their queen, that it diverted the old channel of +public feelings, and almost put an end to that dislike and +jealousy of France which had so long existed. For at least a +century after this time we rarely find in popular writers any +expression of hostility towards that country; though their +national manners, so remote from our own, are not unfrequently +the object of ridicule. The prejudices of the populace, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">103</a></span> +as much as the policy of our counsellors, were far more directed +against Spain.</p> + +<p><i>Its effect rather favourable to protestantism.</i>—But what had the +greatest efficacy in disgusting the English with Mary's system +of faith, was the cruelty by which it was accompanied. Though +the privy council were in fact continually urging the bishops +forward in this prosecution,<a name="FNanchor_152" id="FNanchor_152" href="#Footnote_152" class="fnanchor">[152]</a> the latter bore the chief blame, +and the abhorrence entertained for them naturally extended +to the doctrine they professed. A sort of instinctive reasoning +told the people, what the learned on neither side had been able +to discover, that the truth of a religion begins to be very suspicious, +when it stands in need of prisons and scaffolds to eke +out its evidences. And as the English were constitutionally +humane, and not hardened by continually witnessing the +infliction of barbarous punishments, there arose a sympathy +for men suffering torments with such meekness and patience, +which the populace of some other nations were perhaps less apt +to display, especially in executions on the score of heresy.<a name="FNanchor_153" id="FNanchor_153" href="#Footnote_153" class="fnanchor">[153]</a> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">104</a></span> +The theologian indeed and the philosopher may concur in deriding +the notion that either sincerity or moral rectitude can be +the test of truth; yet among the various species of authority +to which recourse had been had to supersede or to supply the +deficiencies of argument, I know not whether any be more +reasonable, and none certainly is so congenial to unsophisticated +minds. Many are said to have become protestants under Mary, +who, at her coming to the throne, had retained the contrary +persuasion.<a name="FNanchor_154" id="FNanchor_154" href="#Footnote_154" class="fnanchor">[154]</a> And the strongest proof of this may be drawn +from the acquiescence of the great body of the kingdom in the +re-establishment of protestantism by Elizabeth, when compared +with the seditions and discontent on that account under Edward. +The course which this famous princess steered in ecclesiastical +concerns, during her long reign, will form the subject of the +two ensuing chapters.</p> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">105</a></span></p> + +<h3 class="p6">CHAPTER III</h3> + +<p class="center">ON THE LAWS OF ELIZABETH'S REIGN RESPECTING THE +ROMAN CATHOLICS</p> + +<p><i>Change of religion on the queen's accession.</i>—The accession of +Elizabeth, gratifying to the whole nation on account of the +late queen's extreme unpopularity, infused peculiar joy into +the hearts of all well-wishers to the Reformation. Child of that +famous marriage which had severed the connection of England +with the Roman see, and trained betimes in the learned and +reasoning discipline of protestant theology, suspected and +oppressed for that very reason by a sister's jealousy, and scarcely +preserved from the death which at one time threatened her, +there was every ground to be confident, that, notwithstanding +her forced compliance with the catholic rites during the late +reign, her inclinations had continued steadfast to the opposite +side.<a name="FNanchor_155" id="FNanchor_155" href="#Footnote_155" class="fnanchor">[155]</a> Nor was she long in manifesting this disposition sufficiently +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">106</a></span> +to alarm one party, though not entirely to satisfy the +other. Her great prudence, and that of her advisers, which +taught her to move slowly, while the temper of the nation was +still uncertain, and her government still embarrassed with a +French war and a Spanish alliance, joined with a certain tendency +in her religious sentiments not so thoroughly protestant +as had been expected, produced some complaints of delay from +the ardent reformers just returned from exile. She directed +Sir Edward Karn, her sister's ambassador at Rome, to notify +her accession to Paul IV. Several catholic writers have laid +stress on this circumstance as indicative of a desire to remain +in his communion; and have attributed her separation from it +to his arrogant reply, commanding her to lay down the title of +royalty, and to submit her pretentions to his decision. But +she had begun to make alterations, though not very essential, +in the church service, before the pope's behaviour could have +become known to her; and the bishops must have been well +aware of the course she designed to pursue, when they adopted +the violent and impolitic resolution of refusing to officiate at +her coronation.<a name="FNanchor_156" id="FNanchor_156" href="#Footnote_156" class="fnanchor">[156]</a> Her council was formed of a very few catholics, +of several pliant conformists with all changes, and of some +known friends to the protestant interest. But two of these, +Cecil and Bacon, were so much higher in her confidence, and so +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">107</a></span> +incomparably superior in talents to the other counsellors, that +it was evident which way she must incline.<a name="FNanchor_157" id="FNanchor_157" href="#Footnote_157" class="fnanchor">[157]</a> The parliament +met about two months after her accession. The creed of parliament +from the time of Henry VIII. had been always that of +the court; whether it were that elections had constantly been +influenced, as we know was sometimes the case, or that men of +adverse principles, yielding to the torrent, had left the way +clear to the partisans of power. This first, like all subsequent +parliaments, was to the full as favourable to protestantism as +the queen could desire: the first fruits of benefices, and, what +was far more important, the supremacy in ecclesiastical affairs, +were restored to the Crown; the laws made concerning religion +in Edward's time were re-enacted. These acts did not pass +without considerable opposition among the lords; nine temporal +peers, besides all the bishops, having protested against the bill +of uniformity establishing the Anglican liturgy, though some +pains had been taken to soften the passages most obnoxious to +catholics.<a name="FNanchor_158" id="FNanchor_158" href="#Footnote_158" class="fnanchor">[158]</a> But the act restoring the royal supremacy met with +less resistance; whether it were that the system of Henry +retained its hold over some minds, or that it did not encroach, +like the former, on the liberty of conscience, or that men not +over-scrupulous were satisfied with the interpretation which +the queen caused to be put upon the oath.</p> + +<p>Several of the bishops had submitted to the Reformation +under Edward VI. But they had acted, in general, so conspicuous +a part in the late restoration of popery, that, even +amidst so many examples of false profession, shame restrained +them from a second apostasy. Their number happened not to +exceed sixteen, one of whom was prevailed on to conform; +while the rest, refusing the oath of supremacy, were deprived +of their bishoprics by the court of ecclesiastical high commission. +In the summer of 1559, the queen appointed a general ecclesiastical +visitation, to compel the observance of the protestant +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">108</a></span> +formularies. It appears from their reports that only about one +hundred dignitaries, and eighty parochial priests, resigned their +benefices, or were deprived.<a name="FNanchor_159" id="FNanchor_159" href="#Footnote_159" class="fnanchor">[159]</a> Men eminent for their zeal in +the protestant cause, and most of them exiles during the persecution, +occupied the vacant sees. And thus, before the end of +1559, the English church, so long contended for as a prize by the +two religions, was lost for ever to that of Rome.</p> + +<p><i>Acts of supremacy and uniformity.</i>—These two statutes, +commonly denominated the acts of supremacy and uniformity, +form the basis of that restrictive code of laws, deemed by some +one of the fundamental bulwarks, by others the reproach of +our constitution, which pressed so heavily for more than two +centuries upon the adherents to the Romish church. By the +former all beneficed ecclesiastics, and all laymen holding office +under the Crown, were obliged to take the oath of supremacy, +renouncing the spiritual as well as temporal jurisdiction of +every foreign prince or prelate, on pain of forfeiting their office +or benefice; and it was rendered highly penal, and for the +third offence treasonable, to maintain such supremacy by +writing or advised speaking.<a name="FNanchor_160" id="FNanchor_160" href="#Footnote_160" class="fnanchor">[160]</a> The latter statute trenched +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">109</a></span> +more on the natural rights of conscience; prohibiting, under +pain of forfeiting goods and chattels for the first offence, of a +year's imprisonment for the second, and of imprisonment during +life for the third, the use by a minister, whether beneficed or +not, of any but the established liturgy; and imposed a fine of +one shilling on all who should absent themselves from church +on Sundays and holidays.<a name="FNanchor_161" id="FNanchor_161" href="#Footnote_161" class="fnanchor">[161]</a></p> + +<p><i>Restraint of Roman catholic worship in the first years of Elizabeth.</i>—This +act operated as an absolute interdiction of the +catholic rites, however privately celebrated. It has frequently +been asserted that the government connived at the domestic +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">110</a></span> +exercise of that religion during these first years of Elizabeth's +reign. This may possibly have been the case with respect to +some persons of very high rank whom it was inexpedient to +irritate. But we find instances of severity towards catholics, +even in that early period; and it is evident that their solemn +rites were only performed by stealth, and at much hazard. +Thus Sir Edward Waldgrave and his lady were sent to the +Tower in 1561, for hearing mass and having a priest in their +house. Many others about the same time were punished for +the like offence.<a name="FNanchor_162" id="FNanchor_162" href="#Footnote_162" class="fnanchor">[162]</a> Two bishops, one of whom, I regret to say, +was Grindal, write to the council in 1562, concerning a priest +apprehended in a lady's house, that neither he nor the servants +would be sworn to answer to articles, saying they would not +accuse themselves; and, after a wise remark on this, that +"papistry is like to end in anabaptistry," proceed to hint, that +"some think that if this priest might be put to some kind of +torment, and so driven to confess what he knoweth, he might +gain the queen's majesty a good mass of money by the masses +that he hath said; but this we refer to your lordship's wisdom."<a name="FNanchor_163" id="FNanchor_163" href="#Footnote_163" class="fnanchor">[163]</a> +This commencement of persecution induced many catholics to +fly beyond sea, and gave rise to those reunions of disaffected +exiles, which never ceased to endanger the throne of Elizabeth.</p> + +<p>It cannot, as far as appears, be truly alleged that any greater +provocation had as yet been given by the catholics, than that +of pertinaciously continuing to believe and worship as their +fathers had done before them. I request those who may hesitate +about this, to pay some attention to the order of time, +before they form their opinions. The master mover, that +became afterwards so busy, had not yet put his wires into +action. Every prudent man at Rome (and we shall not at +least deny that there were such) condemned the precipitate and +insolent behaviour of Paul IV. towards Elizabeth, as they did +most other parts of his administration. Pius IV., the successor +of that injudicious old man, aware of the inestimable importance +of reconciliation, and suspecting probably that the queen's turn +of thinking did not exclude all hope of it, despatched a nuncio +to England, with an invitation to send ambassadors to the +council at Trent, and with powers, as is said, to confirm the +English liturgy, and to permit double communion; one of the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">111</a></span> +few concessions which the more indulgent Romanists of that +age were not very reluctant to make.<a name="FNanchor_164" id="FNanchor_164" href="#Footnote_164" class="fnanchor">[164]</a> But Elizabeth had +taken her line as to the court of Rome; the nuncio received a +message at Brussels, that he must not enter the kingdom; and +she was too wise to countenance the impartial fathers of Trent, +whose labours had nearly drawn to a close, and whose decisions +on the controverted points it had never been very difficult to +foretell. I have not found that Pius IV., more moderate than +most other pontiffs of the sixteenth century, took any measures +hostile to the temporal government of this realm; but the +deprived ecclesiastics were not unfairly anxious to keep alive +the faith of their former hearers, and to prevent them from +sliding into conformity, through indifference and disuse of their +ancient rites.<a name="FNanchor_165" id="FNanchor_165" href="#Footnote_165" class="fnanchor">[165]</a> The means taken were chiefly the same as had +been adopted against themselves, the dispersion of small papers +either in a serious or lively strain; but, the remarkable position +in which the queen was placed rendering her death a most +important contingency, the popish party made use of pretended +conjurations and prophecies of that event, in order to unsettle +the people's minds, and dispose them to anticipate another +re-action.<a name="FNanchor_166" id="FNanchor_166" href="#Footnote_166" class="fnanchor">[166]</a> Partly through these political circumstances, but +far more from the hard usage they experienced for professing +their religion, there seems to have been an increasing restlessness +among the catholics about 1562, which was met with new +rigour by the parliament of that year.<a name="FNanchor_167" id="FNanchor_167" href="#Footnote_167" class="fnanchor">[167]</a> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">112</a></span></p> + +<p><i>Statute of 1562.</i>—The act entitled, "for the assurance of the +queen's royal power over all estates and subjects within her +dominions," enacts, with an iniquitous and sanguinary retrospect, +that all persons, who had ever taken holy orders or any +degree in the universities, or had been admitted to the practice +of the laws, or held any office in their execution, should be +bound to take the oath of supremacy, when tendered to them +by a bishop, or by commissioners appointed under the great +seal. The penalty for the first refusal of this oath was that of +a præmunire; but any person, who after the space of three +months from the first tender should again refuse it when in +like manner tendered, incurred the pains of high treason. The +oath of supremacy was imposed by this statute on every member +of the House of Commons, but could not be tendered to a peer; +the queen declaring her full confidence in those hereditary +counsellors. Several peers of great weight and dignity were +still catholics.<a name="FNanchor_168" id="FNanchor_168" href="#Footnote_168" class="fnanchor">[168]</a></p> + +<p><i>Speech of Lord Montague against it.</i>—This harsh statute did +not pass without opposition. Two speeches against it have +been preserved; one by Lord Montagu in the House of Lords, +the other by Mr. Atkinson in the Commons, breathing such +generous abhorrence of persecution as some erroneously imagine +to have been unknown to that age, because we rarely meet with +it in theological writings. "This law," said Lord Montagu, +"is not necessary; forasmuch as the catholics of this realm +disturb not, nor hinder the public affairs of the realms, neither +spiritual nor temporal. They dispute not, they preach not, +they disobey not the queen; they cause no trouble nor tumults +among the people; so that no man can say that thereby the +realm doth receive any hurt or damage by them. They have +brought into the realm no novelties in doctrine and religion. +This being true and evident, as it is indeed, there is no necessity +why any new law should be made against them. And where +there is no sore nor grief, medicines are superfluous, and also +hurtful and dangerous. I do entreat," he says afterwards, +"whether it be just to make this penal statute to force the +subjects of this realm to receive and believe the religion of +protestants on pain of death. This I say to be a thing most +unjust; for that it is repugnant to the natural liberty of men's +understanding. For understanding may be persuaded, but +not forced." And further on: "It is an easy thing to understand +that a thing so unjust, and so contrary to all reason and +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">113</a></span> +liberty of man, cannot be put in execution but with great +incommodity and difficulty. For what man is there so without +courage and stomach, or void of all honour, that can consent +or agree to receive an opinion and new religion by force and +compulsion; or will swear that he thinketh the contrary to +what he thinketh? To be still, or dissemble, may be borne +and suffered for a time—to keep his reckoning with God alone; +but to be compelled to lie and to swear, or else to die therefore, +are things that no man ought to suffer and endure. And it is +to be feared rather than to die they will seek how to defend +themselves; whereby should ensue the contrary of what every +good prince and well advised commonwealth ought to seek and +pretend, that is, to keep their kingdom and government in +peace."<a name="FNanchor_169" id="FNanchor_169" href="#Footnote_169" class="fnanchor">[169]</a></p> + +<p><i>Statute of 1562 not fully enforced.</i>—I am never very willing to +admit as an apology for unjust or cruel enactments, that they +are not designed to be generally executed; a pretext often +insidious, always insecure, and tending to mask the approaches +of arbitrary government. But it is certain that Elizabeth did +not wish this act to be enforced in its full severity. And Archbishop +Parker, by far the most prudent churchman of the time, +judging some of the bishops too little moderate in their dealings +with the papists, warned them privately to use great caution +in tendering the oath of supremacy according to the act, and +never to do so the second time, on which the penalty of treason +might attach, without his previous approbation.<a name="FNanchor_170" id="FNanchor_170" href="#Footnote_170" class="fnanchor">[170]</a> The temper +of some of his colleagues was more narrow and vindictive. +Several of the deprived prelates had been detained in a sort of +honourable custody in the palaces of their successors.<a name="FNanchor_171" id="FNanchor_171" href="#Footnote_171" class="fnanchor">[171]</a> Bonner, +the most justly obnoxious of them all, was confined in the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">114</a></span> +Marshalsea. Upon the occasion of this new statute, Horn, +Bishop of Winchester, indignant at the impunity of such a +man, proceeded to tender him the oath of supremacy, with an +evident intention of driving him to high treason. Bonner, +however, instead of evading this attack, intrepidly denied the +other to be a lawful bishop; and, strange as it may seem, not +only escaped all farther molestation, but had the pleasure of +seeing his adversaries reduced to pass an act of parliament, +declaring the present bishops to have been legally consecrated.<a name="FNanchor_172" id="FNanchor_172" href="#Footnote_172" class="fnanchor">[172]</a> +This statute, and especially its preamble, might lead a hasty +reader to suspect that the celebrated story of an irregular +consecration of the first protestant bishops at the Nag's-head +tavern was not wholly undeserving of credit. That tale, however, +has been satisfactorily refuted: the only irregularity +which gave rise to this statute consisted in the use of an ordinal, +which had not been legally re-established.<a name="FNanchor_173" id="FNanchor_173" href="#Footnote_173" class="fnanchor">[173]</a></p> + +<p><i>Application of the emperor in behalf of the English catholics.</i>—It +was not long after the act imposing such heavy penalties on +catholic priests for refusing the oath of supremacy, that the +Emperor Ferdinand addressed two letters to Elizabeth, interceding +for the adherents to that religion, both with respect to +those new severities to which they might become liable by +conscientiously declining that oath, and to the prohibition of +the free exercise of their rites. He suggested that it might be +reasonable to allow them the use of one church in every city. +And he concluded with an expression, which might possibly be +designed to intimate that his own conduct towards the protestants +in his dominions would be influenced by her concurrence +in his request.<a name="FNanchor_174" id="FNanchor_174" href="#Footnote_174" class="fnanchor">[174]</a> Such considerations were not without great +importance. The protestant religion was gaining ground in +Austria, where a large proportion of the nobility as well as +citizens had for some years earnestly claimed its public toleration. +Ferdinand, prudent and averse from bigoted counsels, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">115</a></span> +and for every reason solicitous to heal the wounds which religious +differences had made in the empire, while he was endeavouring, +not absolutely without hope of success, to obtain some concessions +from the pope, had shown a disposition to grant further +indulgences to his protestant subjects. His son, Maximilian, +not only through his moderate temper, but some real inclination +towards the new doctrines, bade fair to carry much farther the +liberal policy of the reigning emperor.<a name="FNanchor_175" id="FNanchor_175" href="#Footnote_175" class="fnanchor">[175]</a> It was consulting very +little the general interests of protestantism, to disgust persons +so capable and so well disposed to befriend it. But our queen, +although free from the fanatical spirit of persecution which +actuated part of her subjects, was too deeply imbued with +arbitrary principles to endure any public deviation from the +mode of worship she should prescribe. And it must perhaps +be admitted that experience alone could fully demonstrate the +safety of toleration, and show the fallacy of apprehensions that +unprejudiced men might have entertained. In her answer to +Ferdinand, the queen declares that she cannot grant churches +to those who disagree from her religion, being against the laws +of her parliament, and highly dangerous to the state of her +kingdom; as it would sow various opinions in the nation to +distract the minds of honest men, and would cherish parties +and factions that might disturb the present tranquillity of the +commonwealth. Yet enough had already occurred in France +to lead observing men to suspect that severities and restrictions +are by no means an infallible specific to prevent or subdue +religious factions.</p> + +<p>Camden and many others have asserted that by systematic +connivance the Roman catholics enjoyed a pretty free use of +their religion for the first fourteen years of Elizabeth's reign. +But this is not reconcilable to many passages in Strype's +collections. We find abundance of persons harassed for recusancy, +that is, for not attending the protestant church, and +driven to insincere promises of conformity. Others were +dragged before ecclesiastical commissions for harbouring priests, +or for sending money to those who had fled beyond sea.<a name="FNanchor_176" id="FNanchor_176" href="#Footnote_176" class="fnanchor">[176]</a> +Students of the inns of court, where popery had a strong hold +at this time, were examined in the star-chamber as to their +religion, and on not giving satisfactory answers were committed +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">116</a></span> +to the Fleet.<a name="FNanchor_177" id="FNanchor_177" href="#Footnote_177" class="fnanchor">[177]</a> The catholic party were not always scrupulous +about the usual artifices of an oppressed people, meeting force +by fraud, and concealing their heartfelt wishes under the mask +of ready submission, or even of zealous attachment. A great +majority both of clergy and laity yielded to the times; and of +these temporising conformists it cannot be doubted that many +lost by degrees all thought of returning to their ancient fold. +But others, while they complied with exterior ceremonies, +retained in their private devotions their accustomed mode of +worship. It is an admitted fact, that the catholics generally +attended the church, till it came to be reckoned a distinctive +sign of their having renounced their own religion. They persuaded +themselves (and the English priests, uninstructed and +accustomed to a temporising conduct, did not discourage the +notion) that the private observance of their own rites would +excuse a formal obedience to the civil power.<a name="FNanchor_178" id="FNanchor_178" href="#Footnote_178" class="fnanchor">[178]</a> The Romish +scheme of worship, though it attaches more importance to +ceremonial rites, has one remarkable difference from the protestant, +that it is far less social; and consequently the prevention +of its open exercise has far less tendency to weaken +men's religious associations, so long as their individual intercourse +with a priest, its essential requisite, can be preserved. +Priests therefore travelled the country in various disguises, to +keep alive a flame which the practice of outward conformity +was calculated to extinguish. There was not a county throughout +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">117</a></span> +England, says a catholic historian, where several of Mary's +clergy did not reside, and were commonly called the old priests. +They served as chaplains in private families.<a name="FNanchor_179" id="FNanchor_179" href="#Footnote_179" class="fnanchor">[179]</a> By stealth, at +the dead of night, in private chambers, in the secret lurking-places +of an ill-peopled country, with all the mystery that +subdues the imagination, with all the mutual trust that invigorates +constancy, these proscribed ecclesiastics celebrated +their solemn rites, more impressive in such concealment than +if surrounded by all their former splendour. The strong predilection +indeed of mankind for mystery, which has probably +led many to tamper in political conspiracies without much +further motive, will suffice to preserve secret associations, even +where their purposes are far less interesting than those of +religion. Many of these itinerant priests assumed the character +of protestant preachers; and it has been said, with some truth, +though not probably without exaggeration, that, under the +directions of their crafty court, they fomented the division then +springing up, and mingled with the anabaptists and other +sectaries, in the hope both of exciting dislike to the establishment, +and of instilling their own tenets, slightly disguised, into +the minds of unwary enthusiasts.<a name="FNanchor_180" id="FNanchor_180" href="#Footnote_180" class="fnanchor">[180]</a></p> + +<p><i>Persecution of the catholics in the ensuing period.</i>—It is my +thorough conviction that the persecution, for it can obtain no +better name,<a name="FNanchor_181" id="FNanchor_181" href="#Footnote_181" class="fnanchor">[181]</a> carried on against the English catholics, however +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">118</a></span> +it might serve to delude the government by producing an +apparent conformity, could not but excite a spirit of disloyalty +in many adherents of that faith. Nor would it be safe to assert +that a more conciliating policy would have altogether disarmed +their hostility, much less laid at rest those busy hopes of the +future, which the peculiar circumstances of Elizabeth's reign +had a tendency to produce. This remarkable posture of affairs +affected all her civil, and still more her ecclesiastical policy. +Her own title to the crown depended absolutely on a parliamentary +recognition. The act of 35 H. 8, c. 1 had settled the +crown upon her, and thus far restrained the previous statute, +28 H. 8, c. 7, which had empowered her father to regulate the +succession at his pleasure. Besides this legislative authority, +his testament had bequeathed the kingdom to Elizabeth after +her sister Mary; and the common consent of the nation had +ratified her possession. But the Queen of Scots, niece of Henry +by Margaret, his elder sister, had a prior right to the throne +during Elizabeth's reign, in the eyes of such catholics as preferred +an hereditary to a parliamentary title, and was reckoned +by the far greater part of the nation its presumptive heir after +her decease. There could indeed be no question of this, had +the succession been left to its natural course. But Henry had +exercised the power with which his parliament, in too servile a +spirit, yet in the plenitude of its sovereign authority, had +invested him, by settling the succession in remainder upon the +house of Suffolk, descendants of his second sister Mary, to +whom he postponed the elder line of Scotland. Mary left two +daughters, Frances and Eleanor. The former became wife of +Grey, Marquis of Dorset, created Duke of Suffolk by Edward; +and had three daughters—Jane, whose fate is well known, +Catherine, and Mary. Eleanor Brandon, by her union with +the Earl of Cumberland, had a daughter, who married the Earl +of Derby. At the beginning of Elizabeth's reign, or rather after +the death of the Duchess of Suffolk, Lady Catherine Grey was +by statute law the presumptive heiress of the crown; but +according to the rules of hereditary descent, which the bulk of +mankind do not readily permit an arbitrary and capricious +enactment to disturb, Mary Queen of Scots, granddaughter of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">119</a></span> +Margaret, was the indisputable representative of her royal +progenitors, and the next in succession to Elizabeth.</p> + +<p><i>Elizabeth's unwillingness to decide the succession, or to marry.</i>—This +reversion, indeed, after a youthful princess, might well +appear rather an improbable contingency. It was to be expected +that a fertile marriage would defeat all speculations +about her inheritance; nor had Elizabeth been many weeks +on the throne, before this began to occupy her subjects' minds.<a name="FNanchor_182" id="FNanchor_182" href="#Footnote_182" class="fnanchor">[182]</a> +Among several who were named, two very soon became the +prominent candidates for her favour, the Archduke Charles, +son of the Emperor Ferdinand, and Lord Robert Dudley, sometime +after created Earl of Leicester; one recommended by his +dignity and alliances, the other by her own evident partiality. +She gave at the outset so little encouragement to the former +proposal, that Leicester's ambition did not appear extravagant.<a name="FNanchor_183" id="FNanchor_183" href="#Footnote_183" class="fnanchor">[183]</a> +But her ablest counsellors who knew his vices, and her greatest +peers who thought his nobility recent and ill acquired, deprecated +so unworthy a connection.<a name="FNanchor_184" id="FNanchor_184" href="#Footnote_184" class="fnanchor">[184]</a> Few will pretend to explore +the labyrinths of Elizabeth's heart; yet we may almost conclude +that her passion for this favourite kept up a struggle against +her wisdom for the first seven or eight years of her reign. Meantime +she still continued unmarried; and those expressions she +had so early used, of her resolution to live and die a virgin, +began to appear less like coy affectation than at first. Never +had a sovereign's marriage been more desirable for a kingdom. +Cecil, aware how important it was that the queen should marry, +but dreading her union with Leicester, contrived, about the +end of 1564, to renew the treaty with the Archduke Charles.<a name="FNanchor_185" id="FNanchor_185" href="#Footnote_185" class="fnanchor">[185]</a> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">120</a></span> +During this negotiation, which lasted from two to three years, +she showed not a little of that evasive and dissembling coquetry +which was to be more fully displayed on subsequent occasions.<a name="FNanchor_186" id="FNanchor_186" href="#Footnote_186" class="fnanchor">[186]</a> +Leicester deemed himself so much interested as to quarrel with +those who manifested any zeal for the Austrian marriage; but +his mistress gradually overcame her misplaced inclinations; +and from the time when that connection was broken off, his +prospects of becoming her husband seem rapidly to have +vanished away. The pretext made for relinquishing this treaty +with the archduke was Elizabeth's constant refusal to tolerate +the exercise of his religion; a difficulty which, whether real or +ostensible, recurred in all her subsequent negotiations of a +similar nature.<a name="FNanchor_187" id="FNanchor_187" href="#Footnote_187" class="fnanchor">[187]</a></p> + +<p>In every parliament of Elizabeth the House of Commons was +zealously attached to the protestant interest. This, as well as +an apprehension of disturbance from a contested succession, +led to those importunate solicitations that she would choose a +husband, which she so artfully evaded. A determination so +contrary to her apparent interest, and to the earnest desire of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">121</a></span> +her people, may give some countenance to the surmises of the +time, that she was restrained from marriage by a secret consciousness +that it was unlikely to be fruitful.<a name="FNanchor_188" id="FNanchor_188" href="#Footnote_188" class="fnanchor">[188]</a> Whether these conjectures +were well founded, of which I know no evidence, or +whether the risk of experiencing that ingratitude which the +husbands of sovereign princesses have often displayed, and of +which one glaring example was immediately before her eyes, +outweighed in her judgment that of remaining single, or whether +she might not even apprehend a more desperate combination +of the catholic party at home and abroad, if the birth of any +issue from her should shut out their hopes of Mary's succession, +it is difficult for us to decide.</p> + +<p>Though the queen's marriage were the primary object of +these addresses, as the most probable means of securing an +undisputed heir to the crown, yet she might have satisfied the +parliament in some degree by limiting the succession to one +certain line. But it seems doubtful whether this would have +answered the proposed end. If she had taken a firm resolution +against matrimony, which, unless on the supposition already +hinted, could hardly be reconciled with a sincere regard for her +people's welfare, it might be less dangerous to leave the course +of events to regulate her inheritance. Though all parties seem +to have conspired in pressing her to some decisive settlement +on this subject, it would not have been easy to content the two +factions, who looked for a successor to very different quarters.<a name="FNanchor_189" id="FNanchor_189" href="#Footnote_189" class="fnanchor">[189]</a> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">122</a></span> +It is evident that any confirmation of the Suffolk title would +have been regarded by the Queen of Scots and her numerous +partisans as a flagrant injustice, to which they would not submit +but by compulsion: and on the other hand, by re-establishing +the hereditary line, Elizabeth would have lost her check on one +whom she had reason to consider as a rival and competitor, +and whose influence was already alarmingly extensive among +her subjects.</p> + +<p><i>Imprisonment of Lady Catherine Grey.</i>—She had, however, in +one of the first years of her reign, without any better motive +than her own jealous and malignant humour, taken a step not +only harsh and arbitrary, but very little consonant to policy, +which had almost put it out of her power to defeat the Queen +of Scots' succession. Lady Catherine Grey, who has been +already mentioned as next in remainder of the house of Suffolk, +proved with child by a private marriage, as they both alleged, +with the Earl of Hertford. The queen, always envious of the +happiness of lovers, and jealous of all who could entertain any +hopes of the succession, threw them both into the Tower. By +connivance of their keepers, the lady bore a second child during +this imprisonment. Upon this Elizabeth caused an enquiry to +be instituted before a commission of privy counsellors and +civilians; wherein, the parties being unable to adduce proof +of their marriage, Archbishop Parker pronounced that their +cohabitation was illegal, and that they should be censured for +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">123</a></span> +fornication. He was to be pitied if the law obliged him to +utter so harsh a sentence, or to be blamed if it did not. Even +had the marriage never been solemnised, it was impossible to +doubt the existence of a contract, which both were still desirous +to perform. But there is reason to believe that there had been +an actual marriage, though so hasty and clandestine that they +had not taken precautions to secure evidence of it. The injured +lady sunk under this hardship and indignity;<a name="FNanchor_190" id="FNanchor_190" href="#Footnote_190" class="fnanchor">[190]</a> but the legitimacy +of her children was acknowledged by general consent, and, +in a distant age, by a legislative declaration. These proceedings +excited much dissatisfaction; generous minds revolted from +their severity, and many lamented to see the reformed branch +of the royal stock thus bruised by the queen's unkind and +impolitic jealousy.<a name="FNanchor_191" id="FNanchor_191" href="#Footnote_191" class="fnanchor">[191]</a> Hales, clerk of the hanaper, a zealous +protestant, having written in favour of Lady Catherine's +marriage, and of her title to the succession, was sent to the +Tower.<a name="FNanchor_192" id="FNanchor_192" href="#Footnote_192" class="fnanchor">[192]</a> The lord keeper Bacon himself, a known friend to +the house of Suffolk, being suspected of having prompted Hales +to write this treatise, lost much of his mistress's favour. Even +Cecil, though he had taken a share in prosecuting Lady Catherine, +perhaps in some degree from an apprehension that the queen +might remember he had once joined in proclaiming her sister +Jane, did not always escape the same suspicion;<a name="FNanchor_193" id="FNanchor_193" href="#Footnote_193" class="fnanchor">[193]</a> and it is +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">124</a></span> +probable that he felt the imprudence of entirely discountenancing +a party from which the queen and religion had nothing to +dread. There is reason to believe that the house of Suffolk +was favoured in parliament; the address of the Commons in +1563, imploring the queen to settle the succession, contains +several indications of a spirit unfriendly to the Scottish line;<a name="FNanchor_194" id="FNanchor_194" href="#Footnote_194" class="fnanchor">[194]</a> +and a speech is extant, said to have been made as late as 1571, +expressly vindicating the rival pretension.<a name="FNanchor_195" id="FNanchor_195" href="#Footnote_195" class="fnanchor">[195]</a> If indeed we consider +with attention the statute of 13 Eliz. c. 1, which renders +it treasonable to deny that the sovereigns of this kingdom, with +consent of parliament, might alter the line of succession, it will +appear little short of a confirmation of that title, which the +descendants of Mary Brandon derived from a parliamentary +settlement. But the doubtful birth of Lord Beauchamp and +his brother, with an ignoble marriage, which Frances, the +younger sister of Lady Catherine Grey, had thought it prudent +to contract, deprived this party of all political consequence +much sooner, as I conceive, than the wisest of Elizabeth's +advisers could have desired; and gave rise to various other +pretensions, which failed not to occupy speculative or intriguing +tempers throughout this reign.</p> + +<p><i>Mary, Queen of Scotland.</i>—We may well avoid the tedious +and intricate paths of Scottish history, where each fact must +be sustained by a controversial discussion. Every one will +recollect, that Mary Stuart's retention of the arms and style of +England gave the first, and, as it proved, inexpiable provocation +to Elizabeth. It is indeed true, that she was queen +consort of France, a state lately at war with England, and that +if the sovereigns of the latter country, even in peace, would +persist in claiming the French throne, they could hardly complain +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">125</a></span> +of this retaliation. But, although it might be difficult to +find a diplomatic answer to this, yet every one was sensible of +an important difference between a title retained through vanity, +and expressive of pretensions long since abandoned, from one +that several foreign powers were prepared to recognise, and a +great part of the nation might perhaps only want opportunity to +support.<a name="FNanchor_196" id="FNanchor_196" href="#Footnote_196" class="fnanchor">[196]</a> If, however, after the death of Francis II. had set +the Queen of Scots free from all adverse connections, she had +with more readiness and apparent sincerity renounced a pretension +which could not be made compatible with Elizabeth's +friendship, she might perhaps have escaped some of the consequences +of that powerful neighbour's jealousy. But, whether +it were that female weakness restrained her from unequivocally +abandoning claims which she deemed well founded, and which +future events might enable her to realise even in Elizabeth's +lifetime, or whether she fancied that to drop the arms of England +from her scutcheon would look like a dereliction of her +right of succession, no satisfaction was fairly given on this +point to the English court. Elizabeth took a far more effective +revenge, by intriguing with all the malecontents of Scotland. +But while she was endeavouring to render Mary's throne +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">126</a></span> +uncomfortable and insecure, she did not employ that influence +against her in England, which lay more fairly in her power. +She certainly was not unfavourable to the Queen of Scots' +succession, however she might decline compliance with importunate +and injudicious solicitations to declare it. She threw +both Hales and one Thornton into prison for writing against +that title. And when Mary's secretary, Lethington, urged that +Henry's testament, which alone stood in their way, should be +examined, alleging that it had not been signed by the king, +she paid no attention to this imprudent request.<a name="FNanchor_197" id="FNanchor_197" href="#Footnote_197" class="fnanchor">[197]</a></p> + +<p>The circumstances wherein Mary found herself placed on her +arrival in Scotland were sufficiently embarrassing to divert her +attention from any regular scheme against Elizabeth, though +she may sometimes have indulged visionary hopes; nor it is +probable that with the most circumspect management she +could so far have mitigated the rancour of some or checked the +ambition of others, as to find leisure for hostile intrigues. But +her imprudent marriage with Darnley, and the far greater +errors of her subsequent behaviour, by lowering both her +resources and reputation as far as possible, seemed to be +pledges of perfect security from that quarter. Yet it was +precisely when Mary was become most feeble and helpless, +that Elizabeth's apprehensions grew most serious and well +founded.</p> + +<p>At the time when Mary, escaped from captivity, threw herself +on the protection of a related, though rival queen, three courses +lay open to Elizabeth, and were discussed in her councils. To +restore her by force of arms, or rather by a mediation which +would certainly have been effectual, to the throne which she +had compulsorily abdicated, was the most generous, and would +probably have turned out the most judicious proceeding. +Reigning thus with tarnished honour and diminished power, +she must have continually depended on the support of England, +and become little better than a vassal of its sovereign. Still it +might be objected by many, that the queen's honour was concerned +not to maintain too decidedly the cause of one accused +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">127</a></span> +by common fame, and even by evidence that had already been +made public, of adultery and the assassination of her husband. +To have permitted her retreat into France would have shown +an impartial neutrality; and probably that court was too much +occupied at home to have afforded her any material assistance. +Yet this appeared rather dangerous; and policy was supposed, +as frequently happens, to indicate a measure absolutely repugnant +to justice, that of detaining her in perpetual custody.<a name="FNanchor_198" id="FNanchor_198" href="#Footnote_198" class="fnanchor">[198]</a> +Whether this policy had no other fault than its want of justice, +may reasonably be called in question.</p> + +<p><i>Combination in favour of Mary.</i>—The queen's determination +neither to marry nor limit the succession had inevitably turned +every one's thoughts towards the contingency of her death. +She was young indeed; but had been dangerously ill, once in +1562,<a name="FNanchor_199" id="FNanchor_199" href="#Footnote_199" class="fnanchor">[199]</a> and again in 1568. Of all possible competitors for the +throne, Mary was incomparably the most powerful, both among +the nobility and the people. Besides the undivided attachment +of all who retained any longings for the ancient religion, and +many such were to be found at Elizabeth's court and chapel, +she had the stronghold of hereditary right, and the general +sentiment that revolts from acknowledging the omnipotency +of a servile parliament. Cecil, whom no one could suspect of +partiality towards her, admits in a remarkable minute on the +state of the kingdom, in 1569, that "the Queen of Scots' strength +standeth by the universal opinion of the world for the justice +of her title, as coming of the ancient line."<a name="FNanchor_200" id="FNanchor_200" href="#Footnote_200" class="fnanchor">[200]</a> This was no doubt +in some degree counteracted by a sense of the danger which her +accession would occasion to the protestant church, and which, +far more than its parliamentary title, kept up a sort of party +for the house of Suffolk. The crimes imputed to her did not +immediately gain credit among the people; and some of higher +rank were too experienced politicians to turn aside for such +considerations. She had always preserved her connections +among the English nobility, of whom many were catholics, and +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">128</a></span> +others adverse to Cecil, by whose counsels the queen had been +principally directed in all her conduct with regard to Scotland +and its sovereign.<a name="FNanchor_201" id="FNanchor_201" href="#Footnote_201" class="fnanchor">[201]</a> After the unfinished process of enquiry to +which Mary submitted at York and Hampton Court, when the +charge of participation in Darnley's murder had been substantiated +by evidence at least that she did not disprove, and +the whole course of which proceedings created a very unfavourable +impression both in England and on the continent, no time +was to be lost by those who considered her as the object of their +dearest hopes. She was in the kingdom; she might, by a bold +rescue, be placed at their head; every hour's delay increased +the danger of her being delivered up to the rebel Scots; and +doubtless some eager protestants had already begun to demand +her exclusion by an absolute decision of the legislature.</p> + +<p>Elizabeth must have laid her account, if not with the disaffection +of the catholic party, yet at least with their attachment +to the Queen of Scots. But the extensive combination +that appeared, in 1569, to bring about by force the Duke of +Norfolk's marriage with that princess, might well startle her +cabinet. In this combination Westmoreland and Northumberland, +avowed catholics, Pembroke and Arundel, suspected ones, +were mingled with Sussex and even Leicester, unquestioned +protestants. The Duke of Norfolk himself, greater and richer +than any English subject, had gone such lengths in this conspiracy +that his life became the just forfeit of his guilt and +folly. It is almost impossible to pity this unhappy man, who +lured by the most criminal ambition, after proclaiming the +Queen of Scots a notorious adulteress and murderer, would have +compassed a union with her at the hazard of his sovereign's +crown, of the tranquillity and even independence of his country, +and of the reformed religion.<a name="FNanchor_202" id="FNanchor_202" href="#Footnote_202" class="fnanchor">[202]</a> There is abundant proof of his +intrigues with the Duke of Alva, who had engaged to invade +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">129</a></span> +the kingdom. His trial was not indeed conducted in a manner +that we can approve (such was the nature of state proceedings +in that age), nor can it, I think, be denied that it formed a +precedent of constructive treason not easily reconcilable with +the statute; but much evidence is extant that his prosecutors +did not adduce; and no one fell by a sentence more amply +merited, or the execution of which was more indispensable.<a name="FNanchor_203" id="FNanchor_203" href="#Footnote_203" class="fnanchor">[203]</a></p> + +<p><i>Bull of Pius V.</i>—Norfolk was the dupe throughout all this +intrigue of more artful men; first of Murray and Lethington, +who had filled his mind with ambitious hopes, and afterwards +of Italian agents employed by Pius V. to procure a combination +of the catholic party. Collateral to Norfolk's conspiracy, but +doubtless connected with it, was that of the northern Earls of +Northumberland and Westmoreland, long prepared, and perfectly +foreseen by the government, of which the ostensible and +manifest aim was the re-establishment of popery.<a name="FNanchor_204" id="FNanchor_204" href="#Footnote_204" class="fnanchor">[204]</a> Pius V., +who took a far more active part than his predecessor in English +affairs, and had secretly instigated this insurrection, now published +his celebrated bull, excommunicating and deposing +Elizabeth, in order to second the efforts of her rebellious subjects.<a name="FNanchor_205" id="FNanchor_205" href="#Footnote_205" class="fnanchor">[205]</a> +This is, perhaps, with the exception of that issued by +Sixtus V. against Mary IV. of France, the latest blast of that +trumpet, which had thrilled the hearts of monarchs. Yet there +was nothing in the sound that bespoke declining vigour; even +the illegitimacy of Elizabeth's birth is scarcely alluded to; +and the pope seems to have chosen rather to tread the path of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">130</a></span> +his predecessors, and absolve her subjects from their allegiance, +as the just and necessary punishment of her heresy.</p> + +<p>Since nothing so much strengthens any government as an +unsuccessful endeavour to subvert it, it may be thought that +the complete failure of the rebellion under the Earls of Northumberland +and Westmoreland, with the detection and punishment +of the Duke of Norfolk, rendered Elizabeth's throne more +secure. But those events revealed the number of her enemies, +or at least of those in whom no confidence could be reposed. +The rebellion, though provided against by the ministry, and +headed by two peers of great family but no personal weight, +had not only assumed for a time a most formidable aspect in +the north, but caused many to waver in other parts of the +kingdom.<a name="FNanchor_206" id="FNanchor_206" href="#Footnote_206" class="fnanchor">[206]</a> Even in Norfolk, an eminently protestant county, +there was a slight insurrection in 1570, out of attachment to +the duke.<a name="FNanchor_207" id="FNanchor_207" href="#Footnote_207" class="fnanchor">[207]</a> If her greatest subject could thus be led astray +from his faith and loyalty, if others not less near to her councils +could unite with him in measures so contrary to her wishes and +interests, on whom was she firmly to rely? Who, especially, +could be trusted, were she to be snatched away from the world, +for the maintenance of the protestant establishment under a +yet unknown successor? This was the manifest and principal +danger that her counsellors had to dread. Her own great +reputation, and the respectful attachment of her people, might +give reason to hope that no machinations would be successful +against her crown; but let us reflect in what situation the +kingdom would have been left by her death in a sudden illness, +such as she had more than once experienced in earlier years, +and again in 1571. "You must think," Lord Burleigh writes +to Walsingham, on that occasion, "such a matter would drive +me to the end of my wits." And Sir Thomas Smith expresses +his fears in equally strong language.<a name="FNanchor_208" id="FNanchor_208" href="#Footnote_208" class="fnanchor">[208]</a> Such statesmen do not +entertain apprehensions lightly. Whom, in truth, could her +privy council, on such an event, have resolved to proclaim? +The house of Suffolk, had its right been more generally recognised +than it was (Lady Catherine being now dead), presented +no undoubted heir. The young King of Scotland, an alien and +an infant, could only have reigned through a regency; and it +might have been difficult to have selected from the English +nobility a fit person to undertake that office, or at least one in +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">131</a></span> +whose elevation the rest would have acquiesced. It appears +most probable that the numerous and powerful faction who +had promoted Norfolk's union with Mary would have contrived +again to remove her from her prison to the throne. Of such a +revolution the disgrace of Cecil and of Elizabeth's wisest ministers +must have been the immediate consequence; and it is +probable that the restoration of the catholic worship would +have ensued. These apprehensions prompted Cecil, Walsingham, +and Smith to press the queen's marriage with the Duke +of Anjou far more earnestly than would otherwise have appeared +consistent with her interests. A union with any member of +that perfidious court was repugnant to genuine protestant +sentiments. But the queen's absolute want of foreign alliances, +and the secret hostility both of France and Spain, impressed +Cecil with that deep sense of the perils of the time +which his private letters so strongly bespeak. A treaty was +believed to have been concluded in 1567, to which the two +last-mentioned powers, with the Emperor Maximilian and some +other catholic princes, were parties, for the extirpation of the +protestant religion.<a name="FNanchor_209" id="FNanchor_209" href="#Footnote_209" class="fnanchor">[209]</a> No alliance that the court of Charles IX. +could have formed with Elizabeth was likely to have diverted +it from pursuing this object; and it may have been fortunate +that her own insincerity saved her from being the dupe of those +who practised it so well. Walsingham himself, sagacious as he +was, fell into the snares of that den of treachery, giving credit +to the young king's assurances almost on the very eve of St. +Bartholomew.<a name="FNanchor_210" id="FNanchor_210" href="#Footnote_210" class="fnanchor">[210]</a></p> + +<p><i>Statutes for the queen's security.</i>—The bull of Pius V., far more +injurious in its consequences to those it was designed to serve +than to Elizabeth, forms a leading epoch in the history of our +English catholics. It rested upon a principle never universally +acknowledged, and regarded with much jealousy by temporal +governments, yet maintained in all countries by many whose +zeal and ability rendered them formidable—the right vested +in the supreme pontiff to depose kings for heinous crimes against +the church. One Felton affixed this bull to the gates of the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">132</a></span> +Bishop of London's palace, and suffered death for the offence. +So audacious a manifestation of disloyalty was imputed with +little justice to the catholics at large, but might more reasonably +lie at the door of those active instruments of Rome, the +English refugee priests and jesuits dispersed over Flanders and +lately established at Douay, who were continually passing into +the kingdom, not only to keep alive the precarious faith of the +laity, but, as was generally surmised, to excite them against +their sovereign.<a name="FNanchor_211" id="FNanchor_211" href="#Footnote_211" class="fnanchor">[211]</a> This produced the act of 13 Eliz. c. 2; which, +after reciting these mischiefs, enacts that all persons publishing +any bull from Rome, or absolving and reconciling any one to +the Romish church, or being so reconciled, should incur the +penalties of high treason; and such as brought into the realm +any crosses, pictures, or superstitious things consecrated by +the pope or under his authority, should be liable to a premunire. +Those who should conceal or connive at the offenders were to +be held guilty of misprision of treason. This statute exposed +the catholic priesthood, and in great measure the laity, to the +continual risk of martyrdom; for so many had fallen away +from their faith through a pliant spirit of conformity with the +times, that the regular discipline would exact their absolution +and reconciliation before they could be reinstated in the church's +communion. Another act of the same session, manifestly +levelled against the partisans of Mary, and even against herself, +makes it high treason to affirm that the queen ought not to +enjoy the crown, but some other person; or to publish that she +is a heretic, schismatic, tyrant, infidel, or usurper of the crown; +or to claim right to the crown, or to usurp the same during the +queen's life; or to affirm that the laws and statutes do not bind +the right of the crown, and the descent, limitation, inheritance, +or governance thereof. And whosoever should during the +queen's life, by any book or work written or printed, expressly +affirm, before the same had been established by parliament, +that any one particular person was or ought to be heir and +successor to the queen, except the same be the natural issue +of her body, or should print or utter any such book or writing, +was for the first offence to be imprisoned a year, and to forfeit +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">133</a></span> +half his goods; and for the second to incur the penalties of a +premunire.<a name="FNanchor_212" id="FNanchor_212" href="#Footnote_212" class="fnanchor">[212]</a></p> + +<p>It is impossible to misunderstand the chief aim of this statute. +But the House of Commons, in which the zealous protestants, +or, as they were now rather denominated, puritans, had a +predominant influence, were not content with these demonstrations +against the unfortunate captive. Fear, as often +happens, excited a sanguinary spirit amongst them; they +addressed the queen upon what they called the great cause, +that is, the business of the Queen of Scots, presenting by their +committee reasons gathered out of the civil law to prove that +"it standeth not only with justice, but also with the queen's +majesty's honour and safety, to proceed criminally against the +pretended Scottish queen."<a name="FNanchor_213" id="FNanchor_213" href="#Footnote_213" class="fnanchor">[213]</a> Elizabeth, who could not really +dislike these symptoms of hatred towards her rival, took the +opportunity of simulating more humanity than the Commons; +and when they sent a bill to the upper house attainting Mary +of treason, checked its course by proroguing the parliament. +Her backwardness to concur in any measures for securing the +kingdom, as far as in her lay, from those calamities which her +decease might occasion, could not but displease Lord Burleigh. +"All that we laboured for," he writes to Walsingham in 1572, +"and had with full consent brought to fashion, I mean a law +to make the Scottish queen unable and unworthy of succession +to the crown, was by her majesty neither assented to nor +rejected, but deferred." Some of those about her, he hints, +made herself her own enemy by persuading her not to countenance +these proceedings in parliament.<a name="FNanchor_214" id="FNanchor_214" href="#Footnote_214" class="fnanchor">[214]</a> I do not think it admits +of much question that, at this juncture, the civil and religious +institutions of England would have been rendered more secure +by Mary's exclusion from a throne, which indeed, after all that +had occurred, she could not be endured to fill without national +dishonour. But the violent measures suggested against her +life were hardly, under all the circumstances of her case, to be +reconciled with justice; even admitting her privity to the +northern rebellion and to the projected invasion by the Duke +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">134</a></span> +of Alva. These however were not approved merely by an +eager party in the Commons: Archbishop Parker does not +scruple to write about her to Cecil—"If that only [one] desperate +person were taken away, as by justice soon it might be, the +queen's majesty's good subjects would be in better hope, and +the papists' daily expectation vanquished."<a name="FNanchor_215" id="FNanchor_215" href="#Footnote_215" class="fnanchor">[215]</a> And Walsingham, +during his embassy at Paris, desires that "the queen +should see how much they (the papists) built upon the possibility +of that dangerous woman's coming to the crown of +England, whose life was a step to her majesty's death;" adding +that "she was bound for her own safety and that of her subjects, +to add to God's providence her own policy, so far as might stand +with justice."<a name="FNanchor_216" id="FNanchor_216" href="#Footnote_216" class="fnanchor">[216]</a></p> + +<p><i>Catholics more rigorously treated.</i>—We cannot wonder to +read that these new statutes increased the dissatisfaction of +the Roman catholics, who perceived a systematic determination +to extirpate their religion. Governments ought always to +remember that the intimidation of a few disaffected persons is +dearly bought by alienating any large portion of the community.<a name="FNanchor_217" id="FNanchor_217" href="#Footnote_217" class="fnanchor">[217]</a> +Many retired to foreign countries, and receiving for their maintenance +pensions from the court of Spain, became unhappy +instruments of its ambitious enterprises. Those who remained +at home could hardly think their oppression much mitigated +by the precarious indulgences which Elizabeth's caprice, or +rather the fluctuation of different parties in her councils, sometimes +extended to them. The queen indeed, so far as we can +penetrate her dissimulation, seems to have been really averse +to extreme rigour against her catholic subjects: and her greatest +minister, as we shall more fully see afterwards, was at this time +in the same sentiments. But such of her advisers as leaned +towards the puritan faction, and too many of the Anglican +clergy, whether puritan or not, thought no measure of +charity or compassion should be extended to them. With +the divines they were idolaters; with the council they +were a dangerous and disaffected party; with the judges +they were refractory transgressors of statutes; on every side +they were obnoxious and oppressed. A few aged men having +been set at liberty, Sampson, the famous puritan, himself a +sufferer for conscience sake, wrote a letter of remonstrance to +Lord Burleigh. He urged in this that they should be compelled +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">135</a></span> +to hear sermons, though he would not at first oblige them +to communicate.<a name="FNanchor_218" id="FNanchor_218" href="#Footnote_218" class="fnanchor">[218]</a> A bill having been introduced in the session +of 1571 imposing a penalty for not receiving the communion, +it was objected that consciences ought not to be forced. But +Mr. Strickland entirely denied this principle, and quoted +authorities against it.<a name="FNanchor_219" id="FNanchor_219" href="#Footnote_219" class="fnanchor">[219]</a> Even Parker, by no means tainted +with puritan bigotry, and who had been reckoned moderate +in his proceedings towards catholics, complained of what he +called "a Machiavel government;" that is, of the queen's +lenity in not absolutely rooting them out.<a name="FNanchor_220" id="FNanchor_220" href="#Footnote_220" class="fnanchor">[220]</a></p> + +<p>This indulgence, however, shown by Elizabeth, the topic of +reproach in those times, and sometimes of boast in our own, +never extended to any positive toleration, nor even to any +general connivance at the Romish worship in its most private +exercise. She published a declaration in 1570, that she did +not intend to sift men's consciences, provided they observed +her laws by coming to church; which, as she well knew, the +greater part deemed inconsistent with their integrity.<a name="FNanchor_221" id="FNanchor_221" href="#Footnote_221" class="fnanchor">[221]</a> Nor +did the government always abstain from an inquisition into +men's private thoughts. The inns of court were more than +once purified of popery by examining their members on articles +of faith. Gentlemen of good families in the country were +harassed in the same manner.<a name="FNanchor_222" id="FNanchor_222" href="#Footnote_222" class="fnanchor">[222]</a> One Sir Richard Shelley, who +had long acted as a sort of spy for Cecil on the continent, and +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">136</a></span> +given much useful information, requested only leave to enjoy +his religion without hindrance; but the queen did not accede +to this without much reluctance and delay.<a name="FNanchor_223" id="FNanchor_223" href="#Footnote_223" class="fnanchor">[223]</a> She had indeed +assigned no other ostensible pretext for breaking off her own +treaty of marriage with the Archduke Charles, and subsequently +with the Dukes of Anjou and Alençon, than her determination +not to suffer the mass to be celebrated even in her husband's +private chapel. It is worthy to be repeatedly inculcated on +the reader, since so false a colour has been often employed to +disguise the ecclesiastical tyranny of this reign, that the most +clandestine exercise of the Romish worship was severely punished. +Thus we read in the life of Whitgift, that on information +given that some ladies and others heard mass in the house of +one Edwards by night, in the county of Denbigh, he being then +Bishop of Worcester and Vice-President of Wales, was directed +to make inquiry into the facts; and finally was instructed to +commit Edwards to close prison, and as for another person +implicated, named Morice, "if he remained obstinate, he might +cause some kind of torture to be used upon him, and the like +order they prayed him to use with the others."<a name="FNanchor_224" id="FNanchor_224" href="#Footnote_224" class="fnanchor">[224]</a> But this is +one of many instances, the events of every day, forgotten on +the morrow, and of which no general historian takes account. +Nothing but the minute and patient diligence of such a compiler +as Strype, who thinks no fact below his regard, could have +preserved them from oblivion.<a name="FNanchor_225" id="FNanchor_225" href="#Footnote_225" class="fnanchor">[225]</a> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">137</a></span></p> + +<p>It will not surprise those who have observed the effect of all +persecution for matters of opinion upon the human mind, that +during this period the Romish party continued such in numbers +and in zeal as to give the most lively alarm to Elizabeth's administration. +One cause of this was beyond doubt the connivance +of justices of the peace, a great many of whom were secretly +attached to the same interest, though it was not easy to exclude +them from the commission, on account of their wealth and +respectability.<a name="FNanchor_226" id="FNanchor_226" href="#Footnote_226" class="fnanchor">[226]</a> The facility with which catholic rites can be +performed in secret, as before observed, was a still more important +circumstance. Nor did the voluntary exiles established +in Flanders remit their diligence in filling the kingdom with +emissaries. The object of many at least among them, it cannot +for a moment be doubted, from the æra of the bull of Pius V., +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">138</a></span> +if not earlier, was nothing less than to subvert the queen's throne. +They were closely united with the court of Spain, which had +passed from the character of an ally and pretended friend, to +that of a cold and jealous neighbour, and at length of an implacable +adversary. Though no war had been declared between +Elizabeth and Philip, neither party had scrupled to enter into +leagues with the disaffected subjects of the other. Such sworn +vassals of Rome and Spain as an Allen or a Persons, were just +objects of the English government's distrust: it is the extension +of that jealousy to the peaceful and loyal which we stigmatise +as oppressive, and even as impolitic.<a name="FNanchor_227" id="FNanchor_227" href="#Footnote_227" class="fnanchor">[227]</a></p> + +<p><i>Fresh laws against the catholic worship.</i>—In concert with the +directing powers of the Vatican and Escurial, the refugees +redoubled their exertions about the year 1580. Mary was now +wearing out her years in hopeless captivity; her son, though +they did not lose hope of him, had received a strictly protestant +education; while a new generation had grown up in England, +rather inclined to diverge more widely from the ancient religion +than to suffer its restoration. Such were they who formed the +House of Commons that met in 1581, discontented with the +severities used against the puritans, but ready to go beyond +any measures that the court might propose to subdue and extirpate +popery. Here an act was passed, which, after repeating +the former provisions that had made it high treason to reconcile +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">139</a></span> +any of her majesty's subjects, or to be reconciled to the church +of Rome, imposes a penalty of £20 a month on all persons absenting +themselves from church, unless they shall hear the English +service at home: such as could not pay the same within three +months after judgment were to be imprisoned until they should +conform. The queen, by a subsequent act, had the power of +seizing two-thirds of the party's land, and all his goods, for +default of payment.<a name="FNanchor_228" id="FNanchor_228" href="#Footnote_228" class="fnanchor">[228]</a> These grievous penalties on recusancy, +as the wilful absence of catholics from church came now to be +denominated, were doubtless founded on the extreme difficulty +of proving an actual celebration of their own rites. But they +established a persecution which fell not at all short in principle +of that for which the inquisition had become so odious. Nor +were the statutes merely designed for terror's sake, to keep a +check over the disaffected, as some would pretend. They +were executed in the most sweeping and indiscriminating +manner, unless perhaps a few families of high rank might enjoy +a connivance.<a name="FNanchor_229" id="FNanchor_229" href="#Footnote_229" class="fnanchor">[229]</a></p> + +<p><i>Execution of Campian and others.</i>—It had certainly been the +desire of Elizabeth to abstain from capital punishments on the +score of religion. The first instance of a priest suffering death +by her statutes was in 1577, when one Mayne was hanged at +Launceston, without any charge against him except his religion, +and a gentleman who had harboured him was sentenced to +imprisonment for life.<a name="FNanchor_230" id="FNanchor_230" href="#Footnote_230" class="fnanchor">[230]</a> In the next year, if we may trust the +zealous catholic writers, Thomas Sherwood, a boy of fourteen +years, was executed for refusing to deny the temporal power +of the pope, when urged by his judges.<a name="FNanchor_231" id="FNanchor_231" href="#Footnote_231" class="fnanchor">[231]</a> But in 1581 several +seminary priests from Flanders having been arrested, whose +projects were supposed (perhaps not wholly without foundation) +to be very inconsistent with their allegiance, it was unhappily +deemed necessary to hold out some more conspicuous examples +of rigour. Of those brought to trial the most eminent was +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">140</a></span> +Campian, formerly a protestant, but long known as the boast +of Douay for his learning and virtues.<a name="FNanchor_232" id="FNanchor_232" href="#Footnote_232" class="fnanchor">[232]</a> This man, so justly +respected, was put to the rack, and revealed through torture +the names of some catholic gentlemen with whom he had conversed.<a name="FNanchor_233" id="FNanchor_233" href="#Footnote_233" class="fnanchor">[233]</a> +He appears to have been indicted along with several +other priests, not on the recent statutes, but on that of 25 Edw. +III. for compassing and imagining the queen's death. Nothing +that I have read affords the slightest proof of Campian's concern +in treasonable practices, though his connections, and profession +as a jesuit, render it by no means unlikely. If we may confide +in the published trial, the prosecution was as unfairly conducted, +and supported by as slender evidence, as any perhaps which +can be found in our books.<a name="FNanchor_234" id="FNanchor_234" href="#Footnote_234" class="fnanchor">[234]</a> But as this account, wherein +Campian's language is full of a dignified eloquence, rather seems +to have been compiled by a partial hand, its faithfulness may +not be above suspicion. For the same reason I hesitate to admit +his alleged declarations at the place of execution, where, as well +as at his trial, he is represented to have expressly acknowledged +Elizabeth, and to have prayed for her as his queen <i>de facto</i> and +<i>de jure</i>. For this was one of the questions propounded to him +before his trial, which he refused to answer, in such a manner +as betrayed his way of thinking. Most of those interrogated at +the same time, on being pressed whether the queen was their +lawful sovereign whom they were bound to obey, notwithstanding +any sentence of deprivation that the pope might pronounce, +endeavoured, like Campian, to evade the snare. A +few, who unequivocally disclaimed the deposing power of the +Roman see, were pardoned.<a name="FNanchor_235" id="FNanchor_235" href="#Footnote_235" class="fnanchor">[235]</a> It is more honourable to Campian's +memory that we should reject these pretended declarations, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">141</a></span> +than imagine him to have made them at the expense of +his consistency and integrity. For the pope's right to deprive +kings of their crowns was in that age the common creed of the +jesuits, to whose order Campian belonged; and the continent +was full of writings published by the English exiles, by Sanders, +Bristow, Persons, and Allen, against Elizabeth's unlawful +usurpation of the throne. But many availed themselves of +what was called an explanation of the bull of Pius V., given by +his successor Gregory XIII.; namely, that the bull should be +considered as always in force against Elizabeth and the heretics, +but should only be binding on catholics when due execution of +it could be had.<a name="FNanchor_236" id="FNanchor_236" href="#Footnote_236" class="fnanchor">[236]</a> This was designed to satisfy the consciences +of some papists in submitting to her government, and taking +the oath of allegiance. But in thus granting a permission to +dissemble, in hope of better opportunity for revolt, this interpretation +was not likely to tranquillise her council, or conciliate +them towards the Romish party. The distinction, however, +between a king by possession and one by right, was neither +heard for the first, nor for the last time, in the reign of +Elizabeth. It is the lot of every government that is not +founded on the popular opinion of legitimacy, to receive only +a precarious allegiance. Subject to this reservation, which was +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">142</a></span> +pretty generally known, it does not appear that the priests +or other Roman catholics, examined at various times during +this reign, are more chargeable with insincerity or dissimulation +than accused persons generally are.</p> + +<p>The public executions, numerous as they were, scarcely form +the most odious part of this persecution. The common law of +England has always abhorred the accursed mysteries of a +prison-house; and neither admits of torture to extort confession, +nor of any penal infliction not warranted by a judicial +sentence. But this law, though still sacred in the courts of +justice, was set aside by the privy council under the Tudor line. +The rack seldom stood idle in the Tower for all the latter part +of Elizabeth's reign.<a name="FNanchor_237" id="FNanchor_237" href="#Footnote_237" class="fnanchor">[237]</a> To those who remember the annals of +their country, that dark and gloomy pile affords associations +not quite so numerous and recent as the Bastile, yet enough to +excite our hatred and horror. But standing as it does in such +striking contrast to the fresh and flourishing constructions of +modern wealth, the proofs and the rewards of civil and religious +liberty, it seems like a captive tyrant, reserved to grace the +triumph of a victorious republic, and should teach us to reflect +in thankfulness, how highly we have been elevated in virtue +and happiness above our forefathers.</p> + +<p>Such excessive severities under the pretext of treason, but +sustained by very little evidence of any other offence than the +exercise of the catholic ministry, excited indignation throughout +a great part of Europe. The queen was held forth in pamphlets, +dispersed everywhere from Rome and Douay, not only as a +usurper and heretic, but a tyrant more ferocious than any +heathen persecutor, for inadequate parallels to whom they +ransacked all former history.<a name="FNanchor_238" id="FNanchor_238" href="#Footnote_238" class="fnanchor">[238]</a> These exaggerations, coming +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">143</a></span> +from the very precincts of the inquisition, required the unblushing +forehead of bigotry; but the charge of cruelty stood on too +many facts to be passed over, and it was thought expedient to +repel it by two remarkable pamphlets, both ascribed to the pen +of Lord Burleigh.</p> + +<p><i>Defence of the queen, by Burleigh.</i>—One of these, entitled +"The Execution of Justice in England for Maintenance of +public and private Peace," appears to have been published in +1583. It contains an elaborate justification of the late prosecutions +for treason, as no way connected with religious tenets, +but grounded on the ancient laws for protection of the queen's +person and government from conspiracy. It is alleged that a +vast number of catholics, whether of the laity or priesthood, +among whom the deprived bishops are particularly enumerated, +had lived unmolested on the score of their faith, because they +paid due temporal allegiance to their sovereign. Nor were any +indicted for treason, but such as obstinately maintained the +pope's bull depriving the queen of her crown. And even of +these offenders, as many as after condemnation would renounce +their traitorous principles, had been permitted to live; such +was her majesty's unwillingness, it is asserted, to have any +blood spilled without this just and urgent cause proceeding +from themselves. But that any matter of opinion, not proved +to have ripened into an overt act, and extorted only, or rather +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">144</a></span> +conjectured, through a compulsive inquiry, could sustain in +law or justice a conviction for high treason, is what the author +of this pamphlet has not rendered manifest.<a name="FNanchor_239" id="FNanchor_239" href="#Footnote_239" class="fnanchor">[239]</a></p> + +<p>A second and much shorter paper bears for title, "A Declaration +of the favourable dealing of her Majesty's Commissioners, +appointed for the examination of certain traitors, and of tortures +unjustly reported to be done upon them for matter of religion." +Its scope was to palliate the imputation of excessive cruelty +with which Europe was then resounding. Those who revere +the memory of Lord Burleigh must blush for this pitiful apology. +"It is affirmed for truth," he says, "that the forms of torture +in their severity or rigour of execution have not been such and +in such manner performed, as the slanderers and seditious +libellers have published. And that even the principal offender, +Campian himself, who was sent and came from Rome, and +continued here in sundry corners of the realm, having secretly +wandered in the greater part of the shires of England in a disguised +suit, to be intent to make special preparation of treasons, +was never so racked but that he was perfectly able to walk and +to write, and did presently write and subscribe all his confessions. +The queen's servants, the warders, whose office and act it is to +handle the rack, were ever by those that attended the examinations +specially charged to use it in so charitable a manner as +such a thing might be. None of those who were at any time +put to the rack," he proceeds to assert, "were asked, during +their torture, any question as to points of doctrine; but merely +concerning their plots and conspiracies, and the persons with +whom they had had dealings, and what was their own opinion +as to the pope's right to deprive the queen of her crown. Nor +was any one so racked until it was rendered evidently probable +by former detections or confessions that he was guilty; nor was +the torture ever employed to wring out confessions at random; +nor unless the party had first refused to declare the truth at +the queen's commandment." Such miserable excuses serve +only to mingle contempt with our detestation.<a name="FNanchor_240" id="FNanchor_240" href="#Footnote_240" class="fnanchor">[240]</a> But it is due +to Elizabeth to observe, that she ordered the torture to be +disused; and upon a subsequent occasion, the quartering of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145">145</a></span> +some concerned in Babington's conspiracy having been executed +with unusual cruelty, gave directions that the rest should not +be taken down from the gallows until they were dead.<a name="FNanchor_241" id="FNanchor_241" href="#Footnote_241" class="fnanchor">[241]</a></p> + +<p>I should be reluctant, but for the consent of several authorities, +to ascribe this little tract to Lord Burleigh, for his honour's +sake. But we may quote with more satisfaction a memorial +addressed by him to the queen about the same year, 1583, full +not only of sagacious, but just and tolerant advice. "Considering," +he says, "that the urging of the oath of supremacy +must needs, in some degree, beget despair, since in the taking +of it, he [the papist] must either think he doth an unlawful act, +as without the special grace of God he cannot think otherwise, +or else, by refusing it, must become a traitor, which before some +hurt done seemeth hard; I humbly submit this to your excellent +consideration, whether, with as much security of your majesty's +person and state, and more satisfaction for them, it were not +better to leave the oath to this sense, that whosoever would +not bear arms against all foreign princes, and namely the pope, +that should any way invade your majesty's dominions, he +should be a traitor. For hereof this commodity will ensue, +that those papists, as I think most papists would, that should +take this oath, would be divided from the great mutual confidence +which is now between the pope and them, by reason of +their afflictions for him; and such priests as would refuse that +oath then, no tongue could say for shame that they suffer for +religion, if they did suffer.</p> + +<p>"But here it may be objected, they would dissemble and +equivocate with this oath, and that the pope would dispense +with them in that case. Even so may they with the present +oath both dissemble and equivocate, and also have the pope's +dispensation for the present oath, as well as for the other. +But this is certain, that whomsoever the conscience, or fear of +breaking an oath, both bind, him would that oath bind. And +that they make conscience of an oath, the trouble, losses, and +disgraces that they suffer for refusing the same do sufficiently +testify; and you know that the perjury of either oath is equal."</p> + +<p>These sentiments are not such as bigoted theologians were +then, or have been since, accustomed to entertain. "I account," +he says afterwards, "that putting to death does no ways lessen +them; since we find by experience, that it worketh no such +effect, but, like hydra's heads, upon cutting off one, seven grow +up, persecution being accounted as the badge of the church: +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">146</a></span> +and therefore they should never have the honour to take any +pretence of martyrdom in England, where the fullness of blood +and greatness of heart is such that they will even for shameful +things go bravely for death; much more, when they think +themselves to climb heaven, and this vice of obstinacy seems to +the common people a divine constancy; so that for my part I +wish no lessening of their number, but by preaching and by +education of the younger under schoolmasters." And hence +the means he recommends for keeping down popery, after the +encouragement of diligent preachers and schoolmasters, are, +"the taking order that, from the highest counsellor to the lowest +constable, none shall have any charge or office but such as will +really pray and communicate in their congregation according +to the doctrine received generally into this realm;" and next, +the protection of tenants against their popish landlords, "that +they be not put out of their living, for embracing the established +religion."—"This," he says, "would greatly bind the commons' +hearts unto you, in whom indeed consisteth the power and +strength of your realm; and it will make them less, or nothing +at all, depend on their landlords. And, although there may +hereby grow some wrong, which the tenants upon that confidence +may offer to their landlords, yet those wrongs are very easily, +even with one wink of your majesty's, redressed; and are nothing +comparable to the danger of having many thousands depending +on the adverse party."<a name="FNanchor_242" id="FNanchor_242" href="#Footnote_242" class="fnanchor">[242]</a></p> + +<p><i>Increased severity of the government.</i>—The strictness used with +recusants, which much increased from 1579 or 1580, had the +usual consequence of persecution, that of multiplying hypocrites. +For, in fact, if men will once bring themselves to comply, +to take all oaths, to practise all conformity, to oppose simulation +and dissimulation to arbitrary inquiries, it is hardly possible +that any government should not be baffled. Fraud becomes +an over-match for power. The real danger meanwhile, the +internal disaffection, remains as before, or is aggravated. The +laws enacted against popery were precisely calculated to produce +this result. Many indeed, especially of the female sex, +whose religion, lying commonly more in sentiment than reason, +is less ductile to the sophisms of worldly wisdom, stood out and +endured the penalties. But the oath of supremacy was not +refused; the worship of the church was frequented by multitudes +who secretly repined for a change; and the council, whose +fear of open enmity had prompted their first severities, were +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">147</a></span> +led on by the fear of dissembled resentment to devise yet further +measures of the same kind. Hence, in 1584, a law was enacted, +enjoining all jesuits, seminary priests, and other priests, whether +ordained within or without the kingdom, to depart from it +within forty days, on pain of being adjudged traitors. The +penalty of fine and imprisonment at the queen's pleasure was +inflicted on such as, knowing any priest to be within the realm, +should not discover it to a magistrate. This seemed to fill up +the measure of prosecution, and to render the longer preservation +of this obnoxious religion absolutely impracticable. Some +of its adherents presented a petition against this bill, praying +that they might not be suspected of disloyalty on account of +refraining from the public worship, which they did to avoid +sin; and that their priests might not be banished from the +kingdom.<a name="FNanchor_243" id="FNanchor_243" href="#Footnote_243" class="fnanchor">[243]</a> And they all very justly complained of this determined +oppression. The queen, without any fault of theirs, they +alleged, had been alienated by the artifices of Leicester and +Walsingham. Snares were laid to involve them unawares in +the guilt of treason; their steps were watched by spies; and +it was become intolerable to continue in England. Camden +indeed asserts that counterfeit letters were privately sent in +the name of the Queen of Scots or of the exiles, and left in +papists' houses.<a name="FNanchor_244" id="FNanchor_244" href="#Footnote_244" class="fnanchor">[244]</a> A general inquisition seems to have been +made about this time; but whether it was founded on sufficient +grounds of previous suspicion, we cannot absolutely determine. +The Earl of Northumberland, brother of him who had been +executed for the rebellion of 1570, and the Earl of Arundel, son +of the unfortunate Duke of Norfolk, were committed to the +Tower, where the former put an end to his own life (for we +cannot charge the government with an unproved murder); and +the second, after being condemned for a traitorous correspondence +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">148</a></span> +with the queen's enemies, died in that custody. But +whether or no some conspiracies (I mean more active than usual, +for there was one perpetual conspiracy of Rome and Spain +during most of the queen's reign), had preceded these severe +and unfair methods by which her ministry counteracted them, +it was not long before schemes, more formidable than ever, +were put in action against her life. As the whole body of +catholics was irritated and alarmed by the laws of proscription +against their clergy, and by the heavy penalties on recusancy, +which, as they alleged, showed a manifest purpose to reduce +them to poverty;<a name="FNanchor_245" id="FNanchor_245" href="#Footnote_245" class="fnanchor">[245]</a> so some desperate men saw no surer means +to rescue their cause than the queen's assassination. One +Somerville, half a lunatic, and Parry, a man who, long employed +as a spy upon the papists, had learned to serve with sincerity +those he was sent to betray, were the first who suffered death +for unconnected plots against Elizabeth's life.<a name="FNanchor_246" id="FNanchor_246" href="#Footnote_246" class="fnanchor">[246]</a></p> + +<p><i>Plot in favour of Mary.</i>—More deep-laid machinations were +carried on by several catholic laymen at home and abroad, +among whom a brother of Lord Paget was the most prominent.<a name="FNanchor_247" id="FNanchor_247" href="#Footnote_247" class="fnanchor">[247]</a> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">149</a></span> +These had in view two objects, the deliverance of Mary, and +the death of her enemy. Some perhaps who were engaged in +the former project did not give countenance to the latter. +But few, if any, ministers have been better served by their spies +than Cecil and Walsingham. It is surprising to see how every +letter seems to have been intercepted, every thread of these +conspiracies unravelled, every secret revealed to these wise +counsellors of the queen. They saw that while one lived, +whom so many deemed the presumptive heir, and from whose +succession they anticipated, at least in possibility, an entire +reversal of all that had been wrought for thirty years, the queen +was as a mark for the pistol or dagger of every zealot. And +fortunate, no question, they thought it, that the detection of +Babington's conspiracy enabled them with truth, or a semblance +of truth, to impute a participation in that crime to the most +dangerous enemy whom, for their mistress, their religion, or +themselves, they had to apprehend.</p> + +<p>Mary had now consumed the best years of her life in custody; +and, though still the perpetual object of the queen's vigilance, +had perhaps gradually become somewhat less formidable to the +protestant interest. Whether she would have ascended the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150">150</a></span> +throne, if Elizabeth had died during the latter years of her +imprisonment, must appear very doubtful, when we consider +the increasing strength of the puritans, the antipathy of the +nation to Spain, the prevailing opinion of her consent to Darnley's +murder, and the obvious expedient of treating her son, now +advancing to manhood, as the representative of her claim. The +new projects imputed to her friends even against the queen's +life, exasperated the hatred of the protestants against Mary. +An association was formed in 1584, the members of which bound +themselves by oath "to withstand and pursue, as well by force +of arms as by all other means of revenge, all manner of persons, +of whatsoever state they shall be and their abettors, that shall +attempt any act, or counsel, or consent to anything that shall +tend to the harm of her majesty's royal person; and never to +desist from all manner of forcible pursuit against such persons, +to the utter extermination of them, their counsellors, aiders, +and abettors. And if any such wicked attempt against her most +royal person shall be taken in hand or procured, whereby any +that have, may or shall pretend title to come to this crown by +the untimely death of her majesty so wickedly procured (which +God of his mercy forbid!), that the same may be avenged, we +do not only bind ourselves both jointly and severally never to +allow, accept, or favour any such pretended successor, by whom +or for whom any such detestable act shall be attempted or +committed, as unworthy of all government in any christian +realm or civil state, but do also further vow and promise, as +we are most bound, and that in the presence of the eternal and +everlasting God, to <i>prosecute such person or persons to death</i>, +with our joint and particular forces, and to act the utmost +revenge upon them, that by any means we or any of us can +devise and do, or cause to be devised and done for their utter +overthrow and extirpation."<a name="FNanchor_248" id="FNanchor_248" href="#Footnote_248" class="fnanchor">[248]</a></p> + +<p><i>Execution of Mary Queen of Scots.</i>—The pledge given by this +voluntary association received the sanction of parliament in +an act "for the security of the queen's person, and continuance +of the realm in peace." This statute enacts that, if any invasion +or rebellion should be made by or for any person pretending +title to the crown after her majesty's decease, or if anything +be confessed or imagined tending to the hurt of her person with +the privity of any such person, a number of peers, privy counsellors, +and judges, to be commissioned by the queen, should +examine and give judgment on such offences, and all circumstances +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151">151</a></span> +relating thereto; after which judgment all persons +against whom it should be published should be disabled for +ever to make any such claim.<a name="FNanchor_249" id="FNanchor_249" href="#Footnote_249" class="fnanchor">[249]</a> I omit some further provisions +to the same effect, for the sake of brevity. But we may remark +that this statute differs from the associators' engagement, in +omitting the outrageous threat of pursuing to death any person, +whether privy or not to the design, on whose behalf an attempt +against the queen's life should be made. The main intention +of the statute was to procure, in the event of any rebellious +movements, what the queen's counsellors had long ardently +desired to obtain from her, an absolute exclusion of Mary from +the succession. But, if the scheme of assassination, devised +by some of her desperate partisans, had taken effect, however +questionable might be her concern in it, I have little doubt that +the rage of the nation would, with or without some process of +law, have instantly avenged it in her blood. This was, in the +language of parliament, their great cause; an expression which, +though it may have an ultimate reference to the general interest +of religion is never applied, so far as I remember, but to the +punishment of Mary, which they had demanded in 1572, and +now clamoured for in 1586. The addresses of both houses to +the queen, to carry the sentence passed by the commissioners +into effect, her evasive answers and feigned reluctance, as well +as the strange scenes of hypocrisy which she acted afterwards, +are well known matters of history, upon which it is unnecessary +to dwell. No one will be found to excuse the hollow affectation +of Elizabeth; but the famous sentence that brought Mary to +the scaffold, though it has certainly left in popular opinion a +darker stain on the queen's memory than any other transaction +of her life, if not capable of complete vindication, has at least +encountered a disproportioned censure.</p> + +<p>It is of course essential to any kind of apology for Elizabeth +in this matter, that Mary should have been assenting to a +conspiracy against her life. For it could be no real crime to +endeavour at her own deliverance; nor, under the circumstances +of so long and so unjust a detention, would even a conspiracy +against the aggressor's power afford a moral justification for +her death. But though the proceedings against her are by no +means exempt from the shameful breach of legal rules, almost +universal in trials for high treason during that reign (the witnesses +not having been examined in open court); yet the +depositions of her two secretaries, joined to the confessions of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">152</a></span> +Babington and other conspirators, form a body of evidence, +not indeed irresistibly convincing, but far stronger than we find +in many instances where condemnation has ensued. And Hume +has alleged sufficient reasons for believing its truth, derived +from the great probability of her concurring in any scheme +against her oppressor, from the certainty of her long correspondence +with the conspirators (who, I may add, had not +made any difficulty of hinting to her their designs against the +queen's life),<a name="FNanchor_250" id="FNanchor_250" href="#Footnote_250" class="fnanchor">[250]</a> and from the deep guilt that the falsehood of the +charge must inevitably attach to Sir Francis Walsingham.<a name="FNanchor_251" id="FNanchor_251" href="#Footnote_251" class="fnanchor">[251]</a> +Those at least who cannot acquit the Queen of Scots of her +husband's murder, will hardly imagine that she would scruple +to concur in a crime so much more capable of extenuation, and +so much more essential to her interests. But as the proofs are +not perhaps complete, we must hypothetically assume her guilt, +in order to set this famous problem in the casuistry of public +law upon its proper footing.</p> + +<p>It has been said so often, that few perhaps wait to reflect +whether it has been said with reason, that Mary, as an independent +sovereign, was not amenable to any English jurisdiction. +This, however, does not appear unquestionable. By one of +those principles of law, which may be called natural, as forming +the basis of a just and rational jurisprudence, every independent +government is supreme within its own territory. Strangers, +voluntarily resident within a state, owe a temporary allegiance +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153">153</a></span> +to its sovereign, and are amenable to the jurisdiction of his +tribunals; and this principle, which is perfectly conformable +to natural law, has been extended by positive usage even to +those who are detained in it by force. Instances have occurred +very recently in England, when prisoners of war have suffered +death for criminal offences; and if some have doubted the +propriety of carrying such sentences into effect, where a penalty +of unusual severity has been inflicted by our municipal law, +few, I believe, would dispute the fitness of punishing a prisoner +of war for wilful murder, in such a manner as the general practice +of civil societies and the prevailing sentiments of mankind +agree to point out. It is certainly true that an exception to +this rule, incorporated with the positive law of nations, and +established, no doubt, before the age of Elizabeth, has rendered +the ambassadors of sovereign princes exempt, in all ordinary +cases at least, from criminal process. Whether, however, an +ambassador may not be brought to punishment for such a +flagrant abuse of the confidence which is implied by receiving +him, as a conspiracy against the life itself of the prince at +whose court he resides, has been doubted by those writers who +are most inclined to respect the privileges with which courtesy +and convenience have invested him.<a name="FNanchor_252" id="FNanchor_252" href="#Footnote_252" class="fnanchor">[252]</a> A sovereign, during a +temporary residence in the territories of another, must of course +possess as extensive an immunity as his representative. But +that he might, in such circumstances, frame plots for the +prince's assassination with impunity, seems to take for granted +some principle that I do not apprehend.</p> + +<p>But whatever be the privilege of inviolability attached to +sovereigns, it must, on every rational ground, be confined to +those who enjoy and exercise dominion in some independent +territory. An abdicated or dethroned monarch may preserve +his title by the courtesy of other states, but cannot rank with +sovereigns in the tribunals where public law is administered. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154">154</a></span> +I should be rather surprised to hear any one assert that the +parliament of Paris was incompetent to try Christina for the +murder of Monaldeschi. And, though we must admit that +Mary's resignation of her crown was compulsory, and retracted +on the first occasion; yet after a twenty years' loss of possession, +when not one of her former subjects avowed allegiance to her, +when the King of Scotland had been so long acknowledged by +England and by all Europe, is it possible to consider her as +more than a titular queen, divested of every substantial right +to which a sovereign tribunal could have regard? She was +styled accordingly, in the indictment, "Mary, daughter and +heir of James the Fifth, late King of Scots, otherwise called +Mary Queen of Scots, dowager of France." We read even that +some lawyers would have had her tried by a jury of the county +of Stafford, rather than the special commission; which Elizabeth +noticed as a strange indignity. The commission, however, +was perfectly legal under the recent statute.<a name="FNanchor_253" id="FNanchor_253" href="#Footnote_253" class="fnanchor">[253]</a></p> + +<p>But, while we can hardly pronounce Mary's execution to have +been so wholly iniquitous and unwarrantable as it has been +represented, it may be admitted that a more generous nature +than that of Elizabeth would not have exacted the law's +full penalty. The Queen of Scots' detention in England was +in violation of all natural, public, and municipal law; and if +reasons of state policy or precedents from the custom of princes +are allowed to extenuate this injustice, it is to be asked whether +such reasons and such precedents might not palliate the crime +of assassination imputed to her. Some might perhaps allege, +as was so frequently urged at the time, that if her life could be +taken with justice, it could not be spared in prudence; and +that Elizabeth's higher duty to preserve her people from the +risks of civil commotion must silence every feeling that could +plead for mercy. Of this necessity different judgments may +perhaps be formed; it is evident that Mary's death extinguished +the best hope of popery in England: but the relative force +of the two religions was greatly changed since Norfolk's conspiracy; +and it appears to me that an act of parliament explicitly +cutting her off from the crown, and at the same time entailing +it on her son, would have afforded a very reasonable prospect +of securing the succession against all serious disturbance. But +this neither suited the inclination of Elizabeth, nor of some +among those who surrounded her. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155">155</a></span></p> + +<p><i>Continued persecution of Roman catholics</i>.—As the catholics +endured without any open murmuring the execution of her on +whom their fond hopes had so long rested, so for the remainder +of the queen's reign they by no means appear, when considered +as a body, to have furnished any specious pretexts for severity. +In that memorable year, when the dark cloud gathered around +our coasts, when Europe stood by in fearful suspense to behold +what should be the result of that great cast in the game of human +politics, what the craft of Rome, the power of Philip, the genius +of Farnese, could achieve against the island-queen with her +Drakes and Cecils—in that agony of the protestant faith and +English name, they stood the trial of their spirits without +swerving from their allegiance. It was then that the catholics +in every county repaired to the standard of the lord-lieutenant, +imploring that they might not be suspected of bartering the +national independence for their religion itself. It was then +that the venerable Lord Montague brought a troop of horse +to the queen at Tilbury, commanded by himself, his son and +grandson.<a name="FNanchor_254" id="FNanchor_254" href="#Footnote_254" class="fnanchor">[254]</a> It would have been a sign of gratitude if the laws +depriving them of the free exercise of their religion had been, +if not repealed, yet suffered to sleep, after these proofs of loyalty. +But the execution of priests and of other catholics became on +the contrary more frequent, and the fines for recusancy exacted +as rigorously as before.<a name="FNanchor_255" id="FNanchor_255" href="#Footnote_255" class="fnanchor">[255]</a> A statute was enacted, restraining +popish recusants, a distinctive name now first imposed by law, +to particular places of residence, and subjecting them to other +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156">156</a></span> +vexatious provisions.<a name="FNanchor_256" id="FNanchor_256" href="#Footnote_256" class="fnanchor">[256]</a> All persons were forbidden, by proclamation, +to harbour any of whose conformity they were not +assured.<a name="FNanchor_257" id="FNanchor_257" href="#Footnote_257" class="fnanchor">[257]</a> Some indulgence was doubtless shown during all +Elizabeth's reign to particular persons, and it was not unusual +to release priests from confinement; but such precarious and +irregular connivance gave more scandal to the puritans than +comfort to the opposite party.</p> + +<p>The catholic martyrs under Elizabeth amount to no inconsiderable +number. Dodd reckons them at 191; Milner has +raised the list to 204. Fifteen of these, according to him, +suffered for denying the queen's supremacy, 126 for exercising +their ministry, and the rest for being reconciled to the Romish +church. Many others died of hardships in prison, and many +were deprived of their property.<a name="FNanchor_258" id="FNanchor_258" href="#Footnote_258" class="fnanchor">[258]</a> There seems nevertheless +to be good reason for doubting whether any one who was +executed might not have saved his life by explicitly denying +the pope's power to depose the queen. It was constantly +maintained by her ministers, that no one had been executed +for his religion. This would be an odious and hypocritical +subterfuge, if it rested on the letter of these statutes, which +adjudge the mere manifestation of a belief in the Roman catholic +religion, under certain circumstances, to be an act of treason. +But both Lord Burleigh, in his <i>Execution of Justice</i>, and Walsingham +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157">157</a></span> +in a letter published by Burnet,<a name="FNanchor_259" id="FNanchor_259" href="#Footnote_259" class="fnanchor">[259]</a> positively assert the +contrary; and I am not aware that their assertion has been +disproved. This certainly furnishes a distinction between the +persecution under Elizabeth (which, unjust as it was in its +operation, yet as far as it extended to capital inflictions, had in +view the security of the government), and that which the protestants +had sustained in her sister's reign, springing from mere +bigotry and vindictive rancour, and not even shielding itself at +the time with those shallow pretexts of policy which it has of +late been attempted to set up in its extenuation. But that +which renders these condemnations of popish priests so iniquitous, +is, that the belief in, or rather the refusal to disclaim, a +speculative tenet, dangerous indeed and incompatible with +loyalty, but not coupled with any overt act, was construed into +treason; nor can any one affect to justify these sentences, who +is not prepared to maintain that a refusal of the oath of abjuration, +while the pretensions of the house of Stuart subsisted, +might lawfully or justly have incurred the same penalty.<a name="FNanchor_260" id="FNanchor_260" href="#Footnote_260" class="fnanchor">[260]</a></p> + +<p>An apology was always deduced for these measures, whether +of restriction or punishment, adopted against all adherents to +the Roman church, from the restless activity of that new +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">158</a></span> +militia which the holy see had lately organised. The mendicant +orders established in the thirteenth century had lent former +popes a powerful aid towards subjecting both the laity and the +secular priesthood, by their superior learning and ability, their +emulous zeal, their systematic concert, their implicit obedience. +But in all these requisites for good and faithful janissaries of +the church, they were far excelled by the new order of Ignatius +Loyola. Rome, I believe, found in their services what has +stayed her fall. They contributed in a very material degree to +check the tide of the reformation. Subtle alike and intrepid, +pliant in their direction, unshaken in their aim, the sworn, +implacable, unscrupulous enemies of protestant governments, +the jesuits were a legitimate object of jealousy and restraint. +As every member of that society enters into an engagement of +absolute, unhesitating obedience to its superior, no one could +justly complain that he was presumed capable at least of committing +any crimes that the policy of his monarch might enjoin. +But if the jesuits by their abilities and busy spirit of intrigue +promoted the interests of Rome, they raised up enemies by the +same means to themselves within the bosom of the church; +and became little less obnoxious to the secular clergy, and +to a great proportion of the laity, than to the protestants +whom they were commissioned to oppose. Their intermeddling +character was shown in the very prisons occupied by catholic +recusants, where a schism broke out between the two parties, +and the secular priests loudly complained of their usurping +associates.<a name="FNanchor_261" id="FNanchor_261" href="#Footnote_261" class="fnanchor">[261]</a> This was manifestly connected with the great +problem of allegiance to the queen, which the one side being +always ready to pay, did not relish the sharp usage it endured +on account of the other's disaffection. The council indeed gave +some signs of attending to this distinction, by a proclamation +issued in 1602, ordering all priests to depart from the kingdom, +unless they should come in and acknowledge their allegiance, +with whom the queen would take further order.<a name="FNanchor_262" id="FNanchor_262" href="#Footnote_262" class="fnanchor">[262]</a> Thirteen +priests came forward on this, with a declaration of allegiance +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159">159</a></span> +as full as could be devised. Some of the more violent papists +blamed them for this; and the Louvain divines concurred in +the censure.<a name="FNanchor_263" id="FNanchor_263" href="#Footnote_263" class="fnanchor">[263]</a> There were now two parties among the English +catholics; and those who, goaded by the sense of long persecution, +and inflamed by obstinate bigotry, regarded every heretical +government as unlawful or unworthy of obedience, used every +machination to deter the rest from giving any test of their +loyalty. These were the more busy, but by much the less +numerous class; and their influence was mainly derived from +the law's severity, which they had braved or endured with +fortitude. It is equally candid and reasonable to believe that, +if a fair and legal toleration, or even a general connivance at +the exercise of their worship, had been conceded in the first part +of Elizabeth's reign, she would have spared herself those perpetual +terrors of rebellion which occupied all her later years. +Rome would not indeed have been appeased, and some desperate +fanatic might have sought her life; but the English catholics +collectively would have repaid her protection by an attachment, +which even her rigour seems not wholly to have prevented.</p> + +<p>It is not to be imagined that an entire unanimity prevailed +in the councils of this reign as to the best mode of dealing +with the adherents of Rome. Those temporary connivances or +remissions of punishment, which, though to our present view +they hardly lighten the shadows of this persecution, excited +loud complaints from bigoted men, were owing to the queen's +personal humour, or the influence of some advisers more liberal +than the rest. Elizabeth herself seems always to have inclined +rather to indulgence than extreme severity. Sir Christopher +Hatton, for some years her chief favourite, incurred odium for +his lenity towards papists, and was, in their own opinion, +secretly inclined to them.<a name="FNanchor_264" id="FNanchor_264" href="#Footnote_264" class="fnanchor">[264]</a> Whitgift found enough to do with +an opposite party. And that too noble and high-minded spirit, +so ill fitted for a servile and dissembling court, the Earl of +Essex, was the consistent friend of religious liberty, whether +the catholic or the puritan were to enjoy it. But those counsellors, +on the other hand, who favoured the more precise +reformers, and looked coldly on the established church, never +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160">160</a></span> +failed to demonstrate their protestantism by excessive harshness +towards the old religion's adherents. That bold bad man, +whose favour is the great reproach of Elizabeth's reign, the +Earl of Leicester, and the sagacious, disinterested, inexorable +Walsingham, were deemed the chief advisers of sanguinary +punishments. But, after their deaths, the catholics were +mortified to discover that Lord Burleigh, from whom they had +hoped for more moderation, persisted in the same severities; +contrary, I think, to the principles he had himself laid down in +the paper from which I have above made some extracts.<a name="FNanchor_265" id="FNanchor_265" href="#Footnote_265" class="fnanchor">[265]</a></p> + +<p>The restraints and penalties, by which civil governments +have at various times thought it expedient to limit the religious +liberties of their subjects, may be arranged in something like +the following scale. The first and slightest degree is the requisition +of a test of conformity to the established religion, as the +condition of exercising offices of civil trust. The next step is +to restrain the free promulgation of opinions, especially through +the press. All prohibitions of the open exercise of religious +worship appear to form a third, and more severe, class of +restrictive laws. They become yet more rigorous, when they +afford no indulgence to the most private and secret acts of +devotion or expressions of opinion. Finally, the last stage of +persecution is to enforce by legal penalties a conformity to the +established church, or an abjuration of heterodox tenets.</p> + +<p>The first degree in this classification, or the exclusion of +dissidents from trust and power, though it be always incumbent +on those who maintain it to prove its necessity, may, under +certain rare circumstances, be conducive to the political well-being +of a state; and can then only be reckoned an encroachment +on the principles of toleration, when it ceases to produce +a public benefit sufficient to compensate for the privation it +occasions to its objects. Such was the English Test Act during +the interval between 1672 and 1688. But, in my judgment, +the instances which the history of mankind affords, where even +these restrictions have been really consonant to the soundest +policy, are by no means numerous. Cases may also be imagined, +where the free discussion of controverted doctrines might for a +time at least be subjected to some limitation for the sake of +public tranquillity. I can scarcely conceive the necessity of +restraining an open exercise of religious rites in any case, except +that of glaring immorality. In no possible case can it be justifiable +for the temporal power to intermeddle with the private +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161">161</a></span> +devotions or doctrines of any man. But least of all, can it +carry its inquisition into the heart's recesses, and bend the +reluctant conscience to an insincere profession of truth, or +extort from it an acknowledgment of error, for the purpose of +inflicting punishment. The statutes of Elizabeth's reign comprehend +every one of these progressive degrees of restraint and +persecution. And it is much to be regretted that any writers +worthy of respect should, either through undue prejudice against +an adverse religion, or through timid acquiescence in whatever +has been enacted, have offered for this odious code the false +pretext of political necessity. That necessity, I am persuaded, +can never be made out: the statutes were, in many instances, +absolutely unjust; in others, not demanded by circumstances; +in almost all, prompted by religious bigotry, by excessive apprehension, +or by the arbitrary spirit with which our government +was administered under Elizabeth.</p> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162">162</a></span></p> + +<h3 class="p6">CHAPTER IV</h3> + +<p class="center">ON THE LAWS OF ELIZABETH'S REIGN RESPECTING PROTESTANT +NONCONFORMISTS</p> + +<p>The two statutes enacted in the first year of Elizabeth, commonly +called the Acts of Supremacy and Uniformity, are the +main links of the Anglican church with the temporal constitution, +and establish the subordination and dependency of the +former; the first abrogating all jurisdiction and legislative +power of ecclesiastical rulers, except under the authority of +the Crown; and the second prohibiting all changes of rites and +discipline without the approbation of parliament. It was the +constant policy of this queen to maintain her ecclesiastical +prerogative and the laws she had enacted. But in following +up this principle she found herself involved in many troubles, +and had to contend with a religious party, quite opposite to +the Romish, less dangerous indeed and inimical to her government, +but full as vexatious and determined.</p> + +<p><i>Origin of the differences among the English protestants.</i>—I have +in another place slightly mentioned the differences that began +to spring up under Edward VI. between the moderate reformers +who established the new Anglican church, and those who +accused them of proceeding with too much forbearance in casting +off superstitions and abuses. These diversities of opinion +were not without some relation to those which distinguished +the two great families of protestantism in Europe. Luther, +intent on his own system of dogmatic theology, had shown +much indifference about retrenching exterior ceremonies, and +had even favoured, especially in the first years of his preaching, +that specious worship which some ardent reformers were eager +to reduce to simplicity.<a name="FNanchor_266" id="FNanchor_266" href="#Footnote_266" class="fnanchor">[266]</a> Crucifixes and images, tapers and +priestly vestments, even for a time the elevation of the host +and the Latin mass-book, continued in the Lutheran churches; +while the disciples of Zuingle and Calvin were carefully eradicating +them as popish idolatry and superstition. Cranmer and +Ridley, the founders of the English reformation, justly deeming +themselves independent of any foreign master, adopted a middle +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">163</a></span> +course between the Lutheran and Calvinistic ritual. The +general tendency however of protestants, even in the reign of +Edward VI., was towards the simpler forms; whether through +the influence of those foreign divines who co-operated in our +reformation, or because it was natural in the heat of religious +animosity to recede as far as possible, especially in such exterior +distinctions, from the opposite denomination. The death of +Edward seems to have prevented a further approach to the +scheme of Geneva in our ceremonies, and perhaps in our discipline. +During the persecution of Mary's reign, the most +eminent protestant clergymen took refuge in various cities of +Germany and Switzerland. They were received by the Calvinists +with hospitality and fraternal kindness; while the +Lutheran divines, a narrow-minded intolerant faction, both +neglected and insulted them.<a name="FNanchor_267" id="FNanchor_267" href="#Footnote_267" class="fnanchor">[267]</a> Divisions soon arose among +themselves about the use of the English service, in which a +pretty considerable party was disposed to make alterations. +The chief scene of these disturbances was Frankfort, where +Knox, the famous reformer of Scotland, headed the innovators; +while Cox, an eminent divine, much concerned in the establishment +of Edward VI., and afterwards Bishop of Ely, stood up +for the original liturgy. Cox succeeded (not quite fairly, if +we may rely on the only narrative we possess) in driving his +opponents from the city; but these disagreements were by no +means healed, when the accession of Elizabeth recalled both +parties to their own country, neither of them very likely to +display more mutual charity in their prosperous hour, than +they had been able to exercise in a common persecution.<a name="FNanchor_268" id="FNanchor_268" href="#Footnote_268" class="fnanchor">[268]</a></p> + +<p><i>Religious inclinations of the queen.</i>—The first mortification +these exiles endured on their return was to find a more dilatory +advance towards public reformation of religion, and more of +what they deemed lukewarmness, than their sanguine zeal had +anticipated. Most part of this delay was owing to the greater +prudence of the queen's counsellors, who felt the pulse of the +nation before they ventured on such essential changes. But +there was yet another obstacle, on which the reformers had not +reckoned. Elizabeth, though resolute against submitting to the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164">164</a></span> +papal supremacy, was not so averse to all the tenets abjured by +protestants, and loved also a more splendid worship than had +prevailed in her brother's reign; while many of those returned +from the continent were intent on copying a still simpler model. +She reproved a divine who preached against the real presence, +and is even said to have used prayers to the Virgin.<a name="FNanchor_269" id="FNanchor_269" href="#Footnote_269" class="fnanchor">[269]</a> But her +great struggle with the reformers was about images, and particularly +the crucifix, which she retained, with lighted tapers before +it, in her chapel; though in the injunctions to the ecclesiastical +visitors of 1559, they are directed to have them taken away from +churches.<a name="FNanchor_270" id="FNanchor_270" href="#Footnote_270" class="fnanchor">[270]</a> This concession she must have made very reluctantly, +for we find proofs the next year of her inclination to restore them; +and the question of their lawfulness was debated, as Jewel writes +word to Peter Martyr, by himself and Grindal on one side, against +Parker and Cox, who had been persuaded to argue in their +favour.<a name="FNanchor_271" id="FNanchor_271" href="#Footnote_271" class="fnanchor">[271]</a> But the strenuous opposition of men so distinguished +as Jewel, Sandys, and Grindal, of whom the first declared his +intention of resigning his bishopric in case this return towards +superstition should be made, compelled Elizabeth to relinquish +her project.<a name="FNanchor_272" id="FNanchor_272" href="#Footnote_272" class="fnanchor">[272]</a> The crucifix was even for a time removed from +her own chapel, but replaced about 1570.<a name="FNanchor_273" id="FNanchor_273" href="#Footnote_273" class="fnanchor">[273]</a> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165">165</a></span></p> + +<p>There was however one other subject of dispute between the +old and new religions, upon which her majesty could not be +brought to adopt the protestant side of the question. This +was the marriage of the clergy, to which she expressed so great +an aversion, that she would never consent to repeal the statute +of her sister's reign against it.<a name="FNanchor_274" id="FNanchor_274" href="#Footnote_274" class="fnanchor">[274]</a> Accordingly, the bishops and +clergy, though they married by connivance, or rather by an +ungracious permission,<a name="FNanchor_275" id="FNanchor_275" href="#Footnote_275" class="fnanchor">[275]</a> saw, with very just dissatisfaction, +their children treated by the law as the offspring of concubinage.<a name="FNanchor_276" id="FNanchor_276" href="#Footnote_276" class="fnanchor">[276]</a> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166">166</a></span> +This continued, in legal strictness, till the first year of James, +when the statute of Mary was explicitly repealed; though I +cannot help suspecting that clerical marriages had been tacitly +recognised, even in courts of justice, long before that time. Yet +it appears less probable to derive Elizabeth's prejudice in this +respect from any deference to the Roman discipline, than from +that strange dislike to the most lawful union between the sexes, +which formed one of the singularities of her character.</p> + +<p>Such a reluctance as the queen displayed to return in every +point even to the system established under Edward, was no +slight disappointment to those who thought that too little had +been effected by it. They had beheld at Zurich and Geneva +the simplest, and, as they conceived, the purest form of worship. +They were persuaded that the vestments still worn by the +clergy, as in the days of popery, though in themselves indifferent, +led to erroneous notions among the people, and kept +alive a recollection of former superstitions, which would render +their return to them more easy in the event of another political +revolution.<a name="FNanchor_277" id="FNanchor_277" href="#Footnote_277" class="fnanchor">[277]</a> They disliked some other ceremonies for the same +reason. These objections were by no means confined, as is +perpetually insinuated, to a few discontented persons. Except +Archbishop Parker, who had remained in England during the +late reign, and Cox, Bishop of Ely, who had taken a strong part +at Frankfort against innovation, all the most eminent churchmen, +such as Jewel, Grindal, Sandys, Nowell, were in favour of +leaving off the surplice and what were called the popish ceremonies.<a name="FNanchor_278" id="FNanchor_278" href="#Footnote_278" class="fnanchor">[278]</a> +Whether their objections are to be deemed narrow +and frivolous or otherwise, it is inconsistent with veracity to +dissemble that the queen alone was the cause of retaining those +observances, to which the great separation from the Anglican +establishment is ascribed. Had her influence been withdrawn, +surplices and square caps would have lost their steadiest friend; +and several other little accommodations to the prevalent dispositions +of protestants would have taken place. Of this it +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">167</a></span> +seems impossible to doubt, when we read the proceedings of the +convocation in 1562, when a proposition to abolish most of the +usages deemed objectionable was lost only by a vote, the +numbers being 59 to 58.<a name="FNanchor_279" id="FNanchor_279" href="#Footnote_279" class="fnanchor">[279]</a></p> + +<p>In thus restraining the ardent zeal of reformation, Elizabeth +may not have been guided merely by her own prejudices, without +far higher motives of prudence and even of equity. It is +difficult to pronounce in what proportion the two conflicting +religions were blended on her coming to the throne. The reformed +occupied most large towns, and were no doubt a more +active and powerful body than their opponents. Nor did the +ecclesiastical visitors of 1559 complain of any resistance, or +even unwillingness, among the people.<a name="FNanchor_280" id="FNanchor_280" href="#Footnote_280" class="fnanchor">[280]</a> Still the Romish party +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168">168</a></span> +was extremely numerous; it comprehended the far greater +portion of the beneficed clergy, and all those who, having no +turn for controversy, clung with pious reverence to the rites +and worship of their earliest associations. It might be thought +perhaps not very repugnant to wisdom or to charity, that such +persons should be won over to the reformed faith by retaining +a few indifferent usages, which gratified their eyes, and took off +the impression, so unpleasing to simple minds, of religious innovation. +It might be urged that, should even somewhat more +of superstition remain awhile than rational men would approve, +the mischief would be far less than to drive the people back +into the arms of popery, or to expose them to the natural consequences +of destroying at once all old landmarks of reverence,—a +dangerous fanaticism, or a careless irreligion. I know not in +what degree these considerations had weight with Elizabeth; +but they were such as it well became her to entertain.</p> + +<p>We live however too far from the period of her accession, to +pass an unqualified decision on the course of policy which it +was best for the queen to pursue. The difficulties of effecting +a compromise between two intolerant and exclusive sects were +perhaps insuperable. In maintaining or altering a religious +establishment, it may be reckoned the general duty of governments +to respect the wishes of the majority. But it is also a +rule of human policy to favour the more efficient and determined, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169">169</a></span> +which may not always be the more numerous party. I am far +from being convinced that it would not have been practicable, +by receding a little from that uniformity which governors +delight to prescribe, to have palliated in a great measure, if not +put an end for a time, to the discontent that so soon endangered +the new establishment. The frivolous usages, to which so many +frivolous objections were raised, such as the tippet and surplice, +the sign of the cross in baptism, the ring in matrimony, the +posture of kneeling at the communion, might have been left to +private discretion, not possibly without some inconvenience, +but with less, as I conceive, than resulted from rendering their +observance indispensable. Nor should we allow ourselves to +be turned aside by the common reply, that no concessions of +this kind would have ultimately prevented the disunion of the +church upon more essential differences than these litigated +ceremonies; since the science of policy, like that of medicine, +must content itself with devising remedies for immediate danger, +and can at best only retard the progress of that intrinsic decay +which seems to be the law of all things human, and through +which every institution of man, like his earthly frame, must one +day crumble into ruin.</p> + +<p><i>Unwillingness to comply with the established ceremonies.</i>—The +repugnance felt by a large part of the protestant clergy to the +ceremonies with which Elizabeth would not consent to dispense, +showed itself in irregular transgressions of the uniformity prescribed +by statute. Some continued to wear the habits, others +laid them aside; the communicants received the sacrament +sitting, or standing, or kneeling, according to the minister's taste; +some baptized in the font, others in a basin; some with the sign +of the cross, others without it. The people in London and other +towns, siding chiefly with the malcontents, insulted such of the +clergy as observed the prescribed order.<a name="FNanchor_281" id="FNanchor_281" href="#Footnote_281" class="fnanchor">[281]</a> Many of the bishops +readily connived at deviations from ceremonies which they disapproved. +Some, who felt little objection to their use, were +against imposing them as necessary.<a name="FNanchor_282" id="FNanchor_282" href="#Footnote_282" class="fnanchor">[282]</a> And this opinion, which +led to very momentous inferences, began so much to prevail, +that we soon find the objections to conformity more grounded +on the unlawfulness of compulsory regulations in the church +prescribed by the civil power, than on any special impropriety +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170">170</a></span> +in the usages themselves. But this principle, which perhaps the +scrupulous party did not yet very fully avow, was altogether +incompatible with the supremacy vested in the queen, of which +fairest flower of her prerogative she was abundantly tenacious. +One thing was evident, that the puritan malcontents were +growing every day more numerous, more determined, and more +likely to win over the generality of those who sincerely favoured +the protestant cause. There were but two lines to be taken; +either to relax and modify the regulations which gave offence, +or to enforce a more punctual observation of them. It seems +to me far more probable that the former course would have +prevented a great deal of that mischief which the second manifestly +aggravated. For in this early stage the advocates of a +simpler ritual had by no means assumed the shape of an embodied +faction, whom concessions, it must be owned, are not apt +to satisfy, but numbered the most learned and distinguished +portion of the hierarchy. Parker stood nearly alone on the +other side, but alone more than an equipoise in the balance, +through his high station, his judgment in matters of policy, and +his knowledge of the queen's disposition. He had possibly +reason to apprehend that Elizabeth, irritated by the prevalent +humour for alteration, might burst entirely away from the +protestant side, or stretch her supremacy to reduce the church +into a slavish subjection to her caprice.<a name="FNanchor_283" id="FNanchor_283" href="#Footnote_283" class="fnanchor">[283]</a> This might induce a +man of his sagacity, who took a far wider view of civil affairs +than his brethren, to exert himself according to her peremptory +command for universal conformity. But it is not easy to reconcile +the whole of his conduct to this supposition; and in the +copious memorials of Strype, we find the archbishop rather +exciting the queen to rigorous measures against the puritans +than standing in need of her admonition.<a name="FNanchor_284" id="FNanchor_284" href="#Footnote_284" class="fnanchor">[284]</a></p> + +<p><i>Conformity enforced by the archbishop against the disposition of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171">171</a></span> +others.</i>—The unsettled state of exterior religion which has been +mentioned lasted till 1565. In the beginning of that year a +determination was taken by the queen, or rather perhaps the +archbishop, to put a stop to all irregularities in the public service. +He set forth a book called <i>Advertisements</i>, containing orders and +regulations for the discipline of the clergy. This modest title +was taken in consequence of the queen's withholding her +sanction of its appearance through Leicester's influence.<a name="FNanchor_285" id="FNanchor_285" href="#Footnote_285" class="fnanchor">[285]</a> The +primate's next step was to summon before the ecclesiastical +commission Sampson, Dean of Christchurch, and Humphrey, +President of Magdalen College, Oxford, men of signal non-conformity, +but at the same time of such eminent reputation +that, when the law took its course against them, no other +offender could hope for indulgence. On refusing to wear the +customary habits, Sampson was deprived of his deanery; but +the other seems to have been tolerated.<a name="FNanchor_286" id="FNanchor_286" href="#Footnote_286" class="fnanchor">[286]</a> This instance of +severity, as commonly happens, rather irritated than intimidated +the puritan clergy, aware of their numbers, their popularity, +and their powerful friends, but above all sustained by their own +sincerity and earnestness. Parker had taken his resolution to +proceed in the vigorous course he had begun. He obtained +from the queen a proclamation, peremptorily requiring conformity +in the use of the clerical vestments and other matters of +discipline. The London ministers, summoned before himself and +their bishop, Grindal, who did not very willingly co-operate with +his metropolitan, were called upon for a promise to comply with +the legal ceremonies, which thirty-seven out of ninety-eight +refused to make. They were in consequence suspended from +their ministry, and their livings put in sequestration. But these +unfortunately, as was the case in all this reign, were the most +conspicuous, both for their general character and for their talent +in preaching.<a name="FNanchor_287" id="FNanchor_287" href="#Footnote_287" class="fnanchor">[287]</a></p> + +<p>Whatever deviations from uniformity existed within the pale +of the Anglican church, no attempt had hitherto been made to +form separate assemblies; nor could it be deemed necessary, +while so much indulgence had been conceded to the scrupulous +clergy. But they were now reduced to determine whether the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_172" id="Page_172">172</a></span> +imposition of those rites they disliked would justify, or render +necessary, an abandonment of their ministry. The bishops of +that school had so far overcome their repugnance, as not only +to observe the ceremonies of the church, but, in some instances, +to employ compulsion towards others.<a name="FNanchor_288" id="FNanchor_288" href="#Footnote_288" class="fnanchor">[288]</a> A more unexceptionable, +because more disinterested, judgment was pronounced +by some of the Swiss reformers to whom our own paid great +respect—Beza, Gualter, and Bullinger; who, while they regretted +the continuance of a few superfluous rites, and still more +the severity used towards good men, dissuaded their friends +from deserting their vocation on that account. Several of the +most respectable opponents of the ceremonies were equally +adverse to any open schism.<a name="FNanchor_289" id="FNanchor_289" href="#Footnote_289" class="fnanchor">[289]</a> But the animosities springing +from heated zeal, and the smart of what seemed oppression, +would not suffer the English puritans generally to acquiesce in +such temperate counsels. They began to form separate conventicles +in London, not ostentatiously indeed, but of course +without the possibility of eluding notice. It was doubtless +worthy of much consideration, whether an established church-government +could wink at the systematic disregard of its +discipline by those who were subject to its jurisdiction and +partook of its revenues. And yet there were many important +considerations derived from the posture of religion and of the +state, which might induce cool-headed men to doubt the expediency +of too much straightening the reins. But there are +few, I trust, who can hesitate to admit that the puritan clergy, +after being excluded from their benefices, might still claim from +a just government a peaceful toleration of their particular +worship. This it was vain to expect from the queen's arbitrary +spirit, the imperious humour of Parker, and that total disregard +of the rights of conscience which was common to all parties in +the sixteenth century. The first instance of actual punishment +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173">173</a></span> +inflicted on protestant dissenters was in June 1567, when a +company of more than one hundred were seized during their +religious exercises at Plummer's Hall, which they had hired +on pretence of a wedding, and fourteen or fifteen of them were +sent to prison.<a name="FNanchor_290" id="FNanchor_290" href="#Footnote_290" class="fnanchor">[290]</a> They behaved on their examination with a +rudeness as well as self-sufficiency, that had already begun to +characterise the puritan faction. But this cannot excuse +the fatal error of molesting men for the exercise of their own +religion.</p> + +<p>These coercive proceedings of the archbishop were feebly +seconded, or directly thwarted, by most leading men both in +church and state. Grindal and Sandys, successively Bishops of +London and Archbishops of York, were naturally reckoned at +this time somewhat favourable to the non-conforming ministers, +whose scruples they had partaken. Parkhurst and Pilkington, +Bishops of Norwich and Durham, were openly on their side.<a name="FNanchor_291" id="FNanchor_291" href="#Footnote_291" class="fnanchor">[291]</a> +They had still more effectual support in the queen's council. +The Earl of Leicester, who possessed more power than any one +to sway her wavering and capricious temper, the Earls of +Bedford, Huntingdon, and Warwick, regarded as the steadiest +protestants among the aristocracy, the wise and grave Lord +Keeper Bacon, the sagacious Walsingham, the experienced +Sadler, the zealous Knollys, considered these objects of Parker's +severity, either as demanding a purer worship than had been +established in the church, or at least as worthy by their virtues +and services of more indulgent treatment.<a name="FNanchor_292" id="FNanchor_292" href="#Footnote_292" class="fnanchor">[292]</a> Cecil himself, +though on intimate terms with the archbishop, and concurring +generally in his measures, was not far removed from the latter +way of thinking, if his natural caution and extreme dread at +this juncture of losing the queen's favour had permitted him +more unequivocally to express it. Those whose judgment did +not incline them towards the puritan notions, respected the +scruples of men in whom the reformed religion could so implicitly +confide. They had regard also to the condition of the +church. The far greater part of its benefices were supplied by +conformists of very doubtful sincerity, who would resume their +mass-books with more alacrity than they had cast them aside.<a name="FNanchor_293" id="FNanchor_293" href="#Footnote_293" class="fnanchor">[293]</a> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_174" id="Page_174">174</a></span> +Such a deficiency of protestant clergy had been experienced at +the queen's accession, that for several years it was a common +practice to appoint laymen, usually mechanics, to read the +service in vacant churches.<a name="FNanchor_294" id="FNanchor_294" href="#Footnote_294" class="fnanchor">[294]</a> These were not always wholly +illiterate; or if they were, it was no more than might be said of +the popish clergy, the vast majority of whom were destitute of +all useful knowledge, and could read little Latin.<a name="FNanchor_295" id="FNanchor_295" href="#Footnote_295" class="fnanchor">[295]</a> Of the two +universities, Oxford had become so strongly attached to the +Romish side during the late reign, that, after the desertion or +expulsion of the most zealous of that party had almost emptied +several colleges, it still for many years abounded with adherents +to the old religion.<a name="FNanchor_296" id="FNanchor_296" href="#Footnote_296" class="fnanchor">[296]</a> But at Cambridge, which had been equally +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175">175</a></span> +popish at the queen's accession, the opposite faction soon +acquired the ascendant. The younger students, imbibing +ardently the new creed of ecclesiastical liberty, and excited by +puritan sermons, began to throw off their surplices, and to +commit other breaches of discipline, from which it might be +inferred that the generation to come would not be less apt for +innovation than the present.<a name="FNanchor_297" id="FNanchor_297" href="#Footnote_297" class="fnanchor">[297]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_176" id="Page_176">176</a></span></p> + +<p><i>A more determined opposition, about 1570, led by Cartwright.</i>—The +first period in the history of puritanism includes the time +from the queen's accession to 1570, during which the retention of +superstitious ceremonies in the church had been the sole avowed +ground of complaint. But when these obnoxious rites came to +be enforced with unsparing rigour, and even those who voluntarily +renounced the temporal advantages of the establishment were +hunted from their private conventicles, they began to consider +the national system of ecclesiastical regimen as itself in fault, +and to transfer to the institution of episcopacy that dislike they +felt for some of the prelates. The ostensible founder of this new +school (though probably its tenets were by no means new to +many of the sect) was Thomas Cartwright, the Lady Margaret's +professor of divinity at Cambridge. He began about 1570 to +inculcate the unlawfulness of any form of church-government, +except what the apostles had instituted, namely, the presbyterian. +A deserved reputation for virtue, learning, and acuteness, +an ardent zeal, an inflexible self-confidence, a vigorous, rude, +and arrogant style, marked him as the formidable leader of a +religious faction.<a name="FNanchor_298" id="FNanchor_298" href="#Footnote_298" class="fnanchor">[298]</a> In 1572 he published his celebrated <i>Admonition +to the Parliament</i>, calling on that assembly to reform the +various abuses subsisting in the church. In this treatise, such +a hardy spirit of innovation was displayed, and schemes of +ecclesiastical policy so novel and extraordinary were developed, +that it made a most important epoch in the contest, and rendered +its termination far more improbable. The hour for liberal +concessions had been suffered to pass away; the archbishops' +intolerant temper had taught men to question the authority +that oppressed them, till the battle was no longer to be fought +for a tippet and a surplice, but for the whole ecclesiastical +hierarchy, interwoven as it was with the temporal constitution +of England.</p> + +<p>It had been the first measure adopted in throwing off the yoke +of Rome to invest the sovereign with an absolute control over +the Anglican church; so that no part of its coercive discipline +could be exercised but by his authority, nor any laws enacted +for its governance without his sanction. This supremacy, indeed +both Henry VIII. and Edward VI. had carried so far, that the +bishops were reduced almost to the rank of temporal officers, +taking out commissions to rule their dioceses during the king's +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_177" id="Page_177">177</a></span> +pleasure; and Cranmer had prostrated at the feet of Henry +those spiritual functions which have usually been reckoned +inherent in the order of clergy. Elizabeth took some pains to +soften and almost explain away her supremacy, in order to +conciliate the catholics; while, by means of the high commission +court, established by statute in the first year of her reign, she +was practically asserting it with no little despotism. But the +avowed opponents of this prerogative were hitherto chiefly +those who looked to Rome for another head of their church. +The disciples of Cartwright now learned to claim an ecclesiastical +independence, as unconstrained as the Romish priesthood +in the darkest ages had usurped. "No civil magistrate +in councils or assemblies for church matters," he says in his +<i>Admonition</i>, "can either be chief moderator, over-ruler, judge, +or determiner; nor has he such authority as that, without +his consent, it should not be lawful for ecclesiastical persons to +make any church orders or ceremonies. Church matters ought +ordinarily to be handled by church officers. The principal +direction of them is by God's ordinance committed to the +ministers of the church and to the ecclesiastical governors. As +these meddle not with the making civil laws, so the civil magistrate +ought not to ordain ceremonies, or determine controversies +in the church, as long as they do not intrench upon his temporal +authority. 'Tis the prince's province to protect and defend +the councils of his clergy, to keep the peace, to see their decrees +executed, and to punish the contemners of them; but to exercise +no spiritual jurisdiction."<a name="FNanchor_299" id="FNanchor_299" href="#Footnote_299" class="fnanchor">[299]</a> "It must be remembered," he +says in another place, "that civil magistrates must govern the +church according to the rules of God prescribed in his word, +and that as they are nurses, so they be servants unto the church; +and as they rule in the church, so they must remember to submit +themselves unto the church, to submit their sceptres, to throw +down their crowns before the church, yea, as the prophet +speaketh, to lick the dust of the feet of the church."<a name="FNanchor_300" id="FNanchor_300" href="#Footnote_300" class="fnanchor">[300]</a> It is +difficult to believe that I am transcribing the words of a +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_178" id="Page_178">178</a></span> +protestant writer; so much does this passage call to mind +those tones of infatuated arrogance, which had been heard +from the lips of Gregory VII. and of those who trod in his +footsteps.<a name="FNanchor_301" id="FNanchor_301" href="#Footnote_301" class="fnanchor">[301]</a></p> + +<p>The strength of the protestant party had been derived, both +in Germany and in England, far less from their superiority in +argument, however decisive this might be, than from that +desire which all classes, and especially the higher, had long +experienced to emancipate themselves from the thraldom of +ecclesiastical jurisdiction. For it is ever found, that men do +not so much as give a hearing to novel systems in religion, till +they have imbibed, from some cause or other, a secret distaste +to that in which they have been educated. It was therefore +rather alarming to such as had an acquaintance with ecclesiastical +history, and knew the encroachments formerly made +by the hierarchy throughout Europe, encroachments perfectly +distinguishable from those of the Roman see, to perceive the +same pretensions urged, and the same ambition and arrogance +at work, which had imposed a yoke on the necks of their fathers. +With whatever plausibility it might be maintained that a connection +with temporal magistrates could only corrupt the purity +and shackle the liberties of a Christian church, this argument +was not for them to urge, who called on those magistrates to do +the church's bidding, to enforce its decrees, to punish its refractory +members; and while they disdained to accept the prince's +co-operation as their ally, claimed his service as their minister. +The protestant dissenters since the revolution, who have almost +unanimously, and, I doubt not, sincerely, declared their averseness +to any religious establishment, especially as accompanied +with coercive power, even in favour of their own sect, are by no +means chargeable with these errors of the early puritans. But +the scope of Cartwright's declaration was not to obtain a +toleration for dissent, not even by abolishing the whole ecclesiastical +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_179" id="Page_179">179</a></span> +polity, to place the different professions of religion on +an equal footing, but to substitute his own model of government, +the one, exclusive, unappealable standard of obedience, with +all the endowments, so far as applicable to its frame, of the +present church, and with all the support to its discipline that +the civil power could afford.<a name="FNanchor_302" id="FNanchor_302" href="#Footnote_302" class="fnanchor">[302]</a></p> + +<p>We are not however to conclude that every one, or even the +majority, of those who might be counted on the puritan side in +Elizabeth's reign, would have subscribed to these extravagant +sentences of Cartwright, or desired to take away the legal +supremacy of the Crown.<a name="FNanchor_303" id="FNanchor_303" href="#Footnote_303" class="fnanchor">[303]</a> That party acquired strength by +the prevailing hatred and dread of popery, and by the disgust +which the bishops had been unfortunate enough to excite. If +the language which I have quoted from the puritans breathed a +spirit of ecclesiastical usurpation that might one day become +dangerous, many were of opinion that a spirit not less mischievous +in the present hierarchy, under the mask of the queen's +authority, was actually manifesting itself in deeds of oppression. +The upper ranks among the laity, setting aside courtiers, and +such as took little interest in the dispute, were chiefly divided +between those attached to the ancient church and those who +wished for further alterations in the new. I conceive the church +of England party, that is, the party adverse to any species of +ecclesiastical change, to have been the least numerous of the +three during this reign; still excepting, as I have said, the +neutrals, who commonly make a numerical majority, and are +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_180" id="Page_180">180</a></span> +counted along with the dominant religion.<a name="FNanchor_304" id="FNanchor_304" href="#Footnote_304" class="fnanchor">[304]</a> But by the act +of the fifth of Elizabeth, Roman catholics were excluded from +the House of Commons; or, if some that way affected might +occasionally creep into it, yet the terror of penal laws impending +over their heads would make them extremely cautious of +betraying their sentiments. This contributed with the prevalent +tone of public opinion, to throw such a weight into the +puritanical scale in the Commons, as it required all the queen's +energy to counterbalance.</p> + +<p><i>Puritans supported in the Commons.</i>—In the parliament that +met in April 1571, a few days only after the commencement of +the session, Mr. Strickland, "a grave and ancient man of great +zeal," as the reporter styles him, began the attack by a long +but apparently temperate speech on the abuses of the church, +tending only to the retrenchment of a few superstitions in the +liturgy, and to some reforms in the disposition of benefices. He +proceeded to bring in a bill for the reformation of the common +prayer, which was read a first time. Abuses in respect to +benefices appear to have been a copious theme of scandal. +The power of dispensation, which had occasioned so much +clamour in former ages, instead of being abolished or even +reduced into bounds at the reformation, had been transferred +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_181" id="Page_181">181</a></span> +entire from the pope to the king and archbishop. And, after the +Council of Trent had effected such considerable reforms in the +catholic discipline, it seemed a sort of reproach to the protestant +church of England, that she retained all the dispensations, +the exemptions, the pluralities, which had been deemed +the peculiar corruptions of the worst times of popery.<a name="FNanchor_305" id="FNanchor_305" href="#Footnote_305" class="fnanchor">[305]</a> In the +reign of Edward VI., as I have already mentioned, the canon +law being naturally obnoxious from its origin and character, a +commission was appointed to draw up a code of ecclesiastical +laws. This was accordingly compiled, but never obtained the +sanction of parliament; and though some attempts were made, +and especially in the Commons at this very time, to bring it +again before the legislature, our ecclesiastical tribunals have been +always compelled to borrow a great part of their principles +from canon law: one important consequence of which may be +mentioned by way of illustration; that they are incompetent +to grant a divorce from the bond of marriage in cases of adultery, +as had been provided in the reformation of ecclesiastical laws +compiled under Edward VI. A disorderly state of the church, +arising partly from the want of any fixed rules of discipline, +partly from the negligence of some bishops, and simony of others, +but above all, from the rude state of manners and general ignorance +of the clergy, is the common theme of complaint in this +period, and aggravated the increasing disaffection towards the +prelacy. A bill was brought into the Commons to take away +the granting of licences and dispensations by the Archbishop of +Canterbury. But the queen's interference put a stop to this +measure."<a name="FNanchor_306" id="FNanchor_306" href="#Footnote_306" class="fnanchor">[306]</a></p> + +<p>The House of Commons gave in this session a more forcible +proof of its temper in ecclesiastical concerns. The articles of +the English church, originally drawn up under Edward VI., +after having undergone some alteration, were finally reduced +to their present form by the convocation of 1562. But it seems +to have been thought necessary that they should have the +sanction of parliament, in order to make them binding on the +clergy. Of these articles the far greater portion relate to +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_182" id="Page_182">182</a></span> +matters of faith, concerning which no difference of opinion had +as yet appeared. Some few however declare the lawfulness +of the established form of consecrating bishops and priests, the +supremacy of the Crown, and the power of the church to order +rites and ceremonies. These involved the main questions at +issue; and the puritan opposition was strong enough to withhold +the approbation of the legislature from this part of the +national symbol. The act of 13 Eliz. c. 12, accordingly enacts, +that every priest or minister shall subscribe to all the articles +of religion which <i>only</i> concern the confession of the true christian +faith, and the doctrine of the sacraments, comprised in a book +entitled <i>Articles whereupon it was agreed</i>, etc. That the word +<i>only</i> was inserted for the sake of excluding the articles which +established church authority and the actual discipline, is +evident from a remarkable conversation which Mr. Wentworth, +the most distinguished asserter of civil liberty in this reign, +relates himself in a subsequent session (that of 1575), to have +held on the subject with Archbishop Parker. "I was," he +says, "among others, the last parliament sent for unto the +Archbishop of Canterbury, for the articles of religion that then +passed this house. He asked us, 'Why we did put out of the +book the articles for the homilies, consecration of bishops, and +such like?' 'Surely, sir,' said I, 'because we were so occupied +in other matters that we had no time to examine them how +they agreed with the word of God.' 'What!' said he, 'surely +you mistake the matter; you will refer yourselves wholly to us +therein!' 'No; by the faith I bear to God,' said I, 'we will +pass nothing before we understand what it is; for that were +but to make you popes: make you popes who list,' said I, 'for +we will make you none.' And sure, Mr. Speaker, the speech +seemed to me to be a pope-like speech, and I fear least our +bishops do attribute this of the pope's canons unto themselves; +Papa non potest errare."<a name="FNanchor_307" id="FNanchor_307" href="#Footnote_307" class="fnanchor">[307]</a> The intrepid assertion of the right +of private judgment on one side, and the pretension to something +like infallibility on the other, which have been for more +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_183" id="Page_183">183</a></span> +than two centuries since so incessantly repeated, are here curiously +brought into contrast. As to the reservation itself, +obliquely insinuated rather than expressed in this statute, it +proved of little practical importance, the bishops having always +exacted a subscription to the whole thirty-nine articles.<a name="FNanchor_308" id="FNanchor_308" href="#Footnote_308" class="fnanchor">[308]</a></p> + +<p>It was not to be expected that the haughty spirit of Parker, +which had refused to spare the honest scruples of Sampson and +Coverdale, would abate of its rigour towards the daring paradoxes +of Cartwright. His disciples, in truth, from dissatisfied +subjects of the church, were become her downright rebels, with +whom it was hardly practicable to make any compromise that +would avoid a schism, except by sacrificing the splendour and +jurisdiction of an established hierarchy. The archbishop +continued, therefore, to harass the puritan ministers, suppressing +their books, silencing them in churches, prosecuting them in +private meetings.<a name="FNanchor_309" id="FNanchor_309" href="#Footnote_309" class="fnanchor">[309]</a> Sandys and Grindal, the moderate reformers +of our spiritual aristocracy, not only withdrew their +countenance from a party who aimed at improvement by +subversion, but fell, according to the unhappy temper of their +age, into courses of undue severity. Not merely the preachers, +to whom, as regular ministers, the rules of canonical obedience +might apply, but plain citizens, for listening to their sermons, +were dragged before the high commission and imprisoned upon +any refusal to conform.<a name="FNanchor_310" id="FNanchor_310" href="#Footnote_310" class="fnanchor">[310]</a> Strange that these prelates should +not have remembered their own magnanimous readiness to +encounter suffering for conscience sake in the days of Mary, or +should have fondly arrogated to their particular church that +elastic force of resolution, which disdains to acknowledge +tyrannous power within the sanctuary of the soul, and belongs +to the martyrs of every opinion without attesting the truth of +any!</p> + +<p>The puritans meanwhile had not lost all their friends in the +council, though it had become more difficult to protect them. +One powerful reason undoubtedly operated on Walsingham +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_184" id="Page_184">184</a></span> +and other ministers of Elizabeth's court against crushing their +party; namely, the precariousness of the queen's life, and the +unsettled prospects of succession. They had already seen, in +the Duke of Norfolk's conspiracy, that more than half the +superior nobility had committed themselves to support the +title of the Queen of Scots. That title was sacred to all who +professed the catholic religion, and respectable to a large proportion +of the rest. But deeming, as they did, that queen a +convicted adulteress and murderer, the determined enemy of +their faith, and conscious that she could never forgive those +who had counselled her detention and sought her death, it +would have been unworthy of their prudence and magnanimity +to have gone as sheep to the slaughter, and risked the destruction +of protestantism under a second Mary, if the intrigues of ambitious +men, the pusillanimity of the multitude, and the specious +pretext of hereditary right, should favour her claims on a demise +of the Crown. They would have failed perhaps in attempting +to resist them; but upon resistance I make no question that +they had resolved. In so awful a crisis, to what could they +better look than to the stern, intrepid, uncompromising spirit +of puritanism; congenial to that of the Scottish reformers, by +whose aid the lords of the congregation had overthrown the +ancient religion in despite of the regent Mary of Guise? Of +conforming churchmen, in general, they might well be doubtful, +after the oscillations of the three preceding reigns; but every +abhorrer of ceremonies, every rejecter of prelatical authority, +might be trusted as protestant to the heart's core, whose sword +would be as ready as his tongue to withstand idolatry. Nor +had the puritans admitted, even in theory, those extravagant +notions of passive obedience which the church of England had +thought fit to mingle with her homilies. While the victory +was yet so uncertain, while contingencies so incalculable might +renew the struggle, all politic friends of the reformation would +be anxious not to strengthen the enemy by disunion in their +own camp. Thus Sir Francis Walsingham, who had been +against enforcing the obnoxious habits, used his influence with +the scrupulous not to separate from the church on account of +them; and again, when the schism had already ensued, thwarted +as far as his credit in the council extended, that harsh intolerance +of the bishops which aggravated its mischiefs.<a name="FNanchor_311" id="FNanchor_311" href="#Footnote_311" class="fnanchor">[311]</a></p> + +<p>We should reason in as confined a manner as the puritans +themselves, by looking only at the captious frivolousness of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_185" id="Page_185">185</a></span> +their scruples, and treating their sect either as wholly contemptible +or as absolutely mischievous. We do injustice to these +wise counsellors of the maiden queen, when we condemn, I do +not mean on the maxims only of toleration, but of civil prudence, +their unwillingness to crush the non-conforming clergy by an +undeviating rigour. It may justly be said that, in a religious +sense, it was a greater good to possess a well-instructed pious +clergy, able to contend against popery, than it was an evil to +let some prejudices against mere ceremonies gain a head. The +old religion was by no means, for at least the first half of Elizabeth's +reign, gone out of the minds of the people. The lurking +priests had great advantages from the attractive nature of their +faith, and some, no doubt, from its persecution. A middle +system, like the Anglican, though it was more likely to produce +exterior conformity, and for that reason was, I think, judiciously +introduced at the outset, did not afford such a security against +relapse, nor draw over the heart so thoroughly, as one which +admitted of no compromise. Thus the sign of the cross in +baptism, one of the principal topics of objection, may well seem +in itself a very innocent and decorous ceremony. But if the +perpetual use of that sign is one of the most striking superstitions +in the church of Rome, it might be urged in behalf of the +puritans, that the people were less likely to treat it with contempt, +when they saw its continuance, even in one instance, so +strictly insisted upon. I do not pretend to say that this reasoning +is right, but that it is at least plausible, and that we must +go back and place ourselves, as far as we can, in those times, +before we determine upon the whole of this controversy in its +manifold bearings. The great object of Elizabeth's ministers, +it must be kept in mind, was the preservation of the protestant +religion, to which all ceremonies of the church, and even its +form of discipline, were subordinate. An indifferent passiveness +among the people, a humble trust in authority, however desirable +in the eyes of churchmen, was not the temper which would +have kept out the right heir from the throne, or quelled the +generous ardour of the catholic gentry on the queen's decease.</p> + +<p><i>Prophecyings.</i>—A matter very much connected with the +present subject will illustrate the different schemes of ecclesiastical +policy pursued by the two parties that divided Elizabeth's +council. The clergy in several dioceses set up, with +encouragement from their superiors, a certain religious exercise, +called prophecyings. They met at appointed times to expound +and discuss together particular texts of Scripture, under the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_186" id="Page_186">186</a></span> +presidency of a moderator, appointed by the bishop, who +finished by repeating the substance of their debate with his +own determination upon it. These discussions were in public; +and it was contended that this sifting of the grounds of their +faith, and habitual argumentation, would both tend to edify +the people, very little acquainted as yet with their religion, and +supply in some degree the deficiencies of learning among the +pastors themselves. These deficiencies were indeed glaring; +and it is not unlikely that the prophecyings might have had a +salutary effect, if it had been possible to exclude the prevailing +spirit of the age. It must however be evident to any one who +had experience of mankind, that the precise clergy, armed not +only with popular topics, but with an intrinsic superiority of +learning and ability to support them, would wield these assemblies +at their pleasure, whatever might be the regulations +devised for their control. The queen entirely disliked them, +and directed Parker to put them down. He wrote accordingly +to Parkhurst, Bishop of Norwich, for that purpose. The bishop +was unwilling to comply. And some privy counsellors interfered +by a letter, enjoining him not to hinder these exercises, +so long as nothing contrary to the church was taught therein. +This letter was signed by Sir Thomas Smith, Sir Walter Mildmay, +Bishop Sandys, and Sir Francis Knollys. It was, in +effect, to reverse what the archbishop had done. Parker, however, +who was not easily daunted, wrote again to Parkhurst, +that, understanding he had received instructions in opposition +to the queen's orders and his own, he desired to be informed +what they were. This seems to have checked the counsellors; +for we find that the prophecyings were now put down.<a name="FNanchor_312" id="FNanchor_312" href="#Footnote_312" class="fnanchor">[312]</a></p> + +<p>Though many will be of opinion that Parker took a statesmanlike +view of the interests of the church of England in discouraging +these exercises, they were generally regarded as so conducive to +instruction that he seems to have stood almost alone in his +opposition to them. Sandys' name appears to the above-mentioned +letter of the council to Parkhurst. Cox, also, was +inclined to favour the prophecyings. And Grindal, who in 1575 +succeeded Parker in the see of Canterbury, bore the whole brunt +of the queen's displeasure rather than obey her commands on +this subject. He conceived that, by establishing strict rules +with respect to the direction of those assemblies, the abuses +which had already appeared of disorderly debate, and attacks +on the discipline of the church, might be got rid of without +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_187" id="Page_187">187</a></span> +entirely abolishing the exercise. The queen would hear of +no middle course, and insisted both that the prophecyings +should be discontinued, and that fewer licences for preaching +should be granted. For no parish priest could without a licence +preach any discourse except the regular homilies; and this +was one of the points of contention with the puritans. Grindal +steadily refused to comply with this injunction; and was in +consequence sequestered from the exercise of his jurisdiction +for the space of about five years, till, on his making a kind of +submission, the sequestration was taken off not long before his +death. The queen, by circular letters to the bishops, commanded +them to put an end to the prophecyings, which were +never afterwards renewed.<a name="FNanchor_313" id="FNanchor_313" href="#Footnote_313" class="fnanchor">[313]</a></p> + +<p><i>Whitgift.</i>—Whitgift, Bishop of Worcester, a person of a very +opposite disposition, was promoted, in 1583, to the primacy, +on Grindal's decease. He had distinguished himself some years +before by an answer to Cartwright's <i>Admonition</i>, written with +much ability, but not falling short of the work it undertook to +confute in rudeness and asperity.<a name="FNanchor_314" id="FNanchor_314" href="#Footnote_314" class="fnanchor">[314]</a> It is seldom good policy to +confer such eminent stations in the church on the gladiators of +theological controversy; who from vanity and resentment, as +well as the course of their studies, will always be prone to exaggerate +the importance of the disputes wherein they have been +engaged, and to turn whatever authority the laws or the influence +of their place may give them against their adversaries. +This was fully illustrated by the conduct of Archbishop Whitgift, +whose elevation the wisest of Elizabeth's counsellors had +ample reason to regret. In a few months after his promotion, +he gave an earnest of the rigour he had determined to adopt, +by promulgating articles for the observance of discipline. One +of these prohibited all preaching, reading, or catechising in +private houses, whereto any not of the same family should +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_188" id="Page_188">188</a></span> +resort, "seeing the same was never permitted as lawful under +any christian magistrate." But that which excited the loudest +complaints was the subscription to three points, the queen's +supremacy, the lawfulness of the common prayer and ordination +service, and the truth of the whole thirty-nine articles, exacted +from every minister of the church.<a name="FNanchor_315" id="FNanchor_315" href="#Footnote_315" class="fnanchor">[315]</a> These indeed were so far +from novelties, that it might seem rather supererogatory to +demand them (if in fact the law required subscription to all the +articles); yet it is highly probable that many had hitherto +eluded the legal subscriptions, and that others had conceived +their scruples after having conformed to the prescribed order. +The archbishop's peremptory requisition passed, perhaps justly, +for an illegal stretch of power.<a name="FNanchor_316" id="FNanchor_316" href="#Footnote_316" class="fnanchor">[316]</a> It encountered the resistance +of men pertinaciously attached to their own tenets, and ready +to suffer the privations of poverty rather than yield a simulated +obedience. To suffer however in silence has at no time been +a virtue with our protestant dissenters. The kingdom resounded +with the clamour of those who were suspended or deprived of +their benefices, and of their numerous abettors.<a name="FNanchor_317" id="FNanchor_317" href="#Footnote_317" class="fnanchor">[317]</a> They appealed +from the archbishop to the privy council. The gentry of Kent +and other countries strongly interposed in their behalf. They +had powerful friends at court, especially Knollys, who wrote +a warm letter to the archbishop.<a name="FNanchor_318" id="FNanchor_318" href="#Footnote_318" class="fnanchor">[318]</a> But, secure of the queen's +support, who was now chiefly under the influence of Sir Christopher +Hatton, a decided enemy to the puritans, Whitgift +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_189" id="Page_189">189</a></span> +relented not a jot of his resolution, and went far greater lengths +than Parker had ever ventured, or perhaps had desired, to +proceed.</p> + +<p><i>High commission court.</i>—The Act of Supremacy, while it +restored all ecclesiastical jurisdiction to the Crown, empowered +the queen to execute it by commissioners appointed under the +great seal, in such manner and for such time as she should direct; +whose power should extend to visit, correct, and amend all +heresies, schisms, abuses, and offences whatever, which fall +under the cognisance and are subject to the correction of spiritual +authority. Several temporary commissions had sat under this +act with continually augmented powers, before that appointed +in 1583, wherein the jurisdiction of this anomalous court almost +reached its zenith. It consisted of forty-four commissioners, +twelve of whom were bishops, many more privy-counsellors, +and the rest either clergymen or civilians. This commission, +after reciting the acts of supremacy, uniformity, and two others, +directs them to inquire from time to time, as well by the oaths +of twelve good and lawful men, as by witnesses and all other +means they can devise, of all offences, contempts, or misdemeanours +done and committed contrary to the tenor of the said +several acts and statutes; and also to inquire of all heretical +opinions, seditious books, contempts, conspiracies, false rumours +or talk, slanderous words and sayings, etc., contrary to the +aforesaid laws. Power is given to any three commissioners, of +whom one must be a bishop, to punish all persons absent from +church, according to the Act of Uniformity, or to visit and reform +heresies and schisms according to law; to deprive all beneficed +persons holding any doctrine contrary to the thirty-nine articles; +to punish incests, adulteries, and all offences of the kind; to +examine all suspected persons on their oaths, and to punish all +who should refuse to appear or to obey their orders, by spiritual +censure or by discretionary fine or imprisonment; to alter and +amend the statutes of colleges, cathedrals, schools, and other +foundations, and to tender the oath of supremacy according to +the act of parliament.<a name="FNanchor_319" id="FNanchor_319" href="#Footnote_319" class="fnanchor">[319]</a> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_190" id="Page_190">190</a></span></p> + +<p>Master of such tremendous machinery, the archbishop proceeded +to call into action one of its powers contained for the +first time in the present commission, by tendering what was +technically styled the oath <i>ex officio</i>, to such of the clergy as +were surmised to harbour a spirit of puritanical disaffection. +This procedure, which was wholly founded on the canon law, +consisted in a series of interrogations, so comprehensive as to +embrace the whole scope of clerical uniformity, yet so precise +and minute as to leave no room for evasion, to which the suspected +party was bound to answer upon oath.<a name="FNanchor_320" id="FNanchor_320" href="#Footnote_320" class="fnanchor">[320]</a> So repugnant +was this to the rules of our English law, and to the principles of +natural equity, that no species of ecclesiastical tyranny seems +to have excited so much indignation.</p> + +<p><i>Lord Burleigh averse to severity.</i>—Lord Burleigh, who, though +at first rather friendly to Whitgift, was soon disgusted by his +intolerant and arbitrary behaviour, wrote in strong terms of +remonstrance against these articles of examination, as "so +curiously penned, so full of branches and circumstances, as he +thought the inquisitors of Spain used not so many questions +to comprehend and to trap their preys." The primate replied +by alleging reasons in behalf of the mode of examination, but +very frivolous, and such as a man determined to persevere in +an unwarrantable course of action may commonly find.<a name="FNanchor_321" id="FNanchor_321" href="#Footnote_321" class="fnanchor">[321]</a> They +had little effect on the calm and sagacious mind of the treasurer, +who continued to express his dissatisfaction, both individually +and as one of the privy council.<a name="FNanchor_322" id="FNanchor_322" href="#Footnote_322" class="fnanchor">[322]</a> But the extensive jurisdiction +improvidently granted to the ecclesiastical commissioners, and +which the queen was not at all likely to recall, placed Whitgift +beyond the control of the temporal administration.</p> + +<p>The Archbishop, however, did not stand alone in this impracticable +endeavour to overcome the stubborn sectaries by +dint of hard usage. Several other bishops were engaged in the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_191" id="Page_191">191</a></span> +same uncharitable course;<a name="FNanchor_323" id="FNanchor_323" href="#Footnote_323" class="fnanchor">[323]</a> but especially Aylmer of London, +who has left a worse name in this respect than any prelate of +Elizabeth's reign.<a name="FNanchor_324" id="FNanchor_324" href="#Footnote_324" class="fnanchor">[324]</a> The violence of Aylmer's temper was not +redeemed by many virtues; it is impossible to exonerate his +character from the imputations of covetousness and of plundering +the revenues of his see; faults very prevalent among the +bishops of that period. The privy council wrote sometimes to +expostulate with Aylmer, in a tone which could hardly have +been employed towards a man in his station who had not +forfeited the general esteem. Thus, upon occasion of one +Benison, whom he had imprisoned without cause, we find a +letter signed by Burleigh, Leicester, Walsingham, and even +Hatton, besides several others, urging the bishop to give the man +a sum of money, since he would recover damages at law, which +might hurt his lordship's credit. Aylmer, however, who was of +a stout disposition, especially when his purse was interested, +objected strongly to this suggestion, offering rather to confer on +Benison a small living, or to let him take his action at law. +The result does not appear; but probably the bishop did not +yield.<a name="FNanchor_325" id="FNanchor_325" href="#Footnote_325" class="fnanchor">[325]</a> He had worse success in an information laid against him +for felling his woods, which ended not only in an injunction, but +a sharp reprimand from Cecil in the star-chamber.<a name="FNanchor_326" id="FNanchor_326" href="#Footnote_326" class="fnanchor">[326]</a></p> + +<p>What Lord Burleigh thought of these proceedings may be seen +in the memorial to the queen on matters of religion and state, +from which I have, in the last chapter, made an extract to show +the tolerance of his disposition with respect to catholics. Protesting +that he was not in the least addicted to the preciser sort +of preachers, he declares himself "bold to think that the bishops, +in these dangerous times, take a very ill and unadvised course in +driving them from their cures;" first, because it must discredit +the reputation of her majesty's power, when foreign princes +should perceive that even among her protestant subjects, in +whom consisted all her force, strength, and power, there was +so great a heart-burning and division; and secondly, "because," +he says, "though they were over squeamish and nice in their +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_192" id="Page_192">192</a></span> +opinions, and more scrupulous than they need; yet with their +careful catechising and diligent preaching, they bring forth that +fruit which your most excellent majesty is to desire and wish; +namely, the lessening and diminishing the papistical numbers."<a name="FNanchor_327" id="FNanchor_327" href="#Footnote_327" class="fnanchor">[327]</a> +But this great minister's knowledge of the queen's temper, and +excessive anxiety to retain her favour, made him sometimes +fearful to act according to his own judgment. "It is well known," +Lord Bacon says of him, in a treatise published in 1591, "that +as to her majesty, there was never a counsellor of his lordship's +long continuance that was so appliable to her majesty's princely +resolutions, endeavouring always after faithful propositions and +remonstrances, and these in the best words and the most grateful +manner, to rest upon such conclusions as her majesty in her +own wisdom determineth, and them to execute to the best; so +far hath he been from contestation, or drawing her majesty into +any of his own courses."<a name="FNanchor_328" id="FNanchor_328" href="#Footnote_328" class="fnanchor">[328]</a> Statesmen who betray this unfortunate +infirmity of clinging too fondly to power, become the +slaves of the princes they serve. Burleigh used to complain of +the harshness with which the queen treated him.<a name="FNanchor_329" id="FNanchor_329" href="#Footnote_329" class="fnanchor">[329]</a> And though, +more lucky than most of his class, he kept the white staff of +treasurer down to his death, he was reduced in his latter years +to court a rising favourite more submissively than became his +own dignity.<a name="FNanchor_330" id="FNanchor_330" href="#Footnote_330" class="fnanchor">[330]</a> From such a disposition we could not expect any +decided resistance to those measures of severity towards the +puritans which fell in so entirely with Elizabeth's temper.</p> + +<p>There is no middle course, in dealing with religious sectaries, +between the persecution that exterminates, and the toleration +that satisfies. They were wise in their generation, the Loaisas +and Valdes of Spain, who kindled the fires of the inquisition, +and quenched the rising spirit of protestantism in the blood of +a Seso and a Cazalla. But sustained by the favouring voice of his +associates, and still more by that firm persuasion which bigots +never know how to appreciate in their adversaries, a puritan +minister set at nought the vexatious and arrogant tribunal +before which he was summoned. Exasperated, not overawed, +the sectaries threw off what little respect they had hitherto paid +to the hierarchy. They had learned, in the earlier controversies +of the reformation, the use, or, more truly, the abuse, of that +powerful lever of human bosoms, the press. He who in Saxony +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_193" id="Page_193">193</a></span> +had sounded the first trumpet-peal against the battlements of +Rome, had often turned aside from his graver labours to excite +the rude passions of the populace by low ribaldry and exaggerated +invective; nor had the English reformers ever scrupled +to win proselytes by the same arts. What had been accounted +holy zeal in the mitred Bale and martyred Latimer, might +plead some apology from example in the aggrieved puritan. +Pamphlets, chiefly anonymous, were rapidly circulated throughout +the kingdom, inveighing against the prelacy. Of these +libels the most famous went under the name of Martin Mar-prelate, +a vizored knight of those lists, behind whose shield a +host of sturdy puritans were supposed to fight. These were +printed at a movable press, shifted to different parts of the +country as the pursuit grew hot, and contained little serious +argument, but the unwarrantable invectives of angry men, who +stuck at no calumny to blacken their enemies.<a name="FNanchor_331" id="FNanchor_331" href="#Footnote_331" class="fnanchor">[331]</a> If these insults +upon authority are apt sometimes to shock us even now, when +long usage has rendered such licentiousness of seditious and +profligate libellers almost our daily food, what must they have +seemed in the reign of Elizabeth, when the press had no acknowledged +liberty, and while the accustomed tone in addressing +those in power was little better than servile adulation?</p> + +<p>A law had been enacted some years before, levelled at the +books dispersed by the seminary priests, which rendered the +publication of seditious libels against the queen's government a +capital felony.<a name="FNanchor_332" id="FNanchor_332" href="#Footnote_332" class="fnanchor">[332]</a> This act, by one of those strained constructions +which the judges were commonly ready to put upon any political +crime, was brought to bear on some of these puritanical writings. +The authors of Martin Mar-prelate could not be traced with +certainty; but strong suspicions having fallen on one Penry, +a young Welshman, he was tried some time after for another +pamphlet, containing some sharp reflections on the queen herself, +and received sentence of death, which it was thought proper to +carry into execution.<a name="FNanchor_333" id="FNanchor_333" href="#Footnote_333" class="fnanchor">[333]</a> Udal, a puritan minister, fell into the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_194" id="Page_194">194</a></span> +grasp of the same statute for an alleged libel on the bishops, +which had surely a very indirect reference to the queen's administration. +His trial, like most other political trials of the +age, disgraces the name of English justice. It consisted mainly +in a pitiful attempt by the court to entrap him into a confession +that the imputed libel was of his writing, as to which their proof +was deficient. Though he avoided this snare, the jury did not +fail to obey the directions they received to convict him. So far +from being concerned in Martin's writings, Udal professed his +disapprobation of them and his ignorance of the author. This +sentence appeared too iniquitous to be executed even in the eyes +of Whitgift, who interceded for his life; but he died of the effects +of confinement.<a name="FNanchor_334" id="FNanchor_334" href="#Footnote_334" class="fnanchor">[334]</a></p> + +<p><i>Attempt to set up a Presbyterian system.</i>—If the libellous pen +of Martin Mar-prelate was a thorn to the rulers of the church, +they had still more cause to take alarm at an overt measure of +revolution which the discontented party began to effect about +the year 1590. They set up, by common agreement, their own +platform of government by synods and classes; the former being +a sort of general assemblies, the latter held in particular shires +or dioceses, agreeably to the presbyterian model established +in Scotland. In these meetings debates were had, and determinations +usually made, sufficiently unfavourable to the established +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_195" id="Page_195">195</a></span> +system. The ministers composing them subscribed to +the puritan book of discipline. These associations had been +formed in several counties, but chiefly in those of Northampton +and Warwick, under the direction of Cartwright, the legislator +of their republic, who possessed, by the Earl of Leicester's +patronage, the mastership of a hospital in the latter town.<a name="FNanchor_335" id="FNanchor_335" href="#Footnote_335" class="fnanchor">[335]</a> It +would be unjust to censure the archbishop for interfering to +protect the discipline of his church against these innovators, +had but the means adopted for that purpose been more consonant +to equity. Cartwright with several of his sect were summoned +before the ecclesiastical commission; where refusing to inculpate +themselves by taking the oath <i>ex officio</i>, they were committed +to the Fleet. This punishment not satisfying the rigid churchmen, +and the authority of the ecclesiastical commission being +incompetent to inflict any heavier judgment, it was thought fit +the next year to remove the proceedings into the court of star-chamber. +The judges, on being consulted, gave it as their +opinion, that since far less crimes had been punished by condemnation +to the galleys or perpetual banishment, the latter +would be fittest for their offence. But several of the council +had more tender regards to sincere, though intractable, men; +and in the end they were admitted to bail upon a promise to +be quiet, after answering some interrogatories respecting the +queen's supremacy and other points, with civility and an evident +wish to avoid offence.<a name="FNanchor_336" id="FNanchor_336" href="#Footnote_336" class="fnanchor">[336]</a> It may be observed that Cartwright +explicitly declared his disapprobation of the libels under the +name of Martin Mar-prelate.<a name="FNanchor_337" id="FNanchor_337" href="#Footnote_337" class="fnanchor">[337]</a> Every political party, however +honourable may be its objects and character, is liable to be disgraced +by the association of such unscrupulous zealots. But, +though it is an uncandid sophism to charge the leaders with the +excesses they profess to disapprove in their followers, it must +be confessed that few chiefs of faction have had the virtue to +condemn with sufficient energy the misrepresentations which +are intended for their benefit.</p> + +<p>It was imputed to the puritan faction with more or less of +truth, that, not content with the subversion of episcopacy and +of the whole ecclesiastical polity established in the kingdom, +they maintained principles that would essentially affect its civil +institutions. Their denial indeed of the queen's supremacy, +carried to such lengths as I have shown above, might justly be +considered as a derogation of her temporal sovereignty. Many +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_196" id="Page_196">196</a></span> +of them asserted the obligation of the judicial law of Moses, at +least in criminal cases; and deduced from this the duty of +putting idolaters (that is, papists), adulterers, witches and +demoniacs, sabbath-breakers, and several other classes of +offenders, to death.<a name="FNanchor_338" id="FNanchor_338" href="#Footnote_338" class="fnanchor">[338]</a> They claimed to their ecclesiastical +assemblies the right of determining "all matters wherein breach +of charity may be, and all matters of doctrine and manners, +so far as appertaineth to conscience." They took away the +temporal right of patronage to churches, leaving the choice of +ministers to general suffrage.<a name="FNanchor_339" id="FNanchor_339" href="#Footnote_339" class="fnanchor">[339]</a> There are even passages in +Cartwright's Admonition, which intimate that the commonwealth +ought to be fashioned after the model of the church.<a name="FNanchor_340" id="FNanchor_340" href="#Footnote_340" class="fnanchor">[340]</a> +But these it would not be candid to press against the more +explicit declarations of all the puritans in favour of a limited +monarchy, though they grounded its legitimacy on the republican +principles of popular consent.<a name="FNanchor_341" id="FNanchor_341" href="#Footnote_341" class="fnanchor">[341]</a> And with respect to the +former opinions, they appear to have been by no means common +to the whole puritan body; some of the deprived and imprisoned +ministers even acknowledging the queen's supremacy in as full +a manner as the law conferred it on her, and as she professed +to claim it.<a name="FNanchor_342" id="FNanchor_342" href="#Footnote_342" class="fnanchor">[342]</a></p> + +<p>The pretensions advanced by the school of Cartwright did +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_197" id="Page_197">197</a></span> +not seem the less dangerous to those who cast their eyes upon +what was passing in Scotland, where they received a practical +illustration. In that kingdom, a form of polity very nearly +conforming to the puritanical platform had become established +at the reformation of 1560; except that the office of bishop +or superintendent still continued, but with no paramount, far +less arbitrary dominion, and subject even to the provincial +synod, much more to the general assembly of the Scottish church. +Even this very limited episcopacy was abolished in 1592. The +presbyterian clergy, individually and collectively, displayed +the intrepid, haughty, and untractable spirit of the English +puritans. Though Elizabeth had from policy abetted the +Scottish clergy in their attacks upon the civil administration, +this connection itself had probably given her such an insight +into their temper as well as their influence, that she must have +shuddered at the thought of seeing a republican assembly substituted +for those faithful satraps, her bishops, so ready to do +her bidding, and so patient under the hard usage she sometimes +bestowed on them.</p> + +<p><i>House of Commons averse to episcopal authority.</i>—These prelates +did not however obtain so much support from the House of +Commons as from their sovereign. In that assembly a determined +band of puritans frequently carried the victory against +the courtiers. Every session exhibited proofs of their dissatisfaction +with the state of the church. The Crown's influence +would have been too weak without stretches of its prerogative. +The Commons in 1575 received a message forbidding them to +meddle with religious concerns. For five years afterwards the +queen did not convoke parliament, of which her dislike to their +puritanical temper might in all probability be the chief reason. +But, when they met again in 1580, the same topic of ecclesiastical +grievances, which had by no means abated during the +interval, was revived. The Commons appointed a committee, +formed only of the principal officers of the Crown who sat in +the house, to confer with some of the bishops, according to the +irregular and imperfect course of parliamentary proceedings in +that age, "touching the griefs of this house for some things +very requisite to be reformed in the church, as the great number +of unlearned and unable ministers, the great abuse of excommunications +for every matter of small moment, the commutation +of penances, and the great multitude of dispensations and +pluralities, and other things very hurtful to the church."<a name="FNanchor_343" id="FNanchor_343" href="#Footnote_343" class="fnanchor">[343]</a> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_198" id="Page_198">198</a></span> +The committee reported that they found some of the bishops +desirous of a remedy for the abuses they confessed, and of joining +in a petition for that purpose to her majesty; which had +accordingly been done, and a gracious answer, promising all +convenient reformation, by laying the blame of remissness upon +some prelates, had been received. This the house took with +great thankfulness. It was exactly the course which pleased +Elizabeth, who had no regard for her bishops, and a real anxiety +that her ecclesiastical as well as temporal government should +be well administered, provided her subjects would intrust the +sole care of it to herself, or limit their interference to modest +petitioning.</p> + +<p>A new parliament having been assembled, soon after Whitgift +on his elevation to the primacy had begun to enforce an universal +conformity, the lower house drew up a petition in sixteen articles, +to which they requested the Lords' concurrence, complaining +of the oath <i>ex officio</i>, the subscription to the three new articles, +the abuses of excommunication, licences for non-residence, and +other ecclesiastical grievances. The Lords replied coolly, that +they conceived many of those articles, which the Commons had +proposed, to be unnecessary, and that others of them were +already provided for; and that the uniformity of the common +prayer, the use of which the Commons had requested to leave +in certain respects to the minister's discretion, had been established +by parliament. The two archbishops, Whitgift and +Sandys, made a more particular answer to each article of the +petition, in the name of their brethren.<a name="FNanchor_344" id="FNanchor_344" href="#Footnote_344" class="fnanchor">[344]</a> But, in order to show +some willingness towards reformation, they proposed themselves +in convocation a few regulations for redress of abuses, none of +which, however, on this occasion, though they received the +royal assent, were submitted to the legislature;<a name="FNanchor_345" id="FNanchor_345" href="#Footnote_345" class="fnanchor">[345]</a> the queen in +fact maintaining an insuperable jealousy of all intermeddling on +the part of parliament with her exclusive supremacy over the +church. Excluded by Elizabeth's jealousy from entertaining +these religious innovations, which would probably have met no +unfavourable reception from a free parliament, the Commons +vented their ill-will towards the dominant hierarchy in complaints +of ecclesiastical grievances, and measures to redress +them; as to which, even with the low notions of parliamentary +right prevailing at court, it was impossible to deny their competence. +Several bills were introduced this session of 1584-5 +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_199" id="Page_199">199</a></span> +into the lower house, which, though they had little chance of +receiving the queen's assent, manifest the sense of that assembly, +and in all likelihood of their constituents. One of these imported +that bishops should be sworn in one of the courts of +justice to do nothing in their office contrary to the common law. +Another went to restrain pluralities, as to which the prelates +would very reluctantly admit of any limitation.<a name="FNanchor_346" id="FNanchor_346" href="#Footnote_346" class="fnanchor">[346]</a> A bill of the +same nature passed the Commons in 1589, though not without +some opposition. The clergy took so great alarm at this +measure, that the convocation addressed the queen in vehement +language against it; and the archbishop throwing all the weight +of his advice and authority into the same scale, the bill expired +in the upper house.<a name="FNanchor_347" id="FNanchor_347" href="#Footnote_347" class="fnanchor">[347]</a> A similar proposition in the session of +1601 seems to have miscarried in the Commons.<a name="FNanchor_348" id="FNanchor_348" href="#Footnote_348" class="fnanchor">[348]</a> In the next +chapter will be found other instances of the Commons' reforming +temper in ecclesiastical concerns, and the queen's determined +assertion of her supremacy.</p> + +<p>The oath <i>ex officio</i>, binding the taker to answer all questions +that should be put to him, inasmuch as it contravened the +generous maxim of English law that no one is obliged to criminate +himself, provoked very just animadversion. Morice, attorney +of the court of wards, not only attacked its legality with +arguments of no slight force, but introduced a bill to take it +away. This was on the whole well received by the house; and +Sir Francis Knollys, the stanch enemy of episcopacy, though +in high office, spoke in its favour. But the queen put a stop +to the proceeding, and Morice lay some time in prison for his +boldness. The civilians, of whom several sat in the lower +house, defended a mode of procedure that had been borrowed +from their own jurisprudence. This revived the ancient animosity +between them and the common lawyers. The latter +had always manifested a great jealousy of the spiritual jurisdiction, +and had early learned to restrain its exorbitances by +writs of prohibition from the temporal courts. Whitgift, as +tenacious of power as the most ambitious of his predecessors, +murmured like them at this subordination, for such it evidently +was, to a lay tribunal.<a name="FNanchor_349" id="FNanchor_349" href="#Footnote_349" class="fnanchor">[349]</a> But the judges, who found as much +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_200" id="Page_200">200</a></span> +gratification in exerting their power as the bishops, paid little +regard to the remonstrances of the latter. We find the reports +of this and the succeeding reign full of cases of prohibition. +Nor did other abuses imputed to these obnoxious judicatures +fail to provoke censure, such as the unreasonable fees of their +officers, and the usage of granting licences, and commuting +penances for money.<a name="FNanchor_350" id="FNanchor_350" href="#Footnote_350" class="fnanchor">[350]</a> The ecclesiastical courts indeed have +generally been reckoned more dilatory, vexatious, and expensive +than those of the common law. But in the present age that +part of their jurisdiction, which, though coercive, is professedly +spiritual, and wherein the greatest abuses have been alleged to +exist, has gone very much into disuse. In matrimonial and +testamentary causes, their course of proceeding may not be +open to any censure, so far as the essential administration of +justice is concerned; though in the latter of these, a most inconvenient +division of jurisdictions, following not only the unequal +boundaries of episcopal dioceses, but the various peculiars or +exempt districts which the church of England has continued to +retain, is productive of a good deal of trouble and needless +expense.</p> + +<p><i>Independents liable to severe laws.</i>—Notwithstanding the +tendency towards puritanism which the House of Commons +generally displayed, the court succeeded in procuring an act, +which eventually pressed with very great severity upon that +class. This passed in 1593, and enacted the penalty of imprisonment +against any person above the age of sixteen, who +should forbear for the space of a month to repair to some +church, until he should make such open submission and +declaration of conformity as the act appoints. Those who +refused to submit to these conditions were to abjure the realm, +and if they should return without the queen's licence, to suffer +death as felons.<a name="FNanchor_351" id="FNanchor_351" href="#Footnote_351" class="fnanchor">[351]</a> As this, on the one hand, like so many former +statutes, helped to crush the unfortunate adherents to the +Romish faith, so too did it bear an obvious application to +such protestant sectaries as had professedly separated from the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_201" id="Page_201">201</a></span> +Anglican church. But it is here worthy of remark, that the +puritan ministers throughout this reign disclaimed the imputation +of schism, and acknowledged the lawfulness of continuing +in the established church, while they demanded a further +reformation of her discipline.<a name="FNanchor_352" id="FNanchor_352" href="#Footnote_352" class="fnanchor">[352]</a> The real separatists, who were +also a numerous body, were denominated Brownists or Barrowists, +from the names of their founders, afterwards lost in +the more general appellation of Independents. These went far +beyond the puritans in their aversion to the legal ministry, and +were deemed in consequence still more proper subjects for +persecution. Multitudes of them fled to Holland from the +rigour of the bishops in enforcing this statute.<a name="FNanchor_353" id="FNanchor_353" href="#Footnote_353" class="fnanchor">[353]</a> But two of +this persuasion, Barrow and Greenwood, experienced a still +severer fate. They were indicted on that perilous law of the +23rd of the queen, mentioned in the last chapter, for spreading +seditious writings, and executed at Bury. They died, Neal +tells us, with such expressions of piety and loyalty that Elizabeth +regretted the consent she had given to their deaths.<a name="FNanchor_354" id="FNanchor_354" href="#Footnote_354" class="fnanchor">[354]</a></p> + +<p><i>Hooker's "Ecclesiastical Polity." Its character.</i>—But, while +these scenes of pride and persecution on one hand, and of +sectarian insolence on the other, were deforming the bosom of +the English church, she found a defender of her institutions +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_202" id="Page_202">202</a></span> +in one who mingled in these vulgar controversies like a knight +of romance among caitiff brawlers, with arms of finer temper +and worthy to be proved in a nobler field. Richard Hooker, +master of the Temple, published the first four books of his +<i>Ecclesiastical Polity</i> in 1594; the fifth three years afterwards; +and dying in 1600, left behind three which did not see the light +till 1647. This eminent work may justly be reckoned to mark +an æra in our literature. For if passages of much good sense +and even of a vigorous eloquence are scattered in several earlier +writers in prose, yet none of these, except perhaps Latimer and +Ascham, and Sir Philip Sidney in his <i>Arcadia</i>, can be said to +have acquired enough reputation to be generally known even by +name, much less are read in the present day; and it is indeed +not a little remarkable that England, until near the end of the +sixteenth century, had given few proofs in literature of that +intellectual power which was about to develop itself with such +unmatchable energy in Shakspeare and Bacon. We cannot +indeed place Hooker (but whom dare we to place?) by the side +of these master spirits; yet he has abundant claims to be +counted among the luminaries of English literature. He not +only opened the mine, but explored the depths, of our native +eloquence. So stately and graceful is the march of his periods, +so various the fall of his musical cadences upon the ear, so rich +in images, so condensed in sentences, so grave and noble his +diction, so little is there of vulgarity in his racy idiom, of +pedantry in his learned phrase, that I know not whether any +later writer has more admirably displayed the capacities of our +language, or produced passages more worthy of comparison +with the splendid monuments of antiquity. If we compare +the first book of the <i>Ecclesiastical Polity</i> with what bears perhaps +most resemblance to it of any thing extant, the treatise of +Cicero de Legibus, it will appear somewhat perhaps inferior, +through the imperfection of our language, which with all its +force and dignity does not equal the Latin in either of these +qualities, and certainly more tedious and diffuse in some of its +reasonings, but by no means less high-toned in sentiment, or +less bright in fancy, and far more comprehensive and profound +in the foundations of its philosophy.</p> + +<p>The advocates of a presbyterian church had always thought +it sufficient to prove that it was conformable to the apostolical +scheme as deduced merely from the scriptures. A pious reverence +for the sacred writings, which they made almost their +exclusive study, had degenerated into very narrow views on +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_203" id="Page_203">203</a></span> +the great themes of natural religion and the moral law, as +deducible from reason and sentiment. These, as most of the +various families of their descendants continue to do, they +greatly slighted, or even treated as the mere chimeras of heathen +philosophy. If they looked to the Mosaic law as the standard +of criminal jurisprudence, if they sought precedents from +scripture for all matters of temporal policy, much more would +they deem the practice of the apostles an unerring and immutable +rule for the discipline of the Christian church.<a name="FNanchor_355" id="FNanchor_355" href="#Footnote_355" class="fnanchor">[355]</a> To encounter +these adversaries, Hooker took a far more original +course than the ordinary controvertists, who fought their +battle with conflicting interpretations of scriptural texts or +passages from the fathers. He enquired into the nature and +foundation of law itself as the rule of operation to all created +beings, yielding thereto obedience by unconscious necessity, or +sensitive appetite, or reasonable choice; reviewing especially +those laws that regulate human agency, as they arise out of +moral relations, common to our species, or the institutions of +politic societies, or the inter-community of independent nations; +and having thoroughly established the fundamental distinction +between laws natural and positive, eternal and temporary, +immutable and variable, he came with all this strength of moral +philosophy to discriminate by the same criterion the various +rules and precepts contained in the scriptures. It was a kind +of maxim among the puritans, that scripture was so much the +exclusive rule of human actions, that whatever, in matters at +least concerning religion, could not be found to have its authority, +was unlawful. Hooker devoted the whole second book +of his work to the refutation of this principle. He proceeded +afterwards to attack its application more particularly to the +episcopal scheme of church government, and to the various +ceremonies or usages which those sectaries treated as either +absolutely superstitious, or at least as impositions without +authority. It was maintained by this great writer, not only +that ritual observances are variable according to the discretion +of ecclesiastical rulers, but that no certain form of polity is set +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_204" id="Page_204">204</a></span> +down in scripture as generally indispensable for a Christian +church. Far, however, from conceding to his antagonists the +fact which they assumed, he contended for episcopacy as an +apostolical institution, and always preferable, when circumstances +would allow its preservation, to the more democratical +model of the Calvinistic congregations. "If we did seek," he +says, "to maintain that which most advantageth our own cause, +the very best way for us and the strongest against them were +to hold, even as they do, that in scripture there must needs be +found some particular form of church polity which God hath +instituted, and which for that very cause belongeth to all +churches at all times. But with any such partial eye to respect +ourselves, and by cunning to make those things seem the truest, +which are the fittest to serve our purpose, is a thing which we +neither like nor mean to follow."</p> + +<p>The richness of Hooker's eloquence is chiefly displayed in +his first book; beyond which perhaps few who want a taste for +ecclesiastical reading are likely to proceed. The second and +third, however, though less brilliant, are not inferior in the +force and comprehensiveness of reasoning. The eighth and last +returns to the subject of civil government, and expands, with +remarkable liberality, the principles he had laid down as to +its nature in the first book. Those that intervene are mostly +confined to a more minute discussion of the questions mooted +between the church and puritans; and in these, as far as I have +looked into them, though Hooker's argument is always vigorous +and logical, and he seems to be exempt from that abusive +insolence to which polemical writers were then even more prone +than at present, yet he has not altogether the terseness or +lucidity, which long habits of literary warfare, and perhaps +a natural turn of mind, have given to some expert dialecticians. +In respect of language, the three posthumous books, partly from +having never received the author's last touches, and partly, +perhaps, from his weariness of the labour, are beyond comparison +less elegantly written than the preceding.</p> + +<p>The better parts of the <i>Ecclesiastical Polity</i> bear a resemblance +to the philosophical writings of antiquity, in their defects as +well as their excellencies. Hooker is often too vague in the use +of general terms, too inconsiderate in the admission of principles, +too apt to acquiesce in the scholastic pseudo-philosophy, and +indeed in all received tenets; he is comprehensive rather than +sagacious, and more fitted to sift the truth from the stores of +accumulated learning than to seize it by an original impulse +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_205" id="Page_205">205</a></span> +of his own mind; somewhat also impeded, like many other +great men of that and the succeeding century, by too much +acquaintance with books, and too much deference for their +authors. It may be justly objected to some passages, that they +elevate ecclesiastical authority, even in matters of belief, with +an exaggeration not easily reconciled to the protestant right of +private judgment, and even of dangerous consequence in those +times; as when he inclines to give a decisive voice in theological +controversies to general councils; not indeed on the principles +of the church of Rome, but on such as must end in the same +conclusion, the high probability that the aggregate judgment +of many grave and learned men should be well founded.<a name="FNanchor_356" id="FNanchor_356" href="#Footnote_356" class="fnanchor">[356]</a> Nor +would it be difficult to point out several other subjects, such as +religious toleration, as to which he did not emancipate himself +from the trammels of prejudice. But, whatever may be the +imperfections of his <i>Ecclesiastical Polity</i>, they are far more than +compensated by its eloquence and its reasoning, and above all +by that deep pervading sense of the relation between man and +his Creator, as the groundwork of all eternal law, which rendered +the first book of this work a rampart, on the one hand against +the puritan school who shunned the light of nature as a deceitful +meteor; and on the other against that immoral philosophy +which, displayed in the dark precepts of Machiavel, or lurking +in the desultory sallies of Montaigne, and not always rejected +by writers of more apparent seriousness, threatened to destroy +the sense of intrinsic distinctions in the quality of actions, and +to convert the maxims of state-craft and dissembling policy +into the rule of life and manners.</p> + +<p>Nothing perhaps is more striking to a reader of the <i>Ecclesiastical Polity</i> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_206" id="Page_206">206</a></span> +than the constant and almost excessive predilection +of Hooker for those liberal principles of civil government, which +are sometimes so just and always so attractive. Upon these +subjects, his theory absolutely coincides with that of Locke. +The origin of government, both in right and in fact, he explicitly +derives from a primary contract; "without which consent, +there were no reason that one should take upon him to be lord +or judge over another; because, although there be, according +to the opinion of some very great and judicious men, a kind of +natural right in the noble, wise, and virtuous, to govern them +which are of servile disposition; nevertheless, for manifestation +of this their right, and men's more peaceable contentment on +both sides, the assent of them who are to be governed seemeth +necessary." "The lawful power," he observes elsewhere, "of +making laws to command whole politic societies of men, belongeth +so properly unto the same entire societies, that for any prince +or potentate of what kind soever upon earth to exercise the +same of himself, and not either by express commission immediately +and personally received from God, or else by authority +received at first from their consent upon whose persons they +impose laws, it is no better than mere tyranny. Laws they +are not, therefore, which public approbation hath not made so. +But approbation not only they give, who personally declare +their assent by voice, sign, or act; but also when others do it +in their names, by right originally, at the least, derived from +them. As in parliaments, councils, and the like assemblies, +although we be not personally ourselves present, notwithstanding +our assent is by reason of other agents there in our behalf. +And what we do by others, no reason but that it should stand +as our deed, no less effectually to bind us, than if ourselves +had done it in person." And in another place still more peremptorily: +"Of this thing no man doubteth, namely, that in all +societies, companies, and corporations, what severally each +shall be bound unto, it must be with all their assents ratified. +Against all equity it were that a man should suffer detriment +at the hands of men, for not observing that which he never did +either by himself or others mediately or immediately agree +unto."</p> + +<p>These notions respecting the basis of political society, so far +unlike what prevailed among the next generation of churchmen, +are chiefly developed and dwelt upon in Hooker's concluding +book, the eighth; and gave rise to a rumour, very sedulously +propagated soon after the time of its publication, and still +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_207" id="Page_207">207</a></span> +sometimes repeated, that the posthumous portion of his work +had been interpolated or altered by the puritans.<a name="FNanchor_357" id="FNanchor_357" href="#Footnote_357" class="fnanchor">[357]</a> For this +surmise, however, I am persuaded that there is no foundation. +The three latter books are doubtless imperfect, and it is possible +that verbal changes may have been made by their transcribers +or editors; but the testimony that has been brought forward +to throw a doubt over their authenticity consists in those vague +and self-contradictory stories, which gossiping compilers of +literary anecdote can easily accumulate; while the intrinsic +evidence arising from the work itself, on which, in this branch +of criticism, I am apt chiefly to rely, seems altogether to repel +every suspicion. For not only the principles of civil government, +presented in a more expanded form by Hooker in the +eighth book, are precisely what he laid down in the first; but +there is a peculiar chain of consecutive reasoning running +through it, wherein it would be difficult to point out any passages +that could be rejected without dismembering the context. +It was his business in this part of the <i>Ecclesiastical Polity</i>, to +vindicate the queen's supremacy over the church: and this he +has done by identifying the church with the commonwealth; +no one, according to him, being a member of the one who was +not also a member of the other. But as the constitution of the +Christian church, so far as the laity partook in its government, +by choice of pastors or otherwise, was undeniably democratical, +he laboured to show, through the medium of the original compact +of civil society, that the sovereign had received this, as well as +all other powers, at the hands of the people. "Laws being +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_208" id="Page_208">208</a></span> +made among us," he affirms, "are not by any of us so taken or +interpreted, as if they did receive their force from power which +the prince doth communicate unto the parliament, or unto any +other court under him, but from power which the whole body +of the realm being naturally possessed with, hath by free and +deliberate assent derived unto him that ruleth over them so +far forth as hath been declared; so that our laws made concerning +religion do take originally their essence from the power +of the whole realm and church of England."</p> + +<p>In this system of Hooker and Locke, for it will be obvious +to the reader that their principles were the same, there is much, +if I am not mistaken, to disapprove. That no man can be +justly bound by laws which his own assent has not ratified, +appears to me a position incompatible with the existence of +society in its literal sense, or illusory in the sophistical interpretations +by which it is usual to evade its meaning. It will +be more satisfactory and important to remark the views which +this great writer entertained of our own constitution, to which +he frequently and fearlessly appeals, as the standing illustration +of a government restrained by law. "I cannot choose," he +says, "but commend highly their wisdom, by whom the foundation +of the commonwealth hath been laid; wherein though no +manner of person or cause be unsubject unto the king's power, +yet so is the power of the king over all, and in all limited, that +unto all his proceedings the law itself is a rule. The axioms +of our regal government are these: 'Lex facit regem'—the +king's grant of any favour made contrary to the law is void;-'Rex +nihil potest nisi quod jure potest'—what power the king +hath, he hath it by law: the bounds and limits of it are known, +the entire community giveth general order by law, how all +things publicly are to be done; and the king, as the head thereof, +the highest in authority over all, causeth, according to the same +law, every particular to be framed and ordered thereby. The +whole body politic maketh laws, which laws give power unto +the king; and the king having bound himself to use according +to law that power, it so falleth out, that the execution of the +one is accomplished by the other." These doctrines of limited +monarchy recur perpetually in the eighth book; and though +Hooker, as may be supposed, does not enter upon the perilous +question of resistance, and even intimates that he does not see +how the people can limit the extent of power once granted, +unless where it escheats to them, yet he positively lays it down, +that usurpers of power, that is, lawful rulers arrogating more +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_209" id="Page_209">209</a></span> +than the law gives to them, cannot in conscience bind any man +to obedience.</p> + +<p>It would perhaps have been a deviation from my subject +to enlarge so much on these political principles in a writer of +any later age, when they had been openly sustained in the +councils of the nation. But as the reigns of the Tudor family +were so inauspicious to liberty that some have been apt to +imagine its recollection to have been almost effaced, it becomes +of more importance to show that absolute monarchy was, in +the eyes of so eminent an author as Hooker, both pernicious in +itself, and contrary to the fundamental laws of the English +commonwealth. Nor would such sentiments, we may surely +presume, have been avowed by a man of singular humility, and +whom we might charge with somewhat of an excessive deference +to authority, unless they had obtained more currency, both +among divines and lawyers, than the complaisance of courtiers +in these two professions might lead us to conclude; Hooker +being not prone to deal in paradoxes, nor to borrow from his +adversaries that sturdy republicanism of the school of Geneva +which had been their scandal. I cannot indeed but suspect +that his whig principles, in the last book, are announced with +a temerity that would have startled his superiors; and that its +authenticity, however called in question, has been better preserved +by the circumstance of a posthumous publication than +if he had lived to give it to the world. Whitgift would probably +have induced him to suppress a few passages incompatible +with the servile theories already in vogue. It is far more +usual that an author's genuine sentiments are perverted by +means of his friends and patrons than of his adversaries.</p> + +<p><i>Spoliation of church revenues.</i>—The prelates of the English +church, while they inflicted so many severities on others, had +not always cause to exult in their own condition. From the +time when Henry taught his courtiers to revel in the spoil of +monasteries, there had been a perpetual appetite for ecclesiastical +possessions. Endowed by a prodigal superstition with +pomp and wealth beyond all reasonable measure, and far beyond +what the new system of religion appeared to prescribe, the +church of England still excited the covetousness of the powerful, +and the scandal of the austere.<a name="FNanchor_358" id="FNanchor_358" href="#Footnote_358" class="fnanchor">[358]</a> I have mentioned in another +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_210" id="Page_210">210</a></span> +place how the bishoprics were impoverished in the first reformation +under Edward VI. The catholic bishops who followed made +haste to plunder, from a consciousness that the goods of their +church were speedily to pass into the hands of heretics.<a name="FNanchor_359" id="FNanchor_359" href="#Footnote_359" class="fnanchor">[359]</a> Hence +the alienation of their estates had gone so far that in the beginning +of Elizabeth's reign statutes were made, disabling ecclesiastical +proprietors from granting away their lands, except on +leases for three lives, or twenty-one years.<a name="FNanchor_360" id="FNanchor_360" href="#Footnote_360" class="fnanchor">[360]</a> But an unfortunate +reservation was introduced in favour of the Crown. The queen, +therefore, and her courtiers, who obtained grants from her, +continued to prey upon their succulent victim. Few of her +council imitated the noble disinterestedness of Walsingham, +who spent his own estate in her service, and left not sufficient +to pay his debts. The documents of that age contain ample +proofs of their rapacity. Thus Cecil surrounded his mansion-house +at Burleigh with estates, once belonging to the see of +Peterborough. Thus Hatton built his house in Holborn on the +Bishop of Ely's garden. Cox, on making resistance to this +spoliation, received a singular epistle from the queen.<a name="FNanchor_361" id="FNanchor_361" href="#Footnote_361" class="fnanchor">[361]</a> This +bishop, in consequence of such vexations, was desirous of +retiring from the see before his death. After that event, +Elizabeth kept it vacant eighteen years. During this period we +have a petition to her from Lord Keeper Puckering, that she +would confer it on Scambler, Bishop of Norwich, then eighty-eight +years old, and notorious for simony, in order that he might +give him a lease of part of the lands.<a name="FNanchor_362" id="FNanchor_362" href="#Footnote_362" class="fnanchor">[362]</a> These transactions denote +the mercenary and rapacious spirit which leavened almost all +Elizabeth's courtiers.</p> + +<p>The bishops of this reign do not appear, with some distinguished +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_211" id="Page_211">211</a></span> +exceptions, to have reflected so much honour on the +established church as those who attach a superstitious reverence +to the age of the reformation are apt to conceive. In the +plunder that went forward, they took good care of themselves. +Charges against them of simony, corruption, covetousness, and +especially destruction of their church estates for the benefit of +their families, are very common—sometimes no doubt unjust, +but too frequent to be absolutely without foundation.<a name="FNanchor_363" id="FNanchor_363" href="#Footnote_363" class="fnanchor">[363]</a> The +council often wrote to them, as well as concerning them, with a +sort of asperity which would astonish one of their successors. +And the queen never restrained herself in treating them on any +provocation with a good deal of rudeness, of which I have just +mentioned an egregious example.<a name="FNanchor_364" id="FNanchor_364" href="#Footnote_364" class="fnanchor">[364]</a> In her speech to parliament +on closing the session of 1584, when many complaints against +the rulers of the church had rung in her ears, she told the bishops +that if they did not amend what was wrong, she meant to depose +them.<a name="FNanchor_365" id="FNanchor_365" href="#Footnote_365" class="fnanchor">[365]</a> For there seems to have been no question in that age +but that this might be done by virtue of the Crown's supremacy.</p> + +<p>The church of England was not left by Elizabeth in circumstances +that demanded applause for the policy of her rulers. +After forty years of constantly aggravated molestation of the +nonconforming clergy, their numbers were become greater, their +popularity more deeply rooted, their enmity to the established +order more irreconcilable. It was doubtless a problem of no +slight difficulty, by what means so obstinate and opinionated a +class of sectaries could have been managed; nor are we perhaps, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_212" id="Page_212">212</a></span> +at this distance of time, altogether competent to decide upon +the fittest course of policy in that respect.<a name="FNanchor_366" id="FNanchor_366" href="#Footnote_366" class="fnanchor">[366]</a> But it is manifest +that the obstinacy of bold and sincere men is not to be quelled +by any punishments that do not exterminate them, and that +they were not likely to entertain a less conceit of their own +reason when they found no arguments so much relied on to refute +it as that of force. Statesmen invariably take a better view of +such questions than churchmen; and we may well believe that +Cecil and Walsingham judged more sagaciously than Whitgift +and Aylmer. The best apology that can be made for Elizabeth's +tenaciousness of those ceremonies which produced this fatal +contention I have already suggested, without much express +authority from the records of that age; namely, the justice +and expediency of winning over the catholics to conformity, by +retaining as much as possible of their accustomed rites. But in +the latter period of the queen's reign, this policy had lost a great +deal of its application; or rather the same principle of policy +would have dictated numerous concessions in order to satisfy +the people. It appears by no means unlikely that, by reforming +the abuses and corruption of the spiritual courts, by abandoning +a part of their jurisdiction, so heterogeneous and so unduly +obtained, by abrogating obnoxious and at best frivolous ceremonies, +by restraining pluralities of benefices, by ceasing to +discountenance the most diligent ministers, and by more temper +and disinterestedness in their own behaviour, the bishops would +have palliated, to an indefinite degree, that dissatisfaction with +the established scheme of polity, which its want of resemblance +to that of other protestant churches must more or less have +produced. Such a reformation would at least have contented +those reasonable and moderate persons who occupy sometimes +a more extensive ground between contending factions than the +zealots of either are willing to believe or acknowledge.</p> + +<p><i>General remarks.</i>—I am very sensible that such freedom as I +have used in this chapter cannot be pleasing to such as have +sworn allegiance to either the Anglican or the puritan party; +and that even candid and liberal minds may be inclined to +suspect that I have not sufficiently admitted the excesses of one +side to furnish an excuse for those of the other. Such readers +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_213" id="Page_213">213</a></span> +I would gladly refer to Lord Bacon's "Advertisement touching +the Controversies of the Church of England;" a treatise written +under Elizabeth, in that tone of dispassionate philosophy which +the precepts of Burleigh sown in his own deep and fertile mind +had taught him to apply. This treatise, to which I did not turn +my attention in writing the present chapter, appears to coincide +in every respect with the views it displays. If he censures the +pride and obstinacy of the puritan teachers, their indecent and +libellous style of writing, their affected imitation of foreign +churches, their extravagance of receding from everything +formerly practised, he animadverts with no less plainness on the +faults of the episcopal party, on the bad example of some +prelates, on their peevish opposition to every improvement, +their unjust accusations, their contempt of foreign churches, +their persecuting spirit.<a name="FNanchor_367" id="FNanchor_367" href="#Footnote_367" class="fnanchor">[367]</a></p> + +<p><i>Letter of Walsingham in defence of the queen's government.</i>—Yet +that we may not deprive this great queen's administration, in +what concerned her dealings with the two religious parties +opposed to the established church, of what vindication may +best be offered for it, I will refer the reader to a letter of Sir +Francis Walsingham, written to a person in France, after the +year 1580.<a name="FNanchor_368" id="FNanchor_368" href="#Footnote_368" class="fnanchor">[368]</a> It is a very able apology for her government; and +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_214" id="Page_214">214</a></span> +if the reader should detect, as he doubtless may, somewhat of +sophistry in reasoning, and of mis-statement in matter of fact, +he will ascribe both one and the other to the narrow spirit of +the age with respect to civil and religious freedom, or to the +circumstances of the writer, an advocate whose sovereign was +his client.</p> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_215" id="Page_215">215</a></span></p> + +<h3 class="p6">CHAPTER V</h3> + +<p class="center">ON THE CIVIL GOVERNMENT OF ELIZABETH</p> + +<p>The subject of the two last chapters, I mean the policy adopted +by Elizabeth for restricting the two religious parties which +from opposite quarters resisted the exercise of her ecclesiastical +prerogatives, has already afforded us many illustrations of what +may more strictly be reckoned the constitutional history of her +reign. The tone and temper of her administration have been +displayed in a vigilant execution of severe statutes, especially +towards the catholics, and sometimes in stretches of power +beyond the law. And as Elizabeth had no domestic enemies +or refractory subjects who did not range under one or other of +these two sects, and little disagreement with her people on any +other grounds, the ecclesiastical history of this period is the +best preparation for our enquiry into the civil government. In +the present chapter I shall first offer a short view of the practical +exercise of government in this reign, and then proceed to show +how the queen's high assumptions of prerogative were encountered +by a resistance in parliament, not quite uniform, but +insensibly becoming more vigorous.</p> + +<p>Elizabeth ascended the throne with all the advantages of a +very extended authority. Though the jurisdiction actually +exerted by the court of star-chamber could not be vindicated +according to statute-law, it had been so well established as to +pass without many audible murmurs. Her progenitors had +intimidated the nobility; and if she had something to fear at one +season from this order, the fate of the Duke of Norfolk and of the +rebellious earls in the north put an end for ever to all apprehension +from the feudal influence of the aristocracy. There +seems no reason to believe that she attempted a more absolute +power than her predecessors; the wisdom of her counsellors, +on the contrary, led them generally to shun the more violent +measures of the late reigns; but she certainly acted upon many of +the precedents they had bequeathed her, with little consideration +of their legality. Her own remarkable talents, her masculine +intrepidity, her readiness of wit and royal deportment, which +the bravest men unaffectedly dreaded, her temper of mind, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_216" id="Page_216">216</a></span> +above all, at once fiery and inscrutably dissembling, would in +any circumstances have ensured her more real sovereignty than +weak monarchs, however nominally absolute, can ever enjoy or +retain. To these personal qualities was added the co-operation +of some of the most diligent and circumspect, as well as the most +sagacious counsellors that any prince has employed; men as +unlikely to loose from their grasp the least portion of that +authority which they found themselves to possess, as to excite +popular odium by an unusual or misplaced exertion of it. The +most eminent instances, as I have remarked, of a high-strained +prerogative in her reign, have some relation to ecclesiastical +concerns; and herein the temper of the predominant religion was +such as to account no measures harsh or arbitrary that were +adopted towards its conquered, but still formidable, enemy. +Yet when the royal supremacy was to be maintained against a +different foe by less violent acts of power, it revived the smouldering +embers of English liberty. The stern and exasperated +puritans became the depositaries of that sacred fire; and this +manifests a second connection between the temporal and ecclesiastical +history of the present reign.</p> + +<p>Civil liberty, in this kingdom, has two direct guarantees; the +open administration of justice according to known laws truly +interpreted, and fair constructions of evidence; and the right of +parliament, without let or interruption, to enquire into, and +obtain the redress of, public grievances. Of these, the first +is by far the most indispensable; nor can the subjects of any +state be reckoned to enjoy a real freedom, where this condition is +not found both in its judicial institutions and in their constant +exercise. In this, much more than in positive law, our ancient +constitution, both under the Plantagenet and Tudor line, had +ever been failing; and it is because one set of writers have looked +merely to the letter of our statutes or other authorities, while +another have been almost exclusively struck by the instances +of arbitrary government they found on record, that such incompatible +systems have been laid down with equal positiveness on +the character of that constitution.</p> + +<p><i>Trials for treason and other political offences unjustly conducted.</i>—I +have found it impossible not to anticipate, in more places +than one, some of those glaring transgressions of natural as well +as positive law, that rendered our courts of justice in cases of +treason little better than the caverns of murderers. Whoever +was arraigned at their bar was almost certain to meet a virulent +prosecutor, a judge hardly distinguishable from the prosecutor +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_217" id="Page_217">217</a></span> +except by his ermine, and a passive pusillanimous jury. Those +who are acquainted only with our modern decent and dignified +procedure, can form little conception of the irregularity of +ancient trials; the perpetual interrogation of the prisoner, which +gives most of us so much offence at this day in the tribunals of a +neighbouring kingdom; and the want of all evidence except +written, and perhaps unattested, examinations or confessions. +Habington, one of the conspirators against Elizabeth's life in +1586, complained that two witnesses had not been brought +against him, conformably to the statute of Edward VI. But +Anderson, the chief justice, told him, that as he was indicted on +the act of Edward III., that provision was not in force.<a name="FNanchor_369" id="FNanchor_369" href="#Footnote_369" class="fnanchor">[369]</a> In +the case of Captain Lee, a partisan of Essex and Southampton, +the court appear to have denied the right of peremptory challenge.<a name="FNanchor_370" id="FNanchor_370" href="#Footnote_370" class="fnanchor">[370]</a> +Nor was more equal measure dealt to the noblest +prisoners by their equals. The Earl of Arundel was convicted +of imagining the queen's death, on evidence which at the utmost +would only have supported an indictment for reconciliation to +the church of Rome.<a name="FNanchor_371" id="FNanchor_371" href="#Footnote_371" class="fnanchor">[371]</a></p> + +<p>The integrity of judges is put to the proof as much by prosecutions +for seditious writings as by charges of treason. I have +before mentioned the conviction of Udal and Penry, for a felony +created by the 23rd of Elizabeth; the former of which, especially, +must strike every reader of the trial as one of the gross +judicial iniquities of this reign. But, before this sanguinary +statute was enacted, a punishment of uncommon severity had +been inflicted upon one Stubbe, a puritan lawyer, for a pamphlet +against the queen's intended marriage with the Duke of Anjou. +It will be in the recollection of most of my readers that, in the +year 1579, Elizabeth exposed herself to much censure and +ridicule, and inspired the justest alarm in her most faithful +subjects, by entertaining, at the age of forty-six, the proposals +of this young scion of the house of Valois. Her council, though +several of them in their deliberations had much inclined against +the preposterous alliance, yet in the end, displaying the compliance +usual with the servants of self-willed princes, agreed, +"conceiving," as they say, "her earnest disposition for this her +marriage," to further it with all their power. Sir Philip Sidney, +with more real loyalty, wrote her a spirited remonstrance, which +she had the magnanimity never to resent.<a name="FNanchor_372" id="FNanchor_372" href="#Footnote_372" class="fnanchor">[372]</a> But she poured +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_218" id="Page_218">218</a></span> +her indignation on Stubbe, who, not entitled to use a private +address, had ventured to arouse a popular cry in his "Gaping +Gulph, in which England will be swallowed up by the French +Marriage." This pamphlet is very far from being, what some +have ignorantly or unjustly called it, a virulent libel; but is +written in a sensible manner, and with unfeigned loyalty and +affection towards the queen. But, besides the main offence of +addressing the people on state affairs, he had, in the simplicity +of his heart, thrown out many allusions proper to hurt her pride, +such as dwelling too long on the influence her husband would +acquire over her, and imploring that she would ask her physicians +whether to bear children at her years would not be highly +dangerous to her life. Stubbe, for writing this pamphlet, +received sentence to have his right hand cut off. When the +penalty was inflicted, taking off his hat with his left, he exclaimed, +Long live Queen Elizabeth! Burleigh, who knew that +his fidelity had borne so rude a test, employed him afterwards in +answering some of the popish libellers.<a name="FNanchor_373" id="FNanchor_373" href="#Footnote_373" class="fnanchor">[373]</a></p> + +<p>There is no room for wonder at any verdict that could be +returned by a jury, when we consider what means the government +possessed of securing it. The sheriff returned a pannel, +either according to express directions, of which we have proofs, +or to what he judged himself of the crown's intention and +interest.<a name="FNanchor_374" id="FNanchor_374" href="#Footnote_374" class="fnanchor">[374]</a> If a verdict had gone against the prosecution in a +matter of moment, the jurors must have laid their account +with appearing before the star-chamber; lucky, if they should +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_219" id="Page_219">219</a></span> +escape, on humble retractation, with sharp words, instead of +enormous fines and indefinite imprisonment. The control of +this arbitrary tribunal bound down and rendered impotent +all the minor jurisdictions. That primæval institution, those +inquests by twelve true men, the unadulterated voice of the +people responsible alone to God and their conscience, which +should have been heard in the sanctuaries of justice, as fountains +springing fresh from the lap of earth, became, like waters constrained +in their course by art, stagnant and impure. Until +this weight that hung upon the constitution should be taken off, +there was literally no prospect of enjoying with security those +civil privileges which it held forth.<a name="FNanchor_375" id="FNanchor_375" href="#Footnote_375" class="fnanchor">[375]</a></p> + +<p><i>Illegal commitments.</i>—It cannot be too frequently repeated, +that no power of arbitrary detention has ever been known to +our constitution since the charter obtained at Runnymede. +The writ of habeas corpus has always been a matter of right. +But as may naturally be imagined, no right of the subject, in +his relation to the Crown, was preserved with greater difficulty. +Not only the privy council in general arrogated to itself a power +of discretionary imprisonment, into which no inferior court was +to enquire, but commitments by a single counsellor appear to +have been frequent. These abuses gave rise to a remarkable +complaint of the judges, which, though an authentic recognition +of the privilege of personal freedom against such irregular and +oppressive acts of individual ministers, must be admitted to +leave by far too great latitude to the executive government, and +to surrender, at least by implication from rather obscure language, +a great part of the liberties which many statutes had +confirmed.<a name="FNanchor_376" id="FNanchor_376" href="#Footnote_376" class="fnanchor">[376]</a> This is contained in a passage from Chief Justice +Anderson's <i>Reports</i>. But as there is an original manuscript in +the British Museum, differing in some material points from the +print, I shall follow it in preference.<a name="FNanchor_377" id="FNanchor_377" href="#Footnote_377" class="fnanchor">[377]</a> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_220" id="Page_220">220</a></span></p> + +<p><i>Remonstrance of judges against them.</i>—"To the Rt. Hon. our +very good lords Sir Chr. Hatton, of the honourable order of the +garter knight, and chancellor of England, and Sir W. Cecill of +the hon. order of the garter knight, Lord Burleigh, lord high +treasurer of England,—We her majesty's justices, of both +benches, and barons of the exchequer, do desire your lordships +that by your good means such order may be taken that her +highness's subjects may not be committed or detained in prison, +by commandment of any nobleman or counsellor, against the +laws of the realm, to the grievous charges and oppression of her +majesty's said subjects: Or else help us to have access to her +majesty, to be suitors unto her highness for the same; for divers +have been imprisoned for suing ordinary actions, and suits at +the common law, until they will leave the same, or against their +wills put their matter to order, although some time it be after +judgment and accusation.</p> + +<p>"Item: Others have been committed and detained in prison +upon such commandment against the law; and upon the queen's +writ in that behalf, no cause sufficient hath been certified or +returned.</p> + +<p>"Item: Some of the parties so committed and detained in +prison after they have, by the queen's writ, been lawfully discharged +in court, have been eftsoones recommitted to prison +in secret places, and not in common and ordinary known prisons, +as the Marshalsea, Fleet, King's Bench, Gatehouse, nor the +custodie of any sheriff, so as upon complaint made for their +delivery, the queen's court cannot learn to whom to award her +majesty's writ, without which justice cannot be done.</p> + +<p>"Item: Divers serjeants of London and officers have been +many times committed to prison for lawful execution of her +majesty's writs out of the King's Bench, Common Pleas, and +other courts, to their great charges and oppression, whereby +they are put in such fear as they dare not execute the queen's +process.</p> + +<p>"Item: Divers have been sent for by pursuivants for private +causes, some of them dwelling far distant from London, and +compelled to pay to the pursuivants great sums of money against +the law, and have been committed to prison till they would +release the lawful benefit of their suits, judgments, or executions +for remedie, in which behalf we are almost daily called upon to +minister justice according to law, whereunto we are bound by +our office and oath.</p> + +<p>"And whereas it pleased your lordships to will divers of us +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_221" id="Page_221">221</a></span> +to set down when a prisoner sent to custody by her majesty, +her council, or some one or two of them, is to be detained in +prison, and not to be delivered by her majesty's courts or +judges:</p> + +<p>"We think that, if any person shall be committed by her +majesty's special commandment, or by order from the council-board, +or for treason touching her majesty's person (a word of +five letters follows, illegible to me), which causes being generally +returned into any court, is good cause for the same court to +leave the person committed in custody.</p> + +<p>"But if any person shall be committed for any other cause, +then the same ought specially to be returned."</p> + +<p>This paper bears the original signatures of eleven judges. It +has no date, but is indorsed 5 June 1591. In the printed +report, it is said to have been delivered in Easter term 34 Eliz., +that is, in 1592. The Chancellor Hatton, whose name is mentioned, +died in November 1591; so that, if there is no mistake, +this must have been delivered a second time, after undergoing +the revision of the judges. And in fact the differences are far +too material to have proceeded from accidental carelessness in +transcription. The latter copy is fuller, and on the whole more +perspicuous, than the manuscript I have followed; but in one +or two places it will be better understood by comparison with it.</p> + +<p><i>Proclamations unwarranted by law.</i>—It was a natural consequence, +not more of the high notions entertained of prerogative +than of the very irregular and infrequent meeting of parliament, +that an extensive and somewhat indefinite authority should be +arrogated to proclamations of the king in council. Temporary +ordinances, bordering at least on legislative authority, grow out +of the varying exigencies of civil society, and will by very necessity +be put up with in silence, wherever the constitution of the +commonwealth does not, directly or in effect, provide for frequent +assemblies of the body in whom the right of making or +consenting to laws has been vested. Since the English constitution +has reached its zenith, we have endeavoured to provide a +remedy by statute for every possible mischief or inconvenience; +and if this has swollen our code to an enormous redundance, +till, in the labyrinth of written law, we almost feel again the +uncertainties of arbitrary power, it has at least put an end to +such exertions of prerogative as fell at once on the persons and +properties of whole classes. It seems by the proclamations +issued under Elizabeth, that the Crown claimed a sort of supplemental +right of legislation, to perfect and carry into effect what +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_222" id="Page_222">222</a></span> +the spirit of existing laws might require, as well as a paramount +supremacy, called sometimes the king's absolute or sovereign +power, which sanctioned commands beyond the legal prerogative, +for the sake of public safety, whenever the council might +judge that to be in hazard. Thus we find anabaptists, without +distinction of natives or aliens, banished the realm; Irishmen +commanded to depart into Ireland; the culture of woad,<a name="FNanchor_378" id="FNanchor_378" href="#Footnote_378" class="fnanchor">[378]</a> and +the exportation of corn, money, and various commodities, prohibited; +the excess of apparel restrained. A proclamation in +1580 forbids the erection of houses within three miles of London, +on account of the too great increase of the city, under the +penalty of imprisonment and forfeiture of the materials.<a name="FNanchor_379" id="FNanchor_379" href="#Footnote_379" class="fnanchor">[379]</a> This +is repeated at other times, and lastly (I mean during her reign) +in 1602, with additional restrictions.<a name="FNanchor_380" id="FNanchor_380" href="#Footnote_380" class="fnanchor">[380]</a> Some proclamations in +this reign hold out menaces, which the common law could never +have executed on the disobedient. To trade with the French +king's rebels, or to export victuals into the Spanish dominions +(the latter of which might possibly be construed into assisting +the queen's enemies) incurred the penalty of treason. And +persons having in their possession goods taken on the high seas, +which had not paid custom, are enjoined to give them up, on +pain of being punished as felons and pirates.<a name="FNanchor_381" id="FNanchor_381" href="#Footnote_381" class="fnanchor">[381]</a> Notwithstanding +these instances, it cannot perhaps be said on the whole that +Elizabeth stretched her authority very outrageously in this +respect. Many of her proclamations, which may at first sight +appear illegal, are warrantable by statutes then in force, or by +ancient precedents. Thus the council is empowered by an act +(28 H. 8, c. 14) to fix the prices of wines; and abstinence from +flesh in Lent, as well as on Fridays and Saturdays (a common +subject of Elizabeth's proclamations), is enjoined by several +statutes of Edward VI. and of her own.<a name="FNanchor_382" id="FNanchor_382" href="#Footnote_382" class="fnanchor">[382]</a> And it has been +argued by some not at all inclined to diminish any popular +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_223" id="Page_223">223</a></span> +rights, that the king did possess a prerogative by common law +of restraining the export of corn and other commodities.<a name="FNanchor_383" id="FNanchor_383" href="#Footnote_383" class="fnanchor">[383]</a></p> + +<p><i>Restrictions on printing.</i>—It is natural to suppose that a +government thus arbitrary and vigilant must have looked with +extreme jealousy on the diffusion of free enquiry through the +press. The trades of printing and bookselling, in fact, though +not absolutely licensed, were always subject to a sort of peculiar +superintendence. Besides protecting the copyright of authors,<a name="FNanchor_384" id="FNanchor_384" href="#Footnote_384" class="fnanchor">[384]</a> +the council frequently issued proclamations to restrain the importation +of books, or to regulate their sale.<a name="FNanchor_385" id="FNanchor_385" href="#Footnote_385" class="fnanchor">[385]</a> It was penal +to utter, or so much as to possess, even the most learned works +on the catholic side; or if some connivance was usual in favour +of educated men, the utmost strictness was used in suppressing +that light infantry of literature, the smart and vigorous pamphlets +with which the two parties arrayed against the church +assaulted her opposite flanks.<a name="FNanchor_386" id="FNanchor_386" href="#Footnote_386" class="fnanchor">[386]</a> Stowe, the well-known chronicler +of England, who lay under suspicion of an attachment to +popery, had his library searched by warrant, and his unlawful +books taken away; several of which were but materials for his +history.<a name="FNanchor_387" id="FNanchor_387" href="#Footnote_387" class="fnanchor">[387]</a> Whitgift, in this, as in every other respect, aggravated +the rigour of preceding times. At his instigation, the star-chamber, +in 1585, published ordinances for the regulation of +the press. The preface of these recites enormities and abuses +of disorderly persons professing the art of printing and selling +books to have more and more increased in spite of the ordinances +made against them, which it attributes to the inadequacy +of the penalties hitherto inflicted. Every printer therefore is +enjoined to certify his presses to the Stationers' Company, on +pain of having them defaced, and suffering a year's imprisonment. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_224" id="Page_224">224</a></span> +None to print at all, under similar penalties, except in +London, and one in each of the two universities. No printer +who has only set up his trade within six months to exercise it +any longer, nor any to begin it in future, until the excessive +multitude of printers be diminished, and brought to such a +number as the Archbishop of Canterbury and Bishop of London +for the time being shall think convenient; but, whenever any +addition to the number of master printers shall be required, +the Stationers' Company shall select proper persons to use that +calling with the approbation of the ecclesiastical commissioners. +None to print any book, matter, or thing whatsoever, until it +shall have been first seen, perused, and allowed by the Archbishop +of Canterbury, or Bishop of London, except the queen's +printer, to be appointed for some special service, or law-printers, +who shall require the licence only of the chief justices. Every +one selling books printed contrary to the intent of this ordinance, +to suffer three months' imprisonment. The Stationers' +Company empowered to search houses and shops of printers +and booksellers, and to seize all books printed in contravention +of this ordinance, to destroy and deface the presses, and to +arrest and bring before the council those who shall have offended +therein.<a name="FNanchor_388" id="FNanchor_388" href="#Footnote_388" class="fnanchor">[388]</a></p> + +<p>The forms of English law, however inadequate to defend the +subject in state prosecutions, imposed a degree of seeming +restraint on the Crown, and wounded that pride which is commonly +a yet stronger sentiment than the lust of power, with +princes and their counsellors. It was possible that juries might +absolve a prisoner; it was always necessary that they should +be the arbiters of his fate. Delays too were interposed by the +regular process; not such, perhaps, as the life of man should +require, yet enough to weaken the terrors of summary punishment. +Kings love to display the divinity with which their +flatterers invest them, in nothing so much as the instantaneous +execution of their will; and to stand revealed, as it were, in the +storm and thunderbolt, when their power breaks through the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_225" id="Page_225">225</a></span> +operation of secondary causes, and awes a prostrate nation +without the intervention of law. There may indeed be times +of pressing danger, when the conservation of all demands the +sacrifice of the legal rights of a few; there may be circumstances +that not only justify, but compel, the temporary abandonment +of constitutional forms. It has been usual for all governments, +during an actual rebellion, to proclaim martial law, or the +suspension of civil jurisdiction. And this anomaly, I must +admit, is very far from being less indispensable at such unhappy +seasons, in countries where the ordinary mode of trial is by jury, +than where the right of decision resides in the judge. But it +is of high importance to watch with extreme jealousy the disposition, +towards which most governments are prone, to introduce +too soon, to extend too far, to retain too long, so perilous +a remedy. In the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, the court +of the constable and marshal, whose jurisdiction was considered +as of a military nature, and whose proceedings were not according +to the course of the common law, sometimes tried offenders +by what was called martial law, but only, I believe, either +during, or not long after, a serious rebellion. This tribunal fell +into disuse under the Tudors. But Mary had executed some +of those taken in Wyatt's insurrection without regular process, +though their leader had his trial by a jury. Elizabeth, always +hasty in passion and quick to punish, would have resorted to +this summary course on a slighter occasion. One Pete Burchell, +a fanatical puritan, and perhaps insane, conceiving that Sir +Christopher Hatton was an enemy to true religion, determined +to assassinate him. But by mistake he wounded instead a +famous seaman, Captain Hawkins. For this ordinary crime, +the queen could hardly be prevented from directing him to be +tried instantly by martial law. Her council, however (and this +it is important to observe), resisted this illegal proposition with +spirit and success.<a name="FNanchor_389" id="FNanchor_389" href="#Footnote_389" class="fnanchor">[389]</a> We have indeed a proclamation some years +afterwards, declaring that such as brought into the kingdom or +dispersed papal bulls, or traitorous libels against the queen, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_226" id="Page_226">226</a></span> +should with all severity be proceeded against by her majesty's +lieutenants or their deputies, by martial law, and suffer such +pains and penalties as they should inflict; and that none of her +said lieutenants or their deputies be any wise impeached, in +body, lands, or goods, at any time hereafter, for anything to +be done or executed in the punishment of any such offender, +according to the said martial law, and the tenor of this proclamation, +any law or statute to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding.<a name="FNanchor_390" id="FNanchor_390" href="#Footnote_390" class="fnanchor">[390]</a> +This measure, though by no means constitutional, +finds an apology in the circumstances of the time. It +bears date the 1st of July 1588, when within the lapse of a +few days the vast armament of Spain might effect a landing +upon our coasts; and prospectively to a crisis, when the nation, +struggling for life against an invader's grasp, could not afford +the protection of law to domestic traitors. But it is an unhappy +consequence of all deviations from the even course of law, that +the forced acts of over-ruling necessity come to be distorted +into precedents to serve the purposes of arbitrary power.</p> + +<p><i>Martial law.</i>—No other measure of Elizabeth's reign can be +compared, in point of violence and illegality, to a commission +in July 1595, directed to Sir Thomas Wilford; whereby upon +no other allegation than that there had been of late sundry great +unlawful assemblies of a number of base people in riotous sort, +both in the city of London and the suburbs, for the suppression +whereof (for that the insolency of many desperate offenders +is such, that they care not for any ordinary punishment by +imprisonment), it was found necessary to have some such +notable rebellious persons to be speedily suppressed by execution +to death, according to the justice of martial law, he is +appointed provost-marshal, with authority, on notice by the +magistrates, to attach and seize such notable rebellious and +incorrigible offenders, and in the presence of the magistrates +to execute them openly on the gallows. The commission +empowers him also "to repair to all common highways near +to the city, which any vagrant persons do haunt, and, with the +assistance of justices and constables, to apprehend all such +vagrant and suspected persons, and them to deliver to the said +justices, by them to be committed and examined of the causes +of their wandering, and finding them notoriously culpable in +their unlawful manner of life, as incorrigible, and so certified +by the said justices, to cause to be executed upon the gallows +or gibbet some of them that are so found most notorious and +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_227" id="Page_227">227</a></span> +incorrigible offenders; and some such also of them as have +manifestly broken the peace, since they have been adjudged +and condemned to death for former offences, and had the queen's +pardon for the same."<a name="FNanchor_391" id="FNanchor_391" href="#Footnote_391" class="fnanchor">[391]</a></p> + +<p>This peremptory style of superseding the common law was a +stretch of prerogative without an adequate parallel, so far as I +know, in any former period. It is to be remarked, that no +tumults had taken place of any political character or of serious +importance, some riotous apprentices only having committed +a few disorders.<a name="FNanchor_392" id="FNanchor_392" href="#Footnote_392" class="fnanchor">[392]</a> But rather more than usual suspicion had +been excited about the same time by the intrigues of the jesuits +in favour of Spain, and the queen's advanced age had begun +to renew men's doubts as to the succession. The rapid increase +of London gave evident uneasiness, as the proclamations against +new buildings show, to a very cautious administration, environed +by bold and inveterate enemies, and entirely destitute of regular +troops to withstand a sudden insurrection. Circumstances of +which we are ignorant, I do not question, gave rise to this extraordinary +commission. The executive government in modern +times has been invested with a degree of coercive power to +maintain obedience, of which our ancestors, in the most arbitrary +reigns, had no practical experience. If we reflect upon the +multitude of statutes enacted since the days of Elizabeth in +order to restrain and suppress disorder, and above all on the +prompt and certain aid that a disciplined army affords to our +civil authorities, we may be inclined to think that it was rather +the weakness than the vigour of her government which led to +its inquisitorial watchfulness and harsh measures of prevention. +We find in an earlier part of her reign an act of state somewhat +of the same character, though not perhaps illegal. Letters were +written to the sheriffs and justices of divers counties in 1569, +directing them to apprehend, on a certain night, all vagabonds +and idle persons having no master, nor means of living, and +either to commit them to prison, or pass them to their proper +homes. This was repeated several times; and no less than +13,000 persons were thus apprehended, chiefly in the north, +which, as Strype says, very much broke the rebellion attempted +in that year.<a name="FNanchor_393" id="FNanchor_393" href="#Footnote_393" class="fnanchor">[393]</a></p> + +<p>Amidst so many infringements of the freedom of commerce, +and with so precarious an enjoyment of personal liberty, the +English subject continued to pride himself in his immunity +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_228" id="Page_228">228</a></span> +from taxation without consent of parliament. This privilege +he had asserted, though not with constant success, against the +rapacity of Henry VII. and the violence of his son. Nor was +it ever disputed in theory by Elizabeth. She retained, indeed, +notwithstanding the complaints of the merchants at her accession, +a custom upon cloths, arbitrarily imposed by her sister, +and laid one herself upon sweet wines. But she made no attempt +at levying internal taxes, except that the clergy were called +upon, in 1586, for an aid not granted in convocation, but assessed +by the archdeacon according to the value of their benefices; +to which they naturally showed no little reluctance.<a name="FNanchor_394" id="FNanchor_394" href="#Footnote_394" class="fnanchor">[394]</a> By dint +of singular frugality she continued to steer the true course, so +as to keep her popularity undiminished and her prerogative +unimpaired; asking very little of her subjects' money in parliaments, +and being hence enabled both to have long breathing +times between their sessions, and to meet them without coaxing +or wrangling; till, in the latter years of her reign, a foreign war +and a rebellion in Ireland, joined to a rapid depreciation in the +value of money, rendered her demands somewhat higher. But +she did not abstain from the ancient practice of sending privy-seals +to borrow money of the wealthy.</p> + +<p><i>Loans of money not quite voluntary.</i>—These were not considered +as illegal, though plainly forbidden by the statute of Richard +III.; for it was the fashion to set aside the authority of that +act, as having been passed by an usurper. It is impossible to +doubt that such loans were so far obtained by compulsion, +that any gentleman or citizen of sufficient ability refusing +compliance would have discovered that it were far better to +part with his money than to incur the council's displeasure. +We have indeed a letter from a lord mayor to the council +informing them that he had committed to prison some citizens +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_229" id="Page_229">229</a></span> +for refusing to pay the money demanded of them.<a name="FNanchor_395" id="FNanchor_395" href="#Footnote_395" class="fnanchor">[395]</a> But the +queen seems to have been punctual in their speedy repayment +according to stipulation; a virtue somewhat unusual with royal +debtors. Thus we find a proclamation in 1571, that such as had +lent the queen money in the last summer should receive repayment +in November and December.<a name="FNanchor_396" id="FNanchor_396" href="#Footnote_396" class="fnanchor">[396]</a> Such loans were but an +anticipation of her regular revenue, and no great hardship on +rich merchants; who, if they got no interest for their money, +were recompensed with knighthoods and gracious words. And +as Elizabeth incurred no debt till near the conclusion of her +reign, it is probable that she never had borrowed more than +she was sure to repay.</p> + +<p>A letter quoted by Hume from Lord Burleigh's papers, +though not written by him, as the historian asserts, and somewhat +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_230" id="Page_230">230</a></span> +obscure in its purport, appears to warrant the conclusion +that he had revolved in his mind some project of raising money +by a general contribution or benevolence from persons of +ability, without purpose of repayment. This was also amidst +the difficulties of the year 1569, when Cecil perhaps might be +afraid of meeting parliament, on account of the factions leagued +against himself. But as nothing further was done in this matter, +we must presume that he perceived the impracticability of so +unconstitutional a scheme.<a name="FNanchor_397" id="FNanchor_397" href="#Footnote_397" class="fnanchor">[397]</a></p> + +<p><i>Character of Lord Burleigh's administration.</i>—Those whose +curiosity has led them to somewhat more acquaintance with +the details of English history under Elizabeth than the pages +of Camden or Hume will afford, cannot but have been struck +with the perpetual interference of men in power with matters +of private concern. I am far from pretending to know how far +the solicitations for a prime minister's aid and influence may +extend at present. Yet one may think that he would hardly +be employed, like Cecil, where he had no personal connection, +in reconciling family quarrels, interceding with a landlord for +his tenant, or persuading a rich citizen to bestow his daughter +on a young lord. We are sure, at least, that he would not use +the air of authority upon such occasions. The vast collection +of Lord Burleigh's letters in the Museum is full of such petty +matters, too insignificant, for the most part, to be mentioned +even by Strype.<a name="FNanchor_398" id="FNanchor_398" href="#Footnote_398" class="fnanchor">[398]</a> They exhibit, however, collectively, a curious +view of the manner in which England was managed, as if it had +been the household and estate of a nobleman under a strict +and prying steward. We are told that the relaxation of this +minister's mind was to study the state of England and the +pedigrees of its nobility and gentry: of these last he drew whole +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_231" id="Page_231">231</a></span> +books with his own hands; so that he was better versed in +descents and families than most of the heralds, and would often +surprise persons of distinction at his table by appearing better +acquainted with their manors, parks, and woods, than themselves.<a name="FNanchor_399" id="FNanchor_399" href="#Footnote_399" class="fnanchor">[399]</a> +Such knowledge was not sought by the crafty Cecil +for mere diversion's sake. It was a main part of his system to +keep alive in the English gentry a persuasion that his eye was +upon them. No minister was ever more exempt from that false +security which is the usual weakness of a court. His failing +was rather a bias towards suspicion and timidity; there were +times, at least, in which his strength of mind seems to have +almost deserted him, through sense of the perils of his sovereign +and country. But those perils appear less to us, who know how +the vessel outrode them, than they could do to one harassed +by continual informations of those numerous spies whom he +employed both at home and abroad. The one word of Burleigh's +policy was prevention; and this was dictated by a consciousness +of wanting an armed force or money to support it, +as well as by some uncertainty as to the public spirit, in respect +at least of religion. But a government that directs its chief +attention to prevent offences against itself, is in its very nature +incompatible with that absence of restraint, that immunity +from suspicion, in which civil liberty, as a tangible possession, +may be said to consist. It appears probable, that Elizabeth's +administration carried too far, even as a matter of policy, this +precautionary system upon which they founded the penal code +against popery; and we may surely point to a contrast very +advantageous to our modern constitution, in the lenient treatment +which the Jacobite faction experienced from the princes +of the house of Hanover. She reigned however in a period of +real difficulty and danger. At such seasons, few ministers will +abstain from arbitrary actions, except those who are not strong +enough to practise them.</p> + +<p><i>Disposition of the House of Commons.</i>—I have traced, in another +work, the acquisition by the House of Commons of a practical +right to enquire into and advise upon the public administration +of affairs, during the reigns of Edward III., Richard II., and the +princes of the line of Lancaster. This energy of parliament was +quelled by the civil wars of the fifteenth century; and, whatever +may have passed in debates within its walls that have not +been preserved, did not often display itself in any overt act +under the first Tudors. To grant subsidies which could not +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_232" id="Page_232">232</a></span> +be raised by any other course, to propose statutes which were +not binding without their consent, to consider of public grievances, +and procure their redress, either by law or petition to +the Crown, were their acknowledged constitutional privileges, +which no sovereign or minister ever pretended to deny. For +this end liberty of speech and free access to the royal person +were claimed by the speaker as customary privileges (though +not quite, in his modern language, as undoubted rights), at the +commencement of every parliament. But the House of Commons +in Elizabeth's reign contained men of a bold and steady +patriotism, well read in the laws and records of old time, sensible +to the dangers of their country and abuses of government, and +conscious that it was their privilege and their duty to watch +over the common weal. This led to several conflicts between +the crown and parliament; wherein, if the former often asserted +the victory, the latter sometimes kept the field, and was left +on the whole a gainer at the close of the campaign.</p> + +<p>It would surely be erroneous to conceive, that many acts of +government in the four preceding reigns had not appeared at +the time arbitrary and unconstitutional. If indeed we are not +mistaken in judging them according to the ancient law, they +must have been viewed in the same light by contemporaries, +who were full as able to try them by that standard. But, to +repeat what I have once before said, the extant documents +from which we draw our knowledge of constitutional history +under those reigns are so scanty, that instances even of a successful +parliamentary resistance to measures of the Crown may have +left no memorial. The debates of parliament are not preserved, +and very little is to be gained from such histories as the age +produced. The complete barrenness indeed of Elizabeth's +chroniclers, Holingshed and Thin, as to every parliamentary or +constitutional information, speaks of itself the jealous tone of +her administration. Camden, writing to the next generation, +though far from an ingenuous historian, is somewhat less under +restraint. This forced silence of history is much more to be +suspected after the use of printing and the reformation, than +in the ages when monks compiled annals in their convents, +reckless of the censure of courts, because independent of their +permission. Grosser ignorance of public transactions is undoubtedly +found in the chronicles of the middle ages; but far +less of that deliberate mendacity, or of that insidious suppression, +by which fear, and flattery, and hatred, and the thirst of gain, +have, since the invention of printing, corrupted so much of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_233" id="Page_233">233</a></span> +historical literature throughout Europe. We begin however to +find in Elizabeth's reign more copious and unquestionable +documents for parliamentary history. The regular journals +indeed are partly lost; nor would those which remain give us +a sufficient insight into the spirit of parliament, without the aid +of other sources. But a volume called Sir Simon D'Ewes's +journal, part of which is copied from a manuscript of Heywood +Townsend, a member of all parliaments from 1580 to 1601, +contains minutes of the most interesting debates as well as +transactions, and for the first time renders us acquainted with +the names of those who swayed an English House of Commons.<a name="FNanchor_400" id="FNanchor_400" href="#Footnote_400" class="fnanchor">[400]</a></p> + +<p><i>Addresses concerning the succession.</i>—There was no peril more +alarming to this kingdom during the queen's reign than the +precariousness of her life—a thread whereon its tranquillity, if +not its religion and independence, was suspended. Hence the +Commons felt it an imperious duty not only to recommend her +to marry, but, when this was delayed, to solicit that some +limitations of the Crown might be enacted, in failure of her +issue. The former request she evaded without ever manifesting +much displeasure, though not sparing a hint that it was a little +beyond the province of parliament. Upon the last occasion, +indeed, that it was preferred, namely, by the speaker in 1575, +she gave what from any other woman must have appeared +an assent, and almost a promise. But about declaring the +succession she was always very sensible. Through a policy +not perhaps entirely selfish, and certainly not erroneous on +selfish principles, she was determined never to pronounce +among the possible competitors for the throne. Least of all +could she brook the intermeddling of parliament in such a +concern. The Commons first took up this business in 1562, +when there had begun to be much debate in the nation about +the opposite titles of the Queen of Scots and Lady Catherine +Grey; and especially in consequence of a dangerous sickness +the queen had just experienced, and which is said to have been +the cause of summoning parliament. Their language is wary, +praying her only by "proclamation of certainty already provided, +if any such be," alluding to the will of Henry VIII., +"or else by limitations of certainty, if none be, to provide a +most gracious remedy in this great necessity;"<a name="FNanchor_401" id="FNanchor_401" href="#Footnote_401" class="fnanchor">[401]</a> offering at +the same time to concur in provisions to guarantee her personal +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_234" id="Page_234">234</a></span> +safety against any one who might be limited in remainder. +Elizabeth gave them a tolerably courteous answer, though not +without some intimation of her dislike to this address.<a name="FNanchor_402" id="FNanchor_402" href="#Footnote_402" class="fnanchor">[402]</a> But +at their next meeting, which was not till 1566, the hope of her +own marriage having grown fainter, and the circumstances of +the kingdom still more powerfully demanding some security, +both houses of parliament united, with a boldness of which there +had perhaps been no example for more than a hundred years, +to overcome her repugnance. Some of her own council among +the peers are said to have asserted in their places that the queen +ought to be obliged to take a husband, or that a successor +should be declared by parliament against her will. She was +charged with a disregard to the state and to posterity. She +would prove, in the uncourtly phrase of some sturdy members +of the lower house, a step-mother to her country, as being +seemingly desirous that England, which lived as it were in her, +should rather expire with than survive her; that kings can +only gain the affections of their subjects by providing for their +welfare both while they live and after their deaths; nor did any +but princes hated by their subjects, or faint-hearted women, +ever stand in fear of their successors.<a name="FNanchor_403" id="FNanchor_403" href="#Footnote_403" class="fnanchor">[403]</a> But this great princess +wanted not skill and courage to resist this unusual importunity +of parliament. The peers, who had forgotten their customary +respectfulness, were excluded the presence-chamber till they +made their submission. She prevailed on the Commons, through +her ministers who sat there, to join a request for her marriage +with the more unpalatable alternative of naming her successor; +and when this request was presented, gave them fair words, +and a sort of assurance that their desires should by some means +be fulfilled.<a name="FNanchor_404" id="FNanchor_404" href="#Footnote_404" class="fnanchor">[404]</a> When they continued to dwell on the same topic +in their speeches, she sent messages through her ministers, and +at length a positive injunction through the speaker, that they +should proceed no further in the business. The house however +was not in a temper for such ready acquiescence as it sometimes +displayed. Paul Wentworth, a bold and plain-spoken man, +moved to know whether the queen's command and inhibition +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_235" id="Page_235">235</a></span> +that they should no longer dispute of the matter of succession, +were not against their liberties and privileges. This caused, as +we are told, long debates; which do not appear to have terminated +in any resolution.<a name="FNanchor_405" id="FNanchor_405" href="#Footnote_405" class="fnanchor">[405]</a> But, more probably having passed +than we know at present, the queen, whose haughty temper and +tenaciousness of prerogative were always within check of her +discretion, several days after announced through the speaker, +that she revoked her two former commandments; "which +revocation," says the journal, "was taken by the house most +joyfully, with hearty prayer and thanks for the same." At +the dissolution of this parliament, which was perhaps determined +upon in consequence of their steadiness, Elizabeth +alluded in addressing them with no small bitterness to what +had occurred.<a name="FNanchor_406" id="FNanchor_406" href="#Footnote_406" class="fnanchor">[406]</a></p> + +<p>This is the most serious disagreement on record between the +Crown and the Commons since the days of Richard II. and +Henry IV. Doubtless the queen's indignation was excited by +the nature of the subject her parliament ventured to discuss, +still more than by her general disapprobation of their interference +in matters of state. It was an endeavour to penetrate +the great secret of her reign, in preserving which she conceived +her peace, dignity, and personal safety to be bound up. There +were, in her opinion, as she intimates in her speech at closing +the session, some underhand movers of this intrigue (whether +of the Scots or Suffolk faction does not appear), who were more +to blame than even the speakers in parliament. And if, as +Cecil seems justly to have thought, no limitations of the Crown +could at that time have been effected without much peril and +inconvenience, we may find some apology for her warmth about +their precipitation in a business, which, even according to our +present constitutional usage, it would naturally be for the +government to bring forward. It is to be collected from Wentworth's +motion, that to deliberate on subjects affecting the +commonwealth was reckoned, by at least a large part of the +House of Commons, one of their ancient privileges and liberties. +This was not one which Elizabeth, however she had yielded for +the moment in revoking her prohibition, ever designed to concede +to them. Such was her frugality, that, although she had +remitted a subsidy granted in this session, alleging the very +honourable reason that, knowing it to have been voted in +expectation of some settlement of the succession, she would not<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_236" id="Page_236">236</a></span> +accept it when that implied condition had not been fulfilled, she +was able to pass five years without again convoking her people.</p> + +<p><i>Session of 1571.</i>—A parliament met in April 1571, when the +lord keeper Bacon,<a name="FNanchor_407" id="FNanchor_407" href="#Footnote_407" class="fnanchor">[407]</a> in answer to the speaker's customary +request for freedom of speech in the Commons, said that "her +majesty having experience of late of some disorder and certain +offences, which, though they were not punished, yet were they +offences still, and so must be accounted, they would therefore +do well to meddle with no matters of state, but such as should +be propounded unto them, and to occupy themselves in other +matters concerning the commonwealth."</p> + +<p><i>Influence of the puritans in parliament.</i>—The Commons so far +attended to this intimation, that no proceedings about the +succession appear to have taken place in this parliament, except +such as were calculated to gratify the queen. We may perhaps +except a bill attainting the Queen of Scots, which was rejected +in the upper house. But they entered for the first time on a +new topic, which did not cease for the rest of this reign to furnish +matter of contention with their sovereign. The party called +puritan, including such as charged abuses on the actual government +of the church, as well as those who objected to part of +its lawful discipline, had, not a little in consequence of the +absolute exclusion of the catholic gentry, obtained a very +considerable strength in the Commons. But the queen valued +her ecclesiastical supremacy more than any part of her prerogative. +Next to the succession of the Crown, it was the point +she could least endure to be touched. The house had indeed +resolved, upon reading a bill the first time for reformation of +the common prayer, that petition be made to the queen's +majesty for her licence to proceed in it, before it should be +further dealt in. But Strickland, who had proposed it, was +sent for to the council, and restrained from appearing again in +his place, though put under no confinement. This was noticed +as an infringement of their liberties. The ministers endeavoured +to excuse his detention, as not intended to lead to any severity, +nor occasioned by anything spoken in that house, but on account +of his introducing a bill against the prerogative of the queen, +which was not to be tolerated. And instances were quoted of +animadversion or speeches made in parliament. But Mr. +Yelverton maintained that all matters not treasonable, nor too +much to the derogation of the imperial Crown, were tolerable +there, where all things came to be considered, and where there +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_237" id="Page_237">237</a></span> +was such fulness of power as even the right of the Crown was +to be determined, which it would be high treason to deny. +Princes were to have their prerogatives, but yet to be confined +within reasonable limits. The queen could not of herself make +laws, neither could she break them. This was the true voice +of English liberty, not so new to men's ears as Hume has +imagined, though many there were who would not forfeit the +court's favour by uttering it. Such speeches as the historian +has quoted of Sir Humphry Gilbert, and many such may be +found in the proceedings of this reign, are rather directed to +intimidate the house by exaggerating their inability to contend +with the Crown, than to prove the law of the land to be against +them. In the present affair of Strickland, it became so evident +that the Commons would at least address the queen to restore +him, that she adopted the course her usual prudence indicated, +and permitted his return to his house. But she took the +reformation of ecclesiastical abuses out of their hands, sending +word that she would have some articles for that purpose executed +by the bishops under her royal supremacy, and not dealt +in by parliament. This did not prevent the Commons from +proceeding to send up some bills in the upper house, where, as +was natural to expect, they fell to the ground.<a name="FNanchor_408" id="FNanchor_408" href="#Footnote_408" class="fnanchor">[408]</a></p> + +<p>This session is also remarkable for the first marked complaints +against some notorious abuses, which defaced the civil government +of Elizabeth.<a name="FNanchor_409" id="FNanchor_409" href="#Footnote_409" class="fnanchor">[409]</a> A member having rather prematurely +suggested the offer of a subsidy, several complaints were made +of irregular and oppressive practices, and Mr. Bell said, that +licences granted by the Crown and other abuses galled the people, +intimating also, that the subsidy should be accompanied by a +redress of grievances.<a name="FNanchor_410" id="FNanchor_410" href="#Footnote_410" class="fnanchor">[410]</a> This occasion of introducing the subject, +though strictly constitutional, was likely to cause displeasure. +The speaker informed them a few days after of a +message from the queen to spend little time in motions, and +make no long speeches.<a name="FNanchor_411" id="FNanchor_411" href="#Footnote_411" class="fnanchor">[411]</a> And Bell, it appears, having been +sent for by the council, came into the house "with such an +amazed countenance, that it daunted all the rest," who for +many days durst not enter on any matter of importance.<a name="FNanchor_412" id="FNanchor_412" href="#Footnote_412" class="fnanchor">[412]</a> It +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_238" id="Page_238">238</a></span> +became the common whisper, that no one must speak against +licences, lest the queen and council should be angry. And at +the close of the session, the lord keeper severely reprimanded +those audacious, arrogant, and presumptuous members who +had called her majesty's grants and prerogatives in question, +meddling with matters neither pertaining to them, nor within +the capacity of their understanding.<a name="FNanchor_413" id="FNanchor_413" href="#Footnote_413" class="fnanchor">[413]</a></p> + +<p>The parliament of 1572 seemed to give evidence of their +inheriting the spirit of the last by choosing Mr. Bell for their +speaker.<a name="FNanchor_414" id="FNanchor_414" href="#Footnote_414" class="fnanchor">[414]</a> But very little of it appeared in their proceedings. +In their first short session, chiefly occupied by the business of +the Queen of Scots, the most remarkable circumstances are the +following. The Commons were desirous of absolutely excluding +Mary from inheriting the crown, and even of taking away her +life, and had prepared bills with this intent. But Elizabeth, +constant to her mysterious policy, made one of her ministers +inform them that she would neither have the Queen of Scots +enabled nor disabled to succeed, and willed that the bill respecting +her should be drawn by her council: and that, in the meantime, +the house should not enter on any speeches or arguments on +that matter.<a name="FNanchor_415" id="FNanchor_415" href="#Footnote_415" class="fnanchor">[415]</a> Another circumstance worthy of note in this +session is a signification, through the speaker, of her majesty's +pleasure that no bills concerning religion should be received, +unless they should be first considered and approved by the +clergy, and requiring to see certain bills touching rites and +ceremonies that had been read in the house. The bills were +accordingly ordered to be delivered to her, with a humble +prayer that, if she should dislike them, she would not conceive +an ill opinion of the house, or of the parties by whom they were +preferred.<a name="FNanchor_416" id="FNanchor_416" href="#Footnote_416" class="fnanchor">[416]</a></p> + +<p><i>Speech of Mr. Wentworth in 1576.</i>—The submissiveness of +this parliament was doubtless owing to the queen's vigorous +dealings with the last. At their next meeting, which was not +till February 1575-6, Peter Wentworth, brother, I believe, of +the person of that name before mentioned, broke out, in a +speech of uncommon boldness, against her arbitrary encroachments +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_239" id="Page_239">239</a></span> +on their privileges. The liberty of free speech, he said, +had in the two last sessions been so many ways infringed, that +they were in danger, while they contented themselves with the +name, of losing and foregoing the thing. It was common for a +rumour to spread through that house, "the queen likes or +dislikes such a matter; beware what you do." Messages were +even sometimes brought down, either commanding or inhibiting, +very injurious to the liberty of debate. He instanced that in +the last session, restraining the house from dealing in matters +of religion; against which and against the prelates he inveighed +with great acrimony. With still greater indignation he spoke +of the queen's refusal to assent to the attainder of Mary, and +after surprising the house by the bold words, "none is without +fault, no not our noble queen, but has committed great and +dangerous faults to herself," went on to tax her with ingratitude +and unkindness to her subjects, in a strain perfectly free indeed +from disaffection, but of more rude censure than any kings +would put up with.<a name="FNanchor_417" id="FNanchor_417" href="#Footnote_417" class="fnanchor">[417]</a></p> + +<p>This direct attack upon the sovereign, in matters relating to +her public administration, seems no doubt unparliamentary; +though neither the rules of parliament in this respect, nor even +the constitutional principle, were so strictly understood as at +present. But it was part of Elizabeth's character to render +herself extremely prominent, and, as it were, responsible in +public esteem, for every important measure of her government. +It was difficult to consider a queen as acting merely by the +advice of ministers, who protested in parliament that they had +laboured in vain to bend her heart to their councils. The +doctrine that some one must be responsible for every act of the +Crown was yet perfectly unknown; and Elizabeth would have +been the last to adopt a system so inglorious to monarchy. But +Wentworth had gone to a length which alarmed the House of +Commons. They judged it expedient to prevent an unpleasant +interference by sequestering their member, and appointing a +committee of all the privy counsellors in the house to examine +him. Wentworth declined their authority, till they assured +him that they sat as members of the Commons, and not as +counsellors. After a long examination, in which he not only +behaved with intrepidity, but, according to his own statement, +reduced them to confess the truth of all he advanced, they +made a report to the house, who committed him to the Tower. +He had lain there a month when the queen sent word that she +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_240" id="Page_240">240</a></span> +remitted her displeasure towards him, and referred his enlargement +to the house, who released him upon a reprimand from +the speaker, and an acknowledgment of his fault upon his +knees.<a name="FNanchor_418" id="FNanchor_418" href="#Footnote_418" class="fnanchor">[418]</a> In this commitment of Wentworth, it can hardly be +said that there was anything, as to the main point, by which +the house sacrificed its acknowledged privileges. In later +instances, and even in the reign of George I., members have +been committed for much less indecent reflections on the +sovereign. The queen had no reason upon the whole to be +ill-pleased with this parliament, nor was she in haste to dissolve +it, though there was a long intermission of its sessions. The +next was in 1581, when the chancellor, on confirming a new +speaker, did not fail to admonish him that the House of Commons +should not intermeddle in anything touching her majesty's +person or estate, or church government. They were supposed +to disobey this injunction and fell under the queen's displeasure, +by appointing a public fast on their own authority, though to +be enforced on none but themselves. This trifling resolution, +which showed indeed a little of the puritan spirit, passed for an +encroachment on the supremacy, and was only expiated by a +humble apology.<a name="FNanchor_419" id="FNanchor_419" href="#Footnote_419" class="fnanchor">[419]</a> It is not till the month of February 1587-8, +that the zeal for ecclesiastical reformation overcame in some +measure the terrors of power, but with no better success than +before. A Mr. Cope offered to the house, we are informed, a +bill and a book, the former annulling all laws respecting ecclesiastical +government then in force, and establishing a certain +new form of common prayer contained in the latter. The +speaker interposed to prevent this bill from being read, on the +ground that her majesty had commanded them not to meddle +in this matter. Several members however spoke in favour of +hearing it read, and the day passed in debate on this subject. +Before they met again, the queen sent for the speaker, who +delivered up to her the bill and book. Next time that the +house sat, Mr. Wentworth insisted that some questions of his +proposing should be read. These queries were to the following +purport: Whether this council was not a place for any member +of the same, freely and without control, by bill or speech, to +utter any of the griefs of this commonwealth? Whether there +be any council that can make, add, or diminish from the laws +of the realm, but only this council of parliament? Whether it +be not against the orders of this council to make any secret or +matter of weight, which is here in hand, known to the prince +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_241" id="Page_241">241</a></span> +or any other, without consent of the house? Whether the +speaker may overrule the house in any matter or cause in +question? Whether the prince and state can continue and +stand, and be maintained without this council of parliament, +not altering the government of the state? These questions +Serjeant Pickering, the speaker, instead of reading them to the +house, showed to a courtier, through whose means Wentworth +was committed to the Tower. Mr. Cope, and those who had +spoken in favour of his motion, underwent the same fate; and +notwithstanding some notice taken of it in the house, it does +not appear that they were set at liberty before its dissolution, +which ensued in three weeks.<a name="FNanchor_420" id="FNanchor_420" href="#Footnote_420" class="fnanchor">[420]</a> Yet the Commons were so set +on displaying an ineffectual hankering after reform, that they +appointed a committee to address the queen for a learned +ministry.</p> + +<p><i>The Commons continue to seek redress of ecclesiastical grievances.</i>—At +the beginning of the next parliament, which met in 1588-9, +the speaker received an admonition that the house were not to +extend their privileges to any irreverent or misbecoming speech. +In this session Mr. Damport, we are informed by D'Ewes,<a name="FNanchor_421" id="FNanchor_421" href="#Footnote_421" class="fnanchor">[421]</a> +moved neither for making of any new laws, nor for abrogating +of any old ones, but for a due course of proceeding in laws +already established, but executed by some ecclesiastical governors +contrary both to their purport and the intent of the legislature, +which he proposed to bring into discussion. So cautious +a motion saved its author from the punishment which had +attended Mr. Cope for his more radical reform; but the secretary +of state, reminding the house of the queen's express inhibition +from dealing with ecclesiastical causes, declared to them by +the chancellor at the commencement of the session (in a speech +which does not appear), prevented them from taking any further +notice of Mr. Damport's motion. They narrowly escaped +Elizabeth's displeasure in attacking some civil abuses. Sir +Edward Hobby brought in a bill to prevent certain exactions +made for their own profit by the officers of the exchequer. +Two days after he complained that he had been very sharply +rebuked by some great personage, not a member of the house, +for his speech on that occasion. But instead of testifying +indignation at this breach of their privileges, neither he nor +the house thought of any further redress than by exculpating +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_242" id="Page_242">242</a></span> +him to this great personage, apparently one of the ministers, +and admonishing their members not to repeat elsewhere anything +uttered in their debates.<a name="FNanchor_422" id="FNanchor_422" href="#Footnote_422" class="fnanchor">[422]</a> For the bill itself, as well as +one intended to restrain the flagrant abuses of purveyance, they +both were passed to the Lords. But the queen sent a message +to the upper house, expressing her dislike of them, as meddling +with abuses, which, if they existed, she was both able and +willing to repress; and this having been formally communicated +to the Commons, they appointed a committee to search for +precedents in order to satisfy her majesty about their proceedings. +They received afterwards a gracious answer to their +address, the queen declaring her willingness to afford a remedy +for the alleged grievances.<a name="FNanchor_423" id="FNanchor_423" href="#Footnote_423" class="fnanchor">[423]</a></p> + +<p>Elizabeth, whose reputation for consistency, which haughty +princes overvalue, was engaged in protecting the established +hierarchy, must have experienced not a little vexation at the +perpetual recurrence of complaints which the unpopularity of +that order drew from every parliament. The speaker of that +summoned in 1593 received for answer to his request of liberty +of speech, that it was granted, "but not to speak every one +what he listeth, or what cometh into his brain to utter; their +privilege was aye or no. Wherefore, Mr. Speaker," continues +the lord keeper Pickering, himself speaker in the parliament +of 1588, "her majesty's pleasure is, that if you perceive any +idle heads which will not stick to hazard their own estates, +which will meddle with reforming the church and transforming +the commonwealth, and do exhibit such bills to such purpose, +that you receive them not, until they be viewed and considered +by those, who it is fitter should consider of such things, and +can better judge of them." It seems not improbable that this +admonition, which indeed is in no unusual style for this reign, +was suggested by the expectation of some unpleasing debate. +For we read that the very first day of the session, though the +Commons had adjourned on account of the speaker's illness, +the unconquerable Peter Wentworth, with another member, +presented a petition to the lord keeper, desiring the Lords of +the upper house to join with them of the lower in imploring her +majesty to entail the succession of the Crown, for which they +had already prepared a bill. This step, which may seem to us +rather arrogant and unparliamentary, drew down, as they must +have expected, the queen's indignation. They were summoned +before the council, and committed to different prisons.<a name="FNanchor_424" id="FNanchor_424" href="#Footnote_424" class="fnanchor">[424]</a> A few +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_243" id="Page_243">243</a></span> +days afterwards a bill for reforming the abuses of ecclesiastical +courts was presented by Morice, attorney of the court of wards, +and underwent some discussion in the house.<a name="FNanchor_425" id="FNanchor_425" href="#Footnote_425" class="fnanchor">[425]</a> But the queen +sent for the speaker, and expressly commanded that no bill +touching matters of state or reformation of causes ecclesiastical +should be exhibited; and if any such should be offered, enjoining +him on his allegiance not to read it.<a name="FNanchor_426" id="FNanchor_426" href="#Footnote_426" class="fnanchor">[426]</a> It was the custom at +that time for the speaker to read and expound to the house +all the bills that any member offered. Morice himself was +committed to safe custody, from which he wrote a spirited +letter to Lord Burleigh, expressing his sorrow for having offended +the queen, but at the same time his resolution "to strive," he +says, "while his life should last, for freedom of conscience, +public justice, and the liberties of his country."<a name="FNanchor_427" id="FNanchor_427" href="#Footnote_427" class="fnanchor">[427]</a> Some days +after a motion was made that, as some places might complain +of paying subsidies, their representatives not having been consulted +nor been present when they were granted, the house +should address the queen to set their members at liberty. But +the ministers opposed this, as likely to hurt those whose good +was sought, her majesty being more likely to release them, if +left to her own gracious disposition. It does not appear however +that she did so during the session, which lasted above a +month.<a name="FNanchor_428" id="FNanchor_428" href="#Footnote_428" class="fnanchor">[428]</a> We read, on the contrary, in an undoubted authority, +namely, a letter of Antony Bacon to his mother, that "divers +gentlemen, who were of the parliament, and thought to have +returned into the country after the end thereof, were stayed by +her majesty's commandment, for being privy, as it is thought, +and consenting to Mr. Wentworth's motion."<a name="FNanchor_429" id="FNanchor_429" href="#Footnote_429" class="fnanchor">[429]</a> Some difficulty +was made by this House of Commons about their grant +of subsidies, which was uncommonly large, though rather in +appearance than truth, so great had been the depreciation of +silver for some years past.<a name="FNanchor_430" id="FNanchor_430" href="#Footnote_430" class="fnanchor">[430]</a></p> + +<p><i>Monopolies, especially in the session of 1601.</i>—The admonitions +not to abuse freedom of speech, which had become almost +as much matter of course as the request for it, were repeated +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_244" id="Page_244">244</a></span> +in the ensuing parliaments of 1597 and 1601. Nothing more +remarkable occurs in the former of these sessions than an +address to the queen against the enormous abuse of monopolies. +The Crown either possessed or assumed the prerogative of +regulating almost all matters of commerce at its discretion. +Patents to deal exclusively in particular articles, generally of +foreign growth, but reaching in some instances to such important +necessaries of life as salt, leather, and coal, had been lavishly +granted to the courtiers, with little direct advantage to the +revenue. They sold them to companies of merchants, who of +course enhanced the price to the utmost ability of the purchaser. +This business seems to have been purposely protracted by the +ministers and the speaker, who, in this reign, was usually in +the court's interests, till the last day of the session; when, in +answer to his mention of it, the lord keeper said that the queen +"hoped her dutiful and loving subjects would not take away +her prerogative, which is the choicest flower in her garden, and +the principal and head pearl in her crown and diadem; but +would rather leave that to her disposition, promising to examine +all patents, and to abide the touchstone of the law."<a name="FNanchor_431" id="FNanchor_431" href="#Footnote_431" class="fnanchor">[431]</a> This +answer, though less stern than had been usual, was merely +evasive; and in the session of 1601, a bolder and more successful +attack was made on the administration than this reign had +witnessed. The grievance of monopolies had gone on continually +increasing; scarce any article was exempt from these +oppressive patents. When the list of them was read over in +the house, a member exclaimed, "Is not bread among the +number?" The house seemed amazed: "Nay," said he, "if +no remedy is found for these, bread will be there before the +next parliament." Every tongue seemed now unloosed; each +as if emulously descanting on the injuries of the place he represented. +It was vain for the courtiers to withstand this torrent. +Raleigh, no small gainer himself by some monopolies, after +making what excuse he could, offered to give them up. Robert +Cecil the secretary, and Bacon, talked loudly of the prerogative, +and endeavoured at least to persuade the house that it would +be fitter to proceed by petition to the queen than by a bill. +But it was properly answered, that nothing had been gained +by petitioning in the last parliament. After four days of eager +debate, and more heat than had ever been witnessed, this ferment +was suddenly appeased by one of those well-timed concessions +by which skilful princes spare themselves the mortification of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_245" id="Page_245">245</a></span> +being overcome. Elizabeth sent down a message that she +would revoke all grants that should be found injurious by fair +trial at law: and Cecil rendered the somewhat ambiguous +generality of this expression more satisfactory by an assurance +that the existing patents should all be repealed, and no more +be granted. This victory filled the Commons with joy, perhaps +the more from being rather unexpected.<a name="FNanchor_432" id="FNanchor_432" href="#Footnote_432" class="fnanchor">[432]</a> They addressed the +queen with rapturous and hyperbolical acknowledgments, to +which she answered in an affectionate strain, glancing only with +an oblique irony at some of those movers in the debate, whom +in her earlier and more vigorous years she would have keenly +reprimanded. She repeated this a little more plainly at the +close of the session, but still with commendation of the body of +the Commons. So altered a tone must be ascribed partly to +the growing spirit she perceived in her subjects, but partly also +to those cares which clouded with listless melancholy the last +scenes of her illustrious life.<a name="FNanchor_433" id="FNanchor_433" href="#Footnote_433" class="fnanchor">[433]</a> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_246" id="Page_246">246</a></span></p> + +<p>The discontent that vented itself against monopolies was not +a little excited by the increasing demands which Elizabeth was +compelled to make upon the Commons in all her latter parliaments. +Though it was declared in the preamble to the subsidy +bill of 1593, that "these large and unusual grants, made to a +most excellent princess on a most pressing and extraordinary +occasion, should not at any time hereafter be drawn into a precedent," +yet an equal sum was obtained in 1597, and one still +greater in 1601. But money was always reluctantly given, +and the queen's early frugality had accustomed her subjects to +very low taxes; so that the debates on the supply in 1601, as +handed down to us by Townsend, exhibit a lurking ill-humour, +which would find a better occasion to break forth.</p> + +<p><i>Influence of the Crown in Parliament.</i>—The House of Commons, +upon a review of Elizabeth's reign, was very far, on the one +hand, from exercising those constitutional rights which have +long since belonged to it, or even those which by ancient precedent +they might have claimed as their own; yet, on the other +hand, was not quite so servile and submissive an assembly as +an artful historian has represented it. If many of its members +were but creatures of power, if the majority was often too readily +intimidated, if the bold and honest, but not very judicious, +Wentworths were but feebly supported, when their impatience +hurried them beyond their colleagues, there was still a considerable +party sometimes carrying the house along with them, who +with patient resolution and inflexible aim recurred in every +session to the assertion of that one great privilege which their +sovereign contested, the right of parliament to enquire into and +suggest a remedy for every public mischief or danger. It may +be remarked, that, the ministers, such as Knollys, Hatton, and +Robert Cecil, not only sat among the Commons, but took a very +leading part in their discussions; a proof that the influence of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_247" id="Page_247">247</a></span> +argument could no more be dispensed with than that of power. +This, as I conceive, will never be the case in any kingdom +where the assembly of the estates is quite subservient to the +Crown. Nor should we put out of consideration the manner in +which the Commons were composed. Sixty-two members were +added at different times by Elizabeth to the representation; +as well from places which had in earlier times discontinued their +franchise, as from those to which it was first granted;<a name="FNanchor_434" id="FNanchor_434" href="#Footnote_434" class="fnanchor">[434]</a> a very +large proportion of them petty boroughs, evidently under the +influence of the Crown or peerage. This had been the policy of +her brother and sister, in order to counterbalance the country +gentlemen, and find room for those dependants who had no +natural interest to return them to parliament. The ministry +took much pains with elections, of which many proofs remain.<a name="FNanchor_435" id="FNanchor_435" href="#Footnote_435" class="fnanchor">[435]</a> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_248" id="Page_248">248</a></span> +The house accordingly was filled with placemen, civilians, and +common lawyers grasping at preferment. The slavish tone of +these persons, as we collect from the minutes of D'Ewes, is +strikingly contrasted by the manliness of independent gentlemen. +And as the house was by no means very fully attended, +the divisions, a few of which are recorded, running from 200 +to 250 in the aggregate, it may be perceived that the court, +whose followers were at hand, would maintain a formidable +influence. But this influence, however pernicious to the integrity +of parliament, is distinguishable from that exertion of +almost absolute prerogative, which Hume has assumed as the +sole spring of Elizabeth's government, and would never be +employed till some deficiency of strength was experienced in +the other.</p> + +<p><i>Debate on election of non-resident burgesses.</i>—D'Ewes has +preserved a somewhat remarkable debate on a bill presented +in the session of 1571, in order to render valid elections of non-resident +burgesses. According to the tenor of the king's writ, +confirmed by an act passed under Henry V., every city and +borough was required to elect none but members of their own +community. To this provision, as a seat in the Commons' +house grew more an object of general ambition, while many +boroughs fell into comparative decay, less and less attention +had been paid; till, the greater part of the borough representatives +having become strangers, it was deemed by some expedient +to repeal the ancient statute, and give a sanction to the innovation +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_249" id="Page_249">249</a></span> +that time had wrought; while others contended in +favour of the original usage, and seemed anxious to restore its +vigour. It was alleged on the one hand by Mr. Norton that +the bill would take away all pretence for sending unfit men, +as was too often seen, and remove any objection that might be +started to the sufficiency of the present parliament, wherein, +for the most part against positive law, strangers to their several +boroughs had been chosen: that persons able and fit for so great +an employment ought to be preferred without regard to their +inhabitancy; since a man could not be presumed to be the +wiser for being a resident burgess: and that the whole body of +the realm, and the service of the same, was rather to be respected +than any private regard of place or person. This is a remarkable, +and perhaps the earliest assertion, of an important constitutional +principle, that each member of the House of Commons +is deputed to serve, not only for his constituents, but for the +whole kingdom; a principle which marks the distinction between +a modern English parliament and such deputations of the +estates as were assembled in several continental kingdoms; a +principle to which the House of Commons is indebted for its +weight and dignity, as well as its beneficial efficiency, and which +none but the servile worshippers of the populace are ever found +to gainsay. It is obvious that such a principle could never +obtain currency, or even be advanced on any plausible ground, +until the law for the election of resident burgesses had gone +into disuse.</p> + +<p>Those who defended the existing law, forgetting, as is often +the case with the defenders of existing laws, that it had lost its +practical efficacy, urged that the inferior ranks using manual +and mechanical arts ought like the rest to be regarded and +consulted with on matters which concerned them, and of which +strangers could less judge. "We," said a member, "who have +never seen Berwick or St. Michael's Mount, can but blindly +guess of them, albeit we look on the maps that come from +thence, or see letters of instruction sent; some one whom +observation, experience, and due consideration of that country +hath taught, can more perfectly open what shall in question +thereof grow, and more effectually reason thereupon, than the +skilfullest otherwise whatsoever." But the greatest mischief +resulting from an abandonment of their old constitution would +be the interference of noblemen with elections; lords' letters, +it was said, would from henceforth bear the sway; instances of +which, so late as the days of Mary, were alleged, though no one +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_250" id="Page_250">250</a></span> +cared to allude particularly to anything of a more recent date. +Some proposed to impose a fine of forty pounds on any borough +making its election on a peer's nomination. The bill was +committed by a majority; but as no further entry appears in +the Journals, we may infer it to have dropped.<a name="FNanchor_436" id="FNanchor_436" href="#Footnote_436" class="fnanchor">[436]</a></p> + +<p>It may be mentioned, as not unconnected with this subject, +that in the same session a fine was imposed on the borough of +Westbury for receiving a bribe of four pounds from Thomas +Long, "being a very simple man and of small capacity to serve +in that place;" and the mayor was ordered to repay the money. +Long, however, does not seem to have been expelled. This is +the earliest precedent on record for the punishment of bribery +in elections.<a name="FNanchor_437" id="FNanchor_437" href="#Footnote_437" class="fnanchor">[437]</a></p> + +<p><i>Assertion of privileges by Commons.</i>—We shall find an additional +proof that the House of Commons under the Tudor +princes, and especially Elizabeth, was not so feeble and insignificant +an assembly as has been often insinuated, if we look at +their frequent assertion and gradual acquisition of those peculiar +authorities and immunities which constitute what is called +privilege of parliament. Of these the first, in order of time if +not of importance, was their exemption from arrest on civil +process during their session. Several instances occur under the +Plantagenet dynasty, where this privilege was claimed and +admitted; but generally by means of a distinct act of parliament, +or at least by a writ of privilege out of chancery. The +House of Commons for the first time took upon themselves to +avenge their own injury in 1543, when the remarkable case of +George Ferrers occurred. This is related in detail by Holingshed, +and is perhaps the only piece of constitutional information +we owe to him. Without repeating all the circumstances, it +will be sufficient here to mention, that the Commons sent their +serjeant with his mace to demand the release of Ferrers, a +burgess who had been arrested on his way to the house; that +the gaolers and sheriffs of London having not only refused +compliance, but ill-treated the serjeant, they compelled them, +as well as the sheriffs of London, and even the plaintiff who +had sued the writ against Ferrers, to appear at the bar of the +house, and committed them to prison; and that the king, in +the presence of the judges, confirmed in the strongest manner +this assertion of privilege by the Commons. It was however, +so far at least as our knowledge extends, a very important +novelty in constitutional practice; not a trace occurring in any +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_251" id="Page_251">251</a></span> +former instance on record, either of a party being delivered +from arrest at the mere demand of the serjeant, or of any one +being committed to prison by the sole authority of the House +of Commons. With respect to the first, "the chancellor," says +Holingshed, "offered to grant them a writ of privilege, which +they of the Commons' house refused, being of a clear opinion +that all commandments and other acts proceeding from the +nether house were to be done and executed by their serjeant +without writ, only by show of his mace, which was his warrant." +It might naturally seem to follow from this position, if it were +conceded, that the house had the same power of attachment for +contempt, that is, of committing to prison persons refusing +obedience to lawful process, which our law attributes to all +courts of justice, as essential to the discharge of their duties. +The king's behaviour is worthy of notice: while he dexterously +endeavours to insinuate that the offence was rather against him +than the Commons, Ferrers happening to be in his service, he +displays that cunning flattery towards them in their moment +of exasperation, which his daughter knew so well how to employ.<a name="FNanchor_438" id="FNanchor_438" href="#Footnote_438" class="fnanchor">[438]</a></p> + +<p><i>Other cases of privilege.</i>—Such important powers were not +likely to be thrown away, though their exertion might not always +be thought expedient. The Commons had sometimes recourse +to a writ of privilege in order to release their members under +arrest, and did not repeat the proceeding in Ferrers's case till +that of Smalley, a member's servant, in 1575, whom they sent +their serjeant to deliver. And this was only "after sundry +reasons, arguments, and disputations," as the journal informs +us; and, what is more, after rescinding a previous resolution +that they could find no precedents for setting at liberty any +one in arrest, except by writ of privilege.<a name="FNanchor_439" id="FNanchor_439" href="#Footnote_439" class="fnanchor">[439]</a> It is to be observed, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_252" id="Page_252">252</a></span> +that the privilege of immunity extended to the menial servants +of members, till taken away by a statute of George III. Several +persons however were, at different times, under Mary and +Elizabeth, committed by the house to the Tower, or to the +custody of their own serjeant, for assaults on their members.<a name="FNanchor_440" id="FNanchor_440" href="#Footnote_440" class="fnanchor">[440]</a> +Smalley himself above-mentioned, it having been discovered +that he had fraudulently procured this arrest, in order to get +rid of the debt, was committed for a month, and ordered to pay +the plaintiff one hundred pounds, which was possibly the amount +of what he owed.<a name="FNanchor_441" id="FNanchor_441" href="#Footnote_441" class="fnanchor">[441]</a> One also, who had served a subpœna out +of the star-chamber on a member in the session of 1584, was +not only put in confinement, but obliged to pay the party's +expenses, before they would discharge him, making his humble +submission on his knees.<a name="FNanchor_442" id="FNanchor_442" href="#Footnote_442" class="fnanchor">[442]</a> This is the more remarkable, inasmuch +as the chancellor had but just before made answer to a +committee deputed "to signify to him how by the ancient +liberties of the house, the members thereof are privileged from +being served with subpœnas," that "he thought the house had +no such privilege, nor would he allow any precedents for it, +unless they had also been ratified in the court of chancery."<a name="FNanchor_443" id="FNanchor_443" href="#Footnote_443" class="fnanchor">[443]</a> +They continued to enforce this summary mode of redress with +no objection, so far as appears, of any other authority, till, by +the end of the queen's reign, it had become their established +law of privilege that "no subpœna or summons for the attendance +of a member in any other court ought to be served, without +leave obtained or information given to the house; and that the +persons who procured or served such process were guilty of a +breach of privilege, and were punishable by commitment or +otherwise, by the order of the house."<a name="FNanchor_444" id="FNanchor_444" href="#Footnote_444" class="fnanchor">[444]</a> The great importance +of such a privilege was the security it furnished, when fully +claimed and acted upon, against those irregular detentions and +examinations by the council, and which, in despite of the +promised liberty of speech, had, as we have seen, oppressed +some of their most distinguished members. But it must be +owned that by thus suspending all civil and private suits against +themselves, the Commons gave too much encouragement to needy +and worthless men who sought their walls as a place of sanctuary.</p> + +<p>This power of punishment, as it were for contempt, assumed +in respect of those who molested members of the Commons by +legal process, was still more naturally applicable to offences +against established order committed by any of themselves. In +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_253" id="Page_253">253</a></span> +the earliest record that is extant of their daily proceedings, +the Commons' Journal of the first parliament of Edward VI., +we find, on 21st January 1547-8, a short entry of an order that +John Storie, one of the burgesses, shall be committed to the +custody of the serjeant. The order is repeated the next day; +on the next, articles of accusation are read against Storie. It +is ordered on the following day that he shall be committed +prisoner to the Tower. His wife soon after presents a petition, +which is ordered to be delivered to the Protector. On the +20th of February, letters from Storie in the Tower are read. +These probably were not deemed satisfactory, for it is not till +the 2nd of March that we have an entry of a letter from Mr. +Storie in the Tower with his submission. And an order immediately +follows, that "the king's privy council in the nether +house shall humbly declare unto the lord protector's grace, that +the resolution of the house is, that Mr. Storie be enlarged and +at liberty, out of prison; and to require the king's majesty to +forgive him his offences in this case towards his majesty and +his council."</p> + +<p>Storie was a zealous enemy of the reformation, and suffered +death for treason under Elizabeth. His temper appears to +have been ungovernable; even in Mary's reign he fell a second +time under the censure of the house for disrespect to the speaker. +It is highly probable that his offence in the present instance +was some ebullition of virulence against the changes in religion; +for the first entry concerning him immediately follows the third +reading of the bill that established the English liturgy. It is +also manifest that he had to atone for language disrespectful +to the Protector's government, as well as to the house. But +it is worthy of notice, that the Commons by their single authority +commit their burgess first to their own officer, and next to +the Tower; and that upon his submission they inform the +Protector of their resolution to discharge him out of custody, +recommending him to forgiveness as to his offence against the +council, which, as they must have been aware, the privilege of +parliament as to words spoken within its walls (if we are right +in supposing such to have been the case) would extend to cover. +It would be very unreasonable to conclude that this is the first +instance of a member's commitment by order of the house, the +earlier journals not being in existence. Nothing indicates that +the course taken was unprecedented. Yet on the other hand +we can as little infer that it rested on any previous usage; and +the times were just such, in which a new precedent was likely +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_254" id="Page_254">254</a></span> +to be established. The right of the house indeed to punish its +own members for indecent abuse of the liberty of speech, may +be thought the result naturally from the king's concession of +that liberty; and its right to preserve order in debate is plainly +incident to that of debating at all.</p> + +<p>In the subsequent reign of Mary, Mr. Copley incurred the +displeasure of the house for speaking irreverend words of her +majesty, and was committed to the serjeant at arms; but the +despotic character of that government led the Commons to +recede in some degree from the regard to their own privileges +they had shown in the former case. The speaker was directed +to declare this offence to the queen, and to request her mercy +for the offender. Mary answered, that she would well consider +that request, but desired that Copley should be examined as to +the cause of his behaviour. A prorogation followed the same +day, and of course no more took place in this affair.<a name="FNanchor_445" id="FNanchor_445" href="#Footnote_445" class="fnanchor">[445]</a></p> + +<p>A more remarkable assertion of the house's right to inflict +punishment on its own members occurred in 1581, and being +much better known than those I have mentioned, has been +sometimes treated as the earliest precedent. One Arthur Hall, +a burgess for Grantham, was charged with having caused to be +published a book against the present parliament, on account of +certain proceedings in the last session, wherein he was privately +interested, "not only reproaching some particular good members +of the house, but also very much slanderous and derogatory to +its general authority, power, and state, and prejudicial to the +validity of its proceedings in making and establishing of laws." +Hall was the master of Smalley, whose case has been mentioned +above, and had so much incurred the displeasure of the house +by his supposed privity to the fraud of his servant, that a bill +was brought in and read a first time, the precise nature of which +does not appear, but expressed to be against him and two of +his servants. It seems probable, from these and some other +passages in the entries that occur on this subject in the journal, +that Hall in his libel had depreciated the House of Commons as +an estate of parliament, and especially in respect of its privileges, +pretty much in the strain which the advocates of prerogative +came afterwards to employ. Whatever share therefore personal +resentment may have had in exasperating the house, they had +a public quarrel to avenge against one of their members, who +was led by pique to betray their ancient liberties. The vengeance +of popular assemblies is not easily satisfied. Though Hall +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_255" id="Page_255">255</a></span> +made a pretty humble submission, they went on, by a unanimous +vote, to heap every punishment in their power upon his head. +They expelled him, they imposed a fine of five hundred marks +upon him, they sent him to the Tower until he should make a +satisfactory retractation. At the end of the session he had +not been released; nor was it the design of the Commons that +his imprisonment should then terminate; but their own dissolution, +which ensued, put an end to the business.<a name="FNanchor_446" id="FNanchor_446" href="#Footnote_446" class="fnanchor">[446]</a> Hall sat in +some later parliaments. This is the leading precedent, as far +as records show, for the power of expulsion, which the Commons +have ever retained without dispute of those who would most +curtail their privileges. But in 1558 it had been put to the +vote whether one outlawed and guilty of divers frauds should +continue to sit, and carried in his favour by a very small majority; +which affords a presumption that the right of expulsion was +already deemed to appertain to the house.<a name="FNanchor_447" id="FNanchor_447" href="#Footnote_447" class="fnanchor">[447]</a> They exercised it +with no small violence in the session of 1585 against the famous +Dr. Parry, who having spoken warmly against the bill inflicting +the penalty of death on jesuits and seminary priests, as being +cruel and bloody, the Commons not only ordered him into the +custody of the serjeant, for opposing a bill approved of by a +committee, and directed the speaker to reprimand him upon +his knees, but on his failing to make a sufficient apology, voted +him no longer a burgess of that house.<a name="FNanchor_448" id="FNanchor_448" href="#Footnote_448" class="fnanchor">[448]</a> The year afterwards +Bland, a currier, was brought to their bar for using what were +judged contumelious expressions against the house for something +they had done in a matter of little moment, and discharged +on account of his poverty, on making submission, and paying +a fine of twenty shillings.<a name="FNanchor_449" id="FNanchor_449" href="#Footnote_449" class="fnanchor">[449]</a> In this case they perhaps stretched +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_256" id="Page_256">256</a></span> +their power somewhat farther than in the case of Arthur Hall, +who, as one of their body, might seem more amenable to their +jurisdiction.</p> + +<p><i>Privilege of determining contested elections claimed by the +house.</i>—The Commons asserted in this reign, perhaps for the +first time, another most important privilege, the right of determining +all matters relative to their own elections. Difficulties +of this nature had in former times been decided in chancery, +from which the writ issued, and into which the return was +made. Whether no cases of interference on the part of the +house had occurred, it is impossible to pronounce, on account +of the unsatisfactory state of the rolls and journals of parliament +under Edward IV., Henry VII. and Henry VIII. One +remarkable entry, however, may be found in the reign of Mary, +when a committee is appointed "to inquire if Alexander Nowell, +prebendary of Westminster, may be of the house;" and it is +declared next day by them, that "Alexander Nowell, being +prebendary in Westminster, and thereby having voice in the +convocation-house, cannot be a member of this house; and so +agreed by the house, and the queen's writ to be directed for +another burgess in his place."<a name="FNanchor_450" id="FNanchor_450" href="#Footnote_450" class="fnanchor">[450]</a> Nothing farther appears on +record till in 1586 the house appointed a committee to examine +the state and circumstances of the returns for the county of +Norfolk. The fact was, that the chancellor had issued a second +writ for this county, on the ground of some irregularity in the +first return, and a different person had been elected. Some +notice having been taken of this matter in the Commons, the +speaker received orders to signify to them her majesty's displeasure +that "the house had been troubled with a thing +impertinent for them to deal with, and only belonging to the +charge and office of the lord chancellor, whom she had appointed +to confer with the judges about the returns for the county of +Norfolk, and to act therein according to justice and right." +The house, in spite of this peremptory inhibition, proceeded to +nominate a committee to examine into and report the circumstances +of these returns; who reported the whole case with their +opinion, that those elected on the first writ should take their +seats, declaring further that they understood the chancellor and +some of the judges to be of the same opinion; but that "they +had not thought it proper to inquire of the chancellor what he +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_257" id="Page_257">257</a></span> +had done, because they thought it prejudicial to the privilege +of the house to have the same determined by others than such +as were members thereof. And though they thought very +reverently of the said lord chancellor and judges, and knew them +to be competent judges in their places; yet in this case they +took them not for judges in parliament in this house: and +thereupon required that the members, if it were so thought +good, might take their oaths and be allowed of by force of the +first writ, as allowed by the censure of this house, and not as +allowed of by the said lord chancellor and judges. Which was +agreed unto by the whole house."<a name="FNanchor_451" id="FNanchor_451" href="#Footnote_451" class="fnanchor">[451]</a> This judicial control over +their elections was not lost. A committee was appointed, in +the session of 1589, to examine into sundry abuses of returns, +among which is enumerated that some are returned for new +places.<a name="FNanchor_452" id="FNanchor_452" href="#Footnote_452" class="fnanchor">[452]</a> And several instances of the house's deciding on +elections occur in subsequent parliaments.</p> + +<p>This tenaciousness of their own dignity and privileges was +shown in some disagreements with the upper house. They +complained to the Lords in 1597, that they had received a +message from the Commons at their bar without uncovering, +or rising from their places. But the Lords proved, upon a +conference, that this was agreeable to usage in the case of +messages; though when bills were brought up from the lower +house, the speaker of the Lords always left his place, and +received them at the bar.<a name="FNanchor_453" id="FNanchor_453" href="#Footnote_453" class="fnanchor">[453]</a> Another remonstrance of the +Commons, against having amendments to bills sent down to +them on paper instead of parchment, seems a little frivolous, +but serves to indicate a rising spirit, jealous of the superiority +that the peers had arrogated.<a name="FNanchor_454" id="FNanchor_454" href="#Footnote_454" class="fnanchor">[454]</a> In one point more material, +and in which they had more precedent on their side, the Commons +successfully vindicated their privilege. The Lords sent +them a message in the session of 1593, reminding them of the +queen's want of a supply, and requesting that a committee of +conference might be appointed. This was accordingly done, +and Sir Robert Cecil reported from it that the Lords would +consent to nothing less than a grant of three entire subsidies, +the Commons having shown a reluctance to give more than +two. But Mr. Francis Bacon said, "he yielded to the subsidy, +but disliked that this house should join with the upper house +in granting it. For the custom and privilege of this house hath +always been, first to make offer of the subsidies from hence, +then to the upper house; except it were that they present a +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_258" id="Page_258">258</a></span> +bill unto this house, with desire of our assent thereto, and then +to send it up again." But the house were now so much awakened +to the privilege of originating money-bills, that, in spite +of all the exertions of the court, the proposition for another +conference with the Lords was lost on a division by 217 to 128.<a name="FNanchor_455" id="FNanchor_455" href="#Footnote_455" class="fnanchor">[455]</a> +It was by his opposition to the ministry in this session, that +Bacon, who acted perhaps full as much from pique towards the +Cecils, and ambitious attachment to Essex, as from any real +patriotism, so deeply offended the queen, that, with all his subsequent +pliancy, he never fully reinstated himself in her favour.<a name="FNanchor_456" id="FNanchor_456" href="#Footnote_456" class="fnanchor">[456]</a></p> + +<p><i>The English constitution not admitted to be an absolute monarchy.</i>—That +the government of England was a monarchy, bounded by +law, far unlike the actual state of the principal kingdoms on +the Continent, appears to have been so obvious and fundamental +a truth, that flattery itself did not venture directly to contravene +it. Hume has laid hold of a passage in Raleigh's preface to his +<i>History of the World</i> (written indeed a few years later than the +age of Elizabeth), as if it fairly represented public opinion as +to our form of government. Raleigh says that Philip II. +"attempted to make himself not only an absolute monarch +over the Netherlands, like unto the kings and sovereigns of +England and France; but, Turk-like, to tread under his feet +all their national and fundamental laws, privileges, and ancient +rights." But who, that was really desirous of establishing the +truth, would have brought Raleigh into court as an unexceptionable +witness on such a question? Unscrupulous ambition +taught men in that age who sought to win or regain the Crown's +favour, to falsify all law and fact in behalf of prerogative, as +unblushingly as our modern demagogues exaggerate and distort +the liberties of the people.<a name="FNanchor_457" id="FNanchor_457" href="#Footnote_457" class="fnanchor">[457]</a> The sentence itself, if designed to +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_259" id="Page_259">259</a></span> +carry the full meaning that Hume assigns to it, is little better +than an absurdity. For why were the rights and privileges of +the Netherlands more fundamental than those of England? and +by what logic could it be proved more Turk-like to impose the +tax of the twentieth penny, or to bring Spanish troops into +those provinces, in contravention of their ancient charters, than +to transgress the Great Charter of this kingdom, with all those +unrescinded statutes and those traditional unwritten liberties +which were the ancient inheritance of its subjects? Or could +any one, conversant in the slightest degree with the two countries, +range in the same class of absolute sovereigns the kings +of France in England? The arbitrary acts of our Tudor princes, +even of Henry VIII., were trifling in comparison of the despotism +of Francis I. and Henry II., who forced their most tyrannical +ordinances down the throats of the parliament of Paris with all +the violence of military usurpers. No permanent law had ever +been attempted in England, nor any internal tax imposed, +without consent of the people's representatives. No law in +France had ever received such consent; nor had the taxes, +enormously burthensome as they were in Raleigh's time, been +imposed, for one hundred and fifty years past, by any higher +authority than a royal ordinance. If a few nobler spirits had +protested against the excessive despotism of the house of +Valois; if La Boetie had drunk at the springs of classical +republicanism; if Hottoman had appealed to the records of +their freeborn ancestry that surrounded the throne of Clovis; +if Languet had spoken in yet a bolder tone of a rightful resistance +to tyranny;<a name="FNanchor_458" id="FNanchor_458" href="#Footnote_458" class="fnanchor">[458]</a> if the jesuits and partisans of the League +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_260" id="Page_260">260</a></span> +had cunningly attempted to win men's hearts to their faction +by the sweet sounds of civil liberty and the popular origin of +politic rule; yet these obnoxious paradoxes availed little with +the nation, which, after the wild fascination of a rebellion arising +wholly from religious bigotry had passed away, relapsed at once +into its patient loyalty, its self-complacent servitude. But did +the English ever recognise, even by implication, the strange +parallels which Raleigh has made for their government with +that of France, and Hume with that of Turkey? The language +adopted in addressing Elizabeth was always remarkably submissive. +Hypocritical adulation was so much among the vices +of that age, that the want of it passed for rudeness. Yet Onslow, +speaker of the parliament of 1566, being then solicitor-general, +in addressing the queen says: "By our common law, although +there be for the prince provided many princely prerogatives +and royalties, yet it is not such as the prince can take money +or other things, or do as he will at his own pleasure without +order, but quietly to suffer his subjects to enjoy their own, +without wrongful oppression; wherein other princes by their +liberty do take as pleaseth them."<a name="FNanchor_459" id="FNanchor_459" href="#Footnote_459" class="fnanchor">[459]</a> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_261" id="Page_261">261</a></span></p> + +<p>In the first months of Elizabeth's reign, Aylmer, afterwards +Bishop of London, published an answer to a book by John +Knox, against female monarchy, or, as he termed it, <i>Blast of +the Trumpet against the Monstrous Regiment of Women</i>; which, +though written in the time of Mary, and directed against her, +was of course not acceptable to her sister. The answer relies, +among other arguments, on the nature of the English constitution, +which, by diminishing the power of the Crown, renders +it less unfit to be worn by a woman. "Well," he says, "a +woman may not reign in England! Better in England than +anywhere, as it shall well appear to him that without affection +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_262" id="Page_262">262</a></span> +will consider the kind of regimen. While I compare ours with +other, as it is in itself, and not maimed by usurpation, I can find +none either so good or so indifferent. The regiment of England +is not a mere monarchy, as some for lack of consideration think, +nor a mere oligarchy nor democracy, but a rule mixed of all +these, wherein each one of these have or should have like +authority. The image whereof, and not the image but the thing +indeed, is to be seen in the parliament-house, wherein you shall +find these three estates; the king or queen which representeth +the monarchy, the noblemen which be the aristocracy, and the +burgesses and knights the democracy. If the parliament use +their privileges, the king can ordain nothing without them: if +he do, it is his fault in usurping it, and their fault in permitting +it. Wherefore, in my judgment, those that in King Henry +VIII.'s days would not grant him that his proclamations should +have the force of a statute, were good fathers of the country, +and worthy commendation in defending their liberty. But to +what purpose is all this? To declare that it is not in England +so dangerous a matter to have a woman ruler, as men take it +to be. For first it is not she that ruleth, but the laws, the +executors whereof be her judges appointed by her, her justices +and such other officers. Secondly, she maketh no statutes or +laws, but the honourable court of parliament; she breaketh +none, but it must be she and they together, or else not. If on +the other part the regiment were such as all hanged on the +king's or queen's will, and not upon the laws written; if she +might decree and make laws alone without her senate; if she +judged offences according to her wisdom, and not by limitation +of statutes and laws; if she might dispose alone of war and +peace; if, to be short, she were a mere monarch, and not a +mixed ruler, you might peradventure make me to fear the +matter the more, and the less to defend the cause."<a name="FNanchor_460" id="FNanchor_460" href="#Footnote_460" class="fnanchor">[460]</a></p> + +<p>This passage, notwithstanding some slight mistakes it contains, +affords a proof of the doctrine current among Englishmen in +1559, and may perhaps be the less suspected, as it does not +proceed from a skilful pen. And the quotations I have made +in the last chapter from Hooker are evidence still more satisfactory, +on account of the gravity and judiciousness of the +writer, that they continued to be the orthodox faith in the +later period of Elizabeth's reign. It may be observed, that +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_263" id="Page_263">263</a></span> +those who speak of the limitations of the sovereign's power, +and of the acknowledged liberties of the subject, use a distinct +and intelligible language; while the opposite tenets are insinuated +by means of vague and obscure generalities, as in the +sentence above quoted from Raleigh. Sir Thomas Smith, +secretary of state to Elizabeth, has bequeathed us a valuable +legacy in his treatise on the commonwealth of England. But +undoubtedly he evades, as far as possible, all great constitutional +principles, and treats them, if at all, with a vagueness +and timidity very different from the tone of Fortescue. He +thus concludes his chapter on the parliament: "This is the +order and form of the highest and most authentical court of +England, by virtue whereof all these things be established +whereof I spoke before, and no other means accounted available +to make any new <i>forfeiture of life, members, or lands</i>, of any +Englishman, where there was no law ordered for it before."<a name="FNanchor_461" id="FNanchor_461" href="#Footnote_461" class="fnanchor">[461]</a> +This leaves no small latitude for the authority of royal proclamations, +which the phrase, I make no question, was studiously +adopted in order to preserve.</p> + +<p><i>Pretensions of the crown.</i>—There was unfortunately a notion +very prevalent in the cabinet of Elizabeth, though it was not +quite so broadly or at least so frequently promulgated as in +the following reigns, that, besides the common prerogatives of +the English Crown, which were admitted to have legal bounds, +there was a kind of paramount sovereignty, which they denominated +her absolute power, incident, as they pretended, to the +abstract nature of sovereignty, and arising out of its primary +office of preserving the state from destruction. This seemed +analogous to the dictatorial power, which might be said to reside +in the Roman senate, since it could confer it upon an individual. +And we all must, in fact, admit that self-preservation is the +first necessity of commonwealths as well as persons, which may +justify, in Montesquieu's poetical language, the veiling of the +statues of liberty. Thus martial law is proclaimed during an +invasion, and houses are destroyed in expectation of a siege. +But few governments are to be trusted with this insidious plea +of necessity, which more often means their own security than +that of the people. Nor do I conceive that the ministers of +Elizabeth restrained this pretended absolute power, even in +theory, to such cases of overbearing exigency. It was the +misfortune of the sixteenth century to see kingly power strained +to the highest pitch in the two principal European monarchies. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_264" id="Page_264">264</a></span> +Charles V. and Philip II. had crushed and trampled the ancient +liberties of Castile and Arragon. Francis I. and his successors, +who found the work nearly done to their hands, had inflicted +every practical oppression upon their subjects. These examples +could not be without their effect on a government so unceasingly +attentive to all that passed on the stage of Europe.<a name="FNanchor_462" id="FNanchor_462" href="#Footnote_462" class="fnanchor">[462]</a> Nor was +this effect confined to the court of Elizabeth. A king of England, +in the presence of absolute sovereigns, or perhaps of their +ambassadors, must always feel some degree of that humiliation +with which a young man, in check of a prudent father, regards +the careless prodigality of the rich heirs with whom he associates. +Good sense and elevated views of duty may subdue +the emotion; but he must be above human nature who is insensible +to the contrast.</p> + +<p>There must be few of my readers who are unacquainted with +the animated sketch that Hume has delineated of the English +constitution under Elizabeth. It has been partly the object of +the present chapter to correct his exaggerated outline; and +nothing would be more easy than to point at other mistakes +into which he has fallen through prejudice, through carelessness, +or through want of acquaintance with law. His capital and +inexcusable fault in everything he has written on our constitution +is to have sought for evidence upon one side only of the +question. Thus the remonstrance of the judges against arbitrary +imprisonment by the council is infinitely more conclusive +to prove that the right of personal liberty existed, than the fact +of its infringement can be to prove that it did not. There is +something fallacious in the negative argument which he perpetually +uses, that because we find no mention of any umbrage +being taken at certain strains of prerogative, they must have +been perfectly consonant to law. For if nothing of this could +be traced, which is not so often the case as he represents it, we +should remember that even when a constant watchfulness is +exercised by means of political parties and a free press, a nation +is seldom alive to the transgressions of a prudent and successful +government. The character, which on a former occasion I have +given of the English constitution under the house of Plantagenet, +may still be applied to it under the line of Tudor, that it was a +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_265" id="Page_265">265</a></span> +monarchy greatly limited by law, but retaining much power +that was ill calculated to promote the public good, and swerving +continually into an irregular course, which there was no restraint +adequate to correct. It may be added, that the practical +exercise of authority seems to have been less frequently violent +and oppressive, and its legal limitations better understood in +the reign of Elizabeth, than for some preceding ages; and that +sufficient indications had become distinguishable before its close, +from which it might be gathered that the seventeenth century +had arisen upon a race of men in whom the spirit of those who +stood against John and Edward was rekindled with a less +partial and a steadier warmth.<a name="FNanchor_463" id="FNanchor_463" href="#Footnote_463" class="fnanchor">[463]</a> +</p> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_266" id="Page_266">266</a></span></p> + +<h3 class="p6">CHAPTER VI</h3> + +<p class="center">ON THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION UNDER JAMES I</p> + +<p><i>Quiet accession of James.</i>—It might afford an illustration of +the fallaciousness of political speculations, to contrast the hopes +and inquietudes that agitated the minds of men concerning the +inheritance of the Crown during Elizabeth's lifetime, while not +less than fourteen titles were idly or mischievously reckoned +up, with the perfect tranquillity that accompanied the accession +of her successor.<a name="FNanchor_464" id="FNanchor_464" href="#Footnote_464" class="fnanchor">[464]</a> The house of Suffolk, whose claim was legally +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_267" id="Page_267">267</a></span> +indisputable, if we admit the testament of Henry VIII. to have +been duly executed, appear, though no public enquiry had been +made into that fact, to have lost ground in popular opinion, +partly through an unequal marriage of Lord Beauchamp with +a private gentleman's daughter, but still more from a natural +disposition to favour the hereditary line rather than the capricious +disposition of a sovereign long since dead, as soon as it +became consistent with the preservation of the reformed faith. +Leicester once hoped, it is said, to place his brother-in-law, the +Earl of Huntingdon, descended from the Duke of Clarence, +upon the throne; but this pretension had been entirely forgotten. +The more intriguing and violent of the catholic party, after the +death of Mary, entertaining little hope that the King of Scots +would abandon the principles of his education, sought to gain +support to a pretended title in the King of Spain, or his daughter +the infanta, who afterwards married the Archduke Albert, +governor of the Netherlands. Others, abhorring so odious a +claim, looked to Arabella Stuart, daughter of the Earl of Lennox, +younger brother of James's father, and equally descended from +the stock of Henry VII., sustaining her manifest defect of +primogeniture by her birth within the realm, according to the +principle of law that excluded aliens from inheritance. But +this principle was justly deemed inapplicable to the Crown. +Clement VIII., who had no other view than to secure the re-establishment +of the catholic faith in England, and had the +judgment to perceive that the ascendency of Spain would neither +be endured by the nation, nor permitted by the French king, +favoured this claim of Arabella, who though apparently of the +reformed religion, was rather suspected at home of wavering +in her faith; and entertained a hope of marrying her to the +Cardinal Farnese, brother of the Duke of Parma.<a name="FNanchor_465" id="FNanchor_465" href="#Footnote_465" class="fnanchor">[465]</a> Considerations +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_268" id="Page_268">268</a></span> +of public interest, however, unequivocally pleaded for the +Scottish line; the extinction of long sanguinary feuds, and the +consolidation of the British empire, Elizabeth herself, though +by no means on terms of sincere friendship with James, and +harassing him by intrigues with his subjects to the close of her +life, seems to have always designed that he should inherit her +crown. And the general expectation of what was to follow, as +well from conviction of his right as from the impracticability of +any effectual competition, had so thoroughly paved the way, +that the council's proclamation of the King of Scots excited no +more commotion than that of an heir apparent.<a name="FNanchor_466" id="FNanchor_466" href="#Footnote_466" class="fnanchor">[466]</a></p> + +<p><i>Question of his title to the crown.</i>—The popular voice in favour +of James was undoubtedly raised in consequence of a natural +opinion that he was the lawful heir to the throne. But this +was only according to vulgar notions of right, which respect +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_269" id="Page_269">269</a></span> +hereditary succession as something indefeasible. In point of +fact, it is at least very doubtful whether James I. or any of +his posterity were legitimate sovereigns, according to the sense +which that word ought properly to bear. The house of Stuart +no more came in by a clear title than the house of Brunswick; +by such a title, I mean, as the constitution and established +laws of this kingdom had recognised. No private man could +have recovered an acre of land without proving a better right +than they could make out to the Crown of England. What +then had James to rest upon? What renders it absurd to call +him and his children usurpers? He had that which the flatterers +of his family most affected to disdain, the will of the people; +not certainly expressed in regular suffrage or declared election, +but unanimously and voluntarily ratifying that which in itself +could surely give no right, the determination of the late queen's +council to proclaim his accession to the throne.</p> + +<p>It is probable that what has been just said may appear rather +paradoxical to those who have not considered this part of our +history; yet it is capable of satisfactory proof. This proof +consists of four propositions: 1. That a lawful king of England, +with the advice and consent of parliament, may make statutes +to limit the inheritance of the Crown as shall seem fit;—2. That +a statute passed in the 35th year of King Henry VIII. enabled +that prince to dispose of the succession by his last will signed +with his own hand;—3. That Henry executed such a will, by +which, in default of issue from his children, the Crown was +entailed upon the descendants of his younger sister Mary, +Duchess of Suffolk, before those of Margaret, Queen of Scots;—4. +That such descendants of Mary were living at the decease +of Elizabeth.</p> + +<p>Of these propositions, the two former can require no support; +the first being one that it would be perilous to deny, and the +second asserting a notorious fact. A question has, however, +been raised with respect to the third proposition; for though +the will of Henry, now in the chapter-house at Westminster, +is certainly authentic, and is attested by many witnesses, it +has been doubted whether the signature was made with his own +hand, as required by the act of parliament. In the reign of +Elizabeth, it was asserted by the Queen of Scots' ministers, that +the king being at the last extremity, some one had put a stamp +for him to the instrument. It is true, that he was in the latter +part of his life accustomed to employ a stamp instead of making +his signature. Many impressions of this are extant; but it is +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_270" id="Page_270">270</a></span> +evident on the first inspection, not only that the presumed +autographs in the will (for there are two) are not like these +impressions, but that they are not the impressions of any stamp, +the marks of the pen being very clearly discernible.<a name="FNanchor_467" id="FNanchor_467" href="#Footnote_467" class="fnanchor">[467]</a> It is more +difficult to pronounce that they may not be feigned; but such +is not the opinion of some who are best acquainted with Henry's +handwriting;<a name="FNanchor_468" id="FNanchor_468" href="#Footnote_468" class="fnanchor">[468]</a> and what is still more to the purpose, there is +no pretence for setting up such a possibility, when the story of +the stamp, as to which the partisans of Mary pretended to +adduce evidence, appears so clearly to be a fabrication. We +have therefore every reasonable ground to maintain, that +Henry did duly execute a will, postponing the Scots line to +that of Suffolk.</p> + +<p>The fourth proposition is in itself undeniable. There were +descendants of Mary, Duchess of Suffolk, by her two daughters, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_271" id="Page_271">271</a></span> +Frances, second Duchess of Suffolk, and Eleanor, Countess of +Cumberland. A story had indeed been circulated that Charles +Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, was already married to a lady of +the name of Mortimer at the time of his union with the king's +sister. But this circumstance seems to be sufficiently explained +in the treatise of Hales.<a name="FNanchor_469" id="FNanchor_469" href="#Footnote_469" class="fnanchor">[469]</a> It is somewhat more questionable, +from which of his two daughters we are to derive the hereditary +stock. This depends on the legitimacy of Lord Beauchamp, son +of the Earl of Hertford by Catherine Grey. I have mentioned +in another place the process before a commission appointed by +Elizabeth, which ended in declaring that their marriage was +not proved, and that their cohabitation had been illicit. The +parties alleged themselves to have been married clandestinely +in the Earl of Hertford's house, by a minister whom they had +never before seen, and of whose name they were ignorant, in +the presence only of a sister of the earl, then deceased. This +entire absence of testimony, and the somewhat improbable +nature of the story, at least in appearance, may still perhaps +leave a shade of doubt as to the reality of the marriage. On +the other hand, it was unquestionable that their object must +have been a legitimate union; and such a hasty and furtive +ceremony as they asserted to have taken place, while it would, +if sufficiently proved, be completely valid, was necessary to +protect them from the queen's indignation. They were examined +separately upon oath to answer a series of the closest +interrogatories, which they did with little contradiction, and a +perfect agreement in the main; nor was any evidence worth +mentioning adduced on the other side; so that, unless the +rules of the ecclesiastical law are scandalously repugnant to +common justice, their oaths entitled them to credit on the +merits of the case.<a name="FNanchor_470" id="FNanchor_470" href="#Footnote_470" class="fnanchor">[470]</a> The Earl of Hertford, soon after the +tranquil accession of James, having long abandoned all ambitious +hopes, and seeking only to establish his children's legitimacy +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_272" id="Page_272">272</a></span> +and the honour of one who had been the victim of their unhappy +loves, petitioned the king for a review of the proceedings, +alleging himself to have vainly sought this at the hands of +Elizabeth. It seems probable, though I have not met with any +more distinct proof of it than a story in Dugdale, that he had +been successful in finding the person who solemnised the marriage.<a name="FNanchor_471" id="FNanchor_471" href="#Footnote_471" class="fnanchor">[471]</a> +A commission of delegates was accordingly appointed +to investigate the allegations of the earl's petition. But the +jealousy that had so long oppressed this unfortunate family +was not yet at rest. Questions seem to have been raised as to +the lapse of time and other technical difficulties, which served +as a pretext for coming to no determination on the merits.<a name="FNanchor_472" id="FNanchor_472" href="#Footnote_472" class="fnanchor">[472]</a> +Hertford, or rather his son, not long after, endeavoured indirectly +to bring forward the main question by means of a suit for some +lands against Lord Monteagle. This is said to have been heard +in the court of wards, where a jury was impanelled to try the +fact. But the law officers of the Crown interposed to prevent +a verdict, which, though it could not have been legally conclusive +upon the marriage, would certainly have given a sanction +to it in public opinion.<a name="FNanchor_473" id="FNanchor_473" href="#Footnote_473" class="fnanchor">[473]</a> The house of Seymour was now compelled +to seek a renewal of their honours by another channel. +Lord Beauchamp, as he had uniformly been called, took a grant +of the barony of Beauchamp, and another of the earldom of +Hertford, to take effect upon the death of the earl, who is not +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_273" id="Page_273">273</a></span> +denominated his father in the patent.<a name="FNanchor_474" id="FNanchor_474" href="#Footnote_474" class="fnanchor">[474]</a> But after the return +of Charles II., in the patent restoring this Lord Beauchamp's +son to the dukedom of Somerset, he is recited to be heir male +of the body of the first duke by his wife Anne, which establishes +(if the recital of a private act of parliament can be said to +establish anything) the validity of the disputed marriage.<a name="FNanchor_475" id="FNanchor_475" href="#Footnote_475" class="fnanchor">[475]</a></p> + +<p>The descent from Eleanor, the younger daughter of Mary +Brandon, who married the Earl of Cumberland, is subject to +no difficulties. She left an only daughter, married to the Earl +of Derby, from whom the claim devolved again upon females, +and seems to have attracted less notice during the reign of +Elizabeth than some others much inferior in plausibility. If +any should be of opinion that no marriage was regularly contracted +between the Earl of Hertford and Lady Catherine Grey, +so as to make their children capable of inheritance, the title to +the Crown, resulting from the statute of 35 H. 8 and the testament +of that prince, will have descended, at the death of Elizabeth, +on the issue of the Countess of Cumberland, the youngest +daughter of the Duchess of Suffolk, Lady Frances Keyes, having +died without issue.<a name="FNanchor_476" id="FNanchor_476" href="#Footnote_476" class="fnanchor">[476]</a> In neither case could the house of Stuart +have a lawful claim. But I may, perhaps, have dwelled too +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_274" id="Page_274">274</a></span> +long on a subject which, though curious and not very generally +understood, can be of no sort of importance, except as it serves +to cast ridicule upon those notions of legitimate sovereignty +and absolute right, which it was once attempted to set up as +paramount even to the great interests of a commonwealth.</p> + +<p>There is much reason to believe that the consciousness of +this defect in his parliamentary title put James on magnifying, +still more than from his natural temper he was prone to do, the +inherent rights of primogenitary succession, as something indefeasible +by the legislature; a doctrine which, however it might +suit the schools of divinity, was in diametrical opposition to +our statutes.<a name="FNanchor_477" id="FNanchor_477" href="#Footnote_477" class="fnanchor">[477]</a> Through the servile spirit of those times, however, +it made a rapid progress; and, interwoven by cunning +and bigotry with religion, became a distinguishing tenet of the +party who encouraged the Stuarts to subvert the liberties of +this kingdom. In James's proclamation on ascending the +throne, he sets forth his hereditary right in pompous and perhaps +unconstitutional phrases. It was the first measure of +parliament to pass an act of recognition, acknowledging that, +immediately on the decease of Elizabeth, "the imperial crown +of the realm of England did by inherent birthright, and lawful +and undoubted succession, descend and come to his most +excellent majesty, as being lineally, justly, and lawfully, next +and sole heir of the blood royal of this realm."<a name="FNanchor_478" id="FNanchor_478" href="#Footnote_478" class="fnanchor">[478]</a> The will of +Henry VIII. it was tacitly agreed by all parties to consign to +oblivion: and this most wisely, not on the principles which seem +rather too much insinuated in this act of recognition, but on +such substantial motives of public expediency as it would have +shown an equal want of patriotism and of good sense for the +descendants of the house of Suffolk to have withstood.</p> + +<p>James left a kingdom where his authority was incessantly +thwarted and sometimes openly assailed, for one wherein the +royal prerogative had for more than a century been strained to +a very high pitch, and where there had not occurred for above +thirty years the least appearance of rebellion and hardly of +tumult. Such a posture of the English commonwealth, as well +as the general satisfaction testified at his accession, seemed +favourable circumstances to one who entertained, with less +disguise if not with more earnestness than most other sovereigns, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_275" id="Page_275">275</a></span> +the desire of reigning with as little impediment as possible to +his own will. Yet some considerations might have induced a +prince who really possessed the king-craft wherein James prided +himself, to take his measures with caution. The late queen's +popularity had remarkably abated during her last years.<a name="FNanchor_479" id="FNanchor_479" href="#Footnote_479" class="fnanchor">[479]</a> It +is a very common delusion of royal personages to triumph in the +people's dislike of those into whose place they expect shortly +to come, and to count upon the most transitory of possessions, +a favour built on hopes that they cannot realise and discontents +that they will not assuage. If Elizabeth lost a great deal of +that affection her subjects had entertained for her, this may be +ascribed, not so much to Essex's death, though that no doubt +had its share, as to weightier taxation, to some oppressions of +her government, and above all to her inflexible tenaciousness +in every point of ecclesiastical discipline. It was the part of +a prudent successor to preserve an undeviating economy, to +remove without repugnance or delay the irritations of monopolies +and purveyance, and to remedy those alleged abuses in +the church, against which the greater and stronger part of the +nation had so long and so loudly raised its voice.</p> + +<p><i>Early unpopularity of the king.</i>—The new king's character, +notwithstanding the vicinity of Scotland, seems to have been +little understood by the English at his accession. But he was +not long in undeceiving them, if it be true that his popularity +had vanished away before his arrival in London.<a name="FNanchor_480" id="FNanchor_480" href="#Footnote_480" class="fnanchor">[480]</a> The kingdom +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_276" id="Page_276">276</a></span> +was full of acute wits and skilful politicians, quick enough to +have seen through a less unguarded character than that of +James. It was soon manifest that he was unable to wield the +sceptre of the great princess whom he ridiculously affected to +despise,<a name="FNanchor_481" id="FNanchor_481" href="#Footnote_481" class="fnanchor">[481]</a> so as to keep under that rising spirit, which might +perhaps have grown too strong even for her control. He committed +an important error in throwing away the best opportunity +that had offered itself for healing the wounds of the +church of England. In his way to London, the malcontent +clergy presented to him what was commonly called the Millenary +Petition, as if signed by 1000 ministers, though the real number +was not so great.<a name="FNanchor_482" id="FNanchor_482" href="#Footnote_482" class="fnanchor">[482]</a> This petition contained no demand inconsistent +with the established hierarchy, nor, as far as I am aware, +which might not have been granted without inconvenience. +James, however, who had not unnaturally taken an extreme +disgust at the presbyterian clergy of his native kingdom, by +whom his life had been perpetually harassed, showed no disposition +to treat these petitioners with favour.<a name="FNanchor_483" id="FNanchor_483" href="#Footnote_483" class="fnanchor">[483]</a> The bishops +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_277" id="Page_277">277</a></span> +had promised him an obsequiousness to which he had been little +accustomed, and a zeal to enhance his prerogative which they +afterwards too well displayed. His measures towards the nonconformist +party had evidently been resolved upon before he +summoned a few of their divines to the famous conference at +Hampton Court. In the accounts that we read of this meeting, +we are alternately struck with wonder at the indecent and +partial behaviour of the king, and at the abject baseness of the +bishops, mixed, according to the custom of servile natures, with +insolence towards their opponents.<a name="FNanchor_484" id="FNanchor_484" href="#Footnote_484" class="fnanchor">[484]</a> It was easy for a monarch +and eighteen churchmen to claim the victory, be the merits of +their dispute what they might, over four abashed and intimidated +adversaries.<a name="FNanchor_485" id="FNanchor_485" href="#Footnote_485" class="fnanchor">[485]</a> A very few alterations were made in the +church service after this conference, but not of such moment +as to reconcile probably a single minister to the established +discipline.<a name="FNanchor_486" id="FNanchor_486" href="#Footnote_486" class="fnanchor">[486]</a> The king soon afterwards put forth a proclamation, +requiring all ecclesiastical and civil officers to do their duty +by enforcing conformity, and admonishing all men not to expect +nor attempt any further alteration in the public service; for +"he would neither let any presume that his own judgment, +having determined in a matter of this weight, should be swayed +to alteration by the frivolous suggestions of any light spirit, +nor was he ignorant of the inconvenience of admitting innovation +in things once settled by mature deliberation."<a name="FNanchor_487" id="FNanchor_487" href="#Footnote_487" class="fnanchor">[487]</a> And he +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_278" id="Page_278">278</a></span> +had already strictly enjoined the bishops to proceed against all +their clergy who did not observe the prescribed order;<a name="FNanchor_488" id="FNanchor_488" href="#Footnote_488" class="fnanchor">[488]</a> a +command which Bancroft, who about this time followed Whitgift +in the primacy, did not wait to have repeated. But the +most enormous outrage on the civil rights of these men was the +commitment to prison of ten among those who had presented +the Millenary Petition; the judges having declared in the star-chamber, +that it was an offence finable at discretion, and very +near to treason and felony, as it tended to sedition and rebellion.<a name="FNanchor_489" id="FNanchor_489" href="#Footnote_489" class="fnanchor">[489]</a> +By such beginnings did the house of Stuart indicate the course +it would steer.</p> + +<p>An entire year elapsed, chiefly on account of the unhealthiness +of the season in London, before James summoned his first +parliament. It might perhaps have been more politic to have +chosen some other city; for the length of this interval gave +time to form a disadvantageous estimate of his administration +and to alienate beyond recovery the puritanical party. Libels +were already in circulation, reflecting with a sharpness never +before known on the king's personal behaviour, which presented +an extraordinary contrast to that of Elizabeth.<a name="FNanchor_490" id="FNanchor_490" href="#Footnote_490" class="fnanchor">[490]</a> The nation, +it is easy to perceive, cheated itself into a persuasion, that it +had borne that princess more affection than it had really felt, +especially in her latter years; the sorrow of subjects for deceased +monarchs being often rather inspired by a sense of evil than a +recollection of good. James however little heeded the popular +voice, satisfied with the fulsome and preposterous adulation of +his court, and intent on promulgating certain maxims concerning +the dignity and power of princes, which he had already +announced in his discourse on the "True Law of Free Monarchies," +printed some years before in Scotland. In this treatise, after +laying it down that monarchy is the true pattern of divinity, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_279" id="Page_279">279</a></span> +and proving the duty of passive obedience, rather singularly, +from that passage in the book of Samuel where the prophet so +forcibly paints the miseries of absolute power, he denies that +the kings of Scotland owe their crown to any primary contract, +Fergus, their progenitor, having conquered the country with +his Irish; and advances more alarming tenets, as that the king +makes daily statutes and ordinances enjoining such pains thereto +as he thinks meet, without any advice of parliament or estates; +that general laws made publicly in parliament may by the +king's authority be mitigated or suspended upon causes only +known to him; and that, "although a good king will frame all +his actions to be according to the law, yet he is not bound +thereto, but of his own will and for example-giving to his +subjects."<a name="FNanchor_491" id="FNanchor_491" href="#Footnote_491" class="fnanchor">[491]</a> These doctrines, if not absolutely novel, seemed +peculiarly indecent as well as dangerous, from the mouth of a +sovereign. Yet they proceeded far more from James's self-conceit +and pique against the republican spirit of presbyterianism +than from his love of power, which (in its exercise I mean, as +distinguished from its possession) he did not feel in so eminent +a degree as either his predecessor or his son.</p> + +<p>In the proclamation for calling together his first parliament, +the king, after dilating, as was his favourite practice, on a +series of rather common truths in very good language, charges +all persons interested in the choice of knights for the shire to +select them out of the principal knights or gentlemen within +the county; and for the burgesses, that choice be made of men +of sufficiency and discretion, without desire to please parents +and friends, that often speak for their children or kindred; +avoiding persons noted in religion for their superstitious blindness +one way, or for their turbulent humour other ways. We +do command, he says, that no bankrupts or outlaws be chosen, +but men of known good behaviour and sufficient livelihood. +The sheriffs are charged not to direct a writ to any ancient town +being so ruined that there are not residents sufficient to make +such choice, and of whom such lawful election may be made. +All returns are to be filed in chancery, and if any be found contrary +to this proclamation, the same to be rejected as unlawful +and insufficient, and the place to be fined for making it; and +any one elected contrary to the purport, effect, and true meaning +of this proclamation, to be fined and imprisoned.<a name="FNanchor_492" id="FNanchor_492" href="#Footnote_492" class="fnanchor">[492]</a></p> + +<p><i>Question of Fortescue and Goodwin's election.</i>—Such an assumption +of control over parliamentary elections was a glaring +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_280" id="Page_280">280</a></span> +infringement of those privileges which the House of Commons +had been steadily and successfully asserting in the late reign. +An opportunity very soon occurred of contesting this important +point. At the election for the county of Buckingham, Sir +Francis Goodwin had been chosen in preference to Sir John +Fortescue, a privy counsellor, and the writ returned into chancery. +Goodwin having been some years before outlawed, +the return was sent back to the sheriff, as contrary to the late +proclamation; and, on a second election, Sir John Fortescue +was chosen. This matter being brought under the consideration +of the House of Commons, a very few days after the opening +of the session, gave rise to their first struggle with the new king. +It was resolved, after hearing the whole case, and arguments +by members on both sides, that Goodwin was lawfully elected +and returned, and ought to be received. The first notice taken +of this was by the Lords, who requested that this might be +discussed in a conference between the two houses, before any +other matter should be proceeded in. The Commons returned +for answer, that they conceived it not according to the honour +of the house to give account of any of their proceedings. The +Lords replied, that having acquainted his majesty with the +matter, he desired there might be a conference thereon between +the two houses. Upon this message, the Commons came to a +resolution that the speaker with a numerous deputation of +members should attend his majesty, and report the reasons of +their proceedings in Goodwin's case. In this conference with +the king, as related by the speaker, it appears that he had +shown some degree of chagrin, and insisted that the house +ought not to meddle with returns, which could only be corrected +by the court of chancery; and that since they derived all matters +of privilege from him and his grant, he expected they should +not be turned against him. He ended by directing the house +to confer with the judges. After a debate which seems, from +the minutes in the journals, to have been rather warm, it was +unanimously agreed not to have a conference with the judges; +but the reasons of the house's proceeding were laid before the +king in a written statement or memorial, answering the several +objections that his majesty had alleged. This they sent to the +Lords, requesting them to deliver it to the king, and to be +mediators in behalf of the house for his majesty's satisfaction; +a message in rather a lower tone than they had previously taken. +The king sending for the speaker privately, told him that he +was now distracted in judgment as to the merits of the case; +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_281" id="Page_281">281</a></span> +and for his further satisfaction, desired and commanded, as an +absolute king, that there should be a conference between the +house and the judges. Upon this unexpected message, says +the journal, there grew some amazement and silence. But at +last one stood up and said: "The prince's command is like a +thunderbolt; his command upon our allegiance like the roaring +of a lion. To his command there is no contradiction; but how +or in what manner we should now proceed to perform obedience, +that will be the question."<a name="FNanchor_493" id="FNanchor_493" href="#Footnote_493" class="fnanchor">[493]</a> It was resolved to confer with the +judges in presence of the king and council. In this second +conference, the king, after some favourable expressions towards +the house, and conceding that it was a court of record, and judge +of returns, though not exclusively of the chancery, suggested +that both Goodwin and Fortescue should be set aside, by +issuing a new writ. This compromise was joyfully accepted by +the greater part of the Commons, after the dispute had lasted +nearly three weeks.<a name="FNanchor_494" id="FNanchor_494" href="#Footnote_494" class="fnanchor">[494]</a> They have been considered as victorious, +upon the whole, in this contest, though they apparently fell +short in the result of what they had obtained some years before. +But no attempt was ever afterwards made to dispute their +exclusive jurisdiction.<a name="FNanchor_495" id="FNanchor_495" href="#Footnote_495" class="fnanchor">[495]</a></p> + +<p><i>Shirley's case of privilege.</i>—The Commons were engaged during +this session in the defence of another privilege, to which they +annexed perhaps a disproportionate importance. Sir Thomas +Shirley, a member, having been taken in execution on a private +debt before their meeting, and the warden of the Fleet prison +refusing to deliver him up, they were at a loss how to obtain +his release. Several methods were projected; among which, +that of sending a party of members with the serjeant and his +mace, to force open the prison, was carried on a division; but +the speaker hinting that such a vigorous measure would expose +them individually to prosecution as trespassers, it was prudently +abandoned. The warden, though committed by the house to +a dungeon in the Tower, continued obstinate, conceiving that +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_282" id="Page_282">282</a></span> +by releasing his prisoner he should become answerable for the +debt. They were evidently reluctant to solicit the king's interference; +but aware at length that their own authority was +insufficient, "the vice-chamberlain, according to a memorandum +in the journals, was privately instructed to go to the king, and +humbly desire that he would be pleased to command the warden, +on his allegiance, to deliver up Sir Thomas; not as petitioned +for by the house, but as if himself thought it fit, out of his own +gracious judgment." By this stratagem, if we may so term it, +they saved the point of honour, and recovered their member.<a name="FNanchor_496" id="FNanchor_496" href="#Footnote_496" class="fnanchor">[496]</a> +The warden's apprehensions, however, of exposing himself to +an action for the escape gave rise to a statute, which empowers +the creditor to sue out a new execution against any one who +shall be delivered by virtue of his privilege of parliament, after +that shall have expired, and discharges from liability those out +of whose custody such persons shall be delivered. This is the +first legislative recognition of privilege.<a name="FNanchor_497" id="FNanchor_497" href="#Footnote_497" class="fnanchor">[497]</a> The most important +part of the whole is a proviso subjoined to the act, "That +nothing therein contained shall extend to the diminishing of +any punishment to be hereafter, by censure in parliament, +inflicted upon any person who hereafter shall make or procure +to be made any such arrest as is aforesaid." The right of +commitment, in such cases at least, by a vote of the House of +Commons, is here unequivocally maintained.</p> + +<p><i>Complaints of grievances.</i>—It is not necessary to repeat the +complaints of ecclesiastical abuses preferred by this House of +Commons, as by those that had gone before them. James, by +siding openly with the bishops, had given alarm to the reforming +party. It was anticipated that he would go farther than his +predecessor, whose uncertain humour, as well as the inclinations +of some of her advisers, had materially counterbalanced the +dislike she entertained of the innovators. A code of new +canons had recently been established in convocation with the +king's assent, obligatory perhaps upon the clergy, but tending +to set up an unwarranted authority over the whole nation; +imposing oaths and exacting securities in certain cases from the +laity, and aiming at the exclusion of nonconformists from all +civil rights.<a name="FNanchor_498" id="FNanchor_498" href="#Footnote_498" class="fnanchor">[498]</a> Against these canons, as well as various other +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_283" id="Page_283">283</a></span> +grievances, the Commons remonstrated in a conference with +the upper house, but with little immediate effect.<a name="FNanchor_499" id="FNanchor_499" href="#Footnote_499" class="fnanchor">[499]</a> They made +a more remarkable effort in attacking some public mischiefs of +a temporal nature, which, though long the theme of general +murmurs, were closely interwoven with the ancient and undisputed +prerogatives of the Crown. Complaints were uttered, +and innovations projected by the Commons of 1604, which +Elizabeth would have met with an angry message, and perhaps +visited with punishment on the proposers. James however +was not entirely averse to some of the projected alterations, +from which he hoped to derive a pecuniary advantage. The +two principal grievances were, purveyance and the incidents of +military tenure. The former had been restrained by not less +than thirty-six statutes, as the Commons assert in a petition +to the king; in spite of which the impressing of carts and carriages, +and the exaction of victuals for the king's use, at prices +far below the true value, and in quantity beyond what was +necessary, continued to prevail under authority of commissions +from the board of green cloth, and was enforced, in case of +demur or resistance, by imprisonment under their warrant. +The purveyors, indeed, are described as living at free quarters +upon the country, felling woods without the owners' consent, +and commanding labour with little or no recompense.<a name="FNanchor_500" id="FNanchor_500" href="#Footnote_500" class="fnanchor">[500]</a> Purveyance +was a very ancient topic of remonstrance; but both the +inadequate revenues of the Crown, and a supposed dignity +attached to this royal right of spoil, had prevented its abolition +from being attempted. But the Commons seemed still more +to trench on the pride of our feudal monarchy, when they +proposed to take away guardianship in chivalry; that lucrative +tyranny, bequeathed by Norman conquerors, the custody of +every military tenant's estate until he should arrive at twenty-one, +without accounting for the profits. This, among other +grievances, was referred to a committee, in which Bacon took +an active share. They obtained a conference on this subject +with the Lords, who refused to agree to a bill for taking guardianship +in chivalry away, but offered to join in a petition for that +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_284" id="Page_284">284</a></span> +purpose to the king, since it could not be called a wrong, having +been patiently endured by their ancestors as well as themselves, +and being warranted by the law of the land. In the end the +Lords advised to drop the matter for the present, as somewhat +unseasonable in the king's first parliament.<a name="FNanchor_501" id="FNanchor_501" href="#Footnote_501" class="fnanchor">[501]</a></p> + +<p>In the midst of these testimonies of dissatisfaction with the +civil and ecclesiastical administration, the House of Commons +had not felt much willingness to greet the new sovereign with +a subsidy. No demand had been made upon them, far less any +proof given of the king's exigencies; and they doubtless knew +by experience, that an obstinate determination not to yield to +any of their wishes would hardly be shaken by a liberal grant +of money. They had even passed the usual bill granting tonnage +and poundage for life, with certain reservations that gave +the court offence, and which apparently they afterwards omitted. +But there was so little disposition to do anything further, that +the king sent a message to express his desire that the Commons +would not enter upon the business of a subsidy, and assuring +them that he would not take unkindly their omission. By this +artifice, which was rather transparent, he avoided the not +improbable mortification of seeing the proposal rejected.<a name="FNanchor_502" id="FNanchor_502" href="#Footnote_502" class="fnanchor">[502]</a></p> + +<p><i>Commons' vindication of themselves.</i>—The king's discontent +at the proceedings of this session, which he seems to have rather +strongly expressed in some speech to the Commons that has +not been recorded,<a name="FNanchor_503" id="FNanchor_503" href="#Footnote_503" class="fnanchor">[503]</a> gave rise to a very remarkable vindication, +prepared by a committee at the house's command, and entitled +"A Form of Apology and Satisfaction to be delivered to his +Majesty," though such may not be deemed the most appropriate +title. It contains a full and pertinent justification of all those +proceedings at which James had taken umbrage, and asserts, +with respectful boldness and in explicit language, the constitutional +rights and liberties of parliament. If the English +monarchy had been reckoned as absolute under the Plantagenets +and Tudors as Hume has endeavoured to make it appear, the +Commons of 1604 must have made a surprising advance in their +notions of freedom since the king's accession. Adverting to +what they call the misinformation openly delivered to his +majesty in three things; namely, that their privileges were not +of right, but of grace only, renewed every parliament on petition; +that they are no court of record, nor yet a court that can command +view of records; that the examination of the returns of +writs for knights and burgesses is without their compass, and +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_285" id="Page_285">285</a></span> +belonging to the chancery: assertions, they say, "tending +directly and apparently to the utter overthrow of the very +fundamental privileges of our house, and therein of the rights +and liberties of the whole Commons of your realm of England, +which they and their ancestors, from time immemorial, have +undoubtedly enjoyed under your majesty's most noble progenitors;" +and against which they expressly protest, as derogatory +in the highest degree to the true dignity and authority of +parliament, desiring "that such their protestation might be +recorded to all posterity;" they maintain, on the contrary, +"1. That their privileges and liberties are their right and inheritance, +no less than their very lands and goods; 2. That they +cannot be withheld from them, denied or impaired, but with +apparent wrong to the whole state of the realm; 3. That their +making request, at the beginning of a parliament, to enjoy their +privilege, is only an act of manners, and does not weaken their +right; 4. That their house is a court of record, and has been +ever so esteemed; 5. That there is not the highest standing +court in this land that ought to enter into competition, either +for dignity or authority, with this high court of parliament, +which, with his majesty's royal assent, gives law to other courts, +but from other courts receives neither laws nor orders; 6. That +the House of Commons is the sole proper judge of return of all +such writs, and the election of all such members as belong to +it, without which the freedom of election were not entire." +They aver that in this session the privileges of the house have +been more universally and dangerously impugned than ever, as +they suppose, since the beginnings of parliaments. That in +regard to the late queen's sex and age, and much more upon +care to avoid all trouble, which by wicked practice might have +been drawn to impeach the quiet of his majesty's right in the +succession, those actions were then passed over which they +hoped in succeeding times to redress and rectify; whereas, on +the contrary, in this parliament, not privileges, but the whole +freedom of the parliament and realm had been hewed from them. +"What cause," they proceed, "we, your poor Commons, have +to watch over our privileges is manifest in itself to all men. +The prerogatives of princes may easily and do daily grow. +The privileges of the subject are for the most part at an everlasting +stand. They may be by good providence and care +preserved; but being once lost, are not recovered but with +much disquiet." They then enter in detail on the various +matters that had arisen during the session—the business of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_286" id="Page_286">286</a></span> +Goodwin's election, of Shirley's arrest, and some smaller matters +of privilege to which my limits have not permitted me to allude. +"We thought not," speaking of the first, "that the judge's +opinion, which yet in due place we greatly reverence, being +delivered what the common law was, which extends only to +inferior and standing courts, ought to bring any prejudice to +this high court of parliament, whose power being above the +law is not founded on the common law, but have their rights +and privileges peculiar to themselves." They vindicate their +endeavours to obtain redress of religious and public grievances: +"Your majesty would be misinformed," they tell him, "if any +man should deliver that the kings of England have any absolute +power in themselves, either to alter religion, which God +defend should be in the power of any mortal man whatsoever, +or to make any laws concerning the same, otherwise than as in +temporal causes, by consent of parliament. We have and shall +at all times by our oaths acknowledge, that your majesty is +sovereign lord and supreme governor in both."<a name="FNanchor_504" id="FNanchor_504" href="#Footnote_504" class="fnanchor">[504]</a> Such was the +voice of the English Commons in 1604, at the commencement +of that great conflict for their liberties, which is measured by +the line of the house of Stuart. But it is not certain that this +apology was ever delivered to the king, though he seems to +allude to it in a letter written to one of his ministers about the +same time.<a name="FNanchor_505" id="FNanchor_505" href="#Footnote_505" class="fnanchor">[505]</a> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_287" id="Page_287">287</a></span></p> + +<p><i>Session</i>, 1605.—The next session, which is remarkable on +account of the conspiracy of some desperate men to blow up +both Houses of Parliament with gunpowder on the day of their +meeting, did not produce much worthy of our notice. A bill +to regulate, or probably to suppress, purveyance was thrown +out by the Lords. The Commons sent up another bill to the +same effect, which the upper house rejected without discussion, +by a rule then perhaps first established, that the same bill +could not be proposed twice in one session.<a name="FNanchor_506" id="FNanchor_506" href="#Footnote_506" class="fnanchor">[506]</a> They voted a +liberal subsidy, which the king, who had reigned three years +without one, had just cause to require. For though he had +concluded a peace with Spain soon after his accession, yet the +late queen had left a debt of £400,000, and other charges had +fallen on the Crown. But the bill for this subsidy lay a good +while in the House of Commons, who came to a vote that it +should not pass till their list of grievances was ready to be +presented. No notice was taken of these till the next session +beginning in November 1606, when the king returned an answer +to each of the sixteen articles in which matters of grievance +were alleged. Of these the greater part refer to certain grants +made to particular persons in the nature of monopolies; the +king either defending these in his answer, or remitting the parties +to the courts of law to try their legality.</p> + +<p><i>Union with Scotland debated.</i>—The principal business of this +third session, as it had been of the last, was James's favourite +scheme of a perfect union between England and Scotland. It +may be collected, though this was never explicitly brought +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_288" id="Page_288">288</a></span> +forward, that his views extended to a legislative incorporation.<a name="FNanchor_507" id="FNanchor_507" href="#Footnote_507" class="fnanchor">[507]</a> +But in all the speeches on this subject, and especially his own, +there is a want of distinctness as to the object proposed. He +dwells continually upon the advantage of unity of laws, yet +extols those of England as the best, which the Scots, as was +evident, had no inclination to adopt. Wherefore then was +delay to be imputed to our English parliament, if it waited for +that of the sister kingdom? And what steps were recommended +towards this measure, that the Commons can be said +to have declined, except only the naturalisation of the ante-nati, +or Scots born before the king's accession to our throne, which +could only have a temporary effect?<a name="FNanchor_508" id="FNanchor_508" href="#Footnote_508" class="fnanchor">[508]</a> Yet Hume, ever prone +to eulogise this monarch at the expense of his people, while he +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_289" id="Page_289">289</a></span> +bestows merited praise on his speech in favour of the union, +which is upon the whole a well-written and judicious performance, +charges the parliament with prejudice, reluctance, and +obstinacy. The code, as it may be called, of international +hostility, those numerous statutes treating the northern inhabitants +of this island as foreigners and enemies, were entirely +abrogated. And if the Commons, while both the theory of +our own constitution was so unsettled and its practice so full +of abuse, did not precipitately give in to schemes that might +create still further difficulty in all questions between the Crown +and themselves, schemes, too, which there was no imperious +motive for carrying into effect at that juncture, we may justly +consider it as an additional proof of their wisdom and public +spirit. Their slow progress however in this favourite measure, +which, though they could not refuse to entertain it, they endeavoured +to defeat by interposing delays and impediments, gave +much offence to the king, which he expressed in a speech to +the two houses, with the haughtiness, but not the dignity, of +Elizabeth. He threatened them to live alternately in the two +kingdoms, or to keep his court at York; and alluded, with +peculiar acrimony, to certain speeches made in the house, +wherein probably his own fame had not been spared.<a name="FNanchor_509" id="FNanchor_509" href="#Footnote_509" class="fnanchor">[509]</a> "I +looked," he says, "for no such fruits at your hands, such personal +discourses and speeches, which of all other, I looked you +should avoid, as not beseeming the gravity of your assembly. +I am your king; I am placed to govern you, and shall answer +for your errors; I am a man of flesh and blood, and have my +passions and affections as other men; I pray you, do not too +far move me to do that which my power may tempt me unto."<a name="FNanchor_510" id="FNanchor_510" href="#Footnote_510" class="fnanchor">[510]</a></p> + +<p><i>Continual bickerings between the Crown and Commons.</i>—It is +most probable, as experience had shown, that such a demonstration +of displeasure from Elizabeth would have ensured the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_290" id="Page_290">290</a></span> +repentant submission of the Commons. But within a few years +of the most unbroken tranquillity, there had been one of those +changes of popular feeling which a government is seldom +observant enough to watch. Two springs had kept in play +the machine of her administration, affection and fear; attachment +arising from the sense of dangers endured, and glory +achieved for her people, tempered, though not subdued, by the +dread of her stern courage and vindictive rigour. For James +not a particle of loyal affection lived in the hearts of the nation, +while his easy and pusillanimous, though choleric disposition, +had gradually diminished those sentiments of apprehension +which royal frowns used to excite. The Commons, after some +angry speeches, resolved to make known to the king through +the speaker their desire, that he would listen to no private +reports, but take his information of the house's meaning from +themselves; that he would give leave to such persons as he had +blamed for their speeches to clear themselves in his hearing; +and that he would by some gracious message make known his +intention that they should deliver their opinions with full +liberty, and without fear. The speaker next day communicated +a slight but civil answer he had received from the king, importing +his wish to preserve their privileges, especially that of liberty +of speech.<a name="FNanchor_511" id="FNanchor_511" href="#Footnote_511" class="fnanchor">[511]</a> This, however, did not prevent his sending a message +a few days afterwards, commenting on their debates, and +on some clauses they had introduced into the bill for the abolition +of all hostile laws.<a name="FNanchor_512" id="FNanchor_512" href="#Footnote_512" class="fnanchor">[512]</a> And a petition having been prepared +by a committee under the house's direction for better execution +of the laws against recusants, the speaker, on its being moved +that the petition be read, said that his majesty had taken +notice of the petition as a thing belonging to himself, concerning +which it was needless to press him. This interference provoked +some members to resent it, as an infringement of their liberties. +The speaker replied that there were many precedents in the +late queen's time, where she had restrained the house from +meddling in politics of divers kinds. This, as a matter of fact, +was too notorious to be denied. A motion was made for a +committee "to search for precedents of ancient as well as later +times that do concern any messages from the sovereign magistrate, +king or queen of this realm, touching petitions offered +to the House of Commons." The king now interposed by a +second message, that, though the petition were such as the like +had not been read in the house, and contained matter whereof +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_291" id="Page_291">291</a></span> +the house could not properly take knowledge, yet if they thought +good to have it read, he was not against the reading. And the +Commons were so well satisfied with this concession, that no +further proceedings were had; and the petition, says the +journal, was at length, with general liking, agreed to sleep. +It contained some strong remonstrances against ecclesiastical +abuses, and in favour of the deprived and silenced puritans, +but such as the house had often before in various modes brought +forward.<a name="FNanchor_513" id="FNanchor_513" href="#Footnote_513" class="fnanchor">[513]</a></p> + +<p>The ministry betrayed, in a still more pointed manner, their +jealousy of any interference on the part of the Commons with +the conduct of public affairs in a business of a different nature. +The pacification concluded with Spain in 1604, very much +against the general wish,<a name="FNanchor_514" id="FNanchor_514" href="#Footnote_514" class="fnanchor">[514]</a> had neither removed all grounds of +dispute between the governments, nor allayed the dislike of +the nations. Spain advanced in that age the most preposterous +claims to an exclusive navigation beyond the tropic, and to the +sole possession of the American continent; while the English +merchants, mindful of the lucrative adventures of the queen's +reign, could not be restrained from trespassing on the rich +harvest of the Indies by contraband and sometimes piratical +voyages. These conflicting interests led of course to mutual +complaints of maritime tyranny and fraud; neither likely to +be ill-founded, where the one party was as much distinguished +for the despotic exercise of vast power, as the other by boldness +and cupidity. It was the prevailing bias of the king's temper +to keep on friendly terms with Spain, or rather to court her +with undisguised and impolitic partiality.<a name="FNanchor_515" id="FNanchor_515" href="#Footnote_515" class="fnanchor">[515]</a> But this so much +thwarted the prejudices of his subjects that no part perhaps +of his administration had such a disadvantageous effect on his +popularity. The merchants presented to the Commons, in this +session of 1607, a petition upon the grievances they sustained +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_292" id="Page_292">292</a></span> +from Spain, entering into such a detail of alleged cruelties as +was likely to exasperate that assembly. Nothing however was +done for a considerable time, when after receiving the report of +a committee on the subject, the house prayed a conference with +the Lords. They, who acted in this and the preceding session +as the mere agents of government, intimated in their reply, +that they thought it an unusual matter for the Commons to +enter upon, and took time to consider about a conference. +After some delay this was granted, and Sir Francis Bacon +reported its result to the lower house. The Earl of Salisbury +managed the conference on the part of the Lords. The tenor +of his speech, as reported by Bacon, is very remarkable. After +discussing the merits of the petition, and considerably extenuating +the wrongs imputed to Spain, he adverted to the circumstance +of its being presented to the Commons. The Crown of +England was invested, he said, with an absolute power of peace +and war; and inferred, from a series of precedents which he +vouched, that petitions made in parliament, intermeddling with +such matters, had gained little success; that great inconveniences +must follow from the public debate of a king's designs, +which, if they take wind, must be frustrated; and that if +parliaments have ever been made acquainted with matter of +peace or war in a general way, it was either when the king and +council conceived that it was material to have some declaration +of the zeal and affection of the people, or else when they needed +money for the charge of a war, in which case they should be +sure enough to hear of it; that the Lords would make a good +construction of the Commons' desire, that it sprang from a +forwardness to assist his majesty's future resolutions, rather +than a determination to do that wrong to his supreme power +which haply might appear to those who were prone to draw +evil inferences from their proceedings. The Earl of Northampton, +who also bore a part in this conference, gave as one reason +among others, why the Lords could not concur in forwarding +the petition to the Crown, that the composition of the House +of Commons was in its first foundation intended merely to be +of those that have their residence and vocation in the places +for which they serve, and therefore to have a private and local +wisdom according to that compass, and so not fit to examine +or determine secrets of state which depend upon such variety +of circumstances; and although he acknowledged that there +were divers gentlemen in the house of good capacity and insight +into matters of state, yet that was the accident of the person, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_293" id="Page_293">293</a></span> +and not the intention of the place; and things were to be taken +in the institution, and not in the practice. The Commons +seemed to have acquiesced in this rather contemptuous treatment. +Several precedents indeed might have been opposed to +those of the Earl of Salisbury, wherein the Commons, especially +under Richard II. and Henry VI., had assumed a right of +advising on matters of peace and war. But the more recent +usage of the constitution did not warrant such an interference. +It was however rather a bold assertion, that they were not the +proper channel through which public grievances, or those of +so large a portion of the community as the merchants, ought +to be represented to the throne.<a name="FNanchor_516" id="FNanchor_516" href="#Footnote_516" class="fnanchor">[516]</a></p> + +<p><i>Impositions on merchandise without consent of parliament.</i>—During +the interval of two years and a half that elapsed before +the commencement of the next session, a decision had occurred +in the court of exchequer, which threatened the entire overthrow +of our constitution. It had always been deemed the +indispensable characteristic of a limited monarchy, however +irregular and inconsistent might be the exercise of some prerogatives, +that no money could be raised from the subject without +the consent of the estates. This essential principle was settled +in England, after much contention, by the statute entitled +Confirmatio Chartarum, in the 25th year of Edward I. More +comprehensive and specific in its expression than the Great +Charter of John, it abolishes all "aids, tasks, and prises, unless +by the common assent of the realm, and for the common profit +thereof, saving the ancient aids and prises due and accustomed;" +the king explicitly renouncing the custom he had lately set on +wool. Thus the letter of the statute and the history of the +times conspire to prove, that impositions on merchandise at +the ports, to which alone the word prises was applicable, could +no more be levied by the royal prerogative after its enactment, +than internal taxes upon landed or movable property, known +in that age by the appellations of aids and tallages. But as +the former could be assessed with great ease, and with no risk +of immediate resistance, and especially as certain ancient +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_294" id="Page_294">294</a></span> +customs were preserved by the statute,<a name="FNanchor_517" id="FNanchor_517" href="#Footnote_517" class="fnanchor">[517]</a> so that a train of fiscal +officers, and a scheme of regulations and restraints upon the +export and import of goods became necessary, it was long before +the sovereigns of this kingdom could be induced constantly to +respect this part of the law. Hence several remonstrances from +the Commons under Edward III. against the maletolts or unjust +exactions upon wool, by which, if they did not obtain more +than a promise of effectual redress, they kept up their claim, +and perpetuated the recognition of its justice, for the sake of +posterity. They became powerful enough to enforce it under +Richard II., in whose time there is little clear evidence of illegal +impositions; and from the accession of the house of Lancaster +it is undeniable that they ceased altogether. The grant of +tonnage and poundage for the king's life, which from the time +of Henry V. was made in the first parliament of every reign, +might perhaps be considered as a tacit compensation to the +Crown for its abandonment of these irregular extortions.</p> + +<p>Henry VII., the most rapacious, and Henry VIII., the most +despotic, of English monarchs, did not presume to violate this +acknowledged right. The first who had again recourse to this +means of enhancing the revenue was Mary, who, in the year +1557, set a duty upon cloths exported beyond seas, and afterwards +another on the importation of French wines. The former +of those was probably defended by arguing, that there was +already a duty on wool; and if cloth, which was wool manufactured, +could pass free, there would be a fraud on the revenue. +The merchants however did not acquiesce in this arbitrary +imposition, and as soon as Elizabeth's accession gave hopes of +a restoration of English government, they petitioned to be +released from this burthen. The question appears, by a memorandum +in Dyer's Reports, to have been extra-judicially referred +to the judges, unless it were rather as assistants to the privy +council that their opinion was demanded. This entry concludes +abruptly, without any determination of the judges.<a name="FNanchor_518" id="FNanchor_518" href="#Footnote_518" class="fnanchor">[518]</a> But we +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_295" id="Page_295">295</a></span> +may presume, that if any such had been given in favour of the +Crown, it would have been made public. And that the majority +of the bench would not have favoured this claim of the Crown, +we may strongly presume from their doctrine in a case of the +same description, wherein they held the assessment of treble +custom on aliens for violation of letters patent to be absolutely +against the law.<a name="FNanchor_519" id="FNanchor_519" href="#Footnote_519" class="fnanchor">[519]</a> The administration, however, would not +release this duty, which continued to be paid under Elizabeth. +She also imposed one upon sweet wines. We read of no complaint +in parliament against this novel taxation; but it is alluded +to by Bacon in one of his tracts during the queen's reign, as a +grievance alleged by her enemies. He defends it, as laid only +on a foreign merchandise, and a delicacy which might be forborne.<a name="FNanchor_520" id="FNanchor_520" href="#Footnote_520" class="fnanchor">[520]</a> +But considering Elizabeth's unwillingness to require +subsidies from the common, and the rapid increase of foreign +traffic during her reign, it might be asked why she did not +extend these duties to other commodities, and secure to herself +no trifling annual revenue. What answer can be given, except +that, aware how little any unparliamentary levying of money +could be supported by law or usage, her ministers shunned to +excite attention to these innovations which wanted hitherto the +stamp of time to give them prescriptive validity?<a name="FNanchor_521" id="FNanchor_521" href="#Footnote_521" class="fnanchor">[521]</a> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_296" id="Page_296">296</a></span></p> + +<p>James had imposed a duty of five shillings per hundredweight +on currants, over and above that of two shillings and sixpence, +which was granted by the statute of tonnage and poundage.<a name="FNanchor_522" id="FNanchor_522" href="#Footnote_522" class="fnanchor">[522]</a> +Bates, a Turkey merchant, having refused payment, an information +was exhibited against him in the exchequer. Judgment +was soon given for the Crown. The courts of justice, it is hardly +necessary to say, did not consist of men conscientiously impartial +between the king and the subject; some corrupt with hope of +promotion, many more fearful of removal, or awe-struck by the +frowns of power. The speeches of Chief Baron Fleming, and of +Baron Clark, the only two that are preserved in Lane's Reports, +contain propositions still worse than their decision, and wholly +subversive of all liberty. "The king's power," it was said, +"is double—ordinary and absolute; and these have several +laws and ends. That of the ordinary is for the profit of particular +subjects, exercised in ordinary courts, and called common +law, which cannot be changed in substance without parliament. +The king's absolute power is applied to no particular person's +benefit, but to the general safety; and this is not directed by +the rules of common law, but more properly termed policy and +government, varying according to his wisdom for the common +good; and all things done within those rules are lawful. The +matter in question is matter of state, to be ruled according to +policy by the king's extraordinary power. All customs (duties +so called) are the effects of foreign commerce; but all affairs of +commerce and all treaties with foreign nations belong to the +king's absolute power; he therefore who has power over the +cause, must have it also over the effect. The seaports are the +king's gates, which he may open and shut to whom he pleases." +The ancient customs on wine and wool are asserted to have +originated in the king's absolute power, and not in a grant of +parliament; a point, whether true or not, of no great importance, +if it were acknowledged, that many statutes had subsequently +controlled this prerogative. But these judges impugned +the authority of statutes derogatory to their idol. +That of 45 E. 3, c. 4, that no new imposition should be laid on +wool or leather, one of them maintains, did not bind the king's +successors; for the right to impose such duties was a principal +part of the Crown of England, which the king could not diminish. +They extolled the king's grace in permitting the matter to be +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_297" id="Page_297">297</a></span> +argued, commenting at the same time on the insolence shown +in disputing so undeniable a claim. Nor could any judges be +more peremptory in resisting an attempt to overthrow the most +established precedents, than were these barons of King James's +exchequer, in giving away those fundamental liberties in which +every Englishman was inherited.<a name="FNanchor_523" id="FNanchor_523" href="#Footnote_523" class="fnanchor">[523]</a></p> + +<p><i>Remonstrances against impositions in session of 1610.</i>—The +immediate consequence of this decision was a book of rates, +published in July 1608, under the authority of the great seal, +imposing heavy duties upon almost all merchandise.<a name="FNanchor_524" id="FNanchor_524" href="#Footnote_524" class="fnanchor">[524]</a> But the +judgment of the court of exchequer did not satisfy men jealous +of the Crown's encroachments. The imposition on currants had +been already noticed as a grievance by the House of Commons +in 1606. But the king answered that the question was in a +course for legal determination; and the Commons themselves, +which is worthy of remark, do not appear to have entertained +any clear persuasion that the impost was contrary to law.<a name="FNanchor_525" id="FNanchor_525" href="#Footnote_525" class="fnanchor">[525]</a> +In the session, however, which began in February 1610, they +had acquired new light by sifting the legal authorities, and +instead of submitting their opinions to the courts of law, which +were in truth little worthy of such deference, were the more +provoked to remonstrate against the novel usurpation those +servile men had endeavoured to prop up. Lawyers, as learned +probably as most of the judges, were not wanting in their ranks. +The illegality of impositions was shown in two elaborate speeches +by Hakewill and Yelverton.<a name="FNanchor_526" id="FNanchor_526" href="#Footnote_526" class="fnanchor">[526]</a> And the country gentlemen, +who, though less deeply versed in precedents, had too good +sense not to discern that the next step would be to levy taxes +on their lands, were delighted to find that there had been an +old English constitution not yet abrogated, which would bear +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_298" id="Page_298">298</a></span> +them out in their opposition. When the king therefore had +intimated by a message, and afterwards in a speech, his command +not to enter on the subject, couched in that arrogant tone +of despotism which this absurd prince affected,<a name="FNanchor_527" id="FNanchor_527" href="#Footnote_527" class="fnanchor">[527]</a> they presented +a strong remonstrance against this inhibition; claiming "as +an ancient, general, and undoubted right of parliament to +debate freely all matters which do probably concern the subject; +which freedom of debate being once foreclosed, the essence +of the liberty of parliament is withal dissolved. For the judgment +given by the exchequer, they take not on them to review +it, but desire to know the reasons whereon it was grounded; +especially as it was generally apprehended that the reasons of +that judgment extended much farther, even to the utter ruin +of the ancient liberty of this kingdom, and of the subjects' right +of property in their lands and goods."<a name="FNanchor_528" id="FNanchor_528" href="#Footnote_528" class="fnanchor">[528]</a> "The policy and +constitution of this your kingdom (they say) appropriates unto +the kings of this realm, with the assent of the parliament, as +well the sovereign power of making laws, as that of taxing, or +imposing upon the subjects' goods or merchandises, as may not, +without their consents, be altered or changed. This is the +cause that the people of this kingdom, as they ever showed +themselves faithful and loving to their kings, and ready to aid +them, in all their just occasions, with voluntary contributions; +so have they been ever careful to preserve their own liberties +and rights, when anything hath been done to prejudice or +impeach the same. And therefore when their princes, occasioned +either by their wars, or their over-great bounty, or by +any other necessity, have without consent of parliament set +impositions, either within the land, or upon commodities either +exported or imported by the merchants, they have, in open +parliament, complained of it, in that it was done without their +consents: and thereupon never failed to obtain a speedy and +full redress, without any claim made by the kings, of any power +or prerogative in that point. And though the law of property +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_299" id="Page_299">299</a></span> +be original, and carefully preserved by the common laws of this +realm, which are as ancient as the kingdom itself; yet these +famous kings, for the better contentment and assurance of their +loving subjects, agreed, that this old fundamental right should +be further declared and established by act of parliament. +Wherein it is provided, that no such charges should ever be +laid upon the people, without their common consent, as may +appear by sundry records of former times. We, therefore, your +majesty's most humble Commons assembled in parliament, +following the example of this worthy case of our ancestors, and +out of a duty of those for whom we serve, finding that your +majesty, without advice or consent of parliament, hath lately, +in time of peace, set both greater impositions, and far more in +number, than any your noble ancestors did ever in time of war, +have, with all humility, presumed to present this most just and +necessary petition unto your majesty, that all impositions set +without the assent of parliament may be quite abolished and +taken away; and that your majesty, in imitation likewise of +your noble progenitors, will be pleased, that a law be made +during this session of parliament, to declare that all impositions +set, or to be set upon your people, their goods or merchandises, +save only by common assent in parliament, are and shall be +void."<a name="FNanchor_529" id="FNanchor_529" href="#Footnote_529" class="fnanchor">[529]</a> They proceeded accordingly, after a pretty long time +occupied in searching for precedents, to pass a bill taking away +impositions; which, as might be anticipated, did not obtain +the concurrence of the upper house.</p> + +<p><i>Doctrine of king's absolute power inculcated by clergy.</i>—The +Commons had reason for their apprehensions. This doctrine +of the king's absolute power beyond the law had become current +with all who sought his favour, and especially with the high +church party. The convocation had in 1606 drawn up a set +of canons, denouncing as erroneous a number of tenets hostile +in their opinion to royal government. These canons, though +never authentically published till a later age, could not have +been secret. They consist of a series of propositions or paragraphs, +to each of which an anathema of the opposite error is +attached; deducing the origin of government from the patriarchal +regimen of families, to the exclusion of any popular +choice. In those golden days the functions both of king and +priest were, as they term it, "the prerogatives of birthright;" +till the wickedness of mankind brought in usurpation, and so +confused the pure stream of the fountain with its muddy runnels, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_300" id="Page_300">300</a></span> +that we must now look to prescription for that right which we +cannot assign to primogeniture. Passive obedience in all cases +without exception to the established monarch is inculcated.<a name="FNanchor_530" id="FNanchor_530" href="#Footnote_530" class="fnanchor">[530]</a></p> + +<p>It is not impossible that a man might adopt this theory of the +original of government, unsatisfactory as it must appear on +reflection, without deeming it incompatible with our mixed and +limited monarchy. But its tendency was evidently in a contrary +direction. The king's power was of God, that of the +parliament only of man, obtained perhaps by rebellion; but +out of rebellion what right could spring? Or were it even by +voluntary concession, could a king alienate a divine gift, and +infringe the order of Providence? Could his grants, if not in +themselves null, avail against his posterity, heirs like himself +under the great feoffment of creation? These consequences +were at least plausible; and some would be found to draw them. +And indeed if they were never explicitly laid down, the mere +difference of respect with which mankind could not but contemplate +a divine and human, a primitive or paramount, and a +derivative authority, would operate as a prodigious advantage +in favour of the Crown.</p> + +<p>The real aim of the clergy in thus enormously enhancing the +pretensions of the Crown was to gain its sanction and support +for their own. Schemes of ecclesiastical jurisdiction, hardly +less extensive than had warmed the imagination of Becket, now +floated before the eyes of his successor Bancroft. He had fallen +indeed upon evil days, and perfect independence on the temporal +magistrate could no longer be attempted; but he acted upon +the refined policy of making the royal supremacy over the +church, which he was obliged to acknowledge, and professed to +exaggerate, the very instrument of its independence upon the +law. The favourite object of the bishops in this age was to +render their ecclesiastical jurisdiction, no part of which had +been curtailed in our hasty reformation, as unrestrained as +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_301" id="Page_301">301</a></span> +possible by the courts of law. These had been wont, down from +the reign of Henry II., to grant writs of prohibition, whenever +the spiritual courts transgressed their proper limits; to the great +benefit of the subject, who would otherwise have lost his birthright +of the common law, and been exposed to the defective, +not to say iniquitous and corrupt, procedure of the ecclesiastical +tribunals. But the civilians, supported by the prelates, loudly +complained of these prohibitions, which seem to have been +much more frequent in the latter years of Elizabeth and the +reign of James, than in any other period. Bancroft accordingly +presented to the star-chamber, in 1605, a series of petitions in +the name of the clergy, which Lord Coke has denominated +Articuli Cleri, by analogy to some similar representations of +that order under Edward II.<a name="FNanchor_531" id="FNanchor_531" href="#Footnote_531" class="fnanchor">[531]</a> In these it was complained that +the courts of law interfered by continual prohibitions with a +jurisdiction as established and as much derived from the king +as their own, either in cases which were clearly within that +jurisdiction's limits, or on the slightest suggestion of some +matter belonging to the temporal court. It was hinted that +the whole course of granting prohibitions was an encroachment +of the king's bench and common pleas, and that they could +regularly issue only out of chancery. To each of these articles +of complaint, extending to twenty-five, the judges made separate +answers, in a rough, and, some might say, a rude style, but +pointed and much to the purpose; vindicating in every instance +their right to take cognisance of every collateral matter springing +out of an ecclesiastical suit, and repelling the attack upon +their power to issue prohibitions, as a strange presumption. +Nothing was done, nor, thanks to the firmness of the judges, +could be done, by the council in this respect. For the clergy +had begun by advancing that the king's authority was sufficient +to reform what was amiss in any of his own courts, all jurisdiction +spiritual and temporal being annexed to his Crown. +But it was positively and repeatedly denied in reply, that anything +less than an act of parliament could alter the course of +justice established by law. This effectually silenced the archbishop, +who knew how little he had to hope from the Commons. +By the pretensions made for the church in this affair, he exasperated +the judges, who had been quite sufficiently disposed to +second all rigorous measures against the puritan ministers, and +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_302" id="Page_302">302</a></span> +aggravated that jealousy of the ecclesiastical courts which the +common lawyers had long entertained.</p> + +<p><i>Cowell's Interpreter.</i>—An opportunity was soon given to those +who disliked the civilians, that is, not only to the common +lawyers, but to all the patriots and puritans in England, by an +imprudent publication of a Doctor Cowell. This man, in a law +dictionary dedicated to Bancroft, had thought fit to insert +passages of a tenor conformable to the new creed of the king's +absolute or arbitrary power. Under the title King, it is said:—"He +is above the law by his absolute power, and though for +the better and equal course in making laws he do admit the +three estates unto council, yet this in divers learned men's +opinion is not of constraint, but of his own benignity, or by +reason of the promise made upon oath at the time of his coronation. +And though at his coronation he take an oath not to alter +the laws of the land, yet this oath notwithstanding, he may +alter or suspend any particular law that seemeth hurtful to +the public estate. Thus much in short, because I have heard +some to be of opinion that the laws are above the king." And +in treating of the Parliament, Cowell observes: "Of these two +one must be true, either that the king is above the parliament, +that is, the positive laws of his kingdom, or else that he is not +an absolute king. And therefore though it be a merciful policy +and also a politic mercy, not alterable without great peril, to +make laws by the consent of the whole realm, because so no +part shall have cause to complain of a partiality, yet simply to +bind the prince to or by these laws were repugnant to the nature +and constitution of an absolute monarchy." It is said again, +under the title Prerogative, that "the king, by the custom of +this kingdom, maketh no laws without the consent of the three +estates, though he may quash any law concluded of by them;" +and that he "holds it incontrollable, that the king of England +is an absolute king."<a name="FNanchor_532" id="FNanchor_532" href="#Footnote_532" class="fnanchor">[532]</a></p> + +<p>Such monstrous positions from the mouth of a man of learning +and conspicuous in his profession, who was surmised to have +been instigated as well as patronised by the archbishop, and of +whose book the king was reported to have spoken in terms of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_303" id="Page_303">303</a></span> +eulogy, gave very just scandal to the House of Commons. +They solicited and obtained a conference with the lords, which +the attorney-general, Sir Francis Bacon, managed on the part +of the lower house; a remarkable proof of his adroitness and +pliancy. James now discovered that it was necessary to sacrifice +this too unguarded advocate of prerogative: Cowell's book was +suppressed by proclamation, for which the Commons returned +thanks, with great joy at their victory.<a name="FNanchor_533" id="FNanchor_533" href="#Footnote_533" class="fnanchor">[533]</a></p> + +<p>It is the evident policy of every administration, in dealing +with the House of Commons, to humour them in everything that +touches their pride and tenaciousness of privilege, never attempting +to protect any one who incurs their displeasure by want of +respect. This seems to have been understood by the Earl of +Salisbury, the first English minister who, having long sat in the +lower house, had become skilful in those arts of management +which his successors have always reckoned so essential a part +of their mystery. He wanted a considerable sum of money to +defray the king's debts, which, on his coming into the office of +lord treasurer after Lord Buckhurst's death, he had found to +amount to £1,300,000, about one-third of which was still undischarged. +The ordinary expense also surpassed the revenue by +£81,000. It was impossible that this could continue, without +involving the Crown in such embarrassments as would leave it +wholly at the mercy of parliament. Cecil therefore devised the +scheme of obtaining a perpetual yearly revenue of £200,000, to +be granted once for all by parliament; and the better to incline +the house to this high and extraordinary demand, he promised +in the king's name to give all the redress and satisfaction in his +power for any grievances they might bring forward.<a name="FNanchor_534" id="FNanchor_534" href="#Footnote_534" class="fnanchor">[534]</a></p> + +<p><i>Renewed complaints of the Commons.</i>—This offer on the part +of government seemed to make an opening for a prosperous +adjustment of the differences which had subsisted ever since the +king's accession. The Commons accordingly, postponing the +business of a subsidy, to which the courtiers wished to give +priority, brought forward a host of their accustomed grievances +in ecclesiastical and temporal concerns. The most essential +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_304" id="Page_304">304</a></span> +was undoubtedly that of impositions, which they sent up a +bill to the Lords, as above mentioned, to take away. They +next complained of the ecclesiastical high commission court, +which took upon itself to fine and imprison, powers not belonging +to their jurisdiction, and passed sentences without appeal, +interfering frequently with civil rights, and in all its procedure +neglecting the rules and precautions of the common law. They +dwelt on the late abuse of proclamations assuming the character +of laws. "Amongst many other points of happiness and +freedom," it is said, "which your majesty's subjects of this +kingdom have enjoyed under your royal progenitors, kings and +queens of this realm, there is none which they have accounted +more dear and precious than this, to be guided and governed +by the certain rule of the law, which giveth both to the head +and members that which of right belongeth to them, and not +by any uncertain or arbitrary form of government, which, as it +hath proceeded from the original good constitution and temperature +of this estate, so hath it been the principal means of +upholding the same, in such sort as that their kings have been +just, beloved, happy, and glorious, and the kingdom itself +peaceable, flourishing, and durable so many ages. And the +effect, as well of the contentment that the subjects of this +kingdom have taken in this form of government, as also of the +love, respect, and duty, which they have by reason of the same +rendered unto their princes, may appear in this, that they have, +as occasion hath required, yielded more extraordinary and voluntary +contribution to assist their kings, than the subjects of any +other known kingdom whatsoever. Out of this root hath grown +the indubitable right of the people of this kingdom, not to be +made subject to any punishment that shall extend to their lives, +lands, bodies, or goods, other than such as are ordained by the +common laws of this land, or the statutes made by their common +consent in parliament. Nevertheless, it is apparent, both that +proclamations have been of late years much more frequent than +heretofore, and that they are extended, not only to the liberty, +but also to the goods, inheritances, and livelihood of men; some +of them tending to alter some points of the law, and make a +new; other some made, shortly after a session of parliament, +for matter directly rejected in the same session; other appointing +punishments to be inflicted before lawful trial and conviction; +some containing penalties in form of penal statutes; some +referring the punishment of offenders to courts of arbitrary +discretion, which have laid heavy and grievous censures upon +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_305" id="Page_305">305</a></span> +the delinquents; some, as the proclamation for starch, accompanied +with letters commanding enquiry to be made against +the transgressors at the quarter-sessions; and some vouching +former proclamations to countenance and warrant the later, as +by a catalogue here underwritten more particularly appeareth. +By reason whereof there is a general fear conceived and spread +amongst your majesty's people, that proclamations will, by +degrees, grow up, and increase to the strength and nature of +laws; whereby not only that ancient happiness, freedom, will +be much blemished (if not quite taken away) which their +ancestors have so long enjoyed; but the same may also (in +process of time) bring a new form of arbitrary government upon +the realm: and this their fear is the more increased by occasion +of certain books lately published, which ascribe a greater power +to proclamations than heretofore had been conceived to belong +unto them; as also of the care taken to reduce all the proclamations +made since your majesty's reign into one volume, +and to print them in such form as acts of parliament formerly +have been, and still are used to be, which seemeth to imply a +purpose to give them more reputation and more establishment +than heretofore they have had."<a name="FNanchor_535" id="FNanchor_535" href="#Footnote_535" class="fnanchor">[535]</a></p> + +<p>They proceed, after a list of these illegal proclamations, to +enumerate other grievances, such as the delay of courts of law +in granting writs of prohibition and habeas corpus, the jurisdiction +of the council of Wales over the four bordering shires of +Gloucester, Worcester, Hereford, and Salop,<a name="FNanchor_536" id="FNanchor_536" href="#Footnote_536" class="fnanchor">[536]</a> some patents of +monopolies, and a tax under the name of a licence recently set +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_306" id="Page_306">306</a></span> +upon victuallers. The king answered these remonstrances with +civility, making, as usual, no concession with respect to the +ecclesiastical commission, and evading some of their other +requests; but promising that his proclamations should go no +farther than was warranted by law, and that the royal licences +to victuallers should be revoked.</p> + +<p><i>Negotiation for giving up the feudal revenue.</i>—It appears that +the Commons, deeming these enumerated abuses contrary to +law, were unwilling to chaffer with the Crown for the restitution +of their actual rights. There were, however, parts of the prerogative +which they could not dispute, though galled by the +burthen; the incidents of feudal tenure, and purveyance. A +negotiation was accordingly commenced and carried on for +some time with the court, for abolishing both these, or at least +the former. The king, though he refused to part with tenure +by knight's service, which he thought connected with the honour +of the monarchy, was induced, with some real or pretended +reluctance, to give up its lucrative incidents, relief, primer seisin, +and wardship, as well as the right of purveyance. But material +difficulties recurred in the prosecution of this treaty. Some +were apprehensive that the validity of a statute cutting off +such ancient branches of prerogative might hereafter be called +in question; especially if the root from which they sprung, +tenure in capite, should still remain. The king's demands, too, +seemed exorbitant. He asked £200,000 as a yearly revenue +over and above £100,000, at which his wardships were valued, +and which the Commons were content to give. After some +days' pause upon this proposition, they represented to the +Lords, with whom, through committees of conference, the whole +matter had been discussed, that if such a sum were to be levied +on those only who had lands subject to wardship, it would be +a burthen they could not endure; and that if it were imposed +equally on the kingdom, it would cause more offence and commotion +in the people than they could risk. After a good deal +of haggling, Salisbury delivered the king's final determination +to accept of £200,000 per annum, which the Commons voted +to grant as a full composition for abolishing the right of wardship, +and dissolving the court that managed it, and for taking away +all purveyance; with some further concessions, and particularly, +that the king's claim to lands should be bound by sixty years' +prescription. Two points yet remained, of no small moment; +namely, by what assurance they could secure themselves against +the king's prerogative, so often held up by court lawyers as +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_307" id="Page_307">307</a></span> +something uncontrollable by statute, and by what means so +great an imposition should be levied; but the consideration of +these was reserved for the ensuing session, which was to take +place in October.<a name="FNanchor_537" id="FNanchor_537" href="#Footnote_537" class="fnanchor">[537]</a> They were prorogued in July till that month, +having previously granted a subsidy for the king's immediate +exigencies. On their meeting again, the Lords began the business +by requesting a conference with the other house about +the proposed contract. But it appeared that the Commons +had lost their disposition to comply. Time had been given +them to calculate the disproportion of the terms, and the +perpetual burthen that lands held by knight's service must +endure. They had reflected too on the king's prodigal humour, +the rapacity of the Scots in his service, and the probability that +this additional revenue would be wasted without sustaining +the national honour, or preventing future applications for money. +They saw that after all the specious promises by which they +had been led on, no redress was to be expected as to those +grievances they had most at heart; that the ecclesiastical +courts would not be suffered to lose a jot of their jurisdiction, +that illegal customs were still to be levied at the out-ports, +that proclamations were still to be enforced like acts of parliament. +Great coldness accordingly was displayed in their proceedings; +and in a short time, this distinguished parliament, +after sitting nearly seven years, was dissolved by proclamation.<a name="FNanchor_538" id="FNanchor_538" href="#Footnote_538" class="fnanchor">[538]</a></p> + +<p><i>Dissolution of parliament—Character of James.</i>—It was now +perhaps too late for the king, by any reform or concession, to +regain that public esteem which he had forfeited. Deceived +by an overweening opinion of his own learning, which was not +inconsiderable, of his general abilities which were far from +contemptible, and of his capacity for government, which was +very small, and confirmed in this delusion by the disgraceful +flattery of his courtiers and bishops, he had wholly overlooked +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_308" id="Page_308">308</a></span> +the real difficulties of his position; as a foreigner, rather distantly +connected with the royal stock, and as a native of a hostile and +hateful kingdom, come to succeed the most renowned of sovereigns, +and to grasp a sceptre which deep policy and long +experience had taught her admirably to wield.<a name="FNanchor_539" id="FNanchor_539" href="#Footnote_539" class="fnanchor">[539]</a> The people +were proud of martial glory, he spoke only of the blessing of +the peacemakers; they abhorred the court of Spain, he sought +its friendship; they asked indulgence for scrupulous consciences, +he would bear no deviation from conformity; they writhed +under the yoke of the bishops, whose power he thought necessary +to his own; they were animated by a persecuting temper +towards the catholics, he was averse to extreme rigour; they +had been used to the utmost frugality in dispensing the public +treasure, he squandered it on unworthy favourites; they had +seen at least exterior decency of morals prevail in the queen's +court, they now heard only of its dissoluteness and extravagance;<a name="FNanchor_540" id="FNanchor_540" href="#Footnote_540" class="fnanchor">[540]</a> +they had imbibed an exclusive fondness for the common +law as the source of their liberties and privileges; his churchmen +and courtiers, but none more than himself, talked of absolute +power and the imprescriptible rights of monarchy.<a name="FNanchor_541" id="FNanchor_541" href="#Footnote_541" class="fnanchor">[541]</a></p> + +<p><i>Death of Lord Salisbury.</i>—James lost in 1611 his son Prince +Henry, and in 1612 the lord treasurer Salisbury. He showed +little regret for the former, whose high spirit and great popularity +afforded a mortifying contrast; especially as the young +prince had not taken sufficient pains to disguise his contempt +for his father.<a name="FNanchor_542" id="FNanchor_542" href="#Footnote_542" class="fnanchor">[542]</a> Salisbury was a very able man, to whom +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_309" id="Page_309">309</a></span> +perhaps his contemporaries did some injustice. The ministers +of weak and wilful monarchs are made answerable for the mischiefs +they are compelled to suffer, and gain no credit for those +which they prevent. Cecil had made personal enemies of those +who had loved Essex or admired Raleigh, as well as those who +looked invidiously on his elevation. It was believed that the +desire shown by the House of Commons to abolish the feudal +wardships, proceeded in a great measure from the circumstance +that this obnoxious minister was master of the court of wards; +an office both lucrative and productive of much influence. But +he came into the scheme of abolishing it with a readiness that +did him credit. His chief praise, however, was his management +of continental relations. The only minister of James's cabinet +who had been trained in the councils of Elizabeth, he retained +some of her jealousy of Spain, and of her regard for the protestant +interests. The court of Madrid, aware both of the king's +pusillanimity and of his favourable dispositions, affected a tone +in the conferences held in 1604, about a treaty of peace, which +Elizabeth would have resented in a very different manner.<a name="FNanchor_543" id="FNanchor_543" href="#Footnote_543" class="fnanchor">[543]</a> +On this occasion, he not only deserted the United Provinces, +but gave hopes to Spain that he might, if they persevered in +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_310" id="Page_310">310</a></span> +their obstinacy, take part against them. Nor have I any doubt +that his blind attachment to that power would have precipitated +him into a ruinous connection, if Cecil's wisdom had not +influenced his councils. During this minister's life, our foreign +politics seem to have been conducted with as much firmness +and prudence as his master's temper would allow; the mediation +of England was of considerable service in bringing about the +great truce of twelve years between Spain and Holland in 1609; +and in the dispute which sprang up soon afterwards concerning +the succession to the duchies of Cleves and Juliers, a dispute +which threatened to mingle in arms the catholic and protestant +parties throughout Europe,<a name="FNanchor_544" id="FNanchor_544" href="#Footnote_544" class="fnanchor">[544]</a> our councils were full of a vigour +and promptitude unusual in this reign; nor did anything but +the assassination of Henry IV. prevent the appearance of an +English army in the Netherlands. It must at least be confessed +that the king's affairs, both at home and abroad, were far +worse conducted after the death of the Earl of Salisbury than +before.<a name="FNanchor_545" id="FNanchor_545" href="#Footnote_545" class="fnanchor">[545]</a></p> + +<p><i>Lord Coke's alienation from the court.</i>—The administration +found an important disadvantage, about this time, in a sort of +defection of Sir Edward Coke (more usually called Lord Coke), +chief justice of the king's bench, from the side of prerogative. +He was a man of strong, though narrow, intellect; confessedly +the greatest master of English law that had ever appeared; but +proud and overbearing, a flatterer and tool of the court till he +had obtained his ends, and odious to the nation for the brutal +manner in which, as attorney-general, he had behaved towards +Sir Walter Raleigh on his trial. In raising him to the post of +chief justice, the council had of course relied on finding his +unfathomable stores of precedent subservient to their purposes. +But soon after his promotion, Coke, from various causes, began +to steer a more independent course. He was little formed to +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_311" id="Page_311">311</a></span> +endure a competitor in his own profession, and lived on ill terms +both with the lord chancellor Egerton, and with the attorney-general, +Sir Francis Bacon. The latter had long been his rival +and enemy. Discountenanced by Elizabeth, who, against the +importunity of Essex, had raised Coke over his head, that great +and aspiring genius was now high in the king's favour. The +chief justice affected to look down on one as inferior to him in +knowledge of our municipal law, as he was superior in all other +learning and in all the philosophy of jurisprudence. And the +mutual enmity of these illustrious men never ceased till each +in his turn satiated his revenge by the other's fall. Coke was +also much offended by the attempts of the bishops to emancipate +their ecclesiastical courts from the civil jurisdiction. I have +already mentioned the peremptory tone in which he repelled +Bancroft's Articuli Cleri. But as the king and some of the +council rather favoured these episcopal pretensions, they were +troubled by what they deemed his obstinacy, and discovered +more and more that they had to deal with a most impracticable +spirit.</p> + +<p>It would be invidious to exclude from the motives that +altered Lord Coke's behaviour in matters of prerogative his +real affection for the laws of the land, which novel systems, +broached by the churchmen and civilians, threatened to subvert.<a name="FNanchor_546" id="FNanchor_546" href="#Footnote_546" class="fnanchor">[546]</a> +In Bates's case, which seems to have come in some +shape extra-judicially before him, he had delivered an opinion +in favour of the king's right to impose at the out-ports; but so +cautiously guarded, and bottomed on such different grounds +from those taken by the barons of the exchequer, that it could +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_312" id="Page_312">312</a></span> +not be cited in favour of any fresh encroachments.<a name="FNanchor_547" id="FNanchor_547" href="#Footnote_547" class="fnanchor">[547]</a> He now +performed a great service to his country. The practice of +issuing proclamations, by way of temporary regulation indeed, +but interfering with the subject's liberty, in cases unprovided +for by parliament, had grown still more usual than under +Elizabeth. Coke was sent for to attend some of the council, +who might perhaps have reason to conjecture his sentiments; +and it was demanded whether the king, by his proclamation, +might prohibit new buildings about London, and whether he +might prohibit the making of starch from wheat. This was +during the session of parliament in 1610, and with a view to +what answer the king should make to the Commons' remonstrance +against these proclamations. Coke replied, that it was +a matter of great importance, on which he would confer with +his brethren. "The chancellor said, that every precedent had +first a commencement, and he would advise the judges to maintain +the power and prerogative of the king; and in cases wherein +there is no authority and precedent, to leave it to the king to +order in it according to his wisdom and for the good of his subjects, +or otherwise the king would be no more than the Duke +of Venice; and that the king was so much restrained in his +prerogative, that it was to be feared the bonds would be broken. +And the lord privy-seal (Northampton) said, that the physician +was not always bound to a precedent, but to apply his medicine +according to the quality of the disease; and all concluded that +it should be necessary at that time to confirm the king's prerogative, +with our opinions, although that there were not any +former precedent or authority in law; for every precedent +ought to have a commencement. To which I answered, that +true it is that every precedent ought to have a commencement; +but when authority and precedent is wanting, there is need of +great consideration before that anything of novelty shall be +established, and to provide that this be not against the law of +the land; for I said that the king cannot change any part of +the common law, nor create any offence by his proclamation +which was not an offence before, without parliament. But at +this time I only desired to have a time of consultation and conference +with my brothers." This was agreed to by the council, +and three judges, besides Coke, appointed to consider it. They +resolved that the king, by his proclamation, cannot create +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_313" id="Page_313">313</a></span> +any offence which was not one before; for then he might alter +the law of the land in a high point; for if he may create an +offence where none is, upon that ensues fine and imprisonment. +It was also resolved that the king hath no prerogative but what +the law of the land allows him. But the king, for prevention +of offences, may by proclamation admonish all his subjects that +they keep the laws and do not offend them, upon punishment +to be inflicted by the law; and the neglect of such proclamation, +Coke says, aggravates the offence. Lastly, they resolved that +if an offence be not punishable in the star-chamber, the prohibition +of it by proclamation cannot make it so. After this +resolution, the report goes on to remark, no proclamation +imposing fine and imprisonment was made.<a name="FNanchor_548" id="FNanchor_548" href="#Footnote_548" class="fnanchor">[548]</a></p> + +<p><i>Means resorted to in order to avoid the meeting of parliament.</i>—By +the abrupt dissolution of parliament James was left nearly +in the same necessity as before; their subsidy, being by no +means sufficient to defray his expenses, far less to discharge +his debts. He had frequently betaken himself to the usual +resource of applying to private subjects, especially rich merchants, +for loans of money. These loans, which bore no interest, +and for the repayment of which there was no security, disturbed +the prudent citizens; especially as the council used to solicit +them with a degree of importunity at least bordering on compulsion. +The House of Commons had in the last session +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_314" id="Page_314">314</a></span> +requested that no one should be bound to lend money to the +king against his will. The king had answered that he allowed +not of any precedents from the time of usurping or decaying +princes, or people too bold and wanton; that he desired not to +govern in that commonwealth where the people be assured of +everything and hope for nothing, nor would he leave to posterity +such a mark of weakness on his reign; yet, in the matter of loans, +he would refuse no reasonable excuse.<a name="FNanchor_549" id="FNanchor_549" href="#Footnote_549" class="fnanchor">[549]</a> Forced loans or benevolences +were directly prohibited by an act of Richard III., +whose laws, however the court might sometimes throw a slur +upon his usurpation, had always been in the statute-book. +After the dissolution of 1610, James attempted as usual to +obtain loans; but the merchants, grown bolder with the spirit +of the times, refused him the accommodation.<a name="FNanchor_550" id="FNanchor_550" href="#Footnote_550" class="fnanchor">[550]</a> He had recourse +to another method of raising money, unprecedented, I believe, +before his reign, though long practised in France, the sale of +honours. He sold several peerages for considerable sums, and +created a new order of hereditary knights, called baronets, who +paid £1,000 each for their patents.<a name="FNanchor_551" id="FNanchor_551" href="#Footnote_551" class="fnanchor">[551]</a></p> + +<p>Such resources, however, being evidently insufficient and +temporary, it was almost indispensable to try once more the +temper of a parliament. This was strongly urged by Bacon, +whose fertility of invention rendered him constitutionally +sanguine of success. He submitted to the king that there were +expedients for more judiciously managing a House of Commons, +than Cecil, upon whom he was too willing to throw blame, had +done with the last; that some of those who had been most +forward in opposing were now won over; such as Neville, +Yelverton, Hyde, Crew, Dudley Digges; that much might be +done by forethought towards filling the house with well-affected +persons, winning or blinding the lawyers, whom he calls the +literæ vocales of the house, and drawing the chief constituent +bodies of the assembly, the country gentlemen, the merchants, +the courtiers, to act for the king's advantage; that it would be +expedient to tender voluntarily certain graces and modifications +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_315" id="Page_315">315</a></span> +of the king's prerogative, such as might with smallest injury be +conceded, lest they should be first demanded, and in order to +save more important points.<a name="FNanchor_552" id="FNanchor_552" href="#Footnote_552" class="fnanchor">[552]</a> This advice was seconded by Sir +Henry Neville, an ambitious man, who had narrowly escaped +in the queen's time for having tampered in Essex's conspiracy, +and had much promoted the opposition in the late parliament, +but was now seeking the post of secretary of state. He advised +the king, in a very sensible memorial, to consider what had been +demanded and what had been promised in the last session, +granting the more reasonable of the Commons' requests, and +performing all his own promises; to avoid any speech likely to +excite irritation; and to seem confident of the parliament's +good affections, not waiting to be pressed for what he meant +to do.<a name="FNanchor_553" id="FNanchor_553" href="#Footnote_553" class="fnanchor">[553]</a> Neville and others, who, like him, professed to understand +the temper of the Commons, and to facilitate the king's +dealings with them, were called <i>undertakers</i>.<a name="FNanchor_554" id="FNanchor_554" href="#Footnote_554" class="fnanchor">[554]</a> This circumstance, +like several others in the present reign, is curious, as it shows +the rise of a systematic parliamentary influence, which was one +day to become the mainspring of government.</p> + +<p>Neville, however, and his associates had deceived the courtiers +with promises they could not realise. It was resolved to +announce certain intended graces in the speech from the throne; +that is, to declare the king's readiness to pass bills that might +remedy some grievances and retrench a part of his prerogative. +These proffered amendments of the law, though eleven in number, +failed altogether of giving the content that had been fully +expected. Except the repeal of a strange act of Henry VIII., +allowing the king to make such laws as he should think fit for the +principality of Wales without consent of parliament,<a name="FNanchor_555" id="FNanchor_555" href="#Footnote_555" class="fnanchor">[555]</a> none of +them could perhaps be reckoned of any constitutional importance. +In all domanial and fiscal causes, and wherever the +private interests of the Crown stood in competition with those +of a subject, the former enjoyed enormous and superior advantages, +whereof what is strictly called its prerogative was principally +composed. The terms of prescription that bound other +men's right, the rules of pleading and procedure established for +the sake of truth and justice, did not, in general, oblige the +king. It was not by doing away with a very few of these +invidious and oppressive distinctions, that the Crown could +be allowed to keep on foot still more momentous abuses. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_316" id="Page_316">316</a></span></p> + +<p><i>Parliament of 1614.</i>—The Commons of 1614 accordingly went +at once to the characteristic grievance of this reign, the customs +at the outports. They had grown so confident in their cause +by ransacking ancient records, that an unanimous vote passed +against the king's right of imposition; not that there were no +courtiers in the house, but the cry was too obstreperous to be +withstood.<a name="FNanchor_556" id="FNanchor_556" href="#Footnote_556" class="fnanchor">[556]</a> They demanded a conference on the subject with +the Lords, who preserved a kind of mediating neutrality throughout +this reign.<a name="FNanchor_557" id="FNanchor_557" href="#Footnote_557" class="fnanchor">[557]</a> In the course of their debate, Neyle, Bishop of +Lichfield, threw out some aspersion on the Commons. They +were immediately in a flame, and demanded reparation. This +Neyle was a man of indifferent character, and very unpopular +from the share he had taken in the Earl of Essex's divorce, and +from his severity towards the puritans; nor did the house fail +to comment upon all his faults in their debate. He had, however, +the prudence to excuse himself ("with many tears," as +the Lords' Journals inform us), denying the most offensive words +imputed to him; and the affair went no farther.<a name="FNanchor_558" id="FNanchor_558" href="#Footnote_558" class="fnanchor">[558]</a> This ill-humour +of the Commons disconcerted those who had relied on +the undertakers. But as the secret of these men had not been +kept, their project considerably aggravated the prevailing discontent.<a name="FNanchor_559" id="FNanchor_559" href="#Footnote_559" class="fnanchor">[559]</a> +The king had positively denied in his first speech +that there were any such undertakers; and Bacon, then attorney-general, +laughed at the chimerical notion, that private +men should undertake for all the Commons of England.<a name="FNanchor_560" id="FNanchor_560" href="#Footnote_560" class="fnanchor">[560]</a> That +some persons however had obtained that name at court, and +held out such promises, is at present out of doubt; and indeed +the king, forgetful of his former denial, expressly confessed it +on opening the session of 1621.</p> + +<p>Amidst these heats little progress was made; and no one +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_317" id="Page_317">317</a></span> +took up the essential business of supply. The king at length +sent a message, requesting that a supply might be granted, +with a threat of dissolving parliament unless it were done. But +the days of intimidation were gone by. The house voted that +they would first proceed with the business of impositions, +and postpone supply till their grievances should be redressed.<a name="FNanchor_561" id="FNanchor_561" href="#Footnote_561" class="fnanchor">[561]</a> +Aware of the impossibility of conquering their resolution, the +king carried his measure into effect by a dissolution.<a name="FNanchor_562" id="FNanchor_562" href="#Footnote_562" class="fnanchor">[562]</a> They +had sat about two months, and, what is perhaps unprecedented +in our history, had not passed a single bill. James followed up +this strong step by one still more vigorous. Several members, +who had distinguished themselves by warm language against +the government, were arrested after the dissolution, and kept +for a short time in custody; a manifest violation of that freedom +of speech, without which no assembly can be independent, +and which is the stipulated privilege of the House of Commons.<a name="FNanchor_563" id="FNanchor_563" href="#Footnote_563" class="fnanchor">[563]</a></p> + +<p><i>Benevolences.</i>—It was now evident that James could never +expect to be on terms of harmony with a parliament, unless by +surrendering pretensions, which not only were in his eyes +indispensable to the lustre of his monarchy, but from which he +derived an income that he had no means of replacing. He went +on accordingly for six years, supplying his exigencies by such +precarious sources as circumstances might furnish. He restored +the towns mortgaged by the Dutch to Elizabeth on payment +of 2,700,000 florins, about one-third of the original debt. The +enormous fines imposed by the star-chamber, though seldom, +I believe, enforced to their utmost extent, must have considerably +enriched the exchequer. It is said by Carte that some +Dutch merchants paid fines to the amount of £133,000 for +exporting gold coin.<a name="FNanchor_564" id="FNanchor_564" href="#Footnote_564" class="fnanchor">[564]</a> But still greater profit was hoped from +the requisition of that more than half involuntary contribution, +miscalled a benevolence. It began by a subscription of the +nobility and principal persons about the court. Letters were +sent written to the sheriffs and magistrates, directing them to +call on people of ability. It had always been supposed doubtful +whether the statute of Richard III. abrogating "exactions, +called benevolences," should extend to voluntary gifts at the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_318" id="Page_318">318</a></span> +solicitation of the Crown. The language used in that act +certainly implies that the pretended benevolences of Edward's +reign had been extorted against the subjects' will; yet if positive +violence were not employed, it seems difficult to find a legal +criterion by which to distinguish the effects of willing loyalty +from those of fear or shame. Lord Coke is said to have at first +declared that the king could not solicit a benevolence from his +subjects, but to have afterwards retracted his opinion and +pronounced in favour of its legality. To this second opinion he +adheres in his Reports.<a name="FNanchor_565" id="FNanchor_565" href="#Footnote_565" class="fnanchor">[565]</a> While this business was pending, +Mr. Oliver St. John wrote a letter to the mayor of Marlborough, +explaining his reasons for declining to contribute, founded on +the several statutes which he deemed applicable, and on the +impropriety of particular men opposing their judgment, to the +Commons in parliament, who had refused to grant any subsidy. +This argument, in itself exasperating, he followed up by somewhat +blunt observations on the king. His letter came under +the consideration of the star-chamber, where the offence having +been severely descanted upon by the attorney-general, Mr. St. +John was sentenced to a fine of £5000, and to imprisonment +during pleasure.<a name="FNanchor_566" id="FNanchor_566" href="#Footnote_566" class="fnanchor">[566]</a></p> + +<p><i>Prosecution of Peacham.</i>—Coke, though still much at the +council-board, was regarded with increasing dislike on account +of his uncompromising humour. This he had occasion to display +in perhaps the worst and most tyrannical act of King James's +reign, the prosecution of one Peacham, a minister in Somersetshire, +for high treason. A sermon had been found in this man's +study (it does not appear what led to the search), never preached, +nor, if Judge Croke is right, intended to be preached, containing +such sharp censures upon the king, and invectives against the +government, as, had they been published, would have amounted +to a seditious libel. But common sense revolted at construing +it into treason, under the statute of Edward III., as a +compassing of the king's death. James, however, took it up +with indecent eagerness. Peacham was put to the rack, and +examined upon various interrogatories, as it is expressed by +secretary Winwood, "before torture, in torture, between torture, +and after torture." Nothing could be drawn from him as to +any accomplices, nor any explanation of his design in writing +the sermon; which was probably but an intemperate effusion, +so common among the puritan clergy. It was necessary therefore +to rely on this, as the overt act of treason. Aware of the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_319" id="Page_319">319</a></span> +difficulties that attended this course, the king directed Bacon +previously to confer with the judges of the king's bench, one by +one, in order to secure their determination for the Crown. +Coke objected that "such particular, and as he called it, auricular +taking of opinions was not according to the custom of +this realm."<a name="FNanchor_567" id="FNanchor_567" href="#Footnote_567" class="fnanchor">[567]</a> The other three judges having been tampered +with, agreed to answer such questions concerning the case as +the king might direct to be put to them; yielding to the sophism +that every judge was bound by his oath to give counsel to his +majesty. The chief justice continued to maintain his objection +to this separate closeting of judges; yet, finding himself abandoned +by his colleagues, consented to give answers in writing, +which seem to have been merely evasive. Peacham was brought +to trial, and found guilty, but not executed, dying in prison a +few months after.<a name="FNanchor_568" id="FNanchor_568" href="#Footnote_568" class="fnanchor">[568]</a></p> + +<p><i>Dispute about the jurisdiction of the court of chancery.</i>—It was +not long before the intrepid chief justice incurred again the +council's displeasure. This will require, for the sake of part of +my readers, some little previous explanation. The equitable +jurisdiction, as it is called, of the court of chancery appears to +have been derived from that extensive judicial power which, +in early times, the king's ordinary council had exercised. The +chancellor, as one of the highest officers of state, took a great +share in the council's business; and when it was not sitting, +he had a court of his own, with jurisdiction in many important +matters, out of which process to compel appearance of parties +might at any time emanate. It is not unlikely therefore that +redress, in matters beyond the legal province of the chancellor, +was occasionally given through the paramount authority of this +court. We find the council and the chancery named together +in many remonstrances of the Commons against this interference +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_320" id="Page_320">320</a></span> +with private rights, from the time of Richard II. to that of +Henry VI. It was probably in the former reign that the chancellor +began to establish systematically his peculiar restraining +jurisdiction. This originated in the practice of feoffments to +uses, by which the feoffee, who had legal seisin of the land, stood +bound by private engagement to suffer another, called the cestui +que use, to enjoy its use and possession. Such fiduciary estates +were well known to the Roman jurists, but inconsistent with +the feudal genius of our law. The courts of justice gave no +redress, if the feoffee to uses violated his trust by detaining the +land. To remedy this, an ecclesiastical chancellor devised the +writ of subpœna, compelling him to answer upon oath as to his +trust. It was evidently necessary also to restrain him from +proceeding, as he might do, to obtain possession; and this +gave rise to injunctions, that is, prohibitions to sue at law, the +violation of which was punishable by imprisonment as a contempt +of court. Other instances of breach of trust occurred +in personal contracts, and others wherein, without any trust, +there was a wrong committed beyond the competence of the +courts of law to redress; to all which the process of subpœna +was made applicable. This extension of a novel jurisdiction +was partly owing to a fundamental principle of our common +law, that a defendant cannot be examined, so that, if no witness +or written instrument could be produced to prove a demand, +the plaintiff was wholly debarred of justice; but in a still +greater degree, to a strange narrowness and scrupulosity of the +judges, who, fearful of quitting the letter of their precedents, +even with the clearest analogies to guide them, repelled so +many just suits, and set up rules of so much hardship, that men +were thankful to embrace the relief held out by a tribunal acting +in a more rational spirit. This error the common lawyers began +to discover, in time to resume a great part of their jurisdiction +in matters of contract, which would otherwise have escaped +from them. They made too an apparently successful effort to +recover their exclusive authority over real property, by obtaining +a statute for turning uses into possession; that is, for +annihilating the fictitious estate of the feoffee to uses, and vesting +the legal as well as equitable possession in the cestui que use. +But this victory, if I may use such an expression (since it would +have freed them, in a most important point, from the chancellor's +control), they threw away by one of those timid and +narrow constructions which had already turned so much to +their prejudice; and they permitted trust-estates, by the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_321" id="Page_321">321</a></span> +introduction of a few more words into a conveyance, to maintain +their ground, contra-distinguished from the legal seisin, +under the protection and guarantee, as before, of the courts +of equity.</p> + +<p>The particular limits of this equitable jurisdiction were as +yet exceedingly indefinite. The chancellors were generally +prone to extend them; and being at the same time ministers +of state in a government of very arbitrary temper, regarded too +little that course of precedent by which the other judges held +themselves too strictly bound. The cases reckoned cognisable +in chancery grew silently more and more numerous; but with +little overt opposition from the courts of law till the time of +Sir Edward Coke. That great master of the common law was +inspired not only with the jealousy of this irregular and encroaching +jurisdiction which all lawyers seem to have felt, but +with a tenaciousness of his own dignity, and a personal enmity +towards Egerton who held the great seal. It happened that +an action was tried before him, the precise circumstances of +which do not appear, wherein the plaintiff lost the verdict, in +consequence of one of his witnesses being artfully kept away. +He had recourse to the court of chancery, filing a bill against +the defendant to make him answer upon oath, which he refused +to do, and was committed for contempt. Indictments were +upon this preferred, at Coke's instigation, against the parties +who had filed the bill in chancery, their counsel and solicitors, +for suing in another court after judgment obtained at law; +which was alleged to be contrary to the statute of præmunire. +But the grand jury, though pressed, as is said, by one of the +judges, threw out these indictments. The king, already incensed +with Coke, and stimulated by Bacon, thought this too +great an insult upon his chancellor to be passed over. He first +directed Bacon and others to search for precedents of cases +where relief had been given in chancery after judgment at law. +They reported that there was a series of such precedents from +the time of Henry VIII.; and some where the chancellor had +entertained suits even after execution. The attorney-general +was directed to prosecute in the star-chamber those who had +preferred the indictments; and as Coke had not been ostensibly +implicated in the business, the king contented himself with +making an order in the council-book, declaring the chancellor +not to have exceeded his jurisdiction.<a name="FNanchor_569" id="FNanchor_569" href="#Footnote_569" class="fnanchor">[569]</a></p> + +<p><i>Case of commendams.</i>—The chief justice almost at the same +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_322" id="Page_322">322</a></span> +time gave another provocation, which exposed him more directly +to the court's resentment. A cause happened to be argued in +the court of the king's bench, wherein the validity of a particular +grant of a benefice to a bishop to be held in commendam, +that is, along with his bishopric, came into question; and the +counsel at the bar, besides the special points of the case, had +disputed the king's general prerogative of making such a grant. +The king, on receiving information of this, signified to the chief +justice through the attorney-general, that he would not have +the court proceed to judgment till he had spoken with them. +Coke requested that similar letters might be written to the +judges of all the courts. This having been done, they assembled, +and by a letter subscribed with all their hands, certified his +majesty, that they were bound by their oaths not to regard any +letters that might come to them contrary to law, but to do +the law notwithstanding; that they held with one consent the +attorney-general's letter to be contrary to law, and such as +they could not yield to, and that they had proceeded according +to their oath to argue the cause.</p> + +<p>The king, who was then at Newmarket, returned answer that +he would not suffer his prerogative to be wounded, under pretext +of the interest of private persons; that it had already been +more boldly dealt with in Westminster Hall than in the reigns +of preceding princes, which popular and unlawful liberty he +would no longer endure; that their oath not to delay justice +was not meant to prejudice the king's prerogative; concluding +that out of his absolute power and authority royal he commanded +them to forbear meddling any further in the cause till +they should hear his pleasure from his own mouth. Upon his +return to London, the twelve judges appeared as culprits in the +council-chamber. The king set forth their misdemeanours, both +in substance and in the tone of their letter. He observed that +the judges ought to check those advocates who presume to +argue against his prerogative; that the popular lawyers had +been the men, ever since his accession, who had trodden in all +parliaments upon it, though the law could never be respected +if the king were not reverenced; that he had a double prerogative—whereof +the one was ordinary, and had relation to his +private interest, which might be and was every day disputed +in Westminster Hall; the other was of a higher nature, referring +to his supreme and imperial power and sovereignty, which ought +not to be disputed or handled in vulgar argument; but that of +late the courts of common law are grown so vast and transcendant, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_323" id="Page_323">323</a></span> +as they did both meddle with the king's prerogative, +and had encroached upon all other courts of justice. He commented +on the form of the letter, as highly indecent; certifying +him merely what they had done, instead of submitting to his +princely judgment what they should do.</p> + +<p>After this harangue the judges fell upon their knees, and +acknowledged their error as to the form of the letter. But +Coke entered on a defence of the substance, maintaining the +delay required to be against the law and their oaths. The king +required the chancellor and attorney-general to deliver their +opinions; which, as may be supposed, were diametrically +opposite to those of the chief justice. These being heard, +the following question was put to the judges: Whether, if at +any time, in a case depending before the judges, his majesty +conceived it to concern him either in power or profit, and thereupon +required to consult with them, and that they should stay +proceedings in the meantime, they ought not to stay accordingly? +They all, except the chief justice, declared that they +would do so, and acknowledged it to be their duty; Hobart, +chief justice of the common pleas, adding that he would ever +trust the justice of his majesty's commandment. But Coke +only answered, that when the case should arise, he would do +what should be fit for a judge to do. The king dismissed them +all with a command to keep the limits of their several courts, +and not to suffer his prerogative to be wounded; for he well +knew the true and ancient common law to be the most favourable +to kings of any law in the world, to which law he advised +them to apply their studies.<a name="FNanchor_570" id="FNanchor_570" href="#Footnote_570" class="fnanchor">[570]</a></p> + +<p>The behaviour of the judges in this inglorious contention was +such as to deprive them of every shadow of that confidence +which ought to be reposed in their integrity. Hobart, Doddridge, +and several more, were men of much consideration for +learning; and their authority in ordinary matters of law is still +held high. But, having been induced by a sense of duty, or +through the ascendancy that Coke had acquired over them, to +make a show of withstanding the court, they behaved like +cowardly rebels who surrender at the first discharge of cannon; +and prostituted their integrity and their fame, through dread +of losing their offices, or rather perhaps of incurring the unmerciful +and ruinous penalties of the star-chamber. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_324" id="Page_324">324</a></span></p> + +<p>The government had nothing to fear from such recreants; +but Coke was suspended from his office, and not long afterwards +dismissed.<a name="FNanchor_571" id="FNanchor_571" href="#Footnote_571" class="fnanchor">[571]</a> Having however, fortunately in this respect, +married his daughter to a brother of the Duke of Buckingham, +he was restored in about three years to the privy council, where +his great experience in business rendered him useful; and had +the satisfaction of voting for an enormous fine on his enemy +the Earl of Suffolk, late high-treasurer, convicted in the star-chamber +of embezzlement.<a name="FNanchor_572" id="FNanchor_572" href="#Footnote_572" class="fnanchor">[572]</a> In the parliament of 1621, and still +more conspicuously in that of 1628, he became, not without +some honourable inconsistency of doctrine as well as practice, +the strenuous asserter of liberty on the principles of those ancient +laws which no one was admitted to know so well as himself; +redeeming, in an intrepid and patriotic old age, the faults which +we cannot avoid perceiving in his earlier life.</p> + +<p><i>Arbitrary proceedings of the star-chamber.</i>—The unconstitutional +and usurped authority of the star-chamber over-rode +every personal right, though an assembled parliament might +assert its general privileges. Several remarkable instances in +history illustrate its tyranny and contempt of all known laws +and liberties. Two puritans having been committed by the +high-commission court, for refusing the oath <i>ex officio</i>, employed +Mr. Fuller, a bencher of Gray's Inn, to move for their habeas +corpus; which he did on the ground that the high commissioners +were not empowered to commit any of his majesty's +subjects to prison. This being reckoned a heinous offence, he +was himself committed, at Bancroft's instigation (whether by +the king's personal warrant, or that of the council-board, does +not appear), and lay in gaol to the day of his death; the archbishop +constantly opposing his discharge for which he petitioned.<a name="FNanchor_573" id="FNanchor_573" href="#Footnote_573" class="fnanchor">[573]</a> +Whitelock, a barrister and afterwards a judge, was +brought before the star-chamber on the charge of having given +a private opinion to his client, that a certain commission issued +by the Crown was illegal. This was said to be a high contempt +and slander of the king's prerogative. But, after a speech from +Bacon in aggravation of this offence, the delinquent was discharged +on a humble submission.<a name="FNanchor_574" id="FNanchor_574" href="#Footnote_574" class="fnanchor">[574]</a> Such too was the fate of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_325" id="Page_325">325</a></span> +a more distinguished person on a still more preposterous accusation. +Selden, in his <i>History of Tithes</i>, had indirectly weakened +the claim of divine right, which the high church faction pretended, +and had attacked the argument from prescription, +deriving their legal institution from the age of Charlemagne, or +even a later æra. Not content with letting loose on him some +stanch polemical writers, the bishops prevailed on James to +summon the author before the council. This proceeding is as +much the disgrace of England, as that against Galileo nearly at +the same time is of Italy. Selden, like the great Florentine +astronomer, bent to the rod of power, and made rather too +submissive an apology for entering on this purely historical +discussion.<a name="FNanchor_575" id="FNanchor_575" href="#Footnote_575" class="fnanchor">[575]</a></p> + +<p><i>Arabella Stuart.</i>—Every generous mind must reckon the treatment +of Arabella Stuart among the hard measures of despotism, +even if it were not also grossly in violation of English law. +Exposed by her high descent and ambiguous pretensions to +become the victim of ambitious designs wherein she did not +participate, that lady may be added to the sad list of royal +sufferers who have envied the lot of humble birth. There is +not, as I believe, the least particle of evidence that she was +engaged in the intrigues of the catholic party to place her on +the throne. It was, however, thought a necessary precaution to +put her in confinement a short time before the queen's death.<a name="FNanchor_576" id="FNanchor_576" href="#Footnote_576" class="fnanchor">[576]</a> +At the trial of Raleigh she was present; and Cecil openly acquitted +her of any share in the conspiracy.<a name="FNanchor_577" id="FNanchor_577" href="#Footnote_577" class="fnanchor">[577]</a> She enjoyed afterwards +a pension from the king, and might have died in peace and +obscurity, had she not conceived an unhappy attachment for +Mr. Seymour, grandson of that Earl of Hertford, himself so +memorable an example of the perils of ambitious love. They +were privately married; but on the fact transpiring, the council, +who saw with jealous eyes the possible union of two dormant +pretensions to the Crown, committed them to the Tower.<a name="FNanchor_578" id="FNanchor_578" href="#Footnote_578" class="fnanchor">[578]</a> +They both made their escape; but Arabella was arrested and +brought back. Long and hopeless calamity broke down her +mind; imploring in vain the just privileges of an Englishwoman, +and nearly in want of necessaries, she died in prison, +and in a state of lunacy, some years afterwards.<a name="FNanchor_579" id="FNanchor_579" href="#Footnote_579" class="fnanchor">[579]</a> And this +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_326" id="Page_326">326</a></span> +through the oppression of a kinsman, whose advocates are always +vaunting his good nature! Her husband became the famous +Marquis of Hertford, the faithful counsellor of Charles the First and +partaker of his adversity. Lady Shrewsbury, aunt to Arabella, +was examined on suspicion of being privy to her escape; and +for refusing to answer the questions put to her, or, in other +words, to accuse herself, was sentenced to a fine of £20,000, and +discretionary imprisonment.<a name="FNanchor_580" id="FNanchor_580" href="#Footnote_580" class="fnanchor">[580]</a></p> + +<p><i>Somerset and Overbury.</i>—Several events, so well known that +it is hardly necessary to dwell on them, aggravated the king's +unpopularity during this parliamentary interval. The murder +of Overbury burst into light, and revealed to an indignant +nation the king's unworthy favourite, the Earl of Somerset, +and the hoary pander of that favourite's vices, the Earl of +Northampton, accomplices in that deep-laid and deliberate +atrocity. Nor was it only that men so flagitious should have +swayed the councils of this country, and rioted in the king's +favour. Strange things were whispered, as if the death of +Overbury was connected with something that did not yet +transpire, and which every effort was employed to conceal. +The people, who had already attributed Prince Henry's death +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_327" id="Page_327">327</a></span> +to poison, now laid it at the door of Somerset; but for that +conjecture, however highly countenanced at the time, there +could be no foundation. The symptoms of the prince's illness, +and the appearances on dissection, are not such as could result +from any poison, and manifestly indicate a malignant fever, +aggravated perhaps by injudicious treatment.<a name="FNanchor_581" id="FNanchor_581" href="#Footnote_581" class="fnanchor">[581]</a> Yet it is certain +that a mystery hangs over this scandalous tale of Overbury's +murder. The insolence and menaces of Somerset in the Tower, +the shrinking apprehensions of him which the king could not +conceal, the pains taken by Bacon to prevent his becoming +desperate, and, as I suspect, to mislead the hearers by throwing +them on a wrong scent, are very remarkable circumstances to +which, after a good deal of attention, I can discover no probable +clue. But it is evident that he was master of some secret, +which it would have highly prejudiced the king's honour to +divulge.<a name="FNanchor_582" id="FNanchor_582" href="#Footnote_582" class="fnanchor">[582]</a> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_328" id="Page_328">328</a></span></p> + +<p><i>Sir Walter Raleigh.</i>—Sir Walter Raleigh's execution was +another stain upon the reputation of James I. It is needless +to mention that he fell under a sentence passed fifteen years +before, on a charge of high treason, in plotting to raise Arabella +Stuart to the throne. It is very probable that this charge was, +partly at least, founded in truth;<a name="FNanchor_583" id="FNanchor_583" href="#Footnote_583" class="fnanchor">[583]</a> but his conviction was +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_329" id="Page_329">329</a></span> +obtained on the single deposition of Lord Cobham, an accomplice, +a prisoner, not examined in court, and known to have +already retracted his accusation. Such a verdict was thought +contrary to law, even in that age of ready convictions. It was +a severe measure to detain for twelve years in prison so splendid +an ornament of his country, and to confiscate his whole estate.<a name="FNanchor_584" id="FNanchor_584" href="#Footnote_584" class="fnanchor">[584]</a> +For Raleigh's conduct in the expedition to Guiana, there is not +much excuse to make. Rashness and want of foresight were +always among his failings; else he would not have undertaken +a service of so much hazard without obtaining a regular pardon +for his former offence. But it might surely be urged that +either his commission was absolutely null, or that it operated +as a pardon; since a man attainted of treason is incapable of +exercising that authority which it conferred upon him.<a name="FNanchor_585" id="FNanchor_585" href="#Footnote_585" class="fnanchor">[585]</a> Be +this as it may, no technical reasoning could overcome the moral +sense that revolted at carrying the original sentence into execution. +Raleigh might be amenable to punishment for the +deception, by which he had obtained a commission that ought +never to have issued; but the nation could not help seeing +in his death the sacrifice of the bravest and most renowned of +Englishmen to the vengeance of Spain.<a name="FNanchor_586" id="FNanchor_586" href="#Footnote_586" class="fnanchor">[586]</a> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_330" id="Page_330">330</a></span></p> + +<p>This unfortunate predilection for the court of Madrid had +always exposed James to his subjects' jealousy. They connected +it with an inclination at least to tolerate popery, +and with a dereliction of their commercial interests. But +from the time that he fixed his hopes on the union of his son +with the infanta,<a name="FNanchor_587" id="FNanchor_587" href="#Footnote_587" class="fnanchor">[587]</a> the popular dislike to Spain increased in +proportion to his blind preference. If the king had not systematically +disregarded the public wishes, he could never have set +his heart on this impolitic match; contrary to the wiser maxim +he had laid down in his own <i>Basilicon Doron</i>, never to seek a +wife for his son except in a protestant family. But his absurd +pride made him despise the uncrowned princes of Germany. +This Spanish policy grew much more odious after the memorable +events of 1619, the election of the king's son-in-law to the +throne of Bohemia, his rapid downfall, and the conquest of the +Upper Palatinate by Austria. If James had listened to some +sanguine advisers, he would in the first instance have supported +the pretensions of Frederic. But neither his own views of +public law nor true policy dictated such an interference. The +case was changed after the loss of his hereditary dominions, +and the king was sincerely desirous to restore him to the Palatinate; +but he unreasonably expected that he could effect this +through the friendly mediation of Spain, while the nation, not +perhaps less unreasonably, were clamorous for his attempting +it by force of arms. In this agitation of the public mind, he +summoned the parliament that met in February 1621.<a name="FNanchor_588" id="FNanchor_588" href="#Footnote_588" class="fnanchor">[588]</a></p> + +<p><i>Parliament of 1621.</i>—The king's speech on opening the session +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_331" id="Page_331">331</a></span> +was, like all he had made on former occasions, full of hopes and +promises, taking cheerfully his share of the blame as to past +disagreements, and treating them as little likely to recur, though +all their causes were still in operation.<a name="FNanchor_589" id="FNanchor_589" href="#Footnote_589" class="fnanchor">[589]</a> He displayed, however, +more judgment than usual in the commencement of this parliament. +Among the methods devised to compensate the want +of subsidies, none had been more injurious to the subject than +patents of monopoly, including licences for exclusively carrying +on certain trades. Though the government was principally +responsible for the exactions they connived at, and from which +they reaped a large benefit, the popular odium fell of course on +the monopolists. Of these the most obnoxious was Sir Giles +Mompesson, who, having obtained a patent for gold and silver +thread, sold it of baser metal. This fraud seems neither very +extraordinary nor very important; but he had another patent +for licensing inns and alehouses, wherein he is said to have +used extreme violence and oppression. The House of Commons +proceeded to investigate Mompesson's delinquency. Conscious +that the Crown had withdrawn its protection, he fled beyond +sea. One Michell, a justice of peace, who had been the instrument +of his tyranny, fell into the hands of the Commons, who +voted him incapable of being in the commission of the peace, +and sent him to the Tower.<a name="FNanchor_590" id="FNanchor_590" href="#Footnote_590" class="fnanchor">[590]</a> Entertaining, however, upon +second thoughts, as we must presume, some doubts about their +competence to inflict this punishment, especially the former +part of it, they took the more prudent course with respect to +Mompesson, of appointing Noy and Hakewill to search for +precedents in order to show how far and for what offences their +power extended to punish delinquents against the state as well +as those who offended against that house. The result appears +some days after, in a vote that "they must join with the Lords +for punishing Sir Giles Mompesson; it being no offence against +our particular house, nor any member of it, but a general +grievance."<a name="FNanchor_591" id="FNanchor_591" href="#Footnote_591" class="fnanchor">[591]</a> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_332" id="Page_332">332</a></span></p> + +<p>The earliest instance of parliamentary impeachment, or of a +solemn accusation of any individual by the Commons at the +bar of the Lords, was that of Lord Latimer in the year 1376. +The latest hitherto was that of the Duke of Suffolk in 1449; +for a proceeding against the Bishop of London in 1534, which +has sometimes been reckoned an instance of parliamentary +impeachment, does not by any means support that privilege +of the Commons.<a name="FNanchor_592" id="FNanchor_592" href="#Footnote_592" class="fnanchor">[592]</a> It had fallen into disuse, partly from the +loss of that control which the Commons had obtained under +Richard II. and the Lancastrian kings; and partly from the +preference the Tudor princes had given to bills of attainder or +of pains and penalties, when they wished to turn the arm of +parliament against an obnoxious subject. The revival of this +ancient mode of proceeding in the case of Mompesson, though +a remarkable event in our constitutional annals, does not appear +to have been noticed as an anomaly. It was not indeed conducted +according to all the forms of an impeachment. The +Commons, requesting a conference with the other house, informed +them generally of that person's offence, but did not +exhibit any distinct articles at their bar. The Lords took up +themselves the inquiry; and having become satisfied of his +guilt, sent a message to the Commons, that they were ready to +pronounce sentence. The speaker accordingly, attended by all +the house, demanded judgment at the bar: when the Lords +passed as heavy a sentence as could be awarded for any misdemeanour; +to which the king, by a stretch of prerogative, +which no one was then inclined to call in question, was pleased +to add perpetual banishment.<a name="FNanchor_593" id="FNanchor_593" href="#Footnote_593" class="fnanchor">[593]</a></p> + +<p>The impeachment of Mompesson was followed up by others +against Michell, the associate in his iniquities; against Sir John +Bennet, judge of the prerogative court, for corruption in his +office; and against Field, Bishop of Landaff, for being concerned +in a matter of bribery.<a name="FNanchor_594" id="FNanchor_594" href="#Footnote_594" class="fnanchor">[594]</a> The first of these was punished; but +the prosecution of Bennet seems to have dropped in consequence +of the adjournment, and that of the bishop ended in a slight +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_333" id="Page_333">333</a></span> +censure. But the wrath of the Commons was justly roused +against that shameless corruption, which characterises the +reign of James beyond every other in our history.</p> + +<p><i>Proceedings against Lord Bacon.</i>—It is too well known, how +deeply the greatest man of that age was tarnished by the +prevailing iniquity. Complaints poured in against the chancellor +Bacon for receiving bribes from suitors in his court. +Some have vainly endeavoured to discover an excuse which +he did not pretend to set up, and even ascribed the prosecution +to the malevolence of Sir Edward Coke.<a name="FNanchor_595" id="FNanchor_595" href="#Footnote_595" class="fnanchor">[595]</a> But Coke took no +prominent share in this business; and though some of the +charges against Bacon may not appear very heinous, especially +for those times, I know not whether the unanimous conviction +of such a man, and the conscious pusillanimity of his defence +do not afford a more irresistible presumption of his misconduct +than anything specially alleged. He was abandoned by the +court, and had previously lost, as I rather suspect, Buckingham's +favour; but the king, who had a sense of his transcendent +genius, remitted the fine of £40,000 imposed by the Lords, which +he was wholly unable to pay.<a name="FNanchor_596" id="FNanchor_596" href="#Footnote_596" class="fnanchor">[596]</a> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_334" id="Page_334">334</a></span></p> + +<p>There was much to commend in the severity practised by +the house towards public delinquents; such examples being +far more likely to prevent the malversation of men in power +than any law they could enact. But in the midst of these +laudable proceedings, they were hurried by the passions of the +moment into an act of most unwarrantable violence. It came +to the knowledge of the house that one Floyd, a gentleman +confined in the Fleet prison, had used some slighting words +about the elector palatine and his wife. It appeared in aggravation, +that he was a Roman catholic. Nothing could exceed +the fury into which the Commons were thrown by this very +insignificant story. A flippant expression, below the cognisance +of an ordinary court, grew at once into a portentous offence, +which they ransacked their invention to chastise. After sundry +novel and monstrous propositions, they fixed upon the most +degrading punishment they could devise. Next day, however, +the chancellor of the exchequer delivered a message, that the +king, thanking them for their zeal, but desiring that it should +not transport them to inconveniences, would have them consider +whether they could sentence one who did not belong to +them, nor had offended against the house or any member of it; +and whether they could sentence a denying party, without the +oath of witnesses; referring them to an entry on the rolls of +parliament in the first year of Henry IV., that the judicial +power of parliament does not belong to the Commons. He +would have them consider whether it would not be better to +leave Floyd to him, who would punish him according to his +fault. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_335" id="Page_335">335</a></span></p> + +<p>This message put them into some embarrassment. They had +come to a vote in Mompesson's case, in the very words employed +in the king's message, confessing themselves to have no jurisdiction, +except over offences against themselves. The warm +speakers now controverted this proposition with such arguments +as they could muster; Coke, though from the reported debates +he seems not to have gone the whole length, contending that +the house was a court of record, and that it consequently had +power to administer an oath.<a name="FNanchor_597" id="FNanchor_597" href="#Footnote_597" class="fnanchor">[597]</a> They returned a message by +the speaker, excepting to the record in 1 H. 4, because it was +not an act of parliament to bind them, and persisting, though +with humility, in their first votes.<a name="FNanchor_598" id="FNanchor_598" href="#Footnote_598" class="fnanchor">[598]</a> The king replied mildly; +urging them to show precedents, which they were manifestly +incapable of doing. The Lords requested a conference, which +they managed with more temper, and notwithstanding the +solicitude displayed by the Commons to maintain their pretended +right, succeeded in withdrawing the matter to their own +jurisdiction.<a name="FNanchor_599" id="FNanchor_599" href="#Footnote_599" class="fnanchor">[599]</a> This conflict of privileges was by no means of +service to the unfortunate culprit; the Lords perceived that +they could not mitigate the sentence of the lower house without +reviving their dispute, and vindicated themselves from all +suspicion of indifference towards the cause of the Palatinate +by augmenting its severity. Floyd was adjudged to be degraded +from his gentility, and to be held an infamous person; his +testimony not to be received; to ride from the Fleet to Cheapside +on horseback without a saddle, with his face to the horse's +tail, and the tail in his hand, and there to stand two hours in +the pillory, and to be branded in the forehead with the letter K; +to ride four days afterwards in the same manner to Westminster, +and there to stand two hours more in the pillory, with words +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_336" id="Page_336">336</a></span> +in a paper in his hat showing his offence; to be whipped at the +cart's tail from the Fleet to Westminster Hall; to pay a fine of +£5000, and to be a prisoner in Newgate during his life. The +whipping was a few days after remitted on Prince Charles's +motion; but he seems to have undergone the rest of the sentence. +There is surely no instance in the annals of our own, +and hardly of any civilised country, where a trifling offence, if +it were one, has been visited with such outrageous cruelty. +The cold-blooded deliberate policy of the Lords is still more +disgusting than the wild fury of the lower house.<a name="FNanchor_600" id="FNanchor_600" href="#Footnote_600" class="fnanchor">[600]</a></p> + +<p>This case of Floyd is an unhappy proof of the disregard that +popular assemblies, when inflamed by passion, are ever apt to +show for those principles of equity and moderation, by which, +however the sophistry of contemporary factions may set them +aside, a calm judging posterity will never fail to measure their +proceedings. It has contributed at least, along with several +others of the same kind, to inspire me with a jealous distrust of +that indefinable, uncontrollable privilege of parliament, which +has sometimes been asserted, and perhaps with rather too much +encouragement from those whose function it is to restrain all +exorbitant power. I speak only of the extent to which theoretical +principles have been carried, without insinuating that +the privileges of the House of Commons have been practically +stretched in late times beyond their constitutional bounds. +Time and the course of opinion have softened down those high +pretensions, which the dangers of liberty under James the First, +as well as the natural character of a popular assembly, then taught +the Commons to assume; and the greater humanity of modern +ages has made us revolt from such disproportionate punishments +as were inflicted on Floyd.<a name="FNanchor_601" id="FNanchor_601" href="#Footnote_601" class="fnanchor">[601]</a> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_337" id="Page_337">337</a></span></p> + +<p>Everything had hitherto proceeded with harmony between +the king and parliament. His ready concurrence in their animadversion +on Mompesson and Michell, delinquents who had +acted at least with the connivance of government, and in the +abolition of monopolies, seemed to remove all discontent. The +Commons granted two subsidies early in the session without +alloying their bounty with a single complaint of grievances. +One might suppose that the subject of impositions had been +entirely forgotten, not an allusion to them occurring in any +debate.<a name="FNanchor_602" id="FNanchor_602" href="#Footnote_602" class="fnanchor">[602]</a> It was voted indeed, in the first days of the session, +to petition the king about the breach of their privilege of free +speech, by the imprisonment of Sir Edwin Sandys, in 1614, for +words spoken in the last parliament; but the house did not +prosecute this matter, contenting itself with some explanation +by the secretary of state.<a name="FNanchor_603" id="FNanchor_603" href="#Footnote_603" class="fnanchor">[603]</a> They were going on with some bills +for reformation of abuses, to which the king was willing to +accede, when they received an intimation that he expected them +to adjourn over the summer. It produced a good deal of dissatisfaction +to see their labour so hastily interrupted; especially +as they ascribed it to a want of sufficient sympathy on the +court's part with their enthusiastic zeal for the elector palatine.<a name="FNanchor_604" id="FNanchor_604" href="#Footnote_604" class="fnanchor">[604]</a> +They were adjourned by the king's commission, after an +unanimous declaration ("sounded forth," says one present, +"with the voices of them all, withal lifting up their hats in their +hands so high as they could hold them, as a visible testimony +of their unanimous consent, in such sort, that the like had +scarce ever been seen in parliament") of their resolution to +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_338" id="Page_338">338</a></span> +spend their lives and fortunes for the defence of their own +religion and of the Palatinate. This solemn protestation and +pledge was entered on record in the journals.<a name="FNanchor_605" id="FNanchor_605" href="#Footnote_605" class="fnanchor">[605]</a></p> + +<p>They met again after five months, without any change in +their views of policy. At a conference of the two houses, Lord +Digby, by the king's command, explained all that had occurred +in his embassy to Germany for the restitution of the Palatinate; +which, though absolutely ineffective, was as much as James +could reasonably expect without a war.<a name="FNanchor_606" id="FNanchor_606" href="#Footnote_606" class="fnanchor">[606]</a> He had in fact, +though, according to the laxity of those times, without declaring +war on any one, sent a body of troops under Sir Horace Vere, +who still defended the Lower Palatinate. It was necessary to +vote more money, lest these should mutiny for want of pay. +And it was stated to the Commons in this conference, that to +maintain a sufficient army in that country for one year would +require £900,000; which was left to their consideration.<a name="FNanchor_607" id="FNanchor_607" href="#Footnote_607" class="fnanchor">[607]</a> But +now it was seen that men's promises to spend their fortunes in +a cause not essentially their own are written in the sand. The +Commons had no reason perhaps to suspect that the charge of +keeping 30,000 men in the heart of Germany would fall much +short of the estimate. Yet after long haggling they voted only +one subsidy, amounting to £70,000; a sum manifestly insufficient +for the first equipment of such a force.<a name="FNanchor_608" id="FNanchor_608" href="#Footnote_608" class="fnanchor">[608]</a> This parsimony could +hardly be excused by their suspicion of the king's unwillingness +to undertake the war, for which it afforded the best justification.</p> + +<p><i>Disagreement between the king and Commons.</i>—James was +probably not much displeased at finding so good a pretext for +evading a compliance with their martial humour; nor had there +been much appearance of dissatisfaction on either side (if we +except some murmurs at the commitment of one of their most +active members, Sir Edwin Sandys, to the Tower, which were +tolerably appeased by the secretary Calvert's declaration that +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_339" id="Page_339">339</a></span> +he had not been committed for any parliamentary matter),<a name="FNanchor_609" id="FNanchor_609" href="#Footnote_609" class="fnanchor">[609]</a> +till the Commons drew up a petition and remonstrance against +the growth of popery; suggesting, among other remedies for +this grievance, that the prince should marry one of our own +religion, and that the king would direct his efforts against the +power (meaning Spain) which first maintained the war in the +Palatinate. This petition was proposed by Sir Edward Coke. +The courtiers opposed it as without precedent; the chancellor +of the duchy observing that it was of so high and transcendent +a nature, he had never known the like within those walls. +Even the mover defended it rather weakly, according to our +notions, as intended only to remind the king, but requiring no +answer. The scruples affected by the courtiers, and the real +novelty of the proposition, had so great an effect, that some +words were inserted, declaring that the house "did not mean +to press on the king's most undoubted and royal prerogative."<a name="FNanchor_610" id="FNanchor_610" href="#Footnote_610" class="fnanchor">[610]</a> +The petition, however, had not been presented, when the king, +having obtained a copy of it, sent a peremptory letter to the +speaker, that he had heard how some fiery and popular spirits +had been imboldened to debate and argue on matters far beyond +their reach or capacity, and directing him to acquaint the house +with his pleasure that none therein should presume to meddle +with anything concerning his government or mysteries of state; +namely, not to speak of his son's match with the princess of +Spain, nor to touch the honour of that king, or any other of +his friends and confederates. Sandys's commitment, he bade +them be informed, was not for any misdemeanour in parliament. +But to put them out of doubt of any question of that nature +that may arise among them hereafter, he let them know that +he thought himself very free and able to punish any man's +misdemeanours in parliament, as well during their sitting as +after, which he meant not to spare upon occasion of any man's +insolent behaviour in that place. He assured them that he +would not deign to hear their petition, if it touched on any of +those points which he had forbidden.<a name="FNanchor_611" id="FNanchor_611" href="#Footnote_611" class="fnanchor">[611]</a></p> + +<p>The house received this message with unanimous firmness, +but without any undue warmth. A committee was appointed +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_340" id="Page_340">340</a></span> +to draw up a petition, which, in the most decorous language, +and with strong professions of regret at his majesty's displeasure, +contained a defence of their former proceedings, and hinted +very gently, that they could not conceive his honour and safety, +or the state of the kingdom, to be matters at any time unfit +for their deepest consideration in time of parliament. They +adverted more pointedly to that part of the king's message +which threatened them for liberty of speech, calling it their +ancient and undoubted right, and an inheritance received from +their ancestors, which they again prayed him to confirm.<a name="FNanchor_612" id="FNanchor_612" href="#Footnote_612" class="fnanchor">[612]</a> His +answer, though considerably milder than what he had designed, +gave indications of a resentment not yet subdued. He dwelt +at length on their unfitness for entering on matters of government, +and commented with some asperity even on their present +apologetical petition. In the conclusion he observed that +"although he could not allow of the style, calling their privileges +an undoubted right and inheritance, but could rather have +wished that they had said that their privileges were derived +from the grace and permission of his ancestors and himself (for +most of them had grown from precedent which rather shows a +toleration than inheritance); yet he gave them his royal assurance, +that as long as they contained themselves within the +limits of their duty, he would be as careful to maintain their +lawful liberties and privileges as he would his own prerogative; +so that their house did not touch on that prerogative which +would enforce him or any just king to retrench their privileges."<a name="FNanchor_613" id="FNanchor_613" href="#Footnote_613" class="fnanchor">[613]</a></p> + +<p>This explicit assertion that the privileges of the Commons +existed only by sufferance, and conditionally upon good behaviour, +exasperated the house far more than the denial of their +right to enter on matters of state. In the one, they were +conscious of having somewhat transgressed the boundaries of +ordinary precedents; in the other, their individual security, +and their very existence as a deliberative assembly, were at +stake. Calvert, the secretary, and the other ministers, admitted +the king's expressions to be incapable of defence, and called +them a slip of the pen at the close of a long answer.<a name="FNanchor_614" id="FNanchor_614" href="#Footnote_614" class="fnanchor">[614]</a> The +Commons were not to be diverted by any such excuses from +their necessary duty of placing on record a solemn claim of +right. Nor had a letter from the king, addressed to Calvert, +much influence; wherein, while he reiterated his assurances of +respecting their privileges, and tacitly withdrew the menace +that rendered them precarious, he said that he could not with +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_341" id="Page_341">341</a></span> +patience endure his subjects to use such anti-monarchical words +to him concerning their liberties, as "ancient and undoubted +right and inheritance," without subjoining that they were +granted by the grace and favour of his predecessors.<a name="FNanchor_615" id="FNanchor_615" href="#Footnote_615" class="fnanchor">[615]</a> After a +long and warm debate, they entered on record in the Journals +their famous protestation of December 18th, 1621, in the +following words:—</p> + +<p>"The Commons now assembled in parliament, being justly +occasioned thereunto, concerning sundry liberties, franchises, +privileges, and jurisdictions of parliament, amongst others not +herein mentioned, do make this protestation following:—That +the liberties, franchises, privileges, and jurisdictions of parliament +are the ancient and undoubted birthright and inheritance +of the subjects of England; and that the arduous and urgent +affairs concerning the king, state, and the defence of the realm, +and of the church of England, and the making and maintenance +of laws, and redress of mischiefs and grievances which daily +happen within this realm, are proper subjects and matter of +counsel and debate in parliament; and that in the handling +and proceeding of those businesses, every member of the house +hath, and of right ought to have, freedom of speech to propound, +treat, reason, and bring to conclusion, the same: that +the Commons in parliament have like liberty and freedom to +treat of those matters in such order as in their judgments shall +seem fittest: and that every such member of the said house +hath like freedom from all impeachment, imprisonment, and +molestation (other than by the censure of the house itself) for +or concerning any bill, speaking, reasoning, or declaring of +any matter or matters touching the parliament or parliament +business; and that, if any of the said members be complained +of, and questioned for anything said or done in parliament, the +same is to be showed to the king by the advice and assent of +all the Commons assembled in parliament, before the king give +credence to any private information."<a name="FNanchor_616" id="FNanchor_616" href="#Footnote_616" class="fnanchor">[616]</a></p> + +<p><i>Dissolution of the Commons, after a strong remonstrance.</i>—This +protestation was not likely to pacify the king's anger. He had +already pressed the Commons to make an end of the business +before them, under pretence of wishing to adjourn them before +Christmas, but probably looking to a dissolution. They were +not in a temper to regard any business, least of all to grant +a subsidy, till this attack on their privileges should be fully +retracted. The king therefore adjourned, and in about a fortnight +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_342" id="Page_342">342</a></span> +after dissolved them. But in the interval, having sent +for the journal book, he erased their last protestation with his +own hand; and published a declaration of the causes which had +provoked him to this unusual measure, alleging the unfitness of +such a protest, after his ample assurance of maintaining their +privileges, the irregular manner in which, according to him, it +was voted, and its ambiguous and general wording, which might +serve in future times to invade most of the prerogatives annexed +to the imperial Crown. In his proclamation for dissolving the +parliament, James recapitulated all his grounds of offences; +but finally required his subjects to take notice that it was his +intention to govern them as his progenitors and predecessors +had done, and to call a parliament again on the first convenient +occasion.<a name="FNanchor_617" id="FNanchor_617" href="#Footnote_617" class="fnanchor">[617]</a> He immediately followed up this dissolution of +parliament by dealing his vengeance on its most conspicuous +leaders: Sir Edward Coke and Sir Robert Philips were committed +to the Tower; Mr. Pym, and one or two more, to other +prisons; Sir Dudley Digges, and several who were somewhat +less obnoxious than the former, were sent on a commission to +Ireland, as a sort of honourable banishment.<a name="FNanchor_618" id="FNanchor_618" href="#Footnote_618" class="fnanchor">[618]</a> The Earls of +Oxford and Southampton underwent an examination before the +council; and the former was committed to the Tower on pretence +of having spoken words against the king. It is worthy +of observation that, in this session, a portion of the upper house +had united in opposing the court. Nothing of this kind is +noticed in former parliaments, except perhaps a little on the +establishment of the reformation. In this minority were considerable +names; Essex, Southampton, Warwick, Oxford, Say, +Spencer. Whether a sense of public wrongs, or their particular +resentments, influenced these noblemen, their opposition must +be reckoned an evident sign of the change that was at work in +the spirit of the nation, and by which no rank could be wholly +unaffected.<a name="FNanchor_619" id="FNanchor_619" href="#Footnote_619" class="fnanchor">[619]</a> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_343" id="Page_343">343</a></span></p> + +<p><i>Marriage treaty with Spain.</i>—James, with all his reputed +pusillanimity, never showed any signs of fearing popular opinion. +His obstinate adherence to the marriage treaty with Spain was +the height of political rashness in so critical a state of the public +mind. But what with elevated notions of his prerogative and +of his skill in government on the one hand, what with a confidence +in the submissive loyalty of the English on the other, +he seems constantly to have fancied that all opposition proceeded +from a small troublesome faction, whom if he could any +way silence, the rest of his people would at once repose in a +dutiful reliance on his wisdom. Hence he met every succeeding +parliament with as sanguine hopes as if he had suffered no +disappointment in the last. The nation was however wrought +up at this time to an alarming pitch of discontent. Libels were +in circulation about 1621, so bitterly malignant in their censures +of his person and administration, than two hundred years might +seem, as we read them, to have been mistaken in their date.<a name="FNanchor_620" id="FNanchor_620" href="#Footnote_620" class="fnanchor">[620]</a> +Heedless, however, of this growing odium, James continued to +solicit the affected coyness of the court of Madrid. The circumstances +of that negotiation belong to general history.<a name="FNanchor_621" id="FNanchor_621" href="#Footnote_621" class="fnanchor">[621]</a> It +is only necessary to remind the reader that the king was induced, +during the residence of Prince Charles and the Duke of Buckingham +in Spain, to swear to certain private articles, some of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_344" id="Page_344">344</a></span> +which he had already promised before their departure, by +which he bound himself to suspend all penal laws affecting the +catholics, to permit the exercise of their religion in private +houses, and to procure from parliament, if possible, a legal +toleration. This toleration, as preliminary to the entire re-establishment +of popery, had been the first great object of Spain +in the treaty. But that court, having protracted the treaty +for years, in order to extort more favourable terms, and interposed +a thousand pretences, became the dupe of its own artifices; +the resentment of a haughty minion overthrowing with +ease the painful fabric of this tedious negotiation.</p> + +<p><i>Parliament of 1624.</i>—Buckingham obtained a transient and +unmerited popularity by thus averting a great public mischief, +which rendered the next parliament unexpectedly peaceable. +The Commons voted three subsidies and three-fifteenths, in +value about £300,000;<a name="FNanchor_622" id="FNanchor_622" href="#Footnote_622" class="fnanchor">[622]</a> but with a condition, proposed by the +king himself, that, in order to ensure its application to naval +and military armaments, it should be paid into the hands of +treasurers appointed by themselves, who should issue money +only on the warrant of the council of war. He seemed anxious +to tread back the steps made in the former session, not only +referring the highest matters of state to their consideration, but +promising not to treat for peace without their advice. They, +on the other hand, acknowledged themselves most bound to +his majesty for having been pleased to require their humble +advice in a case so important, not meaning, we may be sure, by +these courteous and loyal expressions, to recede from what they +had claimed in the last parliament as their undoubted right.<a name="FNanchor_623" id="FNanchor_623" href="#Footnote_623" class="fnanchor">[623]</a> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_345" id="Page_345">345</a></span></p> + +<p><i>Impeachment of Middlesex.</i>—The most remarkable affair in +this session was the impeachment of the Earl of Middlesex, +actually lord treasurer of England, for bribery and other misdemeanours. +It is well known that the Prince of Wales and +Duke of Buckingham instituted this prosecution to gratify the +latter's private pique against the wishes of the king, who +warned them they would live to have their fill of parliamentary +impeachment. It was conducted by managers on the part of +the Commons in a very regular form, except that the depositions +of witnesses were merely read by the clerk; that fundamental +rule of English law which insists on the <i>vivâ voce</i> examination, +being as yet unknown, or dispensed with in political trials. +Nothing is more worthy of notice in the proceedings upon this +impeachment than what dropped from Sir Edwin Sandys, in +speaking upon one of the charges. Middlesex had laid an +imposition of £3 per ton on French wines, for taking off which +he received a gratuity. Sandys, commenting on this offence, +protested in the name of the Commons, that they intended not +to question the power of imposing claimed by the king's prerogative: +this they touched not upon now; they continued +only their claim, and when they should have occasion to dispute +it, would do so with all due regard to his majesty's state +and revenue.<a name="FNanchor_624" id="FNanchor_624" href="#Footnote_624" class="fnanchor">[624]</a> Such cautious and temperate language, far from +indicating any disposition to recede from their pretensions, is +rather a proof of such united steadiness and discretion as must +ensure their success. Middlesex was unanimously convicted +by the peers.<a name="FNanchor_625" id="FNanchor_625" href="#Footnote_625" class="fnanchor">[625]</a> His impeachment was of the highest moment +to the Commons; as it restored for ever that salutary constitutional +right which the single precedent of Lord Bacon +might have been insufficient to establish against the ministers +of the Crown.</p> + +<p>The two last parliaments had been dissolved without passing +a single act, except the subsidy bill of 1621. An interval of +legislation for thirteen years was too long for any civilised +country. Several statutes were enacted in the present session, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_346" id="Page_346">346</a></span> +but none so material as that for abolishing monopolies for the +sale of merchandise, or for using any trade.<a name="FNanchor_626" id="FNanchor_626" href="#Footnote_626" class="fnanchor">[626]</a> This is of a +declaratory nature, and recites that they are already contrary +to the ancient and fundamental laws of the realm. Scarce any +difference arose between the Crown and the Commons. This +singular calm might probably have been interrupted, had not +the king put an end to the session. They expressed some little +dissatisfaction at this step,<a name="FNanchor_627" id="FNanchor_627" href="#Footnote_627" class="fnanchor">[627]</a> and presented a list of grievances, +one only of which is sufficiently considerable to deserve notice; +namely, the proclamations already mentioned in restraint of +building about London, whereof they complain in very gentle +terms, considering their obvious illegality and violation of +private right.<a name="FNanchor_628" id="FNanchor_628" href="#Footnote_628" class="fnanchor">[628]</a></p> + +<p>The Commons had now been engaged, for more than twenty +years, in a struggle to restore and to fortify their own and their +fellow subjects' liberties. They had obtained in this period +but one legislative measure of importance, the late declaratory +act against monopolies. But they had rescued from disuse their +ancient right of impeachment. They had placed on record a +protestation of their claim to debate all matters of public +concern. They had remonstrated against the usurped prerogatives +of binding the subject by proclamation, and of levying +customs at the out-ports. They had secured beyond controversy +their exclusive privilege of determining contested elections +of their members. They had maintained, and carried indeed +to an unwarrantable extent, their power of judging and inflicting +punishment, even for offences not committed against their +house. Of these advantages some were evidently incomplete; +and it would require the most vigorous exertions of future +parliaments to realise them. But such exertions the increased +energy of the nation gave abundant cause to anticipate. A +deep and lasting love of freedom had taken hold of every class +except perhaps the clergy; from which, when viewed together +with the rash pride of the court, and the uncertainty of constitutional +principles and precedents, collected through our long +and various history, a calm by-stander might presage that the +ensuing reign would not pass without disturbance, nor perhaps +end without confusion.</p> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_347" id="Page_347">347</a></span></p> + +<h3 class="p6">CHAPTER VII</h3> + +<p class="center">ON THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION FROM THE ACCESSION OF +CHARLES I. TO THE DISSOLUTION OF HIS THIRD PARLIAMENT</p> + +<p class="center">1625-1629</p> + +<p>Charles the First had much in his character very suitable to +the times in which he lived, and to the spirit of the people he +was to rule; a stern and serious deportment, a disinclination to +all licentiousness, and a sense of religion that seemed more real +than in his father.<a name="FNanchor_629" id="FNanchor_629" href="#Footnote_629" class="fnanchor">[629]</a> These qualities we might suppose to have +raised some expectation of him, and to have procured at his +accession some of that popularity, which is rarely withheld from +untried princes. Yet it does not appear that he enjoyed even +this first transient sunshine of his subjects' affection. Solely +intent on retrenching the excesses of prerogative, and well +aware that no sovereign would voluntarily recede from the +possession of power, they seem to have dreaded to admit into +their bosoms any sentiments of personal loyalty, which might +enervate their resolution. And Charles took speedy means to +convince them that they had not erred in withholding their +confidence.</p> + +<p>Elizabeth in her systematic parsimony, James in his averseness +to war, had been alike influenced by a consciousness that +want of money alone could render a parliament formidable to +their power. None of the irregular modes of supply were ever +productive enough to compensate for the clamour they occasioned; +after impositions and benevolences were exhausted, it +had always been found necessary, in the most arbitrary times +of the Tudors, to fall back on the representatives of the people. +But Charles succeeded to a war, at least to the preparation of a +war, rashly undertaken through his own weak compliance, the +arrogance of his favourite, and the generous or fanatical zeal of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_348" id="Page_348">348</a></span> +the last parliament. He would have perceived it to be manifestly +impossible, if he had been capable of understanding his +own position, to continue this war without the constant assistance +of the House of Commons, or to obtain that assistance +without very costly sacrifices of his royal power. It was not +the least of this monarch's imprudences, or rather of his blind +compliances with Buckingham, to have not only commenced +hostilities against Spain which he might easily have avoided,<a name="FNanchor_630" id="FNanchor_630" href="#Footnote_630" class="fnanchor">[630]</a> +and persisted in them for four years, but entered on a fresh +war with France, though he had abundant experience to demonstrate +the impossibility of defraying its charges.</p> + +<p><i>Parliament of 1625.</i>—The first parliament of this reign has +been severely censured on account of the penurious supply it +doled out for the exigencies of a war, in which its predecessors +had involved the king. I will not say that this reproach is +wholly unfounded. A more liberal proceeding, if it did not +obtain a reciprocal concession from the king, would have put +him more in the wrong. But, according to the common practice +and character of all such assemblies, it was preposterous to +expect subsidies equal to the occasion, until a foundation of +confidence should be laid between the Crown and parliament. +The Commons had begun probably to repent of their hastiness +in the preceding year, and to discover that Buckingham and +his pupil, or master (which shall we say?), had conspired to +deceive them.<a name="FNanchor_631" id="FNanchor_631" href="#Footnote_631" class="fnanchor">[631]</a> They were not to forget that none of the chief +grievances of the last reign were yet redressed, and that supplies +must be voted slowly and conditionally if they would hope for +reformation. Hence they made their grant of tonnage and +poundage to last but for a year instead of the king's life, as +had for two centuries been the practice; on which account the +upper house rejected the bill.<a name="FNanchor_632" id="FNanchor_632" href="#Footnote_632" class="fnanchor">[632]</a> Nor would they have refused +a further supply, beyond the two subsidies (about £140,000) +which they had granted, had some tender of redress been made +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_349" id="Page_349">349</a></span> +by the Crown; and were actually in debate upon the matter, +when interrupted by a sudden dissolution.<a name="FNanchor_633" id="FNanchor_633" href="#Footnote_633" class="fnanchor">[633]</a></p> + +<p>Nothing could be more evident, by the experience of the late +reign as well as by observing the state of public spirit, than that +hasty and premature dissolutions or prorogations of parliament +served but to aggravate the Crown's embarrassments. Every +successive House of Commons inherited the feelings of its +predecessor, without which it would have ill represented the +prevalent humour of the nation. The same men, for the most +part, came again to parliament more irritated and desperate of +reconciliation with the sovereign than before. Even the politic +measure, as it was fancied to be, of excluding some of the most +active members from seats in the new assembly, by nominating +them sheriffs for the year, failed altogether of the expected +success; as it naturally must in an age when all ranks partook +in a common enthusiasm.<a name="FNanchor_634" id="FNanchor_634" href="#Footnote_634" class="fnanchor">[634]</a> Hence the prosecution against +Buckingham, to avert which Charles had dissolved his first +parliament, was commenced with redoubled vigour in the +second. It was too late, after the precedents of Bacon and +Middlesex, to dispute the right of the Commons to impeach a +minister of state. The king, however, anticipating their resolutions, +after some sharp speeches only had been uttered against +his favourite, sent a message that he would not allow any of +his servants to be questioned among them, much less such as +were of eminent place and near unto him. He saw, he said, +that some of them aimed at the Duke of Buckingham, whom, +in the last parliament of his father, all had combined to honour +and respect, nor did he know what had happened since to alter +their affections; but he assured them that the duke had done +nothing without his own special direction and appointment. +This haughty message so provoked the Commons that, having +no express testimony against Buckingham, they came to a vote +that common fame is a good ground of proceeding either by +inquiry, or presenting the complaint to the king or Lords; nor +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_350" id="Page_350">350</a></span> +did a speech from the lord keeper, severely rating their presumption, +and requiring on the king's behalf that they should +punish two of their members who had given him offence by +insolent discourses in the house, lest he should be compelled to +use his royal authority against them; nor one from the king +himself, bidding them remember that parliaments were altogether +in his power for their calling, sitting, and dissolution; +therefore, as he found the fruits of them good or evil, they were +to continue to be or not to be, tend to pacify or to intimidate +the assembly. They addressed the king in very decorous +language, but asserting "the ancient, constant, and undoubted +right and usage of parliaments to question and complain of all +persons, of what degree soever, found grievous to the commonwealth, +in abusing the power and trust committed to them by +their sovereign."<a name="FNanchor_635" id="FNanchor_635" href="#Footnote_635" class="fnanchor">[635]</a> The duke was accordingly impeached at the +bar of the house of peers on eight articles, many of them probably +well-founded; yet as the Commons heard no evidence in +support of them, it was rather unreasonable in them to request +that he might be committed to the Tower.</p> + +<p>In the conduct of this impeachment, two of the managers, +Sir John Eliot and Sir Dudley Digges, one the most illustrious +confessor in the cause of liberty, whom that time produced, the +other, a man of much ability and a useful supporter of the +popular party, though not exempt from some oblique views +towards promotion, gave such offence by words spoken, or +alleged to be spoken, in derogation of his majesty's honour, +that they were committed to the Tower. The Commons, of +course, resented this new outrage. They resolved to do no +more business till they were righted in their privileges. They +denied the words imputed to Digges; and, thirty-six peers +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_351" id="Page_351">351</a></span> +asserting that he had not spoken them, the king admitted that +he was mistaken, and released both their members.<a name="FNanchor_636" id="FNanchor_636" href="#Footnote_636" class="fnanchor">[636]</a> He had +already broken in upon the privileges of the House of Lords, by +committing the Earl of Arundel to the Tower during the session; +not upon any political charge, but, as was commonly surmised, +on account of a marriage which his son had made with a lady +of royal blood. Such private offences were sufficient in those +arbitrary reigns to expose the subject to indefinite imprisonment, +if not to an actual sentence in the star-chamber. The +Lords took up this detention of one of their body, and after +formal examination of precedents by a committee, came to a +resolution, "that no lord of parliament, the parliament sitting, +or within the usual times of privilege of parliament, is to be +imprisoned or restrained without sentence or order of the house, +unless it be for treason or felony, or for refusing to give surety +for the peace." This assertion of privilege was manifestly +warranted by the co-extensive liberties of the Commons. After +various messages between the king and Lords, Arundel was +ultimately set at liberty.<a name="FNanchor_637" id="FNanchor_637" href="#Footnote_637" class="fnanchor">[637]</a></p> + +<p>This infringement of the rights of the peerage was accompanied +by another not less injurious, the refusal of a writ of +summons to the Earl of Bristol. The Lords were justly tenacious +of this unquestionable privilege of their order, without +which its constitutional dignity and independence could never +be maintained. Whatever irregularities or uncertainty of legal +principle might be found in earlier times as to persons summoned +only by writ without patents of creation, concerning whose +hereditary peerage there is much reason to doubt; it was beyond +all controversy that an Earl of Bristol holding his dignity by +patent was entitled of right to attend parliament. The house +necessarily insisted upon Bristol's receiving his summons, which +was sent him with an injunction not to comply with it by taking +his place. But the spirited earl knew that the king's constitutional +will expressed in the writ ought to outweigh his private +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_352" id="Page_352">352</a></span> +command, and laid the secretary's letter before the House of +Lords. The king prevented any further interference in his +behalf by causing articles of charge to be exhibited against him +by the attorney-general, whereon he was committed to the +Tower. These assaults on the pride and consequence of an +aristocratic assembly, from whom alone the king could expect +effectual support, display his unfitness not only for the government +of England, but of any other nation. Nor was his conduct +towards Bristol less oppressive than impolitic. If we look +at the harsh and indecent employment of his own authority +and even testimony, to influence a criminal process against a +man of approved and untainted worth,<a name="FNanchor_638" id="FNanchor_638" href="#Footnote_638" class="fnanchor">[638]</a> and his sanction of +charges which, if Bristol's defence be as true as it is now generally +admitted to be, he must have known to be unfounded; we +shall hardly concur with those candid persons who believe that +Charles would have been an excellent prince in a more absolute +monarchy. Nothing in truth can be more preposterous than +to maintain, like Clarendon and Hume, the integrity and innocence +of Lord Bristol, together with the sincerity and humanity +of Charles I. Such inconsistencies betray a determination in +the historian to speak of men according to his preconceived +affection or prejudice, without so much as attempting to reconcile +these sentiments to the facts which he can neither deny nor excuse.<a name="FNanchor_639" id="FNanchor_639" href="#Footnote_639" class="fnanchor">[639]</a> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_353" id="Page_353">353</a></span></p> + +<p>Though the Lords petitioned against a dissolution, the king +was determined to protect his favourite, and rescue himself +from the importunities of so refractory a House of Commons.<a name="FNanchor_640" id="FNanchor_640" href="#Footnote_640" class="fnanchor">[640]</a> +Perhaps he had already taken the resolution of governing without +the concurrence of parliaments, though he was induced to +break it the ensuing year. For the Commons having delayed +to pass a bill for the five subsidies they had voted in this session +till they should obtain some satisfaction for their complaints, +he was left without any regular supply. This was not wholly +unacceptable to some of his counsellors, and probably to himself; +as affording a pretext for those unauthorised demands +which the advocates of arbitrary prerogative deemed more consonant +to the monarch's honour. He had issued letters of privy +seal, after the former parliament, to those in every county, +whose names had been returned by the lord lieutenant as most +capable, mentioning the sum they were required to lend, with +a promise of repayment in eighteen months.<a name="FNanchor_641" id="FNanchor_641" href="#Footnote_641" class="fnanchor">[641]</a> This specification +of a particular sum was reckoned an unusual encroachment, +and a manifest breach of the statute against arbitrary benevolences; +especially as the name of those who refused compliance +were to be returned to the council. But the government now +ventured on a still more outrageous stretch of power. They +first attempted to persuade the people that, as subsidies had +been voted in the House of Commons, they should not refuse +to pay them, though no bill had been passed for that purpose. +But a tumultuous cry was raised in Westminster Hall from +those who had been convened, that they would pay no subsidy +but by authority of parliament.<a name="FNanchor_642" id="FNanchor_642" href="#Footnote_642" class="fnanchor">[642]</a> This course, therefore, was +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_354" id="Page_354">354</a></span> +abandoned for one hardly less unconstitutional. A general loan +was demanded from every subject, according to the rate at +which he was assessed in the last subsidy. The commissioners +appointed for the collection of this loan received private instructions +to require not less than a certain proportion of each man's +property in lands or goods, to treat separately with every one, +to examine on oath such as should refuse, to certify the names +of refractory persons to the privy council, and to admit of no +excuse for abatement of the sum required.<a name="FNanchor_643" id="FNanchor_643" href="#Footnote_643" class="fnanchor">[643]</a></p> + +<p><i>Arbitrary taxation.</i>—This arbitrary taxation (for the name +of loan could not disguise the extreme improbability that the +money would be repaid), so general and systematic as well as +so weighty, could not be endured without establishing a precedent +that must have shortly put an end to the existence of +parliaments. For, if those assemblies were to meet only for +the sake of pouring out stupid flatteries at the foot of the throne, +of humbly tendering such supplies as the ministry should suggest, +or even of hinting at a few subordinate grievances which touched +not the king's prerogative and absolute control in matters +of state—functions which the Tudors and Stuarts were well +pleased that they should exercise—if every remonstrance was +to be checked by a dissolution, and chastised by imprisonment +of its promoters, every denial of subsidy to furnish a justification +for extorted loans, our free-born high-minded gentry would +not long have brooked to give their attendance in such an +ignominious assembly, and an English parliament would have +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_355" id="Page_355">355</a></span> +become as idle a mockery of national representation as the +cortes of Castile. But this kingdom was not in a temper to put +up with tyranny. The king's advisers were as little disposed +to recede from their attempt. They prepared to enforce it by +the arm of power.<a name="FNanchor_644" id="FNanchor_644" href="#Footnote_644" class="fnanchor">[644]</a> The common people who refused to contribute +were impressed to serve in the navy. The gentry were +bound by recognisance to appear at the council-table, where +many of them were committed to prison.<a name="FNanchor_645" id="FNanchor_645" href="#Footnote_645" class="fnanchor">[645]</a> Among these were +five knights, Darnel, Carbet, Earl, Heveningham, and Hampden, +who sued the court of king's bench for their writ of habeas +corpus. The writ was granted; but the warden of the Fleet +made return that they were detained by a warrant from the +privy council, informing him of no particular cause of imprisonment, +but that they were committed by the special command +of his majesty. This gave rise to a most important question, +whether such a return was sufficient in law to justify the court +in remitting the parties to custody. The fundamental immunity +of English subjects from arbitrary detention had never +before been so fully canvassed; and it is to the discussion which +arose out of the case of these five gentlemen that we owe its +continual assertion by parliament, and its ultimate establishment +in full practical efficacy by the statute of Charles II. It +was argued with great ability by Noy, Selden, and other eminent +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_356" id="Page_356">356</a></span> +lawyers, on behalf of the claimants, and by the attorney-general +Heath for the Crown.</p> + +<p>The counsel for the prisoners grounded their demand of +liberty on the original basis of Magna Charta; the twenty-ninth +section of which, as is well known, provides that "no free man +shall be taken or imprisoned unless by lawful judgment of his +peers, or the law of the land." This principle having been +frequently transgressed by the king's privy council in earlier +times, statutes had been repeatedly enacted, independently of +the general confirmations of the charter, to redress this material +grievance. Thus in the 25th of Edward III. it is provided that +"no one shall be taken by petition or suggestion to the king +or his counsel, unless it be (<i>i.e.</i> but only) by indictment or presentment, +or by writ original at the common law." And this +is again enacted three years afterwards, with little variation, +and once again in the course of the same reign. It was never +understood, whatever the loose language of these old statutes +might suggest, that no man could be kept in custody upon a +criminal charge before indictment, which would have afforded +too great security to offenders. But it was the regular practice +that every warrant of commitment, and every return by a gaoler +to the writ of habeas corpus, must express the nature of the +charge, so that it might appear whether it were no legal offence; +in which case the party must be instantly set at liberty; or +one for which bail ought to be taken, or one for which he must +be remanded to prison. It appears also to have been admitted +without controversy, though not perhaps according to the strict +letter of law, that the privy council might commit to prison on +a criminal charge, since it seemed preposterous to deny that +power to those intrusted with the care of the commonwealth, +which every petty magistrate enjoyed. But it was contended +that they were as much bound as every petty magistrate to +assign such a cause for their commitments as might enable the +court of king's bench to determine whether it should release or +remand the prisoners brought before them by habeas corpus.</p> + +<p>The advocates for this principal alleged several precedents, +from the reign of Henry VII. to that of James, where persons +committed by the council generally, or even by the special +command of the king, had been admitted to bail on their +habeas corpus. "But I conceive," said one of these, "that +our case will not stand upon precedent, but upon the fundamental +laws and statutes of this realm; and though the precedents +look one way or the other, they are to be brought back +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_357" id="Page_357">357</a></span> +unto the laws by which the kingdom is governed." He was +aware that a pretext might be found to elude most of his precedents. +The warrant had commonly declared the party to +be charged on <i>suspicion</i> of treason or of felony; in which case +he would of course be bailed by the court. Yet in some of these +instances the words "by the king's special command," were +inserted in the commitment; so that they served to repel the +pretension of an arbitrary right to supersede the law by his +personal authority. Ample proof was brought from the old +law books that the king's command could not excuse an illegal +act. "If the king command me," said one of the judges under +Henry VI., "to arrest a man, and I arrest him, he shall have +an action of false imprisonment against me, though it were +done in the king's presence." "The king," said Chief Justice +Markham to Edward IV., "cannot arrest a man upon suspicion +of felony or treason, as any of his subjects may; because if he +should wrong a man by such arrest, he can have no remedy +against him." No verbal order of the king, nor any under his +sign manual or privy signet, was a command, it was contended +by Selden, which the law would recognise as sufficient to arrest +or detain any of his subjects; a writ duly issued under the seal +of a court being the only language in which he could signify his +will. They urged further that, even if the first commitment +by the king's command were lawful, yet when a party had +continued in prison for a reasonable time, he should be brought +to answer, and not be indefinitely detained; liberty being a +thing so favoured by the law that it will not suffer any man to +remain in confinement for any longer time than of necessity it +must.</p> + +<p>To these pleadings for liberty, Heath, the attorney-general, +replied in a speech of considerable ability, full of those high +principles of prerogative which, trampling as it were on all +statute and precedent, seemed to tell the judges that they were +placed there to obey rather than to determine. "This commitment," +he says, "is not in a legal and ordinary way, but by the +special command of our lord the king, which implies not only +the fact done, but so extraordinarily done, that it is notoriously +his majesty's immediate act and will that it should be so." +He alludes afterwards, though somewhat obscurely, to the king's +absolute power, as contra-distinguished from that according to +law; a favourite distinction, as I have already observed, with +the supporters of despotism. "Shall we make inquiries," he +says, "whether his commands are lawful?—who shall call in +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_358" id="Page_358">358</a></span> +question the justice of the king's actions, who is not to give +account for them?" He argues from the legal maxim that the +king can do no wrong, that a cause must be presumed to exist +for the commitment, though it be not set forth. He adverts +with more success to the number of papists and other state +prisoners, detained for years in custody for mere political +jealousy. "Some there were," he says, "in the Tower who +were put in it when very young; should they bring a habeas +corpus, would the court deliver them?" Passing next to the +precedents of the other side, and condescending to admit their +validity, however contrary to the tenor of his former argument, +he evades their application by such distinctions as I have already +mentioned.</p> + +<p>The judges behaved during this great cause with apparent +moderation and sense of its importance to the subject's freedom. +Their decision, however, was in favour of the Crown; and the +prisoners were remanded to custody. In pronouncing this +judgment, the chief justice, Sir Nicholas Hyde, avoiding the +more extravagant tenets of absolute monarchy, took the narrower +line of denying the application of those precedents, which +had been alleged to show the practice of the court in bailing +persons committed by the king's special command. He endeavoured +also to prove that, where no cause had been expressed +in the warrant, except such command as in the present instance, +the judges had always remanded the parties; but with so little +success that I cannot perceive more than one case mentioned +by him, and that above a hundred years old, which supports +this doctrine. The best authority on which he had to rely, was +the resolution of the judges in the 34th of Elizabeth, published +in Anderson's <i>Reports</i>.<a name="FNanchor_646" id="FNanchor_646" href="#Footnote_646" class="fnanchor">[646]</a> For, though this is not grammatically +worded, it seems impossible to doubt that it acknowledges the +special command of the king or the authority of the privy +council as a body, to be such sufficient warrant for a commitment +as to require no further cause to be expressed, and to +prevent the judges from discharging the party from custody, +either absolutely or upon bail. Yet it was evidently the consequence +of this decision, that every statute from the time of +Magna Charta, designed to protect the personal liberties of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_359" id="Page_359">359</a></span> +Englishmen, became a dead letter; since the insertion of four +words in a warrant (per speciale mandatum regis), which might +become matter of form, would control their remedial efficacy. +And this wound was the more deadly, in that the notorious +cause of these gentlemen's imprisonment was their withstanding +an illegal exaction of money. Everything that distinguished +our constitutional laws, all that rendered the name of England +valuable, was at stake on this issue. If the judgment in the +case of ship-money was more flagrantly iniquitous, it was not +so extensively destructive as the present.<a name="FNanchor_647" id="FNanchor_647" href="#Footnote_647" class="fnanchor">[647]</a></p> + +<p><i>A parliament called in 1628.</i>—Neither of these measures, +however, of illegal severity towards the uncompliant, backed +as they were by a timid court of justice, nor the exhortations +of a more prostitute and shameless band of churchmen, could +divert the nation from its cardinal point of faith in its own +prescriptive franchises. To call another parliament appeared +the only practicable means of raising money for a war, in which +the king persisted with great impolicy or rather blind trust in +his favourite. He consented to this with extreme unwillingness.<a name="FNanchor_648" id="FNanchor_648" href="#Footnote_648" class="fnanchor">[648]</a> +Previously to its assembling, he released a considerable +number of gentlemen and others who had been committed for +their refusal of the loan. These were, in many cases, elected +to the new parliament; coming thither with just indignation at +their country's wrongs, and pardonable resentment at their +own. No year, indeed, within the memory of any one living, +had witnessed such violations of public liberty as 1627. Charles +seemed born to carry into daily practice those theories of absolute +power, which had been promulgated from his father's lips. +Even now, while the writs were out for a new parliament, +commissioners were appointed to raise money "by impositions +or otherwise, as they should find most convenient in a case +of such inevitable necessity, wherein form and circumstance +must be dispensed with rather than the substance be lost and +hazarded;"<a name="FNanchor_649" id="FNanchor_649" href="#Footnote_649" class="fnanchor">[649]</a> and the levying of ship-money was already debated +in the council. Anticipating, as indeed was natural, that this +House of Commons would correspond as ill to the king's wishes +as their predecessors, his advisers were preparing schemes more +congenial, if they could be rendered effective, to the spirit in +which he was to govern. A contract was entered into for +transporting some troops and a considerable quantity of arms +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_360" id="Page_360">360</a></span> +from Flanders into England, under circumstances at least highly +suspicious, and which, combined with all the rest that appears +of the court policy at that time, leaves no great doubt on the +mind that they were designed to keep under the people, while +the business of contribution was going forward.<a name="FNanchor_650" id="FNanchor_650" href="#Footnote_650" class="fnanchor">[650]</a> Shall it be +imputed as a reproach to the Cokes, the Seldens, the Glanvils, +the Pyms, the Eliots, the Philipses, of this famous parliament, +that they endeavoured to devise more effectual restraints than +the law had hitherto imposed on a prince who had snapped like +bands of tow the ancient statutes of the land, to remove from +his presence counsellors, to have been misled by whom was his +best apology, and to subject him to an entire dependence on +his people for the expenditure of government, as the surest +pledge of his obedience to the laws?</p> + +<p><i>Petition of Right.</i>—The principal matters of complaint taken +up by the Commons in this session were, the exaction of money +under the name of loans; the commitment of those who refused +compliance, and the late decision of the king's bench, remanding +them upon a habeas corpus; the billeting of soldiers on private +persons, which had occurred in the last year, whether for convenience +or for purposes of intimidation and annoyance; and +the commissions to try military offenders by martial law—a +procedure necessary within certain limits to the discipline of +an army, but unwarranted by the constitution of this country +which was little used to any regular forces, and stretched by +the arbitrary spirit of the king's administration beyond all +bounds.<a name="FNanchor_651" id="FNanchor_651" href="#Footnote_651" class="fnanchor">[651]</a> These four grievances or abuses form the foundation +of the Petition of Right, presented by the Commons in the +shape of a declaratory statute. Charles had recourse to many +subterfuges in hopes to elude the passing of this law; rather +perhaps through wounded pride, as we may judge from his +subsequent conduct, than such apprehension that it would +create a serious impediment to his despotic schemes. He tried +to persuade them to acquiesce in his royal promise not to arrest +any one without just cause, or in a simple confirmation of the +Great Charter, and other statutes in favour of liberty. The +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_361" id="Page_361">361</a></span> +peers, too pliant in this instance to his wishes, and half receding +from the patriot banner they had lately joined, lent him their +aid by proposing amendments (insidious in those who suggested +them, though not in the body of the house), which the Commons +firmly rejected.<a name="FNanchor_652" id="FNanchor_652" href="#Footnote_652" class="fnanchor">[652]</a> Even when the bill was tendered to him for +that assent, which it had been necessary for the last two centuries +that the king should grant or refuse in a word, he returned +a long and equivocal answer, from which it could only be +collected that he did not intend to remit any portion of what +he had claimed as his prerogative. But on an address from +both houses for a more explicit answer, he thought fit to consent +to the bill in the usual form. The Commons, of whose harshness +towards Charles his advocates have said so much, immediately +passed a bill for granting five subsidies, about £350,000; +a sum not too great for the wealth of the kingdom or for his +exigencies, but considerable according to the precedents of +former times, to which men naturally look.<a name="FNanchor_653" id="FNanchor_653" href="#Footnote_653" class="fnanchor">[653]</a></p> + +<p>The sincerity of Charles in thus according his assent to the +Petition of Right may be estimated by the following very remarkable +conference which he held on the subject with his judges. +Before the bill was passed, he sent for the two chief justices, +Hyde and Richardson, to Whitehall; and propounded certain +questions, directing that the other judges should be assembled +in order to answer them. The first question was, "Whether in +no case whatsoever the king may not commit a subject without +showing cause?" To which the judges gave an answer the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_362" id="Page_362">362</a></span> +same day under their hands, which was the next day presented +to his majesty by the two chief justices in these words: "We +are of opinion that, by the general rule of law, the cause of +commitment by his majesty ought to be shown; yet some cases +may require such secrecy, that the king may commit a subject +without showing the cause for a convenient time." The king +then delivered them a second question, and required them to +keep it very secret, as the former: "Whether, in case a habeas +corpus be brought, and a warrant from the king without any +general or special cause returned, the judges ought to deliver +him before they understand the cause from the king?" Their +answer was as follows: "Upon a habeas corpus brought for +one committed by the king, if the cause be not specially or +generally returned, so as the court may take knowledge thereof, +the party ought by the general rule of law to be delivered. But, +if the case be such that the same requireth secrecy, and may not +presently be disclosed, the court of discretion may forbear to +deliver the prisoner for a convenient time, to the end the court +may be advertised of the truth thereof." On receiving this +answer, the king proposed a third question: "Whether, if the +king grant the Commons' petition, he doth not thereby exclude +himself from committing or restraining a subject for any time +or cause whatsoever, without showing a cause?" The judges +returned for answer to this important query: "Every law, +after it is made, hath its exposition, and so this petition and +answer must have an exposition as the case in the nature thereof +shall require to stand with justice; which is to be left to the +courts of justice to determine, which cannot particularly be +discovered until such case shall happen. And although the +petition be granted, there is no fear of conclusion as is intimated +in the question."<a name="FNanchor_654" id="FNanchor_654" href="#Footnote_654" class="fnanchor">[654]</a></p> + +<p>The king, a very few days afterwards gave his <i>first</i> answer to +the Petition of Right. For even this indirect promise of compliance, +which the judges gave him, did not relieve him from +apprehensions that he might lose the prerogative of arbitrary +commitment. And though, after being beaten from this evasion, +he was compelled to accede in general terms to the petition, +he had the insincerity to circulate one thousand five hundred +copies of it through the country, after the prorogation, with his +first answer annexed; an attempt to deceive without the possibility +of success.<a name="FNanchor_655" id="FNanchor_655" href="#Footnote_655" class="fnanchor">[655]</a> But instances of such ill faith, accumulated +as they are through the life of Charles, render the assertion of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_363" id="Page_363">363</a></span> +his sincerity a proof either of historical ignorance, or of a want +of moral delicacy.</p> + +<p>The Petition of Right, as this statute is still called, from its +not being drawn in the common form of an act of parliament, +after reciting the various laws which have established certain +essential privileges of the subject, and enumerating the violations +of them which had recently occurred, in the four points +of illegal exactions, arbitrary commitments, quartering of +soldiers or sailors, and infliction of punishment by martial law, +prays the king, "That no man hereafter be compelled to make +or yield any gift, loan, benevolence, tax, or such like charge +without common consent by act of parliament; and that none +be called to answer or take such oath, or to give attendance, +or be confined or otherwise molested or disquieted concerning +the same, or for refusal thereof; and that no freeman in any +such manner as is before mentioned be imprisoned or detained; +and that your majesty would be pleased to remove the said +soldiers and marines, and that your people may not be so +burthened in time to come; and that the aforesaid commissions +for proceeding by martial law may be revoked and annulled; +and that hereafter no commissions of the like nature may issue +forth to any person or persons whatever, to be executed as +aforesaid, lest by colour of them any of your majesty's subjects +be destroyed or put to death contrary to the laws and franchises +of the land."<a name="FNanchor_656" id="FNanchor_656" href="#Footnote_656" class="fnanchor">[656]</a></p> + +<p><i>Tonnage and poundage disputed.</i>—It might not unreasonably +be questioned whether the language of this statute were sufficiently +general to comprehend duties charged on merchandise +at the outports, as well as internal taxes and exactions, especially +as the former had received a sort of sanction, though justly +deemed contrary to law, by the judgment of the court of exchequer +in Bates's case. The Commons, however, were steadily +determined not to desist till they should have rescued their +fellow-subjects from a burthen as unwarrantably imposed as +those specifically enumerated in their Petition of Right. Tonnage +and poundage, the customary grant of every reign, had +been taken by the present king without consent of parliament; +the Lords having rejected, as before-mentioned, a bill that +limited it to a single year. The house now prepared a bill to +grant it, but purposely delayed its passing; in order to remonstrate +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_364" id="Page_364">364</a></span> +with the king against his unconstitutional anticipation of +their consent. They declared "that there ought not any imposition +to be laid upon the goods of merchants, exported or imported, +without common consent by act of parliament; that +tonnage and poundage, like other subsidies, sprung from the +free grant of the people; that when impositions had been laid +on the subjects' goods and merchandises without authority of +law, which had very seldom occurred, they had, on complaint +in parliament, been forthwith relieved; except in the late king's +reign, who, through evil counsel, had raised the rates and charges +to the height at which they then were." They conclude, after +repeating their declaration that the receiving of tonnage and +poundage and other impositions not granted by parliament is +a breach of the fundamental liberties of this kingdom, and +contrary to the late petition of right, with most humbly beseeching +his majesty to forbear any further receiving of the same, +and not to take it in ill part from those of his loving subjects +who should refuse to make payment of any such charges without +warrant of law.<a name="FNanchor_657" id="FNanchor_657" href="#Footnote_657" class="fnanchor">[657]</a></p> + +<p>The king anticipated the delivery of this remonstrance by +proroguing the parliament. Tonnage and poundage, he told +them, was what he had never meant to give away, nor could +possibly do without. By this abrupt prorogation, while so +great a matter was unsettled, he trod back his late footsteps, +and dissipated what little hopes might have arisen from his +tardy assent to the Petition of Right. During the interval +before the ensuing session, those merchants, among whom +Chambers, Rolls, and Vassal are particularly to be remembered +with honour, who gallantly refused to comply with the demands +of the custom house, had their goods distrained, and on suing +writs of replevin, were told by the judges that the king's right, +having been established in the case of Bates, could no longer +be disputed.<a name="FNanchor_658" id="FNanchor_658" href="#Footnote_658" class="fnanchor">[658]</a> Thus the Commons re-assembled, by no means +less inflamed against the king's administration than at the +commencement of the preceding session. Their proceedings +were conducted with more than usual warmth.<a name="FNanchor_659" id="FNanchor_659" href="#Footnote_659" class="fnanchor">[659]</a> Buckingham's +death, which had occurred since the prorogation, did not allay +their resentment against the advisers of the Crown. But the +king, who had very much lowered his tone in speaking of tonnage +and poundage, and would have been content to receive it as +their grant, perceiving that they were bent on a full statutory +recognition of the illegality of impositions without their consent, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_365" id="Page_365">365</a></span> +and that they had opened a fresh battery on another side, by +mingling in certain religious disputes in order to attack some of +his favourite prelates, took the step, to which he was always +inclined, of dissolving this third parliament.</p> + +<p><i>Religious differences.</i>—The religious disputes to which I have +just alluded are chiefly to be considered, for the present purpose, +in their relation to those jealousies and resentments springing +out of the ecclesiastical administration, which during the reigns +of the two first Stuarts furnished unceasing food to political +discontent. James having early shown his inflexible determination +to restrain the puritans, the bishops proceeded with +still more rigour than under Elizabeth. No longer thwarted, +as in her time, by an unwilling council, they succeeded in exacting +a general conformity to the ordinances of the church. It +had been solemnly decided by the judges in the queen's reign, +and in 1604, that, although the statute establishing the high +commission court did not authorise it to deprive ministers of +their benefices, yet this law being only in affirmation of the +queen's inherent supremacy, she might, by virtue of that, regulate +all ecclesiastical matters at her pleasure, and erect courts +with such powers as she should think fit. Upon this somewhat +dangerous principle, Archbishop Bancroft deprived a considerable +number of puritan clergymen;<a name="FNanchor_660" id="FNanchor_660" href="#Footnote_660" class="fnanchor">[660]</a> while many more, finding +that the interference of the Commons in their behalf was not +regarded, and that all schemes of evasion were come to an end, +were content to submit to the obnoxious discipline. But their +affections being very little conciliated by this coercion, there +remained a large party within the bosom of the established +church, prone to watch for and magnify the errors of their +spiritual rulers. These men preserved the name of puritans. +Austere in their lives, while many of the others were careless +or irregular, learned as a body comparatively with the opposite +party, implacably averse to everything that could be construed +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_366" id="Page_366">366</a></span> +into an approximation to popery, they acquired a degree of +respect from grave men, which would have been much more +general, had they not sometimes given offence by a moroseness +and even malignity of disposition, as well as by a certain tendency +to equivocation and deceitfulness; faults, however, which +so frequently belong to the weaker party under a rigorous +government that they scarcely afford a marked reproach against +the puritans. They naturally fell in with the patriotic party +in the House of Commons, and kept up throughout the kingdom +a distrust of the Crown, which has never been so general in +England as when connected with some religious apprehensions.</p> + +<p><i>Growth of high church tenets.</i>—The system pursued by Bancroft +and his imitators, Bishops Neile and Laud, with the approbation +of the king, far opposed to the healing counsels of Burleigh and +Bacon, was just such as low-born and little-minded men, raised +to power by fortune's caprice, are ever found to pursue. They +studiously aggravated every difference, and irritated every +wound. As the characteristic prejudice of the puritans was so +bigoted an abhorrence of the Romish faith, that they hardly +deemed its followers to deserve the name of Christians, the +prevailing high church party took care to shock that prejudice +by somewhat of a retrograde movement, and various seeming, +or indeed real, accommodations of their tenets to those of the +abjured religion. They began by preaching the divine right, +as it is called, or absolute indispensability, of episcopacy;<a name="FNanchor_661" id="FNanchor_661" href="#Footnote_661" class="fnanchor">[661]</a> a +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_367" id="Page_367">367</a></span> +doctrine of which the first traces, as I apprehend, are found +about the end of Elizabeth's reign. They insisted on the +necessity of episcopal succession regularly derived from the +apostles. They drew an inference from this tenet, that ordinations +by presbyters were in all cases null. And as this affected +all the reformed churches in Europe except their own, the +Lutherans not having preserved the succession of their bishops, +while the Calvinists had altogether abolished that order, they +began to speak of them not as brethren of the same faith, united +in the same cause, and distinguished only by differences little +more material than those of political commonwealths (which +had been the language of the church of England ever since the +Reformation), but as aliens to whom they were not at all related, +and schismatics with whom they held no communion; nay, as +wanting the very essence of a Christian society. This again +brought them nearer, by irresistible consequence, to the disciples +of Rome, with becoming charity, but against the received +creed of the puritans and perhaps against their own articles, +they all acknowledged to be a part of the catholic church, while +they were withholding that appellation, expressly or by inference, +from Heidelberg and Geneva.</p> + +<p><i>Differences as to the observance of Sunday.</i>—The founders of +the English reformation, after abolishing most of the festivals +kept before that time, had made little or no change as to the +mode of observance of those they retained. Sundays and +holidays stood much on the same footing as days on which no +work except for good cause was to be performed, the service of +the church was to be attended, and any lawful amusement +might be indulged in.<a name="FNanchor_662" id="FNanchor_662" href="#Footnote_662" class="fnanchor">[662]</a> A just distinction, however, soon grew +up; an industrious people could spare time for very few holidays; +and the more scrupulous party, while they slighted the +church festivals as of human appointment, prescribed a stricter +observance of the Lord's day. But it was not till about 1595 +that they began to place it very nearly on the footing of the +Jewish sabbath, interdicting not only the slightest action of +worldly business, but even every sort of pastime and recreation; +a system which, once promulgated, soon gained ground as suiting +their atrabilious humour, and affording a new theme of +censure on the vices of the great.<a name="FNanchor_663" id="FNanchor_663" href="#Footnote_663" class="fnanchor">[663]</a> Those who opposed them +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_368" id="Page_368">368</a></span> +on the high church side, not only derided the extravagance of +the Sabbatarians, as the others were called, but pretended that +the commandment having been confined to the Hebrews, the +modern observance of the first day of the week as a season of +rest and devotion was an ecclesiastical institution, and in no +degree more venerable than that of the other festivals or the +season of Lent, which the puritans stubbornly despised.<a name="FNanchor_664" id="FNanchor_664" href="#Footnote_664" class="fnanchor">[664]</a> Such +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_369" id="Page_369">369</a></span> +a controversy might well have been left to the usual weapons. +But James I., or some of the bishops to whom he listened, +bethought themselves that this might serve as a test of puritan +ministers. He published accordingly a declaration to be read +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_370" id="Page_370">370</a></span> +in churches, permitting all lawful recreations on Sunday after +divine service, such as dancing, archery, May-games, and +morrice-dances, and other usual sports; but with a prohibition +of bear-hunting and other unlawful games. No recusant, or +any one who had not attended the church service, was entitled +to this privilege; which might consequently be regarded as a +bounty on devotion. The severe puritan saw it in no such +point of view. To his cynical temper, May-games and morrice-dances +were hardly tolerable on six days of the week; they +were now recommended for the seventh. And this impious +licence was to be promulgated in the church itself. It is indeed +difficult to explain so unnecessary an insult on the precise +clergy, but by supposing an intention to harass those who should +refuse compliance.<a name="FNanchor_665" id="FNanchor_665" href="#Footnote_665" class="fnanchor">[665]</a> But this intention, from whatever cause, +perhaps through the influence of Archbishop Abbot, was not +carried into effect; nor was the declaration itself enforced till +the following reign.</p> + +<p>The House of Commons displayed their attachment to the +puritan maxims, or their dislike of the prelatical clergy, by +bringing in bills to enforce a greater strictness in this respect. +A circumstance that occurred in the session of 1621 will serve +to prove their fanatical violence. A bill having been brought +in "for the better observance of the Sabbath, usually called +Sunday," one Mr. Shepherd, sneering at the puritans, remarked +that, as Saturday was dies Sabbati, this might be entitled a bill +for the observance of Saturday, commonly called Sunday. This +witticism brought on his head the wrath of that dangerous +assembly. He was reprimanded on his knees, expelled the +house, and when he saw what befell poor Floyd, might deem +himself cheaply saved from their fangs with no worse chastisement.<a name="FNanchor_666" id="FNanchor_666" href="#Footnote_666" class="fnanchor">[666]</a> +Yet when the upper house sent down their bill with +"the Lord's day" substituted for "the Sabbath," observing, +"that people do now much incline to words of Judaism," the +Commons took no exception.<a name="FNanchor_667" id="FNanchor_667" href="#Footnote_667" class="fnanchor">[667]</a> The use of the word Sabbath +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_371" id="Page_371">371</a></span> +instead of Sunday became in that age a distinctive mark of the +puritan party.</p> + +<p><i>Arminian controversy.</i>—A far more permanent controversy +sprang up about the end of the same reign, which afforded a +new pretext for intolerance and a fresh source of mutual hatred. +Every one of my readers is acquainted more or less with the +theological tenets of original sin, free will, and predestination, +variously taught in the schools, and debated by polemical +writers for so many centuries; and few can be ignorant that +the articles of our own church, as they relate to these doctrines, +have been very differently interpreted, and that a controversy +about their meaning has long been carried on with a pertinacity +which could not have continued on so limited a topic, had the +combatants been merely influenced by the love of truth. Those +who have no bias to warp their judgment will not perhaps have +much hesitation in drawing their line between, though not at +an equal distance between, the conflicting parties. It appears, +on the other hand, that the articles are worded on some of these +doctrines with considerable ambiguity; whether we attribute +this to the intrinsic obscurity of the subject, to the additional +difficulties with which it had been entangled by theological +systems, to discrepancy of opinion in the compilers, or +to their solicitude to prevent disunion by adopting formularies +which men of different sentiments might subscribe. It is also +manifest that their framers came, as it were, with averted eyes +to the Augustinian doctrine of predestination, and wisely reprehended +those who turned their attention to a system so pregnant +with objections, and so dangerous, when needlessly dwelt upon, +to all practical piety and virtue. But, on the other hand, this +very reluctance to inculcate the tenet is so expressed as to +manifest their undoubting belief in it; nor is it possible either +to assign a motive for inserting the seventeenth article, or to +give any reasonable interpretation to it, upon the theory which +at present passes for orthodox in the English church. And +upon other subjects intimately related to the former, such as +the penalty of original sin and the depravation of human nature, +the articles, after making every allowance for want of precision, +seem totally irreconcilable with the scheme usually denominated +Arminian.</p> + +<p>The force of those conclusions, which we must, in my judgment, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_372" id="Page_372">372</a></span> +deduce from the language of these articles, will be materially +increased by that appeal of contemporary and other early +authorities, to which recourse has been had in order to invalidate +them. Whatever doubts may be raised as to the Calvinism +of Cranmer and Ridley, there can surely be no room for any as +to the chiefs of the Anglican church under Elizabeth. We find +explicit proofs that Jewel, Nowell, Sandys, Cox, professed to +concur with the reformers of Zurich and Geneva in every point +of doctrine.<a name="FNanchor_668" id="FNanchor_668" href="#Footnote_668" class="fnanchor">[668]</a> The works of Calvin and Bullinger became textbooks +in the English universities.<a name="FNanchor_669" id="FNanchor_669" href="#Footnote_669" class="fnanchor">[669]</a> Those who did not hold the +predestinarian theory were branded with reproach by the names +of free-willers and Pelagians.<a name="FNanchor_670" id="FNanchor_670" href="#Footnote_670" class="fnanchor">[670]</a> And when the opposite tenets +came to be advanced, as they were at Cambridge about 1590, +a clamour was raised as if some unusual heresy had been +broached. Whitgift, with the concurrence of some other prelates, +in order to withstand its progress, published what were +called the Lambeth articles, containing the broadest and most +repulsive declaration of all the Calvinistic tenets. But, Lord +Burleigh having shown some disapprobation, these articles never +obtained any legal sanction.<a name="FNanchor_671" id="FNanchor_671" href="#Footnote_671" class="fnanchor">[671]</a></p> + +<p>These more rigorous tenets, in fact, especially when so crudely +enounced, were beginning to give way. They had been already +abandoned by the Lutheran church. They had long been +opposed in that of Rome by the Franciscan order, and latterly +by the jesuits. Above all, the study of the Greek fathers, with +whom the first reformers had been little conversant, taught the +divines of a more learned age, that men of as high a name as +Augustin, and whom they were prone to over-value, had entertained +very different sentiments.<a name="FNanchor_672" id="FNanchor_672" href="#Footnote_672" class="fnanchor">[672]</a> Still the novel opinions +passed for heterodox, and were promulgated with much vacillation +and indistinctness. When they were published in unequivocal +propositions by Arminius and his school, James +declared himself with vehemence against this heresy.<a name="FNanchor_673" id="FNanchor_673" href="#Footnote_673" class="fnanchor">[673]</a> He not +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_373" id="Page_373">373</a></span> +only sent English divines to sit in the synod of Dort, where the +Calvinistic system was fully established, but instigated the proceedings +against the remonstrants with more of theological +pedantry than charity or decorum.<a name="FNanchor_674" id="FNanchor_674" href="#Footnote_674" class="fnanchor">[674]</a> Yet this inconsistent +monarch within a very few years was so wrought on by one or +two favourite ecclesiastics, who inclined towards the doctrines +condemned in that assembly, that openly to maintain the +Augustinian system became almost a sure means of exclusion +from preferment in our church. This was carried to its height +under Charles. Laud, his sole counsellor in ecclesiastical +matters, advised a declaration enjoining silence on the controverted +points; a measure by no means unwise, if it had been +fairly acted upon. It is alleged, however, that the preachers on +one side only were silenced, the printers of books on one side +censured in the star-chamber, while full scope was indulged to +the opposite sect.<a name="FNanchor_675" id="FNanchor_675" href="#Footnote_675" class="fnanchor">[675]</a> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_374" id="Page_374">374</a></span></p> + +<p>The House of Commons, especially in their last session, took +up the increase of Arminianism as a public grievance. It was +coupled in their remonstrances with popery, as a new danger +to religion, hardly less terrible than the former. This bigoted +clamour arose in part from the nature of their own Calvinistic +tenets, which, being still prevalent in the kingdom, would, +independently of all political motives, predominate in any +popular assembly. But they had a sort of excuse for it in the +close, though accidental and temporary, connection that subsisted +between the partisans of these new speculative tenets +and those of arbitrary power; the churchmen who receded most +from Calvinism being generally the zealots of prerogative. They +conceived also that these theories, conformable in the main to +those most countenanced in the church of Rome, might pave +the way for that restoration of her faith which from so many +other quarters appeared to threaten them. Nor was this last +apprehension so destitute of all plausibility as the advocates of +the two first Stuarts have always pretended it to be.</p> + +<p><i>State of catholics under James.</i>—James, well instructed in the +theology of the reformers, and inured himself to controversial +dialectics, was far removed in point of opinion from any bias +towards the Romish creed. But he had, while in Scotland, +given rise to some suspicions at the court of Elizabeth, by a +little clandestine coquetry with the pope, which he fancied to +be a politic means of disarming enmity.<a name="FNanchor_676" id="FNanchor_676" href="#Footnote_676" class="fnanchor">[676]</a> Some knowledge of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_375" id="Page_375">375</a></span> +this, probably, as well as his avowed dislike of sanguinary +persecution, and a foolish reliance on the trifling circumstance +that one if not both of his parents had professed their religion, +led the English catholics to expect a great deal of indulgence, +if not support, at his hands. This hope might receive some +encouragement from his speech on opening the parliament of +1604, wherein he intimated his design to revise and explain the +penal laws, "which the judges might perhaps," he said, "in +times past have too rigorously interpreted." But the temper +of those he addressed was very different. The catholics were +disappointed by an act inflicting new penalties on recusants, +and especially debarring them from educating their children +according to their consciences.<a name="FNanchor_677" id="FNanchor_677" href="#Footnote_677" class="fnanchor">[677]</a> The administration took a +sudden turn towards severity; the prisons were filled, the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_376" id="Page_376">376</a></span> +penalties exacted, several suffered death,<a name="FNanchor_678" id="FNanchor_678" href="#Footnote_678" class="fnanchor">[678]</a> and the general helplessness +of their condition impelled a few persons (most of whom +had belonged to what was called the Spanish party in the last +reign) to the gunpowder conspiracy, unjustly imputed to the +majority of catholics, though perhaps extending beyond those +who appeared in it.<a name="FNanchor_679" id="FNanchor_679" href="#Footnote_679" class="fnanchor">[679]</a> We cannot wonder that a parliament +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_377" id="Page_377">377</a></span> +so narrowly rescued from personal destruction endeavoured to +draw the cord still tighter round these dangerous enemies. The +statute passed on this occasion is by no means more harsh than +might be expected. It required not only attendance on worship, +but participation in the communion, as a test of conformity, and +gave an option to the king of taking a penalty of £20 a month +from recusants, or two-thirds of their lands. It prescribed also +an oath of allegiance, the refusal of which incurred the penalties +of a præmunire. This imported that, notwithstanding any +sentence of deprivation or excommunication by the pope, the +taker would bear true allegiance to the king, and defend him +against any conspiracies which should be made by reason of +such sentence or otherwise, and do his best endeavour to disclose +them; that he from his heart abhorred, detested, and +abjured as impious and heretical, the damnable doctrine and +position that princes, excommunicated or deprived by the pope, +may be deposed or murdered by their subjects, or any other +whatsoever; and that he did not believe that the pope or any +other could absolve him from this oath.<a name="FNanchor_680" id="FNanchor_680" href="#Footnote_680" class="fnanchor">[680]</a></p> + +<p>Except by cavilling at one or two words, it seemed impossible +for the Roman catholics to decline so reasonable a test of loyalty, +without justifying the worst suspicions of protestant jealousy. +Most of the secular priests in England, asking only a connivance +in the exercise of their ministry, and aware how much the good +work of reclaiming their apostate countrymen was retarded by +the political obloquy they incurred, would have willingly acquiesced +in the oath. But the court of Rome, not yet receding +an inch from her proudest claims, absolutely forbade all catholics +to abjure her deposing power by this test, and employed Bellarmine +to prove its unlawfulness. The king stooped to a literary +controversy with this redoubted champion, and was prouder of +no exploit of his life than his answer to the cardinal's book; by +which he incurred the contempt of foreign courts and of all +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_378" id="Page_378">378</a></span> +judicious men.<a name="FNanchor_681" id="FNanchor_681" href="#Footnote_681" class="fnanchor">[681]</a> Though neither the murderous conspiracy of +1605, nor this refusal to abjure the principles on which it was +founded, could dispose James to persecution, or even render +the papist so obnoxious in his eyes as the puritan; yet he was +long averse to anything like a general remission of the penal +laws. In sixteen instances after this time, the sanguinary +enactments of his predecessor were enforced, but only perhaps +against priests who refused the oath;<a name="FNanchor_682" id="FNanchor_682" href="#Footnote_682" class="fnanchor">[682]</a> the catholics enjoyed on +the whole somewhat more indulgence than before, in respect to +the private exercise of their religion; at least enough to offend +narrow-spirited zealots, and furnish pretext for the murmurs of +a discontented parliament, but under condition of paying compositions +for recusancy; a regular annual source of revenue +which, though apparently trifling in amount, the king was not +likely to abandon, even if his notions of prerogative, and the +generally received prejudices of that age, had not determined +him against an express toleration.<a name="FNanchor_683" id="FNanchor_683" href="#Footnote_683" class="fnanchor">[683]</a></p> + +<p>In the course, however, of that impolitic negotiation, which +exposed him to all eyes as the dupe and tool of the court of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_379" id="Page_379">379</a></span> +Madrid, James was led on to promise concessions for which his +protestant subjects were ill prepared. That court had wrought +on his feeble mind by affected coyness about the infanta's +marriage, with two private aims; to secure his neutrality in +the war of the Palatinate, and to obtain better terms for the +English catholics. Fully successful in both ends, it would probably +have at length permitted the union to take place, had not +Buckingham's rash insolence broken off the treaty; but I am +at a loss to perceive the sincere and even generous conduct +which some have found in the Spanish council during this +negotiation.<a name="FNanchor_684" id="FNanchor_684" href="#Footnote_684" class="fnanchor">[684]</a> The king acted with such culpable weakness, as +even in him excites our astonishment. Buckingham, in his first +eagerness for the marriage on arriving in Spain, wrote to ask +if the king would acknowledge the pope's spiritual supremacy, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_380" id="Page_380">380</a></span> +as the surest means of success. James professed to be much +shocked at this, but offered to recognise his jurisdiction as +patriarch of the west, to whom ecclesiastical appeals might +ultimately be made; a concession as incompatible with the code +of our protestant laws as the former. Yet with this knowledge +of his favourite's disposition, he gave the prince and him a +written promise to perform whatever they should agree upon +with the court of Madrid.<a name="FNanchor_685" id="FNanchor_685" href="#Footnote_685" class="fnanchor">[685]</a> On the treaty being almost concluded, +the king, prince, and privy council swore to observe +certain stipulated articles, by which the infanta was not only +to have the exercise of her religion, but the education of her +children till ten years of age. But the king was also sworn to +private articles; that no penal laws should be put in force +against the catholics, that there should be a perpetual toleration +of their religion in private houses, that he and his son would use +their authority to make parliament confirm and ratify these +articles, and revoke all laws (as it is with strange latitude +expressed) containing anything repugnant to the Roman +catholic religion, and that they would not consent to any new +laws against them. The Prince of Wales separately engaged +to procure the suspension or abrogation of the penal laws within +three years, and to lengthen the term for the mother's education +of their children from ten years to twelve, if it should +be in his own power. He promised also to listen to catholic +divines, whenever the infanta should desire it.<a name="FNanchor_686" id="FNanchor_686" href="#Footnote_686" class="fnanchor">[686]</a></p> + +<p>These secret assurances, when they were whispered in England, +might not unreasonably excite suspicion of the prince's +wavering in his religion, which he contrived to aggravate by an +act as imprudent as it was reprehensible. During his stay at +Madrid, while his inclinations were still bent on concluding the +marriage, the sole apparent obstacle being the pope's delay in +forwarding the dispensation, he wrote a letter to Gregory XV., +in reply to one received from him, in language evidently intended +to give an impression of his favourable dispositions towards the +Romish faith. The whole tenor of his subsequent life must have +satisfied every reasonable inquirer into our history, of Charles's +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_381" id="Page_381">381</a></span> +real attachment to the Anglican church; nor could he have +had any other aim than to facilitate his arrangements with the +court of Rome by this deception. It would perhaps be uncandid +to judge severely a want of ingenuousness, which youth, +love, and bad counsels may extenuate; yet I cannot help +remarking that the letter is written with the precautions of a +veteran in dissimulation; and, while it is full of what might raise +expectation, contains no special pledge that he could be called +on to redeem. But it was rather presumptuous to hope that he +could foil the subtlest masters of artifice with their own weapons.<a name="FNanchor_687" id="FNanchor_687" href="#Footnote_687" class="fnanchor">[687]</a></p> + +<p>James, impatient for this ill-omened alliance, lost no time in +fulfilling his private stipulations with Spain. He published a +general pardon of all penalties already incurred for recusancy. +It was designed to follow this up by a proclamation prohibiting +the bishops, judges, and other magistrates to execute any penal +statute against the catholics. But the lord keeper, Bishop +Williams, hesitated at so unpopular a stretch of power.<a name="FNanchor_688" id="FNanchor_688" href="#Footnote_688" class="fnanchor">[688]</a> And, +the rupture with Spain ensuing almost immediately, the king, +with a singular defiance of all honest men's opinion, though the +secret articles of the late treaty had become generally known, +declared in his first speech to parliament in 1624, that "he had +only thought good sometimes to wink and connive at the execution +of some penal laws, and not to go on so rigorously as at +other times, but not to dispense with any or to forbid or alter +any that concern religion; he never permitted or yielded, he +never did think it with his heart, nor spoke it with his mouth."<a name="FNanchor_689" id="FNanchor_689" href="#Footnote_689" class="fnanchor">[689]</a> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_382" id="Page_382">382</a></span></p> + +<p>When James soon after this, not yet taught by experience +to avoid a catholic alliance, demanded the hand of Henrietta +Maria for his son, Richlieu thought himself bound by policy +and honour as well as religion to obtain the same or greater +advantages for the English catholics than had been promised +in the former negotiation. Henrietta was to have the education +of her children till they reached the age of twelve; thus +were added two years, at a time of life when the mind becomes +susceptible of lasting impressions, to the term at which, by the +treaty of Spain, the mother's superintendence was to cease.<a name="FNanchor_690" id="FNanchor_690" href="#Footnote_690" class="fnanchor">[690]</a> +Yet there is the strongest reason to believe that this condition +was merely inserted for the honour of the French Crown, with +a secret understanding that it should never be executed.<a name="FNanchor_691" id="FNanchor_691" href="#Footnote_691" class="fnanchor">[691]</a> In +fact, the royal children were placed at a very early age under +protestant governors of the king's appointment; nor does +Henrietta appear to have ever insisted on her right. That +James and Charles should have incurred the scandal of this +engagement, since the articles, though called private, must be +expected to transpire, without any real intentions of performing +it, is an additional instance of that arrogant contempt of +public opinion which distinguished the Stuart family. It was +stipulated in the same private articles, that prisoners on the +score of religion should be set at liberty, and that none should +be molested in future.<a name="FNanchor_692" id="FNanchor_692" href="#Footnote_692" class="fnanchor">[692]</a> These promises were irregularly fulfilled, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_383" id="Page_383">383</a></span> +according to the terms on which Charles stood with his +brother-in-law. Sometimes general orders were issued to suspend +all penal laws against papists; again, by a capricious +change of policy, all officers and judges are directed to proceed +in their execution; and this severity gave place in its turn to +a renewed season of indulgence. If these alterations were not +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_384" id="Page_384">384</a></span> +very satisfactory to the catholics, the whole scheme of lenity +displeased and alarmed the protestants. Tolerance, in any +extensive sense, of that proscribed worship was equally abhorrent +to the prelatist and the puritan; though one would have +winked at its peaceable and domestic exercise, which the other +was zealous to eradicate. But, had they been capable of more +liberal reasoning upon this subject, there was enough to justify +their indignation at this attempt to sweep away the restrictive +code established by so many statutes, and so long deemed +essential to the security of their church, by an unconstitutional +exertion of the prerogative, prompted by no more worthy +motive than compliance with a foreign power, and tending to +confirm suspicions of the king's wavering between the two +religions, or his indifference to either. In the very first months +of his reign, and while that parliament was sitting, which has +been reproached for its parsimony, he sent a fleet to assist the +French king in blocking up the port of Rochelle; and with utter +disregard of the national honour, ordered the admiral, who +reported that the sailors would not fight against protestants, +to sail to Dieppe, and give up his ships into the possession of +France.<a name="FNanchor_693" id="FNanchor_693" href="#Footnote_693" class="fnanchor">[693]</a> His subsequent alliance with the Hugonot party in +consequence merely of Buckingham's unwarrantable hostility +to France, founded on the most extraordinary motives, could +not redeem, in the eyes of the nation, this instance of lukewarmness, +to say the least, in the general cause of the Reformation. +Later ages have had means of estimating the attachment +of Charles the First to protestantism, which his contemporaries +in that early period of his reign did not enjoy; and this has led +some to treat the apprehensions of parliament as either insincere +or preposterously unjust. But can this be fairly pretended by +any one who has acquainted himself with the course of proceedings +on the Spanish marriage, the whole of which was revealed +by the Earl of Bristol to the House of Lords? Was there +nothing, again, to excite alarm in the frequent conversions of +persons of high rank to popery, in the more dangerous partialities +of many more, in the evident bias of certain distinguished churchmen +to tenets rejected at the Reformation? The course pursued +with respect to religious matters after the dissolution of parliament +in 1629, to which I shall presently advert, did by no means +show the misgivings of that assembly to have been ill-founded.</p> + +<p>It was neither, however, the Arminian opinions of the higher +clergy, nor even their supposed leaning towards those of Rome, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_385" id="Page_385">385</a></span> +that chiefly rendered them obnoxious to the Commons. They +had studiously inculcated that resistance to the commands of +rulers was in every conceivable instance a heinous sin; a tenet +so evidently subversive of all civil liberty that it can be little +worth while to argue about right and privilege, wherever it has +obtained a real hold on the understanding and conscience of a +nation. This had very early been adopted by the Anglican +reformers, as a barrier against the disaffection of those who +adhered to the ancient religion, and in order to exhibit their +own loyalty in a more favourable light. The homily against +wilful disobedience and rebellion was written on occasion of the +rising of the northern earls in 1569, and is full of temporary and +even personal allusions.<a name="FNanchor_694" id="FNanchor_694" href="#Footnote_694" class="fnanchor">[694]</a> But the same doctrine is enforced in +others of those compositions, which enjoy a kind of half authority +in the English church. It is laid down in the canons of +convocation in 1606. It is very frequent in the writings of +English divines, those especially who were much about the +court. And an unlucky preacher at Oxford, named Knight, +about 1622, having thrown out some intimation that subjects +oppressed by their prince on account of religion might defend +themselves by arms; that university, on the king's highly +resenting such heresy, not only censured the preacher (who had +the audacity to observe that the king by then sending aid to the +French Hugonots of Rochelle, as was rumoured to be designed, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_386" id="Page_386">386</a></span> +had sanctioned his position), but pronounced a solemn decree +that it is in no case lawful for subjects to make use of force +against their princes, nor to appear offensively or defensively +in the field against them. All persons promoted to degrees +were to subscribe this article, and to take an oath that they +not only at present detested the opposite opinion, but would at +no future time entertain it. A ludicrous display of the folly +and despotic spirit of learned academies!<a name="FNanchor_695" id="FNanchor_695" href="#Footnote_695" class="fnanchor">[695]</a></p> + +<p>Those, however, who most strenuously denied the abstract +right of resistance to unlawful commands, were by no means +obliged to maintain the duty of yielding them an active obedience. +In the case of religion, it was necessary to admit that +God was rather to be obeyed than man. Nor had it been pretended, +except by the most servile churchmen, that subjects +had no positive rights, in behalf of which they might decline +compliance with illegal requisitions. This, however, was openly +asserted in the reign of Charles. Those who refused the general +loan of 1626, had to encounter assaults from very different +quarters, and were not only imprisoned, but preached at. Two +sermons by Sibthorp and Mainwaring excited particular attention. +These men, eager for preferment which they knew the +readiest method to attain, taught that the king might take the +subject's money at his pleasure, and that no one might refuse +his demand, on penalty of damnation. "Parliaments," said +Mainwaring, "were not ordained to contribute any right to the +king, but for the more equal imposing and more easy exacting +of that which unto kings doth appertain by natural and original +law and justice, as their proper inheritance annexed to their +imperial Crowns from their birth."<a name="FNanchor_696" id="FNanchor_696" href="#Footnote_696" class="fnanchor">[696]</a> These extravagances of +rather obscure men would have passed with less notice, if the +government had not given them the most indecent encouragement. +Abbot, Archbishop of Canterbury, a man of integrity, +but upon that account as well as for his Calvinistic partialities, +long since obnoxious to the courtiers, refused to license Sibthorp's +sermon, alleging some unwarrantable passages which it +contained. For no other cause than this, he was sequestered +from the exercise of his archiepiscopal jurisdiction, and confined +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_387" id="Page_387">387</a></span> +to a country-house in Kent.<a name="FNanchor_697" id="FNanchor_697" href="#Footnote_697" class="fnanchor">[697]</a> The House of Commons, after +many complaints of those ecclesiastics, finally proceeded against +Mainwaring by impeachment at the bar of the Lords. He was +condemned to pay a fine of £1000, to be suspended for three +years from his ministry, and to be incapable of holding any +ecclesiastical dignity. Yet the king almost immediately pardoned +Mainwaring, who became in a few years a bishop, as +Sibthorp was promoted to an inferior dignity.<a name="FNanchor_698" id="FNanchor_698" href="#Footnote_698" class="fnanchor">[698]</a></p> + +<p><i>General remarks.</i>—There seems on the whole to be very little +ground for censure in the proceedings of this illustrious parliament. +I admit that, if we believe Charles the First to have +been a gentle and beneficient monarch, incapable of harbouring +any design against the liberties of his people, or those who stood +forward in defence of their privileges, wise in the choice of his +counsellors, and patient in listening to them, the Commons may +seem to have carried their opposition to an unreasonable length. +But, if he had shown himself possessed with such notions of his +own prerogative, no matter how derived, as could bear no +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_388" id="Page_388">388</a></span> +effective control from fixed law or from the nation's representatives; +if he was hasty and violent in temper, yet stooping +to low arts of equivocation and insincerity, whatever might be +his estimable qualities in other respects, they could act, in the +main, no otherwise than by endeavouring to keep him in the +power of parliament, lest his power should make parliament but +a name. Every popular assembly, truly zealous in a great +cause, will display more heat and passion than cool-blooded +men after the lapse of centuries may wholly approve.<a name="FNanchor_699" id="FNanchor_699" href="#Footnote_699" class="fnanchor">[699]</a> But +so far were they from encroaching, as our Tory writers pretend, +on the just powers of a limited monarch, that they do not +appear to have conceived, they at least never hinted at, the +securities without which all they had obtained or attempted +would become ineffectual. No one member of that house, in +the utmost warmth of debate, is recorded to have suggested the +abolition of the court of star-chamber, or any provision for the +periodical meeting of parliament. Though such remedies for +the greatest abuses were in reality consonant to the actual +unrepealed law of the land; yet, as they implied, in the apprehension +of the generality, a retrenchment of the king's prerogative, +they had not yet become familiar to their hopes. In +asserting the illegality of arbitrary detention, of compulsory +loans, of tonnage and poundage levied without consent of parliament, +they stood in defence of positive rights won by their +fathers, the prescriptive inheritance of Englishmen. Twelve +years more of repeated aggressions taught the long parliament +what a few sagacious men might perhaps have already suspected, +that they must recover more of their ancient constitution from +oblivion, that they must sustain its partial weakness by new +securities, that, in order to render the existence of monarchy +compatible with that of freedom, they must not only strip it of +all it had usurped, but of something that was its own.</p> + +<p class="p6 center">THE TEMPLE PRESS, PRINTERS, LETCHWORTH</p> + +<div class="footnotes p6"> +<h3>FOOTNOTES</h3> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_1" id="Footnote_1" href="#FNanchor_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Cf. <i>Historical Essays and Studies</i>, vol. ii. p. 505</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_2" id="Footnote_2" href="#FNanchor_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> <i>Europe during the Middle Ages</i>, Chapter VIII. Part 3. I may remind the +reader that Hallam regarded his <i>Constitutional History</i> as a continuation +of this chapter, which sketches the development of the constitution +from the earliest times down to the accession of Henry VII., the point at +which the present work begins.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_3" id="Footnote_3" href="#FNanchor_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> <i>English Law at the Renaissance</i>, p. 27.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_4" id="Footnote_4" href="#FNanchor_4"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> <i>Middle Ages</i> (12th ed.), ii. p. 267.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_5" id="Footnote_5" href="#FNanchor_5"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> This statute is not even alluded to in Ruffhead's edition, and has been +very little noticed by writers on our law or history. It is printed in the +late edition, published by authority, and is brought forward in the First +Report of the Lords' Committee, on the dignity of a Peer (1819), p. 282. +Nothing can be more evident than that it not only establishes by a legislative +declaration the present constitution of parliament, but recognises it as +already standing upon a custom of some length of time.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_6" id="Footnote_6" href="#FNanchor_6"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> The pleadings, as they are called, or written allegations of both parties, +which form the basis of a judicial enquiry, commence with the <i>declaration</i>, +wherein the plaintiff states, either specially, or in some established form, +according to the nature of the case, that he has a debt to demand from or +an injury to be redressed by, the defendant. The latter, in return, puts +in his <i>plea</i>; which, if it amount to a denial of the facts alleged in the +declaration, must <i>conclude to the country</i>, that is, must refer the whole +matter to a jury. But if it contain an admission of the fact, along with a +legal justification of it, it is said to <i>conclude to the court</i>; the effect of which +is to make it necessary for the plaintiff to reply; in which <i>replication</i> he +may deny the facts pleaded in justification, and conclude to the country; +or allege some new matter in explanation, to show that they do not meet +all the circumstances, concluding to the court. Either party also may +demur, that is, deny that, although true and complete as a statement of +facts, the declaration or plea is sufficient according to law to found or repel +the plaintiff's suit. In the last case it becomes an issue in law, and is +determined by the judges without the intervention of a jury; it being a +principle, that by demurring, the party acknowledges the truth of all +matters alleged on the pleadings. But in whatever stage of the proceedings +either of the litigants concludes to the country (which he is obliged +to do, whenever the question can be deduced to a disputed fact), a jury +must be impanelled to decide it by their verdict. These pleadings, +together with what is called the <i>postea</i>, that is, an indorsement by the clerk +of the court wherein the trial has been, reciting that <i>afterwards</i> the cause +was so tried, and such a verdict returned, with the subsequent entry of +the judgment itself, form the record.</p> + +<p class="footnote">This is merely intended to explain the phrase in the text, which common +readers might not clearly understand. The theory of special pleading, as +it is generally called, could not be further elucidated without lengthening +this note beyond all bounds. But it all rests upon the ancient maxim: +"De facto respondent juratores, de jure judices." Perhaps it may be well +to add one observation—that in many forms of action, and those of most +frequent occurrence in modern times, it is not required to state the legal +justification on the pleadings, but to give it in evidence on the general issue; +that is, upon a bare plea of denial. In this case the whole matter is +actually in the power of the jury. But they are generally bound in +conscience to defer, as to the operation of any rule of law, to what is laid +down on that head by the judge; and when they disregard his directions, +it is usual to annul the verdict, and grant a new trial. There seem to be +some disadvantages in the annihilation, as it may be called, of written +pleadings, by their reduction to an unmeaning form, which has prevailed +in three such important and extensive forms of action, as <i>ejectment</i>, <i>general</i> +<i>assumpsit</i>, and <i>trover</i>; both as it throws too much power into the hands +of the jury, and as it almost nullifies the appellant jurisdiction, which can +only be exercised where some error is apparent on the face of the record. +But great practical convenience, and almost necessity, has generally been +alleged as far more than a compensation for these evils.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_7" id="Footnote_7" href="#FNanchor_7"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> The population for 1485 is estimated by comparing a sort of census in +1378, when the inhabitants of the realm seem to have amounted to about +2,300,000, with one still more loose under Elizabeth in 1588, which would +give about 4,400,000; making some allowance for the more rapid increase +in the latter period. Three millions at the accession of Henry VII. is +probably not too low an estimate.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_8" id="Footnote_8" href="#FNanchor_8"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> <i>Rot. Parl.</i> vi. 270. But the pope's bull of dispensation for the king's +marriage speaks of the realm of England as "jure hæreditario ad te +legitimum in illo prædecessorum tuorum successorem pertinens." Rymer, +xii. 294. And all Henry's own instruments claim an hereditary right, of +which many proofs appear in Rymer.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_9" id="Footnote_9" href="#FNanchor_9"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> Stat. 11 H. 7, c. 1.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_10" id="Footnote_10" href="#FNanchor_10"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> Blackstone (vol. iv. c. 6) has some rather perplexed reasoning on this +statute, leaning a little towards the <i>de jure</i> doctrine, and at best confounding +<i>moral</i> with <i>legal</i> obligations. In the latter sense, whoever attends +to the preamble of the act will see that Hawkins, whose opinion Blackstone +calls in question, is right; and that he is himself wrong in pretending that +"the statute of Henry VII. does by no means command any opposition +to a king <i>de jure</i>, but excuses the obedience paid to a king <i>de facto</i>.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_11" id="Footnote_11" href="#FNanchor_11"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> For these observations on the statute of Fines, I am principally +indebted to Reeves's <i>History of the English Law</i> (iv. 133), a work, especially +in the latter volumes, of great research and judgment; a continuation of +which, in the same spirit, and with the same qualities (besides some others +that are rather too much wanting in it), would be a valuable accession +not only to the lawyer's, but philosopher's library. That entails had been +defeated by means of a common recovery before the statute, had been +remarked by former writers, and is indeed obvious; but the subject was +never put in so clear a light as by Mr. Reeves.</p> + +<p class="footnote">The principle of breaking down the statute <i>de donis</i> was so little established, +or consistently acted upon, in this reign, that in 11 H. 7 the judges +held that the donor of an estate-tail might restrain the tenant from suffering +a recovery. <i>Id.</i> p. 159, from the year-book.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_12" id="Footnote_12" href="#FNanchor_12"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> It is said by the biographer of Sir Thomas More, that parliament +refused the king a subsidy in 1502, which he demanded on account of the +marriage of his daughter Margaret, at the advice of More, then but twenty-two +years old. "Forthwith Mr. Tyler, one of the privy chamber, that +was then present, resorted to the king, declaring that a beardless boy, +called More, had done more harm than all the rest, for by his means all +the purpose is dashed." This of course displeased Henry, who would not, +however, he says, "infringe the ancient liberties of that house, which +would have been odiously taken." Wordsworth's <i>Eccles. Biography</i>, ii. +66. This story is also told by Roper.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_13" id="Footnote_13" href="#FNanchor_13"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> Stat. 11 H. 7, c. 10. Bacon says the benevolence was granted by act +of parliament, which Hume shows to be a mistake. The preamble of +11 H. 7 recites it to have been "granted by divers of your subjects +severally;" and contains a provision, that no heir shall be charged on +account of his ancestor's promise.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_14" id="Footnote_14" href="#FNanchor_14"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> Hall, 502.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_15" id="Footnote_15" href="#FNanchor_15"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> Turner's <i>History of England</i>, iii. 628, from a MS. document. A vast +number of persons paid fines for their share in the western rebellion of +1497, from £200 down to 20<i>s.</i> Hall, 486. Ellis's <i>Letters illustrative of +English History</i>, i. 38.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_16" id="Footnote_16" href="#FNanchor_16"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> 1 H. 8, c. 8.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_17" id="Footnote_17" href="#FNanchor_17"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> 2 H. 7, c. 3. Rep. 1 H. 8, c. 6.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_18" id="Footnote_18" href="#FNanchor_18"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> They were convicted by a jury, and afterwards attainted by parliament, +but not executed for more than a year after the king's accession. If we +may believe Holingshed, the council at Henry VIII.'s accession made +restitution to some who had been wronged by the extortion of the late +reign;—a singular contrast to their subsequent proceedings! This, indeed, +had been enjoined by Henry VII.'s will. But he had excepted from this +restitution "what had been done by the course and order of our laws;" +which, as Mr. Astle observes, was the common mode of his oppressions.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_19" id="Footnote_19" href="#FNanchor_19"><span class="label">[19]</span></a> Lord Hubert inserts an acute speech, which he seems to ascribe to +More, arguing more acquaintance with sound principles of political +economy than was usual in the supposed speaker's age, or even in that +of the writer. But it is more probable that this is of his own invention. +He has taken a similar liberty on another occasion, throwing his own +broad notions of religion into an imaginary speech of some unnamed +member of the Commons, though manifestly unsuited to the character of +the times. That More gave satisfaction to Wolsey by his conduct in the +chair appears by a letter of the latter to the king, in State Papers, temp. +H. 8, 1630, p. 124.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_20" id="Footnote_20" href="#FNanchor_20"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> Roper's <i>Life of More</i>; Hall, 656, 672. This chronicler, who wrote +under Edward VI., is our best witness for the events of Henry's reign. +Grafton is so literally a copyist from him, that it was a great mistake to +republish this part of his chronicle in the late expensive, and therefore +incomplete, collection; since he adds no one word, and omits only a few +ebullitions of protestant zeal which he seems to have considered too warm. +Holingshed, though valuable, is later than Hall. Wolsey, the latter +observes, gave offence to the Commons, by descanting on the wealth and +luxury of the nation, "as though he had repined or disclaimed that any +man should fare well, or be well clothed, but himself."</p> + +<p class="footnote">But the most authentic memorial of what passed on this occasion has +been preserved in a letter from a member of the Commons to the Earl of +Surrey (soon after Duke of Norfolk), at that time the king's lieutenant in +the north.</p> + +<p class="footnote">"Please it your good Lordships to understand, that sithence the beginning +of the Parliament, there hath been the greatest and sorest hold in the +Lower House for the payment of two shillings of the pound, that ever was +seen, I think, in any parliament. This matter hath been debated, and +beaten fifteen or sixteen days together. The highest necessity alledged +on the King's behalf to us, that ever was heard of; and, on the contrary, +the highest poverty confessed, as well by knights, esquires, and gentlemen +of every quarter, as by the commoners, citizens, and burgesses. There +hath been such hold that the House was like to have been dissevered; that +is to say, the knights being of the King's council, the King's servants and +gentlemen of the one party; which in so long time were spoken with, and +made to see, yea, it may fortune, contrary to their heart, will, and conscience. +Thus hanging this matter, yesterday the more part being the +King's servants, gentlemen, were there assembled; and so they, being the +more part, willed and gave to the King two shillings of the pound of goods +or lands, the best to be taken for the King. All lands to pay two shillings +of the pound for the laity, to the highest. The goods to pay two shillings +of the pound, for twenty pound upward; and from forty shillings of goods, +to twenty pound, to pay sixteen pence of the pound; and under forty +shillings, every person to pay eight pence. This to be paid in two years. +I have heard no man in my life that can remember that ever there was +given to any one of the King's ancestors half so much at one graunt. Nor, +I think, there was never such a president seen before this time. I beseeke +Almighty God, it may be well and peaceably levied, and surely payd unto +the King's grace, without grudge, and especially without loosing the good +will and true hearts of his subjects, which I reckon a far greater treasure for +the King than gold and silver. And the gentlemen that must take pains +to levy this money among the King's subjects, I think, shall have no little +business about the same." Strype's <i>Eccles. Memorials</i>, vol. i. p. 49. This +is also printed in Ellis's <i>Letters illustrative of English History</i>, i. 220.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_21" id="Footnote_21" href="#FNanchor_21"><span class="label">[21]</span></a> I may notice here a mistake of Mr. Hume and Dr. Lingard. They +assert Henry to have received tonnage and poundage several years before +it was vested in him by the legislature. But it was granted by his first +parliament, stat. 1 H. 8, c. 20, as will be found even in Ruffhead's table of +contents, though not in the body of his volume; and the act is of course +printed at length in the great edition of the statutes. That which probably +by its title gave rise to the error, 6 H. 8, c. 13, has a different object.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_22" id="Footnote_22" href="#FNanchor_22"><span class="label">[22]</span></a> Hall, 645. This chronicler says the laity were assessed at a tenth +part. But this was only so of the smaller estates, namely, from £20 to +£300; for from £300 to £1000 the contribution demanded was twenty +marks for each £100, and for an estate of £1000, two hundred marks, and +so in proportion upwards. MS. Instructions to Commissioners, penes +auctorem. This was, "upon sufficient promise and assurance, to be repaid +unto them upon such grants and contributions as shall be given and granted +to his grace at his next parliament."—<i>Ib.</i> "And they shall practise by +all the means to them possible that such sums as shall be so granted by +the way of loan, be forthwith levied and paid, or the most part, or at the +least the moiety thereof, the same to be paid in as brief time after as they +can possibly persuade and induce them unto; showing unto them that, +for the sure payment thereof, they shall have writings delivered unto them +under the king's privy seal by such person or persons as shall be deputed +by the king to receive the said loan, after the form of a minute to be +shown unto them by the said commissioners, the tenor whereof is thus: +We, Henry VIII., by the grace of God, King of England and of France, +Defender of Faith, and Lord of Ireland, promise by these presents truly +to content and repay unto our trusty and well-beloved subject A. B. the +sum of ——, which he hath lovingly advanced unto us by way of loan, +for defence of our realm, and maintenance of our wars against France and +Scotland; In witness whereof we have caused our privy seal hereunto to +be set and annexed the —— day of ——, the fourteenth year of our +reign."—<i>Ib.</i> The rate fixed on the clergy I collect by analogy, from that +imposed in 1525, which I find in another manuscript letter.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_23" id="Footnote_23" href="#FNanchor_23"><span class="label">[23]</span></a> A letter in my possession from the Duke of Norfolk to Wolsey, without +the date of the year, relates, I believe, to this commission of 1525, rather +than that of 1522; it being dated on the 10th April, which appears from the +contents to have been before Easter; whereas Easter did not fall beyond +that day in 1523 or 1524, but did so in 1525; and the first commission, +being of the 14th year of the king's reign, must have sat later than Easter +1522. He informs the cardinal, that from twenty pounds upward there +were not twenty in the county of Norfolk who had not consented. "So +that I see great likelihood that this grant shall be much more than the loan +was." It was done, however, very reluctantly, as he confesses; "assuring +your grace that they have not granted the same without shedding of many +salt tears, only for doubt how to find money to content the king's highness." +The resistance went further than the duke thought fit to suppose; for in +a very short time the insurrection of the common people took place in +Suffolk. In another letter from him and the Duke of Suffolk to the +cardinal they treat this rather lightly, and seem to object to the remission +of the contribution.</p> + +<p class="footnote">This commission issued soon after the news of the battle of Pavia arrived. +The pretext was the king's intention to lead an army into France. Warham +wrote more freely than the Duke of Norfolk as to the popular discontent, +in a letter to Wolsey, dated April 5. "It hath been showed me in a secret +manner of my friends, the people sore grudgeth and murmureth, and +speaketh cursedly among themselves, as far as they dare, saying that they +shall never have rest of payments as long as some liveth, and that they +had better die than to be thus continually handled, reckoning themselves, +their children, and wives, as despoulit, and not greatly caring what they +do, or what becomes of them.... Further I am informed, that there is +a grudge newly now resuscitate, and revived in the minds of the people; +for the loan is not repaid to them upon the first receipt of the grant of +parliament, as it was promised them by the commissioners, showing them +the king's grace's instructions, containing the same, signed with his grace's +own hand in summer, that they fear not to speak, that they be continually +beguiled, and no promise is kept unto them; and thereupon some of them +suppose that if this gift and grant be once levied, albeit the king's grace +go not beyond the sea, yet nothing shall be restored again, albeit they be +showed the contrary. And generally it is reported unto me, that for the +most part every man saith he will be contented if the king's grace have as +much as he can spare, but verily many say they be not able to do as they +be required. And many denieth not but they will give the king's grace +according to their power, but they will not anywise give at other men's +appointments, which knoweth not their needs.... I have heard say, +moreover, that when the people be commanded to make fires and tokens +of joy for the taking of the French king, divers of them have spoken that +they have more cause to weep than to rejoice thereat. And divers, as it +hath been showed me secretly, have wished openly that the French king +were at his liberty again, so as there were a good peace, and the king +should not attempt to win France; the winning whereof should be more +chargeful to England than profitable, and the keeping thereof much more +chargeful than the winning. Also it hath been told me secretly that divers +have recounted and repeated what infinite sums of money the king's grace +hath spent already in invading France, once in his own royal person, and +two other sundry times by his several noble captains, and little or nothing +in comparison of his costs hath prevailed; insomuch that the king's grace +at this hour hath not one foot of land more in France than his most noble +father had, which lacked no riches or wisdom to win the kingdom of France, +if he had thought it expedient." The archbishop goes on to observe, +rather oddly, that "he would that the time had suffered that this practising +with the people for so great sums might have been spared till the cuckow +time and the hot weather (at which time mad brains be wont to be most +busy) had been overpassed."</p> + +<p class="footnote">Warham dwells, in another letter, on the great difficulty the clergy had +in making so large a payment as was required of them, and their unwillingness +to be sworn as to the value of their goods. The archbishop seems to +have thought it passing strange that people would be so wrongheaded +about their money. "I have been," he says, "in this shire twenty years +and above, and as yet I have not seen men but would be conformable +to reason, and would be induced to good order, till this time; and what +shall cause them now to fall into these wilful and indiscreet ways, I cannot +tell, except poverty and decay of substance be the cause of it.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_24" id="Footnote_24" href="#FNanchor_24"><span class="label">[24]</span></a> Hall, 696. These expressions, and numberless others might be found, +show the fallacy of Hume's hasty assertion, that the writers of the sixteenth +century do not speak of their own government as more free than +that of France.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_25" id="Footnote_25" href="#FNanchor_25"><span class="label">[25]</span></a> Hall, 699.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_26" id="Footnote_26" href="#FNanchor_26"><span class="label">[26]</span></a> The word impeachment is not very accurately applicable to these +proceedings against Wolsey; since the articles were first presented to the +Upper House, and sent down to the Commons, where Cromwell so ably +defended his fallen master that nothing was done upon them. "Upon this +honest beginning," says Lord Herbert, "Cromwell obtained his first +reputation." I am disposed to conjecture from Cromwell's character and +that of the House of Commons, as well as from some passages of Henry's +subsequent behaviour towards the cardinal, that it was not the king's +intention to follow up this prosecution, at least for the present. This also +I find to be Dr. Lingard's opinion.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_27" id="Footnote_27" href="#FNanchor_27"><span class="label">[27]</span></a> <i>Rot. Parl.</i> vi. 164; Burnet, Appendix, No. 31. "When this release +of the loan," says Hall, "was known to the commons of the realm, Lord! +so they grudged and spake ill of the whole parliament; for almost every +man counted it his debt, and reckoned surely of the payment of the same, +and therefore some made their wills of the same, and some other did set it +over to other for debt; and so many men had loss by it, which caused +them sore to murmur, but there was no remedy."—P. 767.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_28" id="Footnote_28" href="#FNanchor_28"><span class="label">[28]</span></a> Stat. 35 H. 8, c. 12. I find in a manuscript, which seems to have been +copied from an original in the exchequer, that the monies thus received by +way of loan in 1543 amounted to £110,147 15<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i> There was also a sum +called <i>devotion money</i>, amounting only to £1,093 8<i>s.</i> 3<i>d.</i>, levied in 1544, +"of the devotion of his highnesse's subjects for <i>Defence of Christendom +against the Turk</i>.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_29" id="Footnote_29" href="#FNanchor_29"><span class="label">[29]</span></a> Lodge's <i>Illustrations of British History</i>, i. 711; Strype's <i>Eccles. +Memorials</i>, Appendix, n. 119. The sums raised from different counties +for this benevolence afford a sort of criterion of their relative opulence. +Somerset gave £6807; Kent £6471; Suffolk £4512; Norfolk £4046; +Devon £4527; Essex £5051; but Lancaster only £660; and Cumberland, +£574. The whole produced £119,581 7<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i> besides arrears. In Haynes's +<i>State Papers</i>, p. 54, we find a curious minute of Secretary Paget, containing +reasons why it was better to get the money wanted by means of a +benevolence than through parliament. But he does not hint at any +difficulty of obtaining a parliamentary grant.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_30" id="Footnote_30" href="#FNanchor_30"><span class="label">[30]</span></a> Lodge, p. 80. Lord Herbert mentions this story, and observes, that +Reed having been taken by the Scots, was compelled to pay much more +for his ransom than the benevolence required of him.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_31" id="Footnote_31" href="#FNanchor_31"><span class="label">[31]</span></a> Rhymer, xv. 84. These commissions bearing date 5th January 1546.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_32" id="Footnote_32" href="#FNanchor_32"><span class="label">[32]</span></a> Hall, 622. Hume, who is favourable to Wolsey, says, "There is no +reason to think the sentence against Buckingham unjust." But no one +who reads the trial will find any evidence to satisfy a reasonable mind; +and Hume himself soon after adds, that his crime proceeded more from +indiscretion than deliberate malice. In fact, the condemnation of this +great noble was owing to Wolsey's resentment, acting on the savage temper +of Henry.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_33" id="Footnote_33" href="#FNanchor_33"><span class="label">[33]</span></a> Several letters that passed between the council and Duke of Norfolk +(<i>Hardwicke State Papers</i>, i. 28, etc.) tend to confirm what some historians +have hinted, that he was suspected of leaning too favourably towards the +rebels. The king was most unwilling to grant a free pardon. Norfolk is +told, "If you could, by any good means or possible dexterity, reserve a +very few persons for punishments, you should assuredly administer the +greatest pleasure to his highness that could be imagined, and much in the +same advance your own honour."—P. 32. He must have thought himself +in danger from some of these letters, which indicate the king's distrust of +him. He had recommended the employment of men of high rank as lords +of the marches, instead of the rather inferior persons whom the king had +lately chosen. This called down on him rather a warm reprimand (p. 39); +for it was the natural policy of a despotic court to restrain the ascendency +of great families; nor were there wanting very good reasons for this, even +if the public weal had been the sole object of Henry's council. See also, +for the subject of this note, the State Papers and MSS., H. 8, 1830, p. 518 +<i>et alibi</i>. They contain a good deal of interesting matter as to the northern +rebellion, which gave Henry a pretext for great severities towards the +monasteries in that part of England.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_34" id="Footnote_34" href="#FNanchor_34"><span class="label">[34]</span></a> Pole, at his own solicitation, was appointed legate to the Low Countries +in 1537, with the sole object of keeping alive the flame of the northern +rebellion, and exciting foreign powers as well as the English nation to +restore religion by force, if not to dethrone Henry. It is difficult not to +suspect that he was influenced by ambitious views in a proceeding so +treasonable, and so little in conformity with his polished manners and +temperate life. Philips, his able and artful biographer, both proves +and glories in the treason. <i>Life of Pole</i>, sect. 3.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_35" id="Footnote_35" href="#FNanchor_35"><span class="label">[35]</span></a> Coke's 4th Institute, 37. It is, however, said by Lord Herbert and +others, that the Countess of Salisbury and the Marchioness of Exeter were +not heard in their defence. The acts of attainder against them were +certainly hurried through parliament; but whether without hearing the +parties, does not appear.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_36" id="Footnote_36" href="#FNanchor_36"><span class="label">[36]</span></a> Burnet observes, that Cranmer was absent the first day the bill was +read, 17th June 1540; and by his silence leaves the reader to infer that he +was so likewise on 19th June, when it was read a second and third time. +But this, I fear, cannot be asserted. He is marked in the journal as present +on the latter day; and there is the following entry; "Hodie lecta est pro +secundo et tertio, billa attincturæ Thomæ Comitis Essex, et communi +omnium procerum tunc præsentium concessu nemine discrepante, expedita +est." And at the close of the session, we find a still more remarkable +testimony to the unanimity of parliament, in the following words: "Hoc +animadvertendum est, quod in h<sup>a</sup>ac sessione cum proceres darent suffragia, +et dicerent sententias super actibus prædictis, ea erat concordia et sententiarum +conformitas, ut singuli iis et eorum singulis assenserint, nemine +discrepante. Thomas de Soulemont, Cleric. Parliamentorum." As far +therefore as entries on the journals are evidence, Cranmer was placed in +the painful and humiliating predicament of voting for the death of his +innocent friend. He had gone as far as he dared in writing a letter to +Henry, which might be construed into an apology for Cromwell, though it +was full as much so for himself.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_37" id="Footnote_37" href="#FNanchor_37"><span class="label">[37]</span></a> Burnet has taken much pains with the subject, and set her innocence +in a very clear light (i. 197 and iii. 114). See also Strype, i. 280, and +Ellis's <i>Letters</i>, ii. 52. But Anne had all the failings of a vain, weak woman, +raised suddenly to greatness. She behaved with unamiable vindictiveness +towards Wolsey, and perhaps (but this worst charge is not fully authenticated) +exasperated the king against More. A remarkable passage in +Cavendish's <i>Life of Wolsey</i>, p. 103, edit. 1667, strongly displays her +indiscretion.</p> + +<p class="footnote">A late writer, whose acuteness and industry would raise him to a very +respectable place among our historians, if he could have repressed the +inveterate partiality of his profession, has used every oblique artifice to +lead his readers into a belief of Anne Boleyn's guilt, while he affects to hold +the balance, and state both sides of the question without determining it. +Thus he repeats what he must have known to be the strange and extravagant +lies of Sanders about her birth; without vouching for them indeed, +but without any reprobation of their absurd malignity. Lingard's <i>Hist. +of England</i>, vi. 153 (8vo. edit). Thus he intimates that "the records of +her trial and conviction have perished, perhaps by the hands of those who +respected her memory" (p. 316); though, had he read Burnet with any +care, he would have found that they were seen by that historian, and surely +have not perished since by any unfair means; not to mention that the +record of a trial contains nothing from which a party's guilt or innocence +can be inferred. Thus he says that those who were executed on the same +charge with the queen, neither admitted nor denied the offence, for which +they suffered; though the best informed writers assert that Norris constantly +declared the queen's innocence and his own.</p> + +<p class="footnote">Dr. Lingard can hardly be thought serious, when he takes credit to +himself, in the commencement of a note at the end of the same volume, +for not "rendering his book more interesting, by representing her as an +innocent and injured woman, falling a victim to the intrigues of a religious +faction." He well knows that he could not have done so, without contradicting +the tenor of his entire work, without ceasing, as it were, to be +himself. All the rest of this note is a pretended balancing of evidence, in +the style of a judge who can hardly bear to put for a moment the possibility +of a prisoner's innocence.</p> + +<p class="footnote">I regret very much to be compelled, in this edition, to add the name of +Mr. Sharon Turner to those who have countenanced the supposition of +Anne Boleyn's guilt. But Mr. Turner, a most worthy and painstaking +man, to whose earlier writings our literature is much indebted, has, in his +history of Henry VIII., gone upon the strange principle of exalting that +tyrant's reputation at the expense of every one of his victims, to whatever +party they may have belonged. <i>Odit damnatos.</i> Perhaps he is the first, +and will be the last, who has defended the attainder of Sir Thomas More. +A verdict of a jury, an assertion of a statesman, a recital of an act of +parliament, are, with him, satisfactory proofs of the most improbable +accusations against the most blameless character.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_38" id="Footnote_38" href="#FNanchor_38"><span class="label">[38]</span></a> The lords pronounced a singular sentence, that she should be burned or +beheaded at the king's pleasure. Burnet says the judges complained of +this as unprecedented. Perhaps in strictness the king's right to <i>alter</i> a +sentence is questionable, or rather would be so, if a few precedents were +out of the way. In high treason committed by a man, the beheading was +part of the sentence, and the king only remitted the more cruel preliminaries. +Women, till 1791, were condemned to be burned. But the +two queens of Henry, the Countess of Salisbury, Lady Rochford, Lady +Jane Grey, and, in later times, Mrs. Lisle, were beheaded. Poor Mrs. +Gaunt was not thought noble enough to be rescued from the fire. In +felony, where beheading is no part of the sentence, it has been substituted +by the king's warrant in the cases of the Duke of Somerset and Lord +Audley. I know not why the latter obtained this favour; for it had been +refused to Lord Stourton, hanged for murder under Mary, as it was afterwards +to Earl Ferrers.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_39" id="Footnote_39" href="#FNanchor_39"><span class="label">[39]</span></a> It is often difficult to understand the grounds of a parliamentary +attainder, for which any kind of evidence was thought sufficient; and the +strongest proofs against Catherine Howard undoubtedly related to her +behaviour before marriage, which could be no legal crime. But some of +the depositions extend further.</p> + +<p class="footnote">Dr. Lingard has made a curious observation on this case. "A plot was +woven by the industry of the reformers, which brought the young queen to +the scaffold, and weakened the ascendency of the reigning party."—P. 407. +This is a very strange assertion; for he proceeds to admit her ante-nuptial +guilt, which indeed she is well known to have confessed, and does not give +the slightest proof of any plot. Yet he adds, speaking of the queen and +Lady Rochford: "I fear [<i>i.e.</i> wish to insinuate] both were sacrificed to the +manes of Anne Boleyn.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_40" id="Footnote_40" href="#FNanchor_40"><span class="label">[40]</span></a> Stat. 26 H. 8, c. 13.</p> + +<p class="footnote">It may be here observed, that the act attainting Catherine Howard of +treason proceeds to declare that the king's assent to bills by commission +under the great seal is as valid as if he were personally present; any custom +or use to the contrary notwithstanding. 33 H. 8, c. 21. This may be +presumed therefore to be the earliest instance of the king's passing bills in +this manner.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_41" id="Footnote_41" href="#FNanchor_41"><span class="label">[41]</span></a> 22 H. 8, c. 18.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_42" id="Footnote_42" href="#FNanchor_42"><span class="label">[42]</span></a> 28 H. 8, c. 7.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_43" id="Footnote_43" href="#FNanchor_43"><span class="label">[43]</span></a> 35 H. 8, c. 1.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_44" id="Footnote_44" href="#FNanchor_44"><span class="label">[44]</span></a> 28 H. 8, c. 17.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_45" id="Footnote_45" href="#FNanchor_45"><span class="label">[45]</span></a> 31 H. 8, c. 8; Burnet, i. 263, explains the origin of this act. Great +exceptions had been taken to some of the king's ecclesiastical proclamations, +which altered laws, and laid taxes on spiritual persons. He justly +observes that the restrictions contained in it gave great power to the +judges, who had the power of expounding in their hands. The preamble +is full as offensive as the body of the act; reciting the contempt and disobedience +of the king's proclamations by some "who did not consider +<i>what a king by his royal power might do</i>, which if it continued would tend to +the disobedience of the laws of God, and the dishonour of the king's +majesty, who might full ill bear it," etc. See this act at length in the great +edition of the statutes. There was one singular provision; the clause protecting +all persons, as mentioned, in their inheritance or other property, +proceeds, "nor shall by virtue of the said act suffer any pains of death." +But an exception is afterwards made for "such persons which shall offend +against any proclamation to be made by the king's highness, his heirs or +successors, for or concerning any kind of heresies against Christian doctrine." +Thus it seems that the king claimed a power to declare heresy by +proclamation, under penalty of death.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_46" id="Footnote_46" href="#FNanchor_46"><span class="label">[46]</span></a> Gray has finely glanced at this bright point of Henry's character, in +that beautiful stanza where he has made the founders of Cambridge pass +before our eyes, like shadows over a magic glass:</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<p class="footnote"><span class="i15">"the majestic lord,</span></p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="i10">Who broke the bonds of Rome."</span></p> +</div> + +<p class="footnote">In a poet, this was a fair employment of his art; but the partiality of +Burnet towards Henry VIII. is less warrantable; and he should have +blushed to excuse, by absurd and unworthy sophistry, the punishment +of those who refused to swear to the king's supremacy. P. 351.</p> + +<p class="footnote">After all, Henry was every whit as good a king and man as Francis I., +whom there are still some, on the other side of the Channel, servile enough +to extol; not in the least more tyrannical and sanguinary, and of better +faith towards his neighbours.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_47" id="Footnote_47" href="#FNanchor_47"><span class="label">[47]</span></a> 1 Edw. 6, c. 12. By this act it is provided that a lord of parliament +shall have the benefit of clergy though he cannot read. Sect. 14. Yet +one can hardly believe, that this provision was necessary at so late an æra.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_48" id="Footnote_48" href="#FNanchor_48"><span class="label">[48]</span></a> 2 Strype, 147, 341, 491.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_49" id="Footnote_49" href="#FNanchor_49"><span class="label">[49]</span></a> <i>Id.</i> 149. Dr. Lingard has remarked an important change in the +coronation ceremony of Edward VI. Formerly, the king had taken an +oath to preserve the liberties of the realm, and especially those granted by +Edward the Confessor, etc., before the people were asked whether they +would consent to have him as their king. See the form observed at +Richard the Second's coronation in Rymer, vii. 158. But at Edward's +coronation, the archbishop presented the king to the people, as rightful and +undoubted inheritor by the laws of God and man to the royal dignity and +crown imperial of this realm, etc., and asked if they would serve him and +assent to his coronation, as by their duty of allegiance they were bound to +do. All this was before the oath. 2 Burnet, Appendix, p. 93.</p> + +<p class="footnote">Few will pretend that the coronation, or the coronation oath, were +essential to the legal succession of the crown, or the exercise of its prerogatives. +But this alteration in the form is a curious proof of the +solicitude displayed by the Tudors, as it was much more by the next +family, to suppress every recollection that could make their sovereignty +appear to be of popular origin.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_50" id="Footnote_50" href="#FNanchor_50"><span class="label">[50]</span></a> Haynes's state papers contain many curious proofs of the incipient +amour between Lord Seymour and Elizabeth, and show much indecent +familiarity on one side, with a little childish coquetry on the other. These +documents also rather tend to confirm the story of our elder historians, +which I have found attested by foreign writers of that age (though Burnet +has thrown doubts upon it), that some differences between the queen-dowager +and the Duchess of Somerset aggravated at least those of their +husbands. P. 61, 69. It is alleged with absurd exaggeration, in the +articles against Lord Seymour, that, had the former proved immediately +with child after her marriage with him, it might have passed for the king's. +This marriage, however, did not take place before June, Henry having died +in January. Ellis's <i>Letters</i>, ii. 150.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_51" id="Footnote_51" href="#FNanchor_51"><span class="label">[51]</span></a> Journals, Feb. 27, March 4, 1548-9. From these I am led to doubt +whether the commons actually heard witnesses against Seymour, which +Burnet and Strype have taken for granted.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_52" id="Footnote_52" href="#FNanchor_52"><span class="label">[52]</span></a> Stat. 5 and 6 Edw. VI., c. 11, s. 12.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_53" id="Footnote_53" href="#FNanchor_53"><span class="label">[53]</span></a> Burnet, ii. 243. An act was made to confirm deeds of private persons, +dated during Jane's ten days, concerning which some doubt had arisen. +1 Mary, sess. 2, c. 4. It is said in this statute, "her highness's most lawful +possession was for a time disturbed and disquieted by traiterous rebellion +and usurpation."</p> + +<p class="footnote">It appears that the young king's original intention was to establish a +modified Salic law, excluding females from the crown, but not their male +heirs. In a writing drawn by himself, and entitled "My Device for the +Succession," it is entailed on the heirs male of the lady queen, if she have +any before his death; then to the <i>Lady Jane and her heirs male</i>; then to +the heirs male of Lady Katharine; and in every instance, except Jane, +excluding the female herself. Strype's <i>Cranmer</i>, Append. 164. A late +author, on consulting the original MS., in the king's handwriting, found +that it had been at first written, "the Lady Jane's heirs male," but that +the words "and her" had been interlined. Nares's <i>Memoirs of Lord +Burghley</i>, i. 451. Mr. Nares does not seem to doubt but that this was done +by Edward himself: the change, however, is remarkable, and should +probably be ascribed to Northumberland's influence.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_54" id="Footnote_54" href="#FNanchor_54"><span class="label">[54]</span></a> Burnet, Strype, iii. 50, 53; Carte, 290. I doubt whether we have +anything in our history more like conquest than the administration of +1553. The queen, in the month only of October, presented to 256 livings, +restoring all those turned out under the acts of uniformity. Yet the +deprivation of the bishops might be justified probably by the terms of +the commission they had taken out in Edward's reign, to hold their sees +during the king's pleasure, for which was afterwards substituted "during +good behaviour." Burnet, App. 257; Collier, 218.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_55" id="Footnote_55" href="#FNanchor_55"><span class="label">[55]</span></a> Burnet, ii. 278; Stat. 1 Mary, sess. 3, c. 1. Dr. Lingard rather +strangely tells this story on the authority of Father Persons, whom his +readers probably do not esteem quite as much as he does. If he had +attended to Burnet, he would have found a more sufficient voucher.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_56" id="Footnote_56" href="#FNanchor_56"><span class="label">[56]</span></a> Carte, 330.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_57" id="Footnote_57" href="#FNanchor_57"><span class="label">[57]</span></a> Haynes, 195; Burnet, ii. Appendix, 256, iii. 243.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_58" id="Footnote_58" href="#FNanchor_58"><span class="label">[58]</span></a> Burnet, ii. 347. Collier, ii. 404, and Lingard, vii. 266 (who, by the +way, confounds this commission with something different two years +earlier) will not hear of this allusion to the inquisition. But Burnet has +said nothing that is not perfectly just.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_59" id="Footnote_59" href="#FNanchor_59"><span class="label">[59]</span></a> Strype, iii. 459.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_60" id="Footnote_60" href="#FNanchor_60"><span class="label">[60]</span></a> See Stafford's proclamation from Scarborough Castle, Strype, iii. +Appendix, No. 71. It contains no allusion to religion, both parties being +weary of Mary's Spanish counsels. The important letters of Noailles, the +French ambassador, to which Carte had access, and which have since been +printed, have afforded information to Dr. Lingard, and with those of the +imperial ambassador, Renard, which I have not had an opportunity of +seeing, throw much light on this reign. They certainly appear to justify +the restraint put on Elizabeth, who, if not herself privy to the conspiracies +planned in her behalf (which is, however, very probable), was at least too +dangerous to be left at liberty. Noailles intrigued with the malcontents, +and instigated the rebellion of Wyatt, of which Dr. Lingard gives a very +interesting account. Carte, indeed, differs from him in many of these +circumstances, though writing from the same source, and particularly +denies that Noailles gave any encouragement to Wyatt. It is, however, +evident from the tenor of his despatches that he had gone great lengths +in fomenting the discontent, and was evidently desirous of the success of +the insurrection (iii. 36, 43, etc.). This critical state of the government +may furnish the usual excuse for its rigour. But its unpopularity was +brought on by Mary's breach of her word as to religion, and still more by +her obstinacy in forming her union with Philip against the general voice +of the nation, and the opposition of Gardiner; who, however, after her +resolution was taken, became its strenuous supporter in public. For the +detestation in which the queen was held, see the letters of Noailles, <i>passim</i>; +but with some degree of allowance for his own antipathy to her.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_61" id="Footnote_61" href="#FNanchor_61"><span class="label">[61]</span></a> Burnet, i. 117. The king refused his assent to a bill which had passed +both houses, but apparently not of a political nature. <i>Lords' Journals</i>, +p. 162.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_62" id="Footnote_62" href="#FNanchor_62"><span class="label">[62]</span></a> Burnet, 190.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_63" id="Footnote_63" href="#FNanchor_63"><span class="label">[63]</span></a> <i>Id.</i> 195, 215. This was the parliament, in order to secure favourable +elections for which the council had written letters to the sheriffs. These +do not appear to have availed so much as they might hope.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_64" id="Footnote_64" href="#FNanchor_64"><span class="label">[64]</span></a> Carte, 311, 322; Noailles, v. 252. He says that she committed some +knights to the Tower for their language in the house. <i>Id.</i> 247. Burnet, +p. 324, mentions the same.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_65" id="Footnote_65" href="#FNanchor_65"><span class="label">[65]</span></a> Burnet, 322; Carte, 296. Noailles says, that a third part of the +Commons in Mary's first parliament was hostile to the repeal of Edward's +laws about religion, and that the debates lasted a week. ii. 247. The +journals do not mention any division; though it is said in Strype, iii. 204, +that one member, Sir Ralph Bagnal, refused to concur in the act abolishing +the supremacy. The queen, however, in her letter to Cardinal Pole, says +of this repeal: "Quod non sine contentione, disputatione acri, et summo +labore fidelium factum est." Lingard, Carte, Philips's <i>Life of Pole</i>. +Noailles speaks repeatedly of the strength of the protestant party, and of +the enmity which the English nation, as he expresses it, bore to the pope. +But the aversion to the marriage with Philip, and dread of falling under +the yoke of Spain, was common to both religions, with the exception of a +few mere bigots to the church of Rome.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_66" id="Footnote_66" href="#FNanchor_66"><span class="label">[66]</span></a> Noailles, vol. 5, <i>passim</i>.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_67" id="Footnote_67" href="#FNanchor_67"><span class="label">[67]</span></a> Strype, ii. 394.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_68" id="Footnote_68" href="#FNanchor_68"><span class="label">[68]</span></a> Strype, iii. 155; Burnet, ii. 228.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_69" id="Footnote_69" href="#FNanchor_69"><span class="label">[69]</span></a> Burnet, ii. 262, 277.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_70" id="Footnote_70" href="#FNanchor_70"><span class="label">[70]</span></a> Noailles, v. 190. Of the truth of this plot there can be no rational +ground to doubt; even Dr. Lingard has nothing to advance against it +but the assertion of Mary's counsellors, the Pagets and Arundels, the most +worthless of mankind. We are, in fact, greatly indebted to Noailles for +his spirited activity, which contributed, in a high degree, to secure both +the protestant religion and the national independence of our ancestors.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_71" id="Footnote_71" href="#FNanchor_71"><span class="label">[71]</span></a> Henry VII. first established a band of fifty archers to wait on him. +Henry VIII. had fifty horse-guards, each with an archer, demilance and +couteiller, like the gendarmerie of France; but on account, probably, of +the expense it occasioned, their equipment being too magnificent, this soon +was given up.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_72" id="Footnote_72" href="#FNanchor_72"><span class="label">[72]</span></a> <i>View of Middle Ages</i>, ch. 8. I must here acknowledge, that I did not +make the requisite distinction between the concilium secretum, or privy +council of state, and the concilium ordinarium, as Lord Hale calls it, which +alone exercised jurisdiction.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_73" id="Footnote_73" href="#FNanchor_73"><span class="label">[73]</span></a> <i>Commonwealth of England</i>, book 3, c. 1. The statute 26 H. 8, c. 4 +enacts, that if a jury in Wales acquit a felon, contrary to good and pregnant +evidence, or otherwise misbehave themselves, the judge may bind them +to appear before the president and council of the Welsh marches. The +partiality of Welsh jurors was notorious in that age; and the reproach has +not quite ceased.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_74" id="Footnote_74" href="#FNanchor_74"><span class="label">[74]</span></a> <i>State Trials</i>, i. 901; Strype, ii. 120. In a letter to the Duke of Norfolk +(<i>Hardwicke Papers</i>, i. 46) at the time of the Yorkshire rebellion in 1536, he +is directed to question the jury who had acquitted a particular person, in +order to discover their motive. Norfolk seems to have objected to this +for a good reason, "least the fear thereof might trouble others in the like +case." But it may not be uncandid to ascribe this rather to a leaning +towards the insurgents than a constitutional principle.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_75" id="Footnote_75" href="#FNanchor_75"><span class="label">[75]</span></a> <i>Hale's Jurisdiction of the Lords' House</i>, p. 5. Coke, 4th Inst. 65, where +we have the following passage: "So this court [the court of star-chamber, +as the concilium was then called] being holden coram rege et concilio, it is, +or may be, compounded of three several councils; that is to say, of the +lords and others of his majesty's privy council, always judges without +appointment, as before it appeareth. 2. The judges of either bench and +barons of the exchequer are of the king's council, for matters of law, etc., +and the two chief justices, or in their absence other two justices, are +standing judges of this court. 3. The lords of parliament are properly +de magno concilio regis; but neither those, not being of the king's privy +council, nor any of the rest of the judges or barons of the exchequer are +standing judges of the court." But Hudson, in his <i>Treatise of the Court +of Star-chamber</i>, written about the end of James's reign, inclines to think +that all peers had a right of sitting in the court of star-chamber; there +being several instances where some who were not of the council of state +were present and gave judgment, as in the case of Mr. Davison, "and how +they were complete judges unsworn, if not by their native right, I cannot +comprehend; for surely the calling of them in that case was not made +legitimate by any act of parliament; neither without their right were they +more apt to be judges than any other inferior persons in the kingdom; and +yet I doubt not but it resteth in the king's pleasure to restrain any man +from that table, as well as he may any of his council from the board." +<i>Collectanea Juridica</i>, ii. p. 24. He says also, that it was demurrable for a +bill to pray process against the defendant, to appear before the king and +his privy council. <i>Ibid.</i></p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_76" id="Footnote_76" href="#FNanchor_76"><span class="label">[76]</span></a> The privy council sometimes met in the star-chamber, and made orders. +See one in 18 H. 6, Harl. MSS. Catalogue, N. 1878, fol. 20. So the statute, +21 H. 8, c. 16, recites a decree <i>by the king's council in his star-chamber</i>, that +no alien artificer shall keep more than two alien servants, and other +matters of the same kind. This could no way belong to the court of +star-chamber, which was a judicial tribunal.</p> + +<p class="footnote">It should be remarked, though not to our immediate purpose, that this +decree was supposed to require an act of parliament for its confirmation; so +far was the government of Henry VIII. from arrogating a legislative power +in matters of private right.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_77" id="Footnote_77" href="#FNanchor_77"><span class="label">[77]</span></a> Lord Hale thinks that the jurisdiction of the council was gradually +"brought into great disuse, though there remain some straggling footsteps +of their proceedings till near 3 H. 7."—P. 38. "The continual complaints +of the commons against the proceedings before the council in causes civil +or criminal, although they did not always attain their concession, yet +brought a disreputation upon the proceedings of the council, as contrary +to Magna Charta and the known laws."—P. 39. He seems to admit afterwards, +however, that many instances of proceedings before them in +criminal causes might be added to those mentioned by Lord Coke. P. 43.</p> + +<p class="footnote">The paucity of records about the time of Edward IV. renders the +negative argument rather weak; but, from the expression of Sir Thomas +Smith in the text, it may perhaps be inferred that the council had intermitted +in a considerable degree, though not absolutely disused, their +exercise of jurisdiction for some time before the accession of the house of +Tudor.</p> + +<p class="footnote">Mr. Brodie, in his <i>History of the British Empire under Charles I.</i>, i. 158, +has treated at considerable length, and with much acuteness, this subject +of the antiquity of the star-chamber. I do not coincide in all his positions; +but the only one very important, is that wherein we fully agree, that its +jurisdiction was chiefly usurped, as well as tyrannical.</p> + +<p class="footnote">I will here observe that this part of our ancient constitutional history +is likely to be elucidated by a friend of my own, who has already given +evidence to the world of his singular competence for such an undertaking, +and who unites, with all the learning and diligence of Spelman, Prynne, +and Madox, an acuteness and vivacity of intellect which none of those +writers possessed.</p> +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_78" id="Footnote_78" href="#FNanchor_78"><span class="label">[78]</span></a> <i>Commonwealth of England</i>, book 3, c. 4. We find Sir Robert Sheffield +in 1517 "put into the Tower again for the complaint he made to the king +of my lord cardinal." Lodge's <i>Illustrations</i>, i. p. 27. See also Hall, p. 585, +for Wolsey's strictness in punishing the "lords, knights, and men of all +sorts, for riots, bearing, and maintenance.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_79" id="Footnote_79" href="#FNanchor_79"><span class="label">[79]</span></a> Plowden's <i>Commentaries,</i> 393. In the year-book itself, 8 H. 7, pl. ult. +the word star-chamber is not used. It is held in this case, that the +chancellor, treasurer, and privy-seal were the only judges, and the rest +but assistants. Coke, 4 Inst. 62, denies this to be law; but on no better +grounds than that the practice of the star-chamber, that is, of a different +tribunal, was not such.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_80" id="Footnote_80" href="#FNanchor_80"><span class="label">[80]</span></a> <i>Hist. of Henry VII.</i> in Bacon's works, ii. p. 290.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_81" id="Footnote_81" href="#FNanchor_81"><span class="label">[81]</span></a> The result of what has been said in the last pages may be summed up +in a few propositions. 1. The court erected by the statute of 3 Henry VII. +was not the court of star-chamber. 2. This court by the statute subsisted +in full force till beyond the middle of Henry VIII.'s reign, but not long +afterwards went into disuse. 3. The court of star-chamber was the old +concilium ordinarium, against whose jurisdiction many statutes had been +enacted from the time of Edward III. 4. No part of the jurisdiction +exercised by the star-chamber could be maintained on the authority of +the statute of Henry VII.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_82" id="Footnote_82" href="#FNanchor_82"><span class="label">[82]</span></a> Burnet, ii. 324.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_83" id="Footnote_83" href="#FNanchor_83"><span class="label">[83]</span></a> Burnet. Reeves's <i>History of the Law</i>, iv. p. 308. The contemporary +authority is Keilwey's Reports. Collier disbelieves the murder of Hun +on the authority of Sir Thomas More; but he was surely a prejudiced +apologist of the clergy, and this historian is hardly less so. An entry on +the journals, 7 H. 8, drawn of course by some ecclesiastic, particularly +complains of Standish as the author of periculosissimæ seditiones inter +clericam et secularem potestatem.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_84" id="Footnote_84" href="#FNanchor_84"><span class="label">[84]</span></a> Burnet is confident that the answer to Luther was not written by +Henry (vol. iii. 171), and others have been of the same opinion. The king, +however, in his answer to Luther's apologetical letter, where this was +insinuated, declares it to be his own. From Henry's general character and +proneness to theological disputation, it may be inferred that he had at +least a considerable share in the work, though probably with the assistance +of some who had more command of the Latin language. Burnet mentions +in another place, that he had seen a copy of the <i>Necessary Erudition of a +Christian Man</i>, full of interlineations by the king.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_85" id="Footnote_85" href="#FNanchor_85"><span class="label">[85]</span></a> Epist. Lutheri ad Henricum regem missa, etc. Lond. 1526. The letter +bears date at Wittenberg, September 1, 1525. It had no relation, therefore, +to Henry's quarrel with the Pope, though probably Luther imagined +that the king was becoming more favourably disposed. After saying that +he had written against the king "stultus ac præceps," which was true, +he adds, "invitantibus iis qui majestati tuæ parum favebant," which was +surely a pretence; since who, at Wittenberg, in 1521, could have any +motive to wish that Henry should be so scurrilously treated? He then +bursts out into the most absurd attack on Wolsey; "illud monstrum et +publicum odium Dei et hominum, Cardinalis Eboracensis, pestis illa regni +tui." This was a singular style to adopt in writing to a king, whom he +affected to propitiate; Wolsey being nearer than any man to Henry's +heart. Thence, relapsing into his tone of abasement, he says, "ita ut +vehementer nunc pudefactus, metuam oculos coram majestate tuâ levare, +qui passus sim levitate istâ me moveri in talem tantumque regem per +malignos istos operarios; præsertim cum sim fœx et vermis, quem solo +contemptu oportuit victum aut neglectum esse," etc. Among the many +strange things which Luther said and wrote, I know not one more extravagant +than this letter, which almost justifies the supposition that there was +a vein of insanity in his very remarkable character.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_86" id="Footnote_86" href="#FNanchor_86"><span class="label">[86]</span></a> Collier, vol. ii. Appendix, No. 2. In the <i>Hardwicke Papers</i>, i. 13, we +have an account of the ceremonial of the first marriage of Henry with +Catherine in 1503. It is remarkable that a person was appointed to object +publicly in Latin to the marriage, as unlawful, for reasons he should there +exhibit; "whereunto Mr. Doctor Barnes shall reply, and declare solemnly, +also in Latin, the said marriage to be good and effectual in the law of +Christ's church, by virtue of a dispensation, which he shall have then to be +openly read." There seems to be something in this of the tortuous policy +of Henry VII.; but it shows that the marriage had given offence to +scrupulous minds.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_87" id="Footnote_87" href="#FNanchor_87"><span class="label">[87]</span></a> See Burnet, Lingard, Turner, and the letters lately printed in State +Papers, temp. Henry VIII. pp. 194, 196.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_88" id="Footnote_88" href="#FNanchor_88"><span class="label">[88]</span></a> Burnet wishes to disprove the bribery of these foreign doctors. But +there are strong presumptions that some opinions were got by money +(Collier, ii. 58); and the greatest difficulty was found, where corruption +perhaps had least influence, in the Sorbonne. Burnet himself proves that +some of the cardinals were bribed by the king's ambassador, both in 1528 and +1532. Vol. i. Append. pp. 30, 110. See, too, Strype, i. Append. No. 40.</p> + +<p class="footnote">The same writer will not allow that Henry menaced the university of +Oxford in case of non-compliance; yet there are three letters of his to +them, a tenth part of which, considering the nature of the writer, was +enough to terrify his readers. Vol. iii. Append. p. 25. These probably +Burnet did not know when he published his first volume.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_89" id="Footnote_89" href="#FNanchor_89"><span class="label">[89]</span></a> The king's marriage is related by the earlier historians to have taken +place November 14, 1532. Burnet however is convinced by a letter of +Cranmer, who, he says, could not be mistaken, though he was not apprised +of the fact till some time afterwards, that it was not solemnised till about +the 25th of January (vol. iii. p. 70). This letter has since been published +in the <i>Archæologia</i>, vol. xviii., and in Ellis's <i>Letters</i>, ii. 34. Elizabeth was +born September 7, 1533; for though Burnet, on the authority, he says, of +Cranmer, places her birth on September 14, the former date is decisively +confirmed by letters in Harl. MSS. 283, 22, and 787, 1 (both set down +incorrectly in the catalogue). If a late historian therefore had contented +himself with commenting on these dates and the clandestine nature of the +marriage, he would not have gone beyond the limits of that character of +an advocate for one party which he has chosen to assume. It may not +be unlikely, though by no means evident, that Anne's prudence, though, +as Fuller says of her, "she was cunning in her chastity," was surprised at +the end of this long courtship. I think a prurient curiosity about such +obsolete scandal very unworthy of history. But when this author asserts +Henry to have cohabited with her for three years, and repeatedly calls her +his mistress, when he attributes Henry's patience with the pope's chicanery +to "the infecundity of Anne," and all this on no other authority than a +letter of the French ambassador, which amounts hardly to evidence of a +transient rumour, we cannot but complain of a great deficiency in historical +candour.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_90" id="Footnote_90" href="#FNanchor_90"><span class="label">[90]</span></a> The principal authority on the story of Henry's divorce from Catherine +is Burnet, in the first and third volumes of his <i>History of the Reformation</i>; +the latter correcting the former from additional documents. Strype, in +his <i>Ecclesiastical Memorials</i>, adds some particulars not contained in Burnet, +especially as to the negotiations with the pope in 1528; and a very little +may be gleaned from Collier, Carte, and other writers. There are few +parts of history, on the whole, that have been better elucidated. One +exception perhaps may yet be made. The beautiful and affecting story of +Catherine's behaviour before the legates at Dunstable is told by Cavendish +and Hall, from whom later historians have copied it. Burnet, however, in +his third volume, p. 46, disputes its truth, and on what should seem conclusive +authority, that of the original register, whence it appears that the +queen never came into court but once, June 18, 1529, to read a paper +protesting against the jurisdiction, and that the king never entered it. +Carte accordingly treated the story as a fabrication. Hume of course did +not choose to omit so interesting a circumstance; but Dr. Lingard has +pointed out a letter of the king, which Burnet himself had printed, vol. i. +Append. 78, mentioning the queen's presence as well as his own, on +June 21, and greatly corroborating the popular account. To say the +truth, there is no small difficulty in choosing between two authorities so +considerable, if they cannot be reconciled, which seems impossible: but, +upon the whole, the preference is due to Henry's letter, dated June 23, +as he could not be mistaken, and had no motive to misstate.</p> + +<p class="footnote">This is not altogether immaterial; for Catherine's appeal to Henry, +de integritate corporis usque ad secundas nuptias servatâ, without reply +on his part, is an important circumstance as to that part of the question. +It is however certain, that, whether on this occasion or not, she did constantly +declare this; and the evidence adduced to prove the contrary is +very defective, especially as opposed to the assertion of so virtuous a +woman. Dr. Lingard says that all the favourable answers which the king +obtained from foreign universities went upon the supposition that the +former marriage had been consummated, and were of no avail unless that +could be proved. See a letter of Wolsey to the king, July 1, 1527, printed +in State Papers, temp. Henry VIII. p. 194; whence it appears that the +queen had been consistent in her denial.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_91" id="Footnote_91" href="#FNanchor_91"><span class="label">[91]</span></a> Stat. 21, Hen. 8, cc. 5, 6; Strype, i. 73; Burnet, 83. It cost a thousand +marks to prove Sir William Compton's will in 1528. These exactions had +been much augmented by Wolsey, who interfered, as legate, with the +prerogative court.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_92" id="Footnote_92" href="#FNanchor_92"><span class="label">[92]</span></a> It is hard to say what were More's original sentiments about the +divorce. In a letter to Cromwell (Strype, i. 183, and App. No. 48; Burnet, +App. p. 280) he speaks of himself as always doubtful. But, if his disposition +had not been rather favourable to the king, would he have been +offered, or have accepted, the great seal? We do not indeed find his name +in the letter of remonstrance to the pope, signed by the nobility and chief +commoners in 1530, which Wolsey, though then in disgrace, very willingly +subscribed. But in March, 1531, he went down to the House of Commons, +attended by several lords, to declare the king's scruples about his marriage, +and to lay before them the opinions of universities. In this he perhaps +thought himself acting ministerially. But there can be no doubt that he +always considered the divorce as a matter wholly of the pope's competence, +and which no other party could take out of his hands, though he had gone +along cheerfully, as Burnet says, with the prosecution against the clergy, +and wished to cut off the illegal jurisdiction of the Roman see. The king +did not look upon him as hostile; for even so late as 1532, Dr. Bennet, the +envoy at Rome, proposed to the pope that the cause should be tried by +four commissioners, of whom the king should name one, either Sir Thomas +More or Stokesly, Bishop of London. Burnet, i. 126.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_93" id="Footnote_93" href="#FNanchor_93"><span class="label">[93]</span></a> Dr. Lingard has pointed out, as Burnet had done less distinctly, that +the bill abrogating the papal supremacy was brought into the Commons in +the beginning of March, and received the royal assent on the 30th; whereas +the determination of the conclave at Rome against the divorce was on the +23rd; so that the latter could not have been the cause of this final rupture. +Clement VII. might have been outwitted in his turn by the king, if, after +pronouncing a decree in favour of the divorce, he had found it too late +to regain his jurisdiction in England. On the other hand, so flexible were +the parliaments of this reign, that, if Henry had made terms with the pope, +the supremacy might have revived again as easily as it had been extinguished.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_94" id="Footnote_94" href="#FNanchor_94"><span class="label">[94]</span></a> Burnet, iii. 44; and App. 24.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_95" id="Footnote_95" href="#FNanchor_95"><span class="label">[95]</span></a> Conf. Burnet, i. 94, and App. No. 35; Strype, i. 230; Sleidan, <i>Hist. +de la Réformation</i> (par Courayer), l. 10. The notions of these divines, as +here stated, are not very consistent or intelligible. The Swiss reformers +were in favour of the divorce, though they advised that the Princess +Mary should not be declared illegitimate. Luther seems to have inclined +towards compromising the difference by the marriage of a secondary wife. +Lingard, p. 172. Melancthon, this writer says, was of the same opinion. +Burnet indeed denies this; but it is rendered not improbable by the well-authenticated +fact that these divines, together with Bucer, signed a permission +to the landgrave of Hesse to take a wife or concubine, on account +of the drunkenness and disagreeable person of his landgravine. Bossuet, +<i>Hist. des Var. des Egl. Protest</i>. vol. i., where the instrument is published. +Clement VII., however, recommended the king to marry immediately, and +then prosecute his suit for a divorce, which it would be easier for him to +obtain in such circumstances. This was as early as January, 1528 (Burnet, +i., App. p. 27). But at a much later period, September 1530, he expressly +suggested the expedient of allowing the king to retain two wives. Though +the letter of Cassali, the king's ambassador at Rome, containing this proposition, +was not found by Burnet, it is quoted at length by an author +of unquestionable veracity, Lord Herbert. Henry had himself, at one +time, favoured this scheme, according to Burnet, who does not, however, +produce any authority for the instructions to that effect said to have been +given to Brian and Vannes, despatched to Rome at the end of 1528. But +at the time when the pope made this proposal, the king had become +exasperated against Catherine, and little inclined to treat either her or the +holy see with any respect.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_96" id="Footnote_96" href="#FNanchor_96"><span class="label">[96]</span></a> Strype, i. 151 <i>et alibi</i>.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_97" id="Footnote_97" href="#FNanchor_97"><span class="label">[97]</span></a> Strype, <i>passim</i>. Tunstal, Gardiner, and Bonner wrote in favour of +the royal supremacy; all of them, no doubt, insincerely. The first of +these has escaped severe censure by the mildness of his general character, +but was full as much a temporiser as Cranmer. But the history of this +period has been written with such undisguised partiality by Burnet and +Strype on the one hand, and lately by Dr. Lingard on the other, that it is +almost amusing to find the most opposite conclusions and general results +from nearly the same premises. Collier, though with many prejudices of +his own, is, all things considered, the fairest of our ecclesiastical writers as +to this reign.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_98" id="Footnote_98" href="#FNanchor_98"><span class="label">[98]</span></a> Burnet, 188. For the methods by which the regulars acquired wealth, +fair and unfair, I may be allowed to refer to the <i>View of the Middle Ages</i>, +ch. 7, or rather to the sources from which the sketch there given was derived.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_99" id="Footnote_99" href="#FNanchor_99"><span class="label">[99]</span></a> Harmer's <i>Specimens of Errors in Burnet</i>.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_100" id="Footnote_100" href="#FNanchor_100"><span class="label">[100]</span></a> Strype, i. Append. 19.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_101" id="Footnote_101" href="#FNanchor_101"><span class="label">[101]</span></a> Burnet; Strype. Wolsey alleged as the ground for this suppression, +the great wickedness that prevailed therein. Strype says the number is +twenty; but Collier, ii. 19, reckons them at forty.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_102" id="Footnote_102" href="#FNanchor_102"><span class="label">[102]</span></a> Collier, though not implicitly to be trusted, tells some hard truths, and +charges Cromwell with receiving bribes from several abbeys, in order to +spare them. P. 159. This is repeated by Lingard, on the authority of some +Cottonian manuscripts. Even Burnet speaks of the violent proceedings +of a Doctor Loudon towards the monasteries. This man was of infamous +character, and became afterwards a conspirator against Cranmer, and a +persecutor of protestants.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_103" id="Footnote_103" href="#FNanchor_103"><span class="label">[103]</span></a> Burnet, 190; Strype, i. ch. 35, see especially p. 257; Ellis's <i>Letters</i>, +ii. 71. We should be on our guard against the Romanising high-church +men, such as Collier, and the whole class of antiquaries, Wood, Hearne, +Drake, Browne, Willis, etc., etc., who are, with hardly an exception, partial +to the monastic orders, and sometimes scarce keep on the mask of protestantism. +No one fact can be better supported by current opinion, and +that general testimony which carries conviction, than the relaxed and +vicious state of those foundations for many ages before their fall. Ecclesiastical +writers had not then learned, as they have since, the trick of suppressing +what might excite odium against their church, but speak out +boldly and bitterly. Thus we find in Wilkins, iii. 630, a bull of Innocent +VIII. for the reform of monasteries in England, charging many of them +with dissoluteness of life. And this is followed by a severe monition from +Archbishop Morton to the abbot of St. Alban's, imputing all kinds of +scandalous vices to him and his monks. Those who reject at once the +reports of Henry's visitors will do well to consider this. See also Fosbrooke's +<i>British Monachism, passim</i>.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_104" id="Footnote_104" href="#FNanchor_104"><span class="label">[104]</span></a> The preamble of 27 H. 8, c. 28, which gives the smaller monasteries to +the king, after reciting that "manifest sin, vicious, carnal, and abominable +living, is daily used and committed commonly in such little and small +abbeys, priories, and other religious houses of monks, canons, and nuns, +where the congregation of such religious persons is under the number of +twelve persons," bestows praise on many of the greater foundations, and +certainly does not intimate that their fate was so near at hand. Nor is +any misconduct alleged or insinuated against the greater monasteries in +the act 31 H. 8, c. 13, that abolishes them; which is rather more remarkable, +as in some instances the religious had been induced to confess their +evil lives and ill deserts. Burnet, 236.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_105" id="Footnote_105" href="#FNanchor_105"><span class="label">[105]</span></a> <i>Id. ibid.</i> and Append. p. 151; Collier, 167. The pensions to the +superiors of the dissolved greater monasteries, says a writer not likely to +spare Henry's government, appear to have varied from £266 to £6 per +annum. The priors of cells received generally £13. A few, whose services +had merited the distinction, obtained £20. To the other monks were +allotted pensions of six, four, or two pounds, with a small sum to each at +his departure, to provide for his immediate wants. The pensions to nuns +averaged about £4. Lingard, vi. 341. He admits that these were ten +times their present value in money; and surely they were not unreasonably +small. Compare them with those, generally and justly thought munificent, +which this country bestows on her veterans of Chelsea and Greenwich. +The monks had no right to expect more than the means of that hard fare +to which they ought by their rules to have been confined in the convents. +The whole revenues were not to be shared among them as private property. +It cannot of course be denied that the compulsory change of life was to +many a severe and an unmerited hardship; but no great revolution, and +the Reformation as little as any, could be achieved without much private +suffering.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_106" id="Footnote_106" href="#FNanchor_106"><span class="label">[106]</span></a> The abbots sat till the end of the first session of Henry's sixth parliament, +the act extinguishing them not having passed till the last day. In +the next session they do not appear, the writ of summons not being supposed +to give them personal seats. There are indeed so many parallel +instances among spiritual lords, and the principle is so obvious, that it +would not be worth noticing, but for a strange doubt said to be thrown out +by some legal authorities, near the beginning of George III.'s reign, in the +case of Pearce, Bishop of Rochester, whether, after resigning his see, he +would not retain his seat as a lord of parliament; in consequence of which +his resignation was not accepted.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_107" id="Footnote_107" href="#FNanchor_107"><span class="label">[107]</span></a> Burnet, i. Append. 96.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_108" id="Footnote_108" href="#FNanchor_108"><span class="label">[108]</span></a> P. 268. Dr. Lingard, on the authority of Nasmith's edition of Tanner's +<i>Notitia Monastica</i>, puts the annual revenue of all the monastic houses at +£142,914. This would only be one-twentieth part of the rental of the +kingdom, if Hume were right in estimating that at three millions. But +this is certainly by much too high. The author of Harmer's <i>Observations +on Burnet</i>, as I have mentioned above, says the monks will be found not +to have possessed above one-fifth of the kingdom, and in value, by reason +of their long leases, not one-tenth. But on this supposition, the crown's +gain was enormous.</p> + +<p class="footnote">According to a valuation in Speed's <i>Catalogue of Religious Houses, +apud</i> Collier, Append. p. 34, sixteen mitred abbots had revenues above +£1000 per annum. St. Peter's, Westminster, was the richest, and valued +at £3977, Glastonbury at £3508, St. Alban's at £2510, etc.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_109" id="Footnote_109" href="#FNanchor_109"><span class="label">[109]</span></a> An act entitling the queen to take into her hands, on the avoidance of +any bishopric, so much of the lands belonging to it as should be equal in +value to the impropriate rectories, etc., within the same, belonging to the +crown, and to give the latter in exchange, was made (1 Eliz. c. 19). This +bill passed on a division in the Commons by 104 to 90, and was ill taken +by some of the bishops, who saw themselves reduced to live on the lawful +subsistence of the parochial clergy. Strype's <i>Annals</i>, i. 68, 97.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_110" id="Footnote_110" href="#FNanchor_110"><span class="label">[110]</span></a> Burnet, 268, 339. In Strype, i. 211, we have a paper drawn up by +Cromwell for the king's inspection, setting forth what might be done with +the revenues of the lesser monasteries. Among a few other particulars are +the following: "His grace may furnish 200 gentlemen to attend on his +person; every one of them to have 100 marks yearly—20,000 marks. His +highness may assign to the yearly reparation of highways in sundry parts, +or the doing of other good deeds for the commonwealth, 5000 marks." +In such scant proportion did the claims of public utility come after those of +selfish pomp, or rather perhaps, looking more attentively, of cunning +corruption.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_111" id="Footnote_111" href="#FNanchor_111"><span class="label">[111]</span></a> Burnet, i. 223.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_112" id="Footnote_112" href="#FNanchor_112"><span class="label">[112]</span></a> It is a favourite theory with many who regret the absolute secularisation +of conventual estates, that they might have been rendered useful to +learning and religion by being bestowed on chapters and colleges. Thomas +Whitaker has sketched a pretty scheme for the abbey of Whalley, wherein, +besides certain opulent prebendaries, he would provide for schoolmasters +and physicians. I suppose this is considered an adherence to the donor's +intention, and no sort of violation of property; somewhat on the principle +called <i>cy près</i>, adopted by the court of chancery in cases of charitable +bequests; according to which, that tribunal, if it holds the testator's +intention unfit to be executed, carries the bequest into effect by doing +what it presumes to come next in his wishes, though sometimes very far +from them. It might be difficult indeed to prove that a Norman baron, +who, not quite easy about his future prospects, took comfort in his last +hours from the anticipation of daily masses for his soul, would have been +better satisfied that his lands should maintain a grammar-school, than that +they should escheat to the crown. But to waive this, and to revert to the +principle of public utility, it may possibly be true that, in one instance, such +as Whalley, a more beneficial disposition could have been made in favour +of a college than by granting away the lands. But the question is, whether +all, or even a great part, of the monastic estates could have been kept in +mortmain with advantage. We may easily argue that the Derwentwater +property, applied as it has been, has done the state more service, than if it +had gone to maintain a race of Ratcliffes, and been squandered at White's +or Newmarket. But does it follow that the kingdom would be the more +prosperous, if all the estates of the peerage were diverted to similar endowments? +And can we seriously believe that, if such a plan had been +adopted at the suppression of monasteries, either religion or learning +would have been the better for such an inundation of prebendaries and +schoolmasters.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_113" id="Footnote_113" href="#FNanchor_113"><span class="label">[113]</span></a> The first act for the relief of the impotent poor passed in 1535 (27 H. 8, +c. 25). By this statute no alms were allowed to be given to beggars, on +pain of forfeiting ten times the value; but a collection was to be made in +every parish. The compulsory contributions, properly speaking, began in +1572 (14 Eliz. c. 5). But by an earlier statute (1 Edward 6, c. 3), the bishop +was empowered to proceed in his court against such as should refuse to +contribute, or dissuade others from doing so.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_114" id="Footnote_114" href="#FNanchor_114"><span class="label">[114]</span></a> The <i>Institution</i> was printed in 1537; the <i>Erudition</i>, according to +Burnet, in 1540; but in Collier and Strype's opinion, not till 1543. They +are both artfully drawn, probably in the main by Cranmer, but not +without the interference of some less favourable to the new doctrine, and +under the eye of the king himself. Collier, 137, 189. The doctrinal +variations in these two summaries of royal faith are by no means inconsiderable.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_115" id="Footnote_115" href="#FNanchor_115"><span class="label">[115]</span></a> Strype, i. 165. A statute enacted in 1534 (25 H. 8, c. 15), after reciting +that "at this day there be within this realm a great number cunning and +expert in printing, and as able to execute the said craft as any stranger," +proceeds to forbid the sale of bound books imported from the Continent. +A terrible blow was thus levelled both against general literature and the +reformed religion; but, like many other bad laws, produced very little +effect.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_116" id="Footnote_116" href="#FNanchor_116"><span class="label">[116]</span></a> The accounts of early editions of the English Bible in Burnet, Collier, +Strype, and an essay by Johnson in Watson's <i>Theological Tracts,</i> vol. iii., +are erroneous or defective. A letter of Strype in Harleian MSS. 3782, +which has been printed, is better; but the most complete enumeration is in +Cotton's list of editions, 1821. The dispersion of the Scriptures, with full +liberty to read them, was greatly due to Cromwell, as is shown by Burnet. +Even after his fall, a proclamation, dated May 6, 1542, referring to the +king's former injunctions for the same purpose, directs a large Bible to be +set up in every parish church. But, next year, the Duke of Norfolk and +Gardiner prevailing over Cranmer, Henry retraced a part of his steps; and +the act 34 H. 8, c. 1. forbids the sale of Tindal's "false translation," and +the reading of the Bible in churches, or by yeomen, women, and other +incapable persons. The popish bishops, well aware how much turned on +this general liberty of reading the Scriptures, did all in their power to +discredit the new version. Gardiner made a list of about one hundred +words which he thought unfit to be translated, and which, in case of an +authorised version (whereof the clergy in convocation had reluctantly +admitted the expediency), ought, in his opinion, to be left in Latin. +Tindal's translation may, I apprehend, be reckoned the basis of that now +in use, but has undergone several corrections before the last. It has been +a matter of dispute whether it were made from the original languages or +from the Vulgate. Hebrew and even Greek were very little known in +England at that time.</p> + +<p class="footnote">The edition of 1537, called Matthews's Bible, printed by Grafton, contains +marginal notes reflecting on the corruptions of popery. These it was +thought expedient to suppress in that of 1539, commonly called Cranmer's +Bible, as having been revised by him, and in later editions. In all these +editions of Henry's reign, though the version is properly Tindal's, there +are, as I am informed, considerable variations and amendments. Thus, in +Cranmer's Bible, the word <i>ecclesia</i> is always rendered congregation, instead +of church; either as the primary meaning, or, more probably, to point out +that the laity had a share in the government of a Christian society.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_117" id="Footnote_117" href="#FNanchor_117"><span class="label">[117]</span></a> Burnet, 318; Strype's <i>Life of Parker</i>, 18; Collier (187) is of course +much scandalised. In his view of things, it had been better to give up +the Reformation entirely, than to suffer one reflection on the clergy. +These dramatic satires on that order had also an effect in promoting the +Reformation in Holland. Brandt's <i>History of Reformation in Low Countries</i>, +vol. i. p. 128.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_118" id="Footnote_118" href="#FNanchor_118"><span class="label">[118]</span></a> I can hardly avoid doubting, whether Edward VI.'s journal, published +in the second volume of Burnet, be altogether his own; because it is strange +for a boy of ten years old to write with the precise brevity of a man of +business. Yet it is hard to say how far an intercourse with able men on +serious subjects may force a royal plant of such natural vigour; and his +letters to his young friend Barnaby Fitzpatrick, published by H. Walpole +in 1774, are quite unlike the style of a boy. One could wish this journal +not to be genuine; for the manner in which he speaks of both his uncles' +executions does not show a good heart. Unfortunately, however, there +is a letter extant, of the king to Fitzpatrick, which must be genuine, and +is in the same strain. He treated his sister Mary harshly about her +religion, and had, I suspect, too much Tudor blood in his veins. It is +certain that he was a very extraordinary boy, or, as Cardan calls him, +monstrificus puellus; and the reluctance with which he yielded, on the +solicitations of Cranmer, to sign the warrant for burning John Boucher, is +as much to his honour, as it is against the archbishop's.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_119" id="Footnote_119" href="#FNanchor_119"><span class="label">[119]</span></a> The litany had been translated into English in 1542. Burnet, i. 331; +Collier, III, where it may be read, not much differing from that now in +use. It was always held out by our church, when the object was conciliation, +that the liturgy was essentially the same with the mass-book. Strype's +<i>Annals</i>, ii. 39; Hollingshed, iii, 921 (4to edition).</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_120" id="Footnote_120" href="#FNanchor_120"><span class="label">[120]</span></a> It was observed, says Strype, ii. 79, that where images were left there +was most contest, and most peace where they were all sheer pulled down, +as they were in some places.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_121" id="Footnote_121" href="#FNanchor_121"><span class="label">[121]</span></a> Collier, p. 257, enters into a vindication of the practice, which appears +to have prevailed in the church from the second century. It was defended +in general by the nonjurors, and the whole school of Andrews. But, +independently of its wanting the authority of Scripture, which the reformers +set up exclusively of all tradition, it contradicted the doctrine of justification +by mere faith, in the strict sense which they affixed to that tenet. +See preamble of the act for dissolution of chantries, 1 Edw. 6, c. 14.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_122" id="Footnote_122" href="#FNanchor_122"><span class="label">[122]</span></a> Collier, p. 248, descants, in the true spirit of a high churchman, on the +importance of confession. This also, as is well known, is one of the points +on which his party disagreed with the generality of protestants.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_123" id="Footnote_123" href="#FNanchor_123"><span class="label">[123]</span></a> Nostra sententia est, says Luther, <i>apud</i> Burnet, 111, Appendix, 194, +corpus ita cum pane, seu in pane esse, ut revera cum pane manducetur, et +quemcunque motum vel actionem panis habet, eundem et corpus Christi.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_124" id="Footnote_124" href="#FNanchor_124"><span class="label">[124]</span></a> "Bucer thought, that for avoiding contention, and for maintaining +peace and quietness in the church, somewhat more ambiguous words should +be used, that might have a respect to both persuasions concerning the +presence. But Martyr was of another judgment, and affected to speak of +the sacrament with all plainness and perspicuity." Strype, ii. 121. The +truth is, that there were but two opinions at bottom as to this main point +of the controversy; nor in the nature of things was it possible that there +should be more; for what can be predicated concerning a body, in its +relation to a given space, but presence and absence.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_125" id="Footnote_125" href="#FNanchor_125"><span class="label">[125]</span></a> Burnet, ii. 105, App. 216; Strype, ii. 121, 208; Collier, etc. The +Calvinists certainly did not own a local presence in the elements. It is the +artifice of modern Romish writers, Dr. Milner, Mr. C. Butler, etc., to +disguise the incompatibility of their tenets with those of the church of +England on this, as they do on all other topics of controversy, by representing +her as maintaining an actual, incomprehensible presence of Christ's +body in the consecrated elements; which was never meant to be asserted +in any authorised exposition of faith; though in the seventeenth century +it was held by many distinguished churchmen. See the 27th, 28th, and +29th articles of religion. An eminent living writer, who would be as useful +as he is agreeable, if he could bring himself to write with less heat and +haste, says, that at Elizabeth's accession, among other changes, "the +language of the article which affirmed a real presence was so framed as to +allow latitude of belief for those who were persuaded of an exclusive one." +Southey's <i>Book of the Church</i>, vol. ii. p. 247. The real presence was not +affirmed, but denied, in the original draft; and as to what Mr. S. calls +"an exclusive one" (that is, transubstantiation, if the words have any +meaning), it is positively rejected in the amended article.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_126" id="Footnote_126" href="#FNanchor_126"><span class="label">[126]</span></a> It appears to have been common for the clergy, by licence from their +bishops, to retain concubines, who were, Collier says, for the most part +their wives. P. 262. But I do not clearly understand in what the distinction +could have consisted; for it seems unlikely that marriages of +priests were ever solemnised at so late a period; or if they were, they were +invalid.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_127" id="Footnote_127" href="#FNanchor_127"><span class="label">[127]</span></a> Stat. 2 and 3 Edw. VI. c. 21; 5 and 6 Edw. VI. c. 12; Burnet, 89.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_128" id="Footnote_128" href="#FNanchor_128"><span class="label">[128]</span></a> 2 Strype, 53. Latimer pressed the necessity of expelling these temporising +conformists.—"Out with them all! I require it in God's behalf: +make them <i>quondams</i>, all the pack of them." <i>Id.</i> 204; 2 Burnet, 143.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_129" id="Footnote_129" href="#FNanchor_129"><span class="label">[129]</span></a> Burnet, iii. 190, 196. "The use of the old religion," says Paget, in +remonstrating with Somerset on his rough treatment of some of the gentry, +and partiality to the commons, "is forbidden by a law, and the use of the +new is not yet printed in the stomachs of eleven out of twelve parts of the +realm, whatever countenance men make outwardly to please them in +whom they see the power resteth." Strype, ii. Appendix, H .H. This +seems rather to refer to the upper classes, than to the whole people. But +at any rate it was an exaggeration of the fact, the protestants being +certainly in a much greater proportion. Paget was the adviser of the +scheme of sending for German troops in 1549, which, however, was in order +to quell a seditious spirit in the nation, not by any means wholly founded +upon religious grounds. Strype, xi. 169.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_130" id="Footnote_130" href="#FNanchor_130"><span class="label">[130]</span></a> 2 Edward 6, c. 1; Strype, xi. 81.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_131" id="Footnote_131" href="#FNanchor_131"><span class="label">[131]</span></a> 37 H. 8, c. 2; 1 Edw. 6, c. 14; Strype, ii. 63; Burnet, etc. Cranmer, +as well as the catholic bishops, protested against this act, well knowing +how little regard would be paid to its intention. In the latter part of the +young king's reign, as he became more capable of exerting his own power, +he endowed, as is well known, several excellent foundations.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_132" id="Footnote_132" href="#FNanchor_132"><span class="label">[132]</span></a> Strype, Burnet, Collier, <i>passim</i>; Harmer's <i>Specimens</i>, 100. Sir Philip +Hobby, our minister in Germany, writes to the Protector in 1548, that the +foreign protestants thought our bishops too rich, and advises him to +reduce them to a competent living; he particularly recommends his +taking away all the prebends in England. Strype, 88. These counsels, +and the acts which they prompted, disgust us, from the spirit of rapacity +they breathe. Yet it might be urged with some force that the enormous +wealth of the superior ecclesiastics had been the main cause of those +corruptions which it was sought to cast away, and that most of the dignitaries +were very averse to the new religion. Even Cranmer had written +some years before to Cromwell, deprecating the establishment of any +prebends out of the conventual estates, and speaking of the collegiate +clergy as an idle, ignorant, and gormandising race, who might, without +any harm, be extinguished along with the regulars. Burnet, iii. 141. But +the gross selfishness of the great men in Edward's reign justly made him +anxious to save what he could for a church that seemed on the brink of +absolute ruin. Collier mentions a characteristic circumstance. So great +a quantity of church plate had been stolen, that a commission was +appointed to enquire into the facts, and compel its restitution. Instead +of this, the commissioners found more left than they thought sufficient, +and seized the greater part to the king's use.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_133" id="Footnote_133" href="#FNanchor_133"><span class="label">[133]</span></a> They declared, in the famous protestation of Spire, which gave them the +name of Protestants, that their preachers having confuted the mass by +passages of Scripture, they could not permit their subjects to go thither; +since it would afford a bad example, to suffer two sorts of service, directly +opposite to each other, in their churches. Schmidt, <i>Hist. des Allemands</i>, +vi. 394, vii. 24.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_134" id="Footnote_134" href="#FNanchor_134"><span class="label">[134]</span></a> Stat. 2 and 3 Edw. 6, c. 1; Strype's <i>Cranmer</i>, p. 233.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_135" id="Footnote_135" href="#FNanchor_135"><span class="label">[135]</span></a> Burnet, 192. Somerset had always allowed her to exercise her religion, +though censured for this by Warwick, who died himself a papist, but had +pretended to fall in with the young king's prejudices. Her ill treatment +was subsequent to the protector's overthrow. It is to be observed that, +in her father's life, she had acknowledged his supremacy, and the justice of +her mother's divorce. 1 Strype, 285; 2 Burnet, 241; Lingard, vi. 326. +It was of course by intimidation; but that excuse might be made for others. +Cranmer is said to have persuaded Henry not to put her to death, which +we must in charity hope she did not know.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_136" id="Footnote_136" href="#FNanchor_136"><span class="label">[136]</span></a> When Joan Boucher was condemned, she said to her judges, "It was +not long ago since you burned Anne Askew for a piece of bread, and yet +came yourselves soon after to believe and profess the same doctrine for +which you burned her; and now you will needs burn me for a piece of +flesh, and in the end you will come to believe this also when you have read +the Scriptures and understand them." Strype, ii. 214.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_137" id="Footnote_137" href="#FNanchor_137"><span class="label">[137]</span></a> Gardiner had some virtues, and entertained sounder notions of the +civil constitution of England than his adversaries. In a letter to Sir John +Godsalve, giving his reasons for refusing compliance with the injunctions +issued by the council to the ecclesiastical visitors (which, Burnet says, +does him more honour than anything else in his life), he dwells on the +king's wanting power to command anything contrary to common law, or +to a statute, and brings authorities for this. Burnet, ii. Append. 112. +See also Lingard, vi. 387, for another instance. Nor was this regard to the +constitution displayed only when out of the sunshine. For in the next +reign he was against despotic counsels, of which an instance has been given +in the last chapter. His conduct, indeed, with respect to the Spanish connection, +is equivocal. He was much against the marriage at first, and +took credit to himself for the securities exacted in the treaty with Philip, +and established by statute. Burnet, ii. 267. But afterwards, if we may +trust Noailles, he fell in with the Spanish party in the council, and even +suggested to parliament that the queen should have the same power as her +father to dispose of the succession by will. <i>Ambassades de Noailles</i>, iii. +153, etc., etc. Yet according to Dr. Lingard, on the imperial ambassador's +authority, he saved Elizabeth's life against all the council. The article +<span class="smcap">Gardiner</span>, in the <i>Biographia Britannica</i>, contains an elaborate and partial +apology, at great length; and the historian just quoted has of course said +all he could in favour of one who laboured so strenuously for the extirpation +of the northern heresy. But he was certainly not an honest man, and had +been active in Henry's reign against his real opinions.</p> + +<p class="footnote">Even if the ill treatment of Gardiner and Bonner by Edward's council +could be excused (and the latter by his rudeness might deserve some +punishment), what can be said for the imprisonment of the bishops Heath +and Day, worthy and moderate men, who had gone a great way with the +reformation, but objected to the removal of altars, an innovation by no +means necessary, and which should have been deferred till the people had +grown ripe for further change? Mr. Southey says, "Gardiner and Bonner +were deprived of their sees and imprisoned: but <i>no rigour was used towards +them</i>." <i>Book of the Church</i>, ii. 111. Liberty and property being trifles.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_138" id="Footnote_138" href="#FNanchor_138"><span class="label">[138]</span></a> The doctrines of the English church were set forth in 42 articles, drawn +up, as is generally believed, by Cranmer and Ridley, with the advice of +Bucer and Martyr, and perhaps of Cox. The three last of these, condemning +some novel opinions, were not renewed under Elizabeth, and a +few other variations were made; but upon the whole there is little difference, +and none perhaps in those tenets which have been most the object +of discussion. See the original Articles in Burnet, ii. App. N. 55. They +were never confirmed by a convocation or a parliament, but imposed by +the king's supremacy on all the clergy, and on the universities. His death +however, ensued before they could be actually subscribed.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_139" id="Footnote_139" href="#FNanchor_139"><span class="label">[139]</span></a> Strype's <i>Cranmer</i>, Appendix, p. 9. I am sorry to find a respectable +writer inclining to vindicate Cranmer in this protestation, which Burnet +admits to agree better with the maxims of the casuists than with the +prelate's sincerity: Todd's Introduction to <i>Cranmer's Defence of the True +Doctrine of the Sacrament</i> (1825), p. 40. It is of no importance to enquire, +whether the protest were made publicly or privately. Nothing can +possibly turn upon this. It was, on either supposition, unknown to the +promisee, the pope at Rome. The question is, whether, having obtained the +bulls from Rome on an express stipulation that he should take a certain +oath, he had a right to offer a limitation, not explanatory, but utterly +inconsistent with it? We are sure that Cranmer's views and intentions, +which he very soon carried into effect, were irreconcilable with any sort of +obedience to the pope; and if, under all the circumstances, his conduct was +justifiable, there would be an end of all promissory obligations whatever.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_140" id="Footnote_140" href="#FNanchor_140"><span class="label">[140]</span></a> The character of Cranmer is summed up in no unfair manner by +Mr. C. Butler, <i>Memoirs of English Catholics</i>, vol. i. p. 139; except that his +obtaining from Anne Boleyn an acknowledgment of her supposed pre-contract +of marriage, having proceeded from motives of humanity, ought +not to incur much censure, though the sentence of nullity was a mere +mockery of law.—Poor Cranmer was compelled to subscribe not less than +six recantations. Strype (iii. 232) had the integrity to publish all these, +which were not fully known before.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_141" id="Footnote_141" href="#FNanchor_141"><span class="label">[141]</span></a> Burnet, ii. 6.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_142" id="Footnote_142" href="#FNanchor_142"><span class="label">[142]</span></a> There are two curious entries in the Lords' Jour., 14th and 18th of +November 1549, which point out the origin of the new code of ecclesiastical +law mentioned in the next note: "Hodie questi sunt episcopi, contemni +se a plebe, audere autem nihil pro potestate suâ administrare, eo quod +per publicas quasdam denuntiationes quas proclamationes vocant, sublata +esset penitus sua jurisdictio, adeo ut neminem judicio sistere, nullum scelus +punire, neminem ad ædem sacram cogere, neque cætera id genus munia ad +eos pertinentia exequi auderent. Hæc querela ab omnibus proceribus non +sine mœrore audita est; et ut quam citissimè huic malo subveniretur, +injunctum est episcopis ut formulam aliquam statuti hâc de re scriptam +traderent: quæ si consilio postea prælecta omnibus ordinibus probaretur, +pro lege omnibus sententiis sanciri posset.</p> + +<p class="footnote">"18 November. Hodie lecta est billa pro jurisdictione episcoporum +et aliorum ecclesiasticorum, quæ cum proceribus, <i>eo quod episcopi nimis +sibi arrogare viderentur</i>, non placeret, visum est deligere prudentes aliquot +viros utriusque ordinis, qui habitâ maturâ tantæ rei inter se deliberatione, +referrent toti consilio quid pro ratione temporis et rei necessitate in hac +causa agi expediret." Accordingly, the Lords appoint the Archbishop of +Canterbury, the Bishops of Ely, Durham, and Lichfield, Lords Dorset, +Wharton, and Stafford, with Chief Justice Montague.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_143" id="Footnote_143" href="#FNanchor_143"><span class="label">[143]</span></a> It had been enacted, 3 Edw. 6, c. 11, that thirty-two commissioners, +half clergy, half lay, should be appointed to draw up a collection of new +canons. But these, according to Strype, ii. 303 (though I do not find it +in the act), might be reduced to eight, without preserving the equality of +orders; and of those nominated in November 1551, five were ecclesiastics, +three laymen. The influence of the former shows itself in the collection, +published with the title of <i>Reformatio Legum Ecclesiasticûm</i>, and intended +as a complete code of protestant canon law. This was referred for revisal +to a new commission; but the king's death ensued, and the business was +never again taken up. Burnet, ii. 197; Collier, 326. The Latin style is +highly praised; Cheke and Haddon, the most elegant scholars of that age, +having been concerned in it. This however is of small importance. The +canons are founded on a principle current among the clergy, that a rigorous +discipline, enforced by church censures and the aid of the civil power, is +the best safeguard of a christian commonwealth against vice. But it is +easy to perceive that its severity would never have been endured in this +country, and that this was the true reason why it was laid aside; not, +according to the improbable refinement with which Warburton has furnished +Hurd, because the old canon law was thought more favourable to +the prerogative of the Crown. Compare Warburton's <i>Letters to Hurd</i>, +p. 192, with the latter's <i>Moral and Political Dialogues</i>, p. 308, 4th edit.</p> + +<p class="footnote">The canons trench in several places on the known province of the common +law, by assigning specific penalties and forfeitures to offences, as in the +case of adultery; and though it is true that this was all subject to the +confirmation of parliament, yet the lawyers would look with their usual +jealousy on such provisions in ecclesiastical canons. But the great sin of +this protestant legislation is its extension of the name and penalties of +heresy to the wilful denial of any part of the authorised articles of faith. +This is clear from the first and second titles. But it has been doubted +whether capital punishments for this offence were intended to be preserved. +Burnet, always favourable to the reformers, asserts that they were laid +aside. Collier and Lingard, whose bias is the other way, maintain the +contrary. There is, it appears to me, some difficulty in determining this. +That all persons denying any one of the articles might be turned over to +the secular power is evident. Yet it rather seems by one passage in the +title, de judiciis contra hæreses, c. 10, that infamy and civil disability were +the only punishments intended to be kept up, except in case of the denial +of the christian religion. For if a heretic were, as a matter of course, to be +burned, it seems needless to provide, as in this chapter, that he should be +incapable of being a witness, or of making a will. Dr. Lingard, on the +other hand, says, "It regulates the delivery of the obstinate heretic to the +civil magistrate, that he may <i>suffer death</i> according to law." The words +to which he refers are these: Cum sic penitus insederit error, et tam alte +radices egerit, ut nec sententiâ quidem excommunicationis ad veritatem +reus inflecti possit, tum consumptis omnibus aliis remediis, ad extremum +ad civiles magistratus ablegetur <i>puniendus</i>. <i>Id.</i> tit. c. 4.</p> + +<p class="footnote">It is generally best, where the words are at all ambiguous, to give the +reader the power of judging for himself. But I by no means pretend that +Dr. Lingard is mistaken. On the contrary, the language of this passage +leads to a strong suspicion that the rigour of popish persecution was +intended to remain, especially as the writ de hæretico comburendo was in +force by law, and there is no hint of taking it away. Yet it seems monstrous +to conceive that the denial of predestination (which by the way is +asserted in this collection, tit. de hæresibus, c. 22, with a shade more of +Calvinism than in the articles) was to subject any one to be burned alive. +And on the other hand, there is this difficulty, that Arianism, Pelagianism, +popery, anabaptism, are all put on the same footing; so that, if we deny +that the papist or free-willer was to be burned, we must deny the same of +the anti-trinitarian, which contradicts the principle and practice of that +age. Upon the whole, I cannot form a decided opinion as to this matter. +Dr. Lingard does not hesitate to say, "Cranmer and his associates perished +in the flames which they had prepared to kindle for the destruction of +their opponents."</p> + +<p class="footnote">Upon further consideration, I incline to suspect that the temporal +punishment of heresy was intended to be fixed by act of parliament; and +probably with various degrees, which will account for the indefinite word +"puniendus."</p> + +<p class="footnote">Before I quit these canons, one mistake of Dr. Lingard's may be corrected. +He says that divorces were allowed by them not only for adultery, but +cruelty, desertion, and <i>incompatibility of temper</i>. But the contrary may +be clearly shown, from tit. de matrimonio, c. 11, and tit. de divortiis, c. 12. +Divorce was allowed for something more than incompatibility of temper; +namely, <i>capitales inimicitiæ</i>, meaning, as I conceive, attempts by one +party on the other's life. In this respect, their scheme of a very important +branch of social law seems far better than our own. Nothing can be more +absurd than our modern <i>privilegia</i>, our acts of parliament to break the +bond between an adulteress and her husband. Nor do I see how we can +justify the denial of redress to women in every case of adultery and +desertion. It does not follow that the marriage tie ought to be dissolved +as easily as it is, at least by the rich, in the Lutheran states of Germany.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_144" id="Footnote_144" href="#FNanchor_144"><span class="label">[144]</span></a> Strype, <i>passim</i>. Burnet, ii. 154; iii. Append. 200; Collier, 294, 303.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_145" id="Footnote_145" href="#FNanchor_145"><span class="label">[145]</span></a> Strype, Burnet. The former is more accurate.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_146" id="Footnote_146" href="#FNanchor_146"><span class="label">[146]</span></a> Burnet, 237, 246; 3 Strype, 10, 341. No part of England suffered so +much in the persecution.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_147" id="Footnote_147" href="#FNanchor_147"><span class="label">[147]</span></a> <i>Ambassades de Noailles</i>, v. ii. <i>passim</i>. 3 Strype, 100.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_148" id="Footnote_148" href="#FNanchor_148"><span class="label">[148]</span></a> Strype, iii. 107. He reckons the emigrants at 800. <i>Life of Cranmer</i>, +314. Of these the most illustrious was the Duchess of Suffolk, first cousin +of the queen. In the parliament of 1555, a bill sequestering the property +of "the Duchess of Suffolk and others, contemptuously gone over the +seas," was rejected by the Commons on the third reading. Journals, +6th December.</p> + +<p class="footnote">It must not be understood that all the aristocracy were supple hypocrites, +though they did not expose themselves voluntarily to prosecution. Noailles +tells us that the Earls of Oxford and Westmoreland, and Lord Willoughby, +were censured by the council <i>for religion</i>; and it was thought that the +former would lose his title (more probably his hereditary office of chamberlain), +which would be conferred on the Earl of Pembroke, v. 319. Michele, +the Venetian ambassador, in his Relazione del Stato d'Inghilterra, Lansdowne +MSS. 840, does not speak favourably of the general affection towards +popery. "The English in general," he says, "would turn Jews or Turks +if their sovereign pleased; but the restoration of the abbey lands by the +crown keeps alive a constant fear among those who possess them."—Fol. +176. This restitution of church lands in the hands of the Crown cost the +queen £60,000 a year of revenue.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_149" id="Footnote_149" href="#FNanchor_149"><span class="label">[149]</span></a> Parker had extravagantly reckoned the number of these at 12,000, +which Burnet reduces to 3000, vol. iii. 226. But upon this computation +they formed a very considerable body on the protestant side. Burnet's +calculation, however, is made by assuming the ejected ministers of the +diocese of Norwich to have been in the ratio of the whole; which, from the +eminent protestantism of that district, is not probable; and Dr. Lingard, +on Wharton's authority, who has taken his ratio from the diocese of +Canterbury, thinks they did not amount to more than about 1500.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_150" id="Footnote_150" href="#FNanchor_150"><span class="label">[150]</span></a> Burnet, ii. 298; iii. 245. But see Philips's <i>Life of Pole</i>, sect. ix. <i>contra</i>; +and Ridley's answer to this, p. 272. In fact, no scheme of religion would +on the whole have been so acceptable to the nation, as that which Henry +left established, consisting chiefly of what was called catholic in doctrine, +but free from the grosser abuses and from all connection with the see of +Rome. Arbitrary and capricious as that king was, he carried the people +along with him, as I believe, in all great points, both as to what he renounced, +and what he retained. Michele (Relazione, etc.) is of this opinion.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_151" id="Footnote_151" href="#FNanchor_151"><span class="label">[151]</span></a> No one of our historians has been so severe on Mary's reign, except on +a religious account, as Carte, on the authority of the letters of Noailles. +Dr. Lingard, though with these before him, has softened and suppressed, +till this queen appears honest and even amiable. A man of sense should +be ashamed of such partiality to his sect. Admitting that the French +ambassador had a temptation to exaggerate the faults of a government +wholly devoted to Spain, it is manifest that Mary's reign was inglorious, +her capacity narrow, and her temper sanguinary; that, although conscientious +in some respects, she was as capable of dissimulation as her +sister, and of breach of faith as her husband; that she obstinately and +wilfully sacrificed her subjects' affections and interests to a misplaced and +discreditable attachment; and that the words with which Carte has concluded +the character of this unlamented sovereign, though little pleasing +to men of Dr. Lingard's profession, are perfectly just: "Having reduced +the nation to the brink of ruin, she left it, by her seasonable decease, to be +restored by her admirable successor to its ancient prosperity and glory." +I fully admit, at the same time, that Dr. Lingard has proved Elizabeth to +have been as dangerous a prisoner, as she afterwards found the Queen of +Scots.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_152" id="Footnote_152" href="#FNanchor_152"><span class="label">[152]</span></a> Strype, ii. 17; Burnet, iii. 263, and Append. 285, where there is a letter +from the king and queen to Bonner, as if even he wanted excitement to +prosecute heretics. The number who suffered death by fire in this reign is +reckoned by Fox at 284, by Speed at 277, and by Lord Burghley at 290. +Strype, iii. 473. These numbers come so near to each other, that they may +be presumed also to approach the truth. But Carte, on the authority of +one of Noailles's letters, thinks many more were put to death than our +martyrologists have discovered. And the prefacer to Ridley's <i>Treatise +de Cœnâ Domini</i>, supposed to be Bishop Grindal, says that 800 suffered in +this manner for religion. Burnet, ii. 364. I incline, however, to the lower +statements.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_153" id="Footnote_153" href="#FNanchor_153"><span class="label">[153]</span></a> Burnet makes a very just observation on the cruelties of this period, +that "they raised that horror in the whole nation, that there seems ever +since that time such an abhorrence to that religion to be derived down +from father to son, that it is no wonder an aversion so deeply rooted and +raised upon such grounds, does upon every new provocation or jealousy +or returning to it break out in most violent and convulsive symptoms."—P. +338. "Delicta majorum immeritus luis, <i>Romane</i>." But those who +would diminish this aversion, and prevent these convulsive symptoms, +will do better by avoiding for the future either such panegyrics on Mary and +her advisers, or such insidious extenuations of her persecution as we have +lately read, and which do not raise a favourable impression of their sincerity +in the principles of toleration to which they profess to have been converted.</p> + +<p class="footnote">Noailles, who, though an enemy to Mary's government, must, as a +catholic, be reckoned an unsuspicious witness, remarkably confirms the +account given by Fox, and since by all our writers, of the death of Rogers, +the proto-martyr, and its effect on the people. "Ce jour d'huy a esté faite +la confirmation de 'alliance entre le pape et ce royaume par un sacrifice +publique et solemnel d'un docteur predicant nommé Rogerus, le quel a +eté brulé tout vif pour estre Lutherien; mais il est mort persistant en son +opinion. A quoy le plus grand partie de ce peuple a pris tel plaisir, qu'ils +n'ont eu crainte de luy faire plusieurs acclamations pour comforter son +courage; et meme ses enfans y on assisté, le consolant de telle façon qu'il +semblait qu'on le menait aux noces."—V. 173.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_154" id="Footnote_154" href="#FNanchor_154"><span class="label">[154]</span></a> Strype, iii. 285.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_155" id="Footnote_155" href="#FNanchor_155"><span class="label">[155]</span></a> Elizabeth was much suspected of a concern in the conspiracy of 1554, +which was more extensive than appeared from Wyatt's insurrection, and +had in view the placing her on the throne, with the Earl of Devonshire for +her husband. Wyatt indeed at his execution acquitted her; but as he +said as much for Devonshire, who is proved by the letters of Noailles to +have been engaged, his testimony is of less value. Nothing, however, +appears in these letters, I believe, to criminate Elizabeth. Her life was +saved, against the advice of the imperial court, and of their party in the +cabinet, especially Lord Paget, by Gardiner, according to Dr. Lingard, +writing on the authority of Renard's despatches. Burnet, who had no +access to that source of information, imagines Gardiner to have been her +most inveterate enemy. She was even released from prison for the time, +though soon afterwards detained again, and kept in custody, as is well +known, for the rest of this reign. Her inimitable dissimulation was all +required to save her from the penalties of heresy and treason. It appears +by the memoir of the Venetian ambassador, in 1557 (Lansdowne MSS. 840), +as well as from the letters of Noailles, that Mary was desirous to change +the succession, and would have done so, had it not been for Philip's +reluctance, and the impracticability of obtaining the consent of parliament. +Though of a dissembling character, she could not conceal the hatred she +bore to one who brought back the memory of her mother's and her own +wrongs; especially when she saw all eyes turned towards the successor, +and felt that the curse of her own barrenness was to fall on her beloved +religion. Elizabeth had been not only forced to have a chapel in her +house, and to give all exterior signs of conformity, but to protest on oath +her attachment to the catholic faith; though Hume, who always loves a +popular story, gives credence to the well known verses ascribed to her, +in order to elude a declaration of her opinion on the sacrament. The +inquisitors of that age were not so easily turned round by an equivocal +answer. Yet Elizabeth's faith was constantly suspected. "Accresce +oltro questo l'odio," says the Venetian, "il sapere che sia aliena dalla +religione presente, per essere non pur nata, ma dotta ed allevata nell' altra, +che se bene con la esteriore ha mostrato, e mostra di essersi ridotta, +vivendo cattolicamente, pure è opinione che dissimuli e nell' interiore la +ritenga più che mai.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_156" id="Footnote_156" href="#FNanchor_156"><span class="label">[156]</span></a> Elizabeth ascended the throne November 17, 1558. On the 5th of +December Mary was buried; and on this occasion White, bishop of Winchester, +in preaching her funeral sermon, spoke with virulence against the +protestant exiles, and expressed apprehension of their return. Burnet, +iii. 272. Directions to read part of the service in English, and forbidding +the elevation of the host, were issued prior to the proclamation of December +27, against innovations without authority. The great seal was taken from +Archbishop Heath early in January, and given to Sir Nicholas Bacon. +Parker was pitched upon to succeed Pole at Canterbury in the preceding +month. From the dates of these and other facts, it may be fairly inferred +that Elizabeth's resolution was formed independently of the pope's +behaviour towards Sir Edward Karn; though that might probably +exasperate her against the adherents of the Roman see, and make their +religion appear more inconsistent with their civil allegiance. If, indeed, +the refusal of the bishops to officiate at her coronation (January 14, 1558-9) +were founded in any degree on Paul IV.'s denial of her title, it must have +seemed in that age within a hair's-breadth of high treason. But it more +probably arose from her order that the host should not be elevated, which +in truth was not legally to be justified. Mass was said, however, at her +coronation; so that she seems to have dispensed with this prohibition.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_157" id="Footnote_157" href="#FNanchor_157"><span class="label">[157]</span></a> See a paper by Cecil on the best means of reforming religion, written +at this time with all his cautious wisdom, in Burnet, or in Strype's <i>Annals +of the Reformation</i>, or in the <i>Somers Tracts</i>.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_158" id="Footnote_158" href="#FNanchor_158"><span class="label">[158]</span></a> <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. i. p. 394. In the reign of Edward, a prayer had been +inserted in the liturgy to deliver us "from the Bishop of Rome and all his +detestable enormities." This was now struck out; and, what was more +acceptable to the nation, the words used in distributing the elements were +so contrived by blending the two forms successively adopted under +Edward, as neither to offend the popish or Lutheran, nor the Zuinglian +communicant. A rubric directed against the doctrine of the real or +corporal presence was omitted. This was replaced after the restoration. +Burnet owns that the greater part of the nation still adhered to this tenet +though it was not the opinion of the rulers of the church. ii. 390, 406.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_159" id="Footnote_159" href="#FNanchor_159"><span class="label">[159]</span></a> Burnet; Strype's <i>Annals</i>, 169. Pensions were reserved for those who +quitted their benefices on account of religion. Burnet, ii. 398. This was +a very liberal measure, and at the same time a politic check on their conduct. +Lingard thinks the number must have been much greater; but the visitors' +reports seem the best authority. It is however highly probable that others +resigned their preferments afterwards, when the casuistry of their church +grew more scrupulous. It may be added, that the visitors restored the +married clergy who had been dispossessed in the preceding reign; which +would of course considerably augment the number of sufferers for popery.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_160" id="Footnote_160" href="#FNanchor_160"><span class="label">[160]</span></a> 1 Eliz. c. i. The oath of supremacy was expressed as follows: "I, +A. B., do utterly testify and declare, that the queen's highness is the only +supreme governor of this realm, and all other her highness's dominions and +countries, as well in all spiritual and ecclesiastical things or causes, as +temporal; and that no foreign prince, person, prelate, state, or potentate, +hath or ought to have any jurisdiction, power, superiority, pre-eminence, +or authority, ecclesiastical or spiritual, within this realm; and therefore +I do utterly renounce and forsake all foreign jurisdictions, powers, +superiorities, and authorities, and do promise that from henceforth I shall +bear faith and true allegiance to the queen's highness, her heirs and lawful +successors, and to my power shall assist and defend all jurisdictions, pre-eminences, +privileges, and authorities, granted or belonging to the queen's +highness, her heirs and successors, or united and annexed to the imperial +crown of this realm."</p> + +<p class="footnote">A remarkable passage in the injunctions to the ecclesiastical visitors of +1559, which may be reckoned in the nature of a contemporaneous exposition +of the law, restrains the royal supremacy established by this act, and +asserted in the above oath, in the following words: "Her majesty forbiddeth +all manner her subjects to give ear or credit to such perverse and +malicious persons, which most sinisterly and maliciously labour to notify +to her loving subjects, how by words of the said oath it may be collected, +that the kings or queens of this realm, possessors of the crown, may +challenge authority and power of ministry of divine service in the church; +wherein her said subjects be much abused by such evil-disposed persons. +For certainly her majesty neither doth, nor ever will, challenge any other +authority than that was challenged and lately used by the said noble kings +of famous memory, King Henry VIII. and King Edward VI., which is, and +was of ancient time, due to the imperial crown of this realm; that is, under +God to have the sovereignty and rule over all manner of persons born +within these her realms, dominions, and countries, of what estate, either +ecclesiastical or temporal, soever they be, so as no other foreign power +shall or ought to have any superiority over them. And if any person that +hath conceived any other sense of the form of the said oath shall accept +the same with this interpretation, sense, or meaning, her majesty is well +pleased to accept every such in that behalf, as her good and obedient +subjects, and shall acquit them of all manner of penalties contained in +the said act, against such as shall peremptorily or obstinately take the +same oath." 1 <i>Somers Tracts</i>, edit. Scott, 73.</p> + +<p class="footnote">This interpretation was afterwards given in one of the thirty-nine articles, +which having been confirmed by parliament, it is undoubtedly to be +reckoned the true sense of the oath. Mr. Butler, in his <i>Memoirs of English +Catholics</i>, vol. i. p. 157, enters into a discussion of the question, whether +Roman catholics might conscientiously take the oath of supremacy in this +sense. It appears that in the seventeenth century some contended for +the affirmative; and this seems to explain the fact, that several persons +of that persuasion, besides peers from whom the oath was not exacted, did +actually hold offices under the Stuarts, and even enter into parliament, +and that the test act and declaration against transubstantiation were thus +rendered necessary to make their exclusion certain. Mr. B. decides against +taking the oath, but on grounds by no means sufficient; and oddly overlooks +the decisive objection, that it denies <i>in toto</i> the jurisdiction and +ecclesiastical authority of the pope. No writer, as far as my slender +knowledge extends, of the Gallican or German school of discipline, has +gone to this length; certainly not Mr. Butler himself, who in a modern +publication (<i>Book of the Roman Catholic Church</i>, p. 120), seems to consider +even the appellant jurisdiction in ecclesiastical causes as vested in the +holy see by divine right.</p> + +<p class="footnote">As to the exposition before given of the oath of supremacy, I conceive +that it was intended not only to relieve the scruples of catholics, but of +those who had imbibed from the school of Calvin an apprehension of what +is sometimes, though rather improperly, called Erastianism—the merging +of all spiritual powers, even those of ordination and of preaching, in the +paramount authority of the state, towards which the despotism of Henry, +and obsequiousness of Cranmer, had seemed to bring the church of +England.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_161" id="Footnote_161" href="#FNanchor_161"><span class="label">[161]</span></a> 1 Eliz. c. 2.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_162" id="Footnote_162" href="#FNanchor_162"><span class="label">[162]</span></a> Strype's <i>Annals</i>, i. 233, 241.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_163" id="Footnote_163" href="#FNanchor_163"><span class="label">[163]</span></a> Haynes, 395. The penalty for causing mass to be said, by the Act +of Uniformity, was only 100 marks for the first offence. These imprisonments +were probably in many cases illegal, and only sustained by the +arbitrary power of the high commission court.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_164" id="Footnote_164" href="#FNanchor_164"><span class="label">[164]</span></a> Strype, 220.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_165" id="Footnote_165" href="#FNanchor_165"><span class="label">[165]</span></a> Questions of conscience were circulated, with answers, all tending to +show the unlawfulness of conformity. Strype, 228. There was nothing +more in this than the catholic clergy were bound in consistency with their +principles to do, though it seemed very atrocious to bigots. Mr. Butler +says, that some theologians at Trent were consulted as to the lawfulness +of occasional conformity to the Anglican rites, who pronounced against it. +<i>Mem. of Catholics</i>, i. 171.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_166" id="Footnote_166" href="#FNanchor_166"><span class="label">[166]</span></a> The trick of conjuration about the queen's death began very early in +her reign (Strype, i. 7), and led to a penal statute against "fond and +fantastical prophecies." 5 Eliz. c. 15.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_167" id="Footnote_167" href="#FNanchor_167"><span class="label">[167]</span></a> I know not how to charge the catholics with the conspiracy of the +two Poles, nephews of the cardinal, and some others, to obtain five thousand +troops from the Duke of Guise, and proclaim Mary queen. This +seems, however, to have been the immediate provocation for the statute +5 Eliz.; and it may be thought to indicate a good deal of discontent in +that party upon which the conspirators relied. But as Elizabeth spared +the lives of all who were arraigned, and we know no details of the case, +it may be doubted whether their intentions were altogether so criminal as +was charged. Strype, i. 333; Camden, 388 (in Kennet).</p> + +<p class="footnote">Strype tells us (i. 374) of resolutions adopted against the queen in a +consistory held by Pius IV. in 1563; one of these is a pardon to any cook, +brewer, vintner, or other, that would poison her. But this is so unlikely, +and so little in that pope's character, that it makes us suspect the rest, as +false information of a spy.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_168" id="Footnote_168" href="#FNanchor_168"><span class="label">[168]</span></a> 5 Eliz. c. 1.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_169" id="Footnote_169" href="#FNanchor_169"><span class="label">[169]</span></a> Strype, Collier, <i>Parliamentary History</i>. The original source is the +manuscript collections of Fox the martyrologist, a very unsuspicious +authority; so that there seems every reason to consider this speech, as +well as Mr. Atkinson's, authentic. The following is a specimen of the sort +of answer given to these arguments: "They say it touches conscience, and +it is a thing wherein a man ought to have a scruple; but if any hath a +conscience in it, these four years' space might have settled it. Also, after +his first refusal, he hath three months' respite for conference and settling +of his conscience." Strype, 270.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_170" id="Footnote_170" href="#FNanchor_170"><span class="label">[170]</span></a> Strype's <i>Life of Parker</i>, 125.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_171" id="Footnote_171" href="#FNanchor_171"><span class="label">[171]</span></a> Strype's <i>Annals</i>, 149. Tunstall was treated in a very handsome +manner by Parker, whose guest he was. But Feckenham, abbot of +Westminster, met with rather unkind usage, though he had been active +in saving the lives of protestants under Mary, from Bishops Horn and Cox +(the latter of whom seems to have been an honest, but narrow-spirited and +peevish man), and at last was sent to Wisbeach gaol for refusing the oath +of supremacy. Strype, i. 457, ii. 526; Fuller's <i>Church History</i>, 178.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_172" id="Footnote_172" href="#FNanchor_172"><span class="label">[172]</span></a> 8 Eliz. c. 1. Eleven peers dissented, all noted catholics, except the +Earl of Sussex. Strype, i. 492.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_173" id="Footnote_173" href="#FNanchor_173"><span class="label">[173]</span></a> Even Dr. Lingard admits that Parker was consecrated at Lambeth, +on December 19, 1559; but conjectures that there may have been some +previous meeting at the Nag's Head, which gave rise to the story. This +means that any absurdity may be presumed, rather than acknowledge +good catholics to have propagated a lie.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_174" id="Footnote_174" href="#FNanchor_174"><span class="label">[174]</span></a> Nobis vero factura est rem adeo gratam, ut omnem simus daturi +operam, quo possimus eam rem serenitati vestræ mutuis benevolentiæ et +fraterni animi studiis cumulatissimè compensare. See the letter in the +additions to the first volume of Strype's <i>Annals</i>, prefixed to the second, +p. 67. It has been erroneously referred by Camden, whom many have +followed, to the year 1559, but bears date 24th September 1563.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_175" id="Footnote_175" href="#FNanchor_175"><span class="label">[175]</span></a> For the dispositions of Ferdinand and Maximilian towards religious +toleration in Austria, which indeed for a time existed, see F. Paul, <i>Concile +de Trente</i> (par Courayer), ii. 72, 197, 220, etc.; Schmidt, <i>Hist. des Allemands</i>, +viii. 120, 179, etc.; Flechier, <i>Vie de Commendom</i>, 388; or Coxe's <i>House of +Austria</i>.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_176" id="Footnote_176" href="#FNanchor_176"><span class="label">[176]</span></a> Strype, 513, <i>et alibi</i>.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_177" id="Footnote_177" href="#FNanchor_177"><span class="label">[177]</span></a> Strype, 522. He says the lawyers in most eminent places were +generally favourers of popery. P. 269. But, if he means the judges, they +did not long continue so.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_178" id="Footnote_178" href="#FNanchor_178"><span class="label">[178]</span></a> Cum regina Maria moreretur, et religio in Angliâ mutaret, post episcopos +et prælatos catholicos captos et fugatos, populus velut ovium grex +sine pastore in magnis tenebris et caligine animarum suarum oberravit. +Unde etiam factum est multi ut catholicorum superstitionibus impiis dissimulationibus +et gravibus juramentis contra sanctæ sedis apostolicæ +auctoritatem, cum admodum parvo aut plane nullo conscientiarum suarum +scrupulo assuescerent. Frequentabant ergo hæreticorum synagogas, intererant +eorum concionibus, atque ad easdem etiam audiendas filios et +familiam suam compellabant. Videbatur illis ut catholici essent, sufficere +una cum hæreticis eorum templa non adire, ferri autem posse si ante vel +post illos eadem intrassent. Communicabatur de sacrilegâ Calvini cœnâ, +vel secreto et clanculum intra privatos parietes. Missam qui audiverant, +ac postea Calvinianos se haberi volebant, sic se de præcepto satisfecisse +existimabant. Deferebantur filii catholicorum ad baptisteria hæreticorum, +ac inter illorum manus matrimonia contrahebant. Atque hæc omnia sine +omni scrupulo fiebant, facta propter catholicorum sacerdotum ignorantiam, +qui talia vel licere credebant, vel timore quodam præpediti dissimulabant. +Nunc autem per Dei misericordiam omnes catholici intelligunt, ut salventur +non satis esse corde fidem catholicam credere, sed eandem etiam ore +oportere confiteri. <i>Ribadeneira de Schismate</i>, p. 53. See also Butler's +<i>English Catholics</i>, vol. iii. p. 156.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_179" id="Footnote_179" href="#FNanchor_179"><span class="label">[179]</span></a> Dodd's <i>Church His.</i> vol. ii. p. 8.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_180" id="Footnote_180" href="#FNanchor_180"><span class="label">[180]</span></a> Thomas Heath, brother to the late Archbishop of York, was seized at +Rochester about 1570, well provided with anabaptist and Arian tracts for +circulation. Strype, i. 521. For other instances, see p. 281, 484; <i>Life of +Parker</i>, 244; Nalson's <i>Collections</i>, vol. i.; Introduction, p. 39, etc., from a +pamphlet written also by Nalson, entitled, <i>Foxes and Firebrands</i>. It was +surmised that one Henry Nicolas, chief of a set of fanatics, called the +Family of Love, of whom we read a great deal in this reign, and who +sprouted up again about the time of Cromwell, was secretly employed by +the popish party. Strype, ii. 37, 589, 595. But these conjectures were +very often ill-founded, and possibly so in this instance, though the passages +quoted by Strype (589) are suspicious. Brandt however (<i>Hist. of Reformation +in Low Countries</i>, vol. i. p. 105) does not suspect Nicolas of being other +than a fanatic. His sect appeared in the Netherlands about 1555.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_181" id="Footnote_181" href="#FNanchor_181"><span class="label">[181]</span></a> "That church [of England] and the queen, its re-founder, are clear of +persecution, as regards the catholics. No church, no sect, no individual +even, had yet professed the principle of toleration." Southey's <i>Book of the +Church</i>, vol. ii. p. 285. If the second of these sentences is intended as a +proof of the first, I must say, it is little to the purpose. But it is not true +in this broad way of assertion. Nor to mention Sir Thomas More's +<i>Utopia</i>, the principle of toleration had been avowed by the Chancellor +l'Hospital, and many others in France. I mention him as on the stronger +side; for in fact the weaker had always professed the general principle, +and could demand toleration from those of different sentiments on no other +plea. And as to <i>capital</i> inflictions for heresy, which Mr. S. seems chiefly +to have in his mind, there is reason to believe that many protestants never approved them. Sleidan intimates (vol. iii. p. 263) that Calvin incurred +odium by the death of Servetus. And Melancthon says expressly the same +thing, in the letter which he unfortunately wrote to the reformer of Geneva, +declaring his own approbation of the crime; and which I am willing to +ascribe rather to his constitutional fear of giving offence than to sincere +conviction.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_182" id="Footnote_182" href="#FNanchor_182"><span class="label">[182]</span></a> The address of the House of Commons, begging the queen to marry, +was on February 6, 1559.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_183" id="Footnote_183" href="#FNanchor_183"><span class="label">[183]</span></a> Haynes, 233.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_184" id="Footnote_184" href="#FNanchor_184"><span class="label">[184]</span></a> See particularly two letters in the <i>Hardwicke State Papers</i>, i. 122 and +163, dated in October and November 1560, which show the alarm excited +by the queen's ill-placed partiality.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_185" id="Footnote_185" href="#FNanchor_185"><span class="label">[185]</span></a> Cecil's earnestness for the Austrian marriage appears plainly (Haynes, +430), and still more in a remarkable minute, where he has drawn up, in +parallel columns, according to a rather formal, but perspicuous, method +he much used, his reasons in favour of the archduke, and against the Earl +of Leicester. The former chiefly relate to foreign politics, and may be +conjectured by those acquainted with history. The latter are as follows: +1. Nothing is increased by marriage of him, either in riches, estimation, or +power. 2. It will be thought that the slanderous speeches of the queen +with the earl have been true. 3. He shall study nothing but to enhance +his own particular friends to wealth, to offices, to lands, and to offend +others. 4. He is infamed by death of his wife. 5. He is far in debt. +6. He is likely to be unkind, and jealous of the queen's majesty. <i>Id.</i> 444. +These suggestions, and especially the second, if actually laid before the +queen, show the plainness and freedom which this great statesman ventured +to use towards her. The allusion to the death of Leicester's wife, which +had occurred in a very suspicious manner, at Cumnor, near Oxford, and +is well known as the foundation of the novel of <i>Kenilworth</i>, though related +there with great anachronism and confusion of persons, may be frequently +met with in contemporary documents. By the above quoted letters in +the <i>Hardwicke Papers</i>, it appears that those who disliked Leicester had +spoken freely of this report to the queen.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_186" id="Footnote_186" href="#FNanchor_186"><span class="label">[186]</span></a> Elizabeth carried her dissimulation so far as to propose marriage +articles, which were formally laid before the imperial ambassador. These, +though copied from what had been agreed on Mary's marriage with Philip, +now seemed highly ridiculous, when exacted from a younger brother without +territories or revenues. Jura et leges regni conserventur, neque quicquam +mutetur in religione aut in statu publico. Officia et magistratus +exerceantur per naturales. Neque regina, neque liberi sui educantur ex +regno sine consensu regni, etc. Haynes, 438.</p> + +<p class="footnote">Cecil was not too wise a man to give some credit to astrology. The stars +were consulted about the queen's marriage; and those veracious oracles +gave response, that she should be married in the thirty-first year of her +age to a <i>foreigner</i>, and have one son, who would be a great prince, and a +daughter, etc., etc. Strype, ii. 16, and Appendix 4, where the nonsense +may be read at full length. Perhaps, however, the wily minister was no +dupe, but meant that his mistress should be.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_187" id="Footnote_187" href="#FNanchor_187"><span class="label">[187]</span></a> The council appear in general to have been as resolute against tolerating +the exercise of the catholic religion in any husband the queen might choose, +as herself. We find, however, that several divines were consulted on two +questions: 1. Whether it were lawful to marry a papist. 2. Whether the +queen might permit mass to be said. To which answers were given, not +agreeing with each other. Strype, ii. 150, and Appendix 31, 33. When +the Earl of Worcester was sent over to Paris in 1571, as proxy for the queen, +who had been made sponsor for Charles IX.'s infant daughter, she would +not permit him, though himself a catholic, to be present at the mass on +that occasion. ii. 171.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_188" id="Footnote_188" href="#FNanchor_188"><span class="label">[188]</span></a> "The people," Camden says, "cursed Huic, the queen's physician, +as having dissuaded the queen from marrying on account of some impediment +and defect in her." Many will recollect the allusion to this +in Mary's scandalous letter to Elizabeth, wherein, under pretence of repeating +what the Countess of Shrewsbury had said, she utters everything that +female spite and mistrust could dictate. But in the long and confidential +correspondence of Cecil, Walsingham, and Sir Thomas Smith, about the +queen's marriage with the Duke of Anjou, in 1571, for which they were +evidently most anxious, I do not perceive the slightest intimation that the +prospect of her bearing children was at all less favourable than in any other +case. The council seem, indeed, in the subsequent treaty with the other +Duke of Anjou, in 1579, when she was forty-six, to have reckoned on +something rather beyond the usual laws of nature in this respect; for in +a minute by Cecil of the reasons for and against this marriage, he sets down +the probability of issue on the favourable side. "By marriage with +Monsieur she is likely to have children, <i>because of his youth</i>;" as if her +age were no objection.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_189" id="Footnote_189" href="#FNanchor_189"><span class="label">[189]</span></a> Camden, after telling us that the queen's disinclination to marry raised +great clamours, and that the Earls of Pembroke and Leicester had professed +their opinion that she ought to be obliged to take a husband, or that +a successor should be declared by act of parliament even against her will, +asserts some time after, as inconsistently as improperly, that "very few +but malcontents and traitors appeared very solicitous in the business of a +successor."—P. 401 (in Kennet's <i>Complete Hist. of England</i>, vol. ii.). This, +however, from Camden's known proneness to flatter James, seems to indicate +that the Suffolk party were more active than the Scots upon this +occasion. Their strength lay in the House of Commons, which was wholly +protestant, and rather puritan.</p> + +<p class="footnote">At the end of Murden's <i>State Papers</i> is a short journal kept by Cecil, +containing a succinct and authentic summary of events in Elizabeth's +reign. I extract as a specimen such passages as bear on the present +subject.</p> + +<p class="footnote">October 6, 1566. Certain lewd bills thrown abroad against the queen's +majesty for not assenting to have the matter of succession proved in +parliament; and bills also to charge Sir W. Cecil, the secretary, with the +occasion thereof.</p> + +<p class="footnote">27. Certain lords, viz., the Earls of Pembroke and Leicester, were +excluded the presence-chamber for furthering the proposition of the succession +to be declared by parliament without the queen's allowance.</p> + +<p class="footnote">November 12. Messrs. Bell and Monson moved trouble in the parliament +about the succession.</p> + +<p class="footnote">14. The queen had before her thirty lords and thirty commoners, to +receive her answer concerning their petition for the succession and for +marriage. Dalton was blamed for speaking in the Commons' house.</p> + +<p class="footnote">24. Command given to the parliament not to treat of the succession.</p> + +<p class="footnote">Nota: in this parliament time the queen's majesty did remit a part of +the offer of a subsidy to the Commons, who offered largely, to the end to +have had the succession established. P. 762.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_190" id="Footnote_190" href="#FNanchor_190"><span class="label">[190]</span></a> Catherine, after her release from the Tower, was placed in the custody +of her uncle, Lord John Grey, but still suffering the queen's displeasure, +and separated from her husband. Several interesting letters from her and +her uncle to Cecil are among the Lansdowne MSS. vol. vi. They cannot +be read without indignation at Elizabeth's unfeeling severity. Sorrow +killed this poor young woman the next year, who was never permitted to +see her husband again. Strype, i. 391. The Earl of Hertford underwent +a long imprisonment, and continued in obscurity during Elizabeth's reign; +but had some public employments under her successor. He was twice +afterwards married, and lived to a very advanced age, not dying till 1621, +near sixty years after his ill-starred and ambitious love. It is worth while +to read the epitaph on his monument in the S.E. aisle of Salisbury Cathedral, +an affecting testimony to the purity and faithfulness of an attachment +rendered still more sacred by misfortune and time. Quo desiderio veteres +revocavit amores! I shall revert to the question of this marriage in a +subsequent chapter.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_191" id="Footnote_191" href="#FNanchor_191"><span class="label">[191]</span></a> Haynes, 396.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_192" id="Footnote_192" href="#FNanchor_192"><span class="label">[192]</span></a> <i>Id.</i> 413; Strype, 410. Hales's treatise in favour of the authenticity +of Henry's will is among the Harleian MSS. n. 537 and 555, and has also +been printed in the Appendix to <i>Hereditary Right Asserted</i>, fol. 1713.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_193" id="Footnote_193" href="#FNanchor_193"><span class="label">[193]</span></a> Camden, p. 416, ascribes the powerful coalition formed against him in +1569, wherein Norfolk and Leicester were combined with all the catholic +peers, to his predilection for the house of Suffolk. But it was more probably +owing to their knowledge of his integrity and attachment to his sovereign, +which would steadfastly oppose their wicked design of bringing about +Norfolk's marriage with Mary, as well as to their jealousy of his influence. +Carte reports, on the authority of the despatches of Fenelon, the French +ambassador, that they intended to bring him to account for breaking off +the ancient league with the house of Burgundy, or, in other words, for +maintaining the protestant interest. Vol. iii. p. 483.</p> + +<p class="footnote">A papist writer, under the name of Andreas Philopater, gives an account +of this confederacy against Cecil at some length. Norfolk and Leicester +belonged to it; and the object was to defeat the Suffolk succession, which +Cecil and Bacon favoured. Leicester betrayed his associates to the queen. +It had been intended that Norfolk should accuse the two counsellors before +the Lords, eâ ratione ut è senatu regiâque abreptos ad curiæ januas in +crucem agi præciperet, eoque perfecto rectè deinceps ad forum progressus +explicaret populo tum hujus facti rationem, tum successionis etiam +regnandi legitimam seriem, si quid forte reginæ humanitus accideret. P. 43.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_194" id="Footnote_194" href="#FNanchor_194"><span class="label">[194]</span></a> D'Ewes, 81.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_195" id="Footnote_195" href="#FNanchor_195"><span class="label">[195]</span></a> Strype, 11, Append. This speech seems to have been made while +Catherine Grey was living; perhaps therefore it was in a former parliament, +for no account that I have seen represents her as having been alive so +late as 1571.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_196" id="Footnote_196" href="#FNanchor_196"><span class="label">[196]</span></a> There was something peculiar in Mary's mode of blazonry. She bore +Scotland and England quarterly, the former being first; but over all was +a half scutcheon of pretence with the arms of England, the sinister half +being, as it were, obscured, in order to intimate that she was kept out of +her right. Strype, vol. i. p. 8.</p> + +<p class="footnote">The despatches of Throckmorton, the English ambassador in France, +bear continual testimony to the insulting and hostile manner in which +Francis II. and his queen displayed their pretensions to our crown. +Forbes's <i>State Papers</i>, vol. i. <i>passim</i>. The following is an instance. At +the entrance of the king and queen into Chatelherault, 23rd November +1559, these lines formed the inscription over one of the gates:</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<p class="footnote"><span class="i8">"Gallia perpetuis pugnaxque Britannia bellis</span></p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="i9">Olim odio inter se dimicuere pari.</span></p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="i8">Nunc Gallos totoque remotos orbe Britannos</span></p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="i9">Unum dos Mariæ cogit in imperium.</span></p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="i8">Ergo pace potes, Francisce, quod omnibus armis</span></p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="i9">Mille patres annis non potuere tui."</span></p> +</div> +<p class="footnote">This offensive behaviour of the French court is the apology of Elizabeth's +intrigues during the same period with the malcontents, which to a certain +extent cannot be denied by any one who has read the collection above +quoted; though I do not think Dr. Lingard warranted in asserting her +privity to the conspiracy of Amboise as a proved fact. Throckmorton was +a man very likely to exceed his instructions; and there is much reason to +believe that he did so. It is remarkable that no modern French writer +that I have seen, Anquetil, Garnier, Lacretelle, or the editors of the +<i>General Collection of Memoirs</i>, seem to have been aware of Elizabeth's +secret intrigues with the king of Navarre and other protestant chiefs in +1559, which these letters, published by Forbes in 1740, demonstrate.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_197" id="Footnote_197" href="#FNanchor_197"><span class="label">[197]</span></a> Burnet, i. Append. 266. Many letters, both of Mary herself and of +her secretary, the famous Maitland of Lethington, occur in Haynes's <i>State +Papers</i>, about the end of 1561. In one of his to Cecil, he urges, in answer +to what had been alleged by the English court, that a collateral successor +had never been declared in any prince's life-time, that whatever reason +there might be for that, "if the succession had remained untouched +according to the law, yet where by a limitation men had gone about to +prevent the providence of God, and shift one into the place due to another, +the offended party could not but seek the redress thereof."—P. 373.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_198" id="Footnote_198" href="#FNanchor_198"><span class="label">[198]</span></a> A very remarkable letter of the Earl of Sussex, October 22, 1568, +contains these words: "I think surely no end can be made good for +England, except the person of the Scottish queen be detained, by one +means or other, in England." The whole letter manifests the spirit of +Elizabeth's advisers, and does no great credit to Sussex's sense of justice, +but a great deal to his ability. Yet he afterwards became an advocate +for the Duke of Norfolk's marriage with Mary. Lodge's <i>Illustrations</i>, vol. +ii. p. 4.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_199" id="Footnote_199" href="#FNanchor_199"><span class="label">[199]</span></a> Hume and Carte say, this first illness was the small-pox. But it +appears by a letter from the queen to Lord Shrewsbury (Lodge, 279) that +her attack in 1571 was suspected to be that disorder.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_200" id="Footnote_200" href="#FNanchor_200"><span class="label">[200]</span></a> Haynes, 580.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_201" id="Footnote_201" href="#FNanchor_201"><span class="label">[201]</span></a> In a conversation which Mary had with one Rooksby, a spy of Cecil's, +about the spring of 1566, she imprudently named several of her friends, +and of others whom she hoped to win, such as the Duke of Norfolk, the +Earls of Derby, Northumberland, Westmoreland, Cumberland, Shrewsbury. +"She had the better hope of this, for that she thought them to +be all of the old religion, which she meant to restore again with all expedition, +and thereby win the hearts of the common people." The whole +passage is worth notice. Haynes, 447. See also Melvil's <i>Memoirs</i>, for +the dispositions of an English party towards Mary in 1566.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_202" id="Footnote_202" href="#FNanchor_202"><span class="label">[202]</span></a> Murden's <i>State Papers</i>, 134, 180. Norfolk was a very weak man, the +dupe of some very cunning ones. We may observe that his submission, +to the queen (<i>Id.</i> 153) is expressed in a style which would now be thought +most pusillanimous in a man of much lower station, yet he died with great +intrepidity. But such was the tone of those times; an exaggerated +hypocrisy prevailed in everything.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_203" id="Footnote_203" href="#FNanchor_203"><span class="label">[203]</span></a> <i>State Trials</i>, i. 957. He was interrogated by the queen's counsel with +the most insidious questions. All the material evidence was read to the +Lords from written depositions of witnesses who might have been called, +contrary to the statute of Edward VI. But the <i>Burghley Papers</i>, published +by Haynes and Murden, contain a mass of documents relative to this +conspiracy, which leave no doubt as to the most heinous charge, that of +inviting the Duke of Alva to invade the kingdom. There is reason to +suspect that he feigned himself a catholic in order to secure Alva's assistance. +Murden, p. 10.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_204" id="Footnote_204" href="#FNanchor_204"><span class="label">[204]</span></a> The northern counties were at this time chiefly catholic. "There are +not," says Sadler, writing from thence, "ten gentlemen in this country +who do favour and allow of their majesty's proceedings in the cause of +religion." Lingard, vii. 54. It was consequently the great resort of the +priests from the Netherlands, and in the feeble state of the protestant +church there wanted sufficient ministers to stand up in its defence. Strype, +i. 509, <i>et post</i>; ii. 183. Many of the gentry indeed were still disaffected +in other parts towards the new religion. A profession of conformity was +required in 1569 from all justices of the peace, which some refused, and +others made against their consciences. <i>Id.</i> i. 567.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_205" id="Footnote_205" href="#FNanchor_205"><span class="label">[205]</span></a> Camden has quoted a long passage from Hieronymo Catena's <i>Life of +Pius V.</i>, published at Rome in 1588, which illustrates the evidence to the +same effect contained in the <i>Burghley Papers</i>, and partly adduced on the +Duke of Norfolk's trial.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_206" id="Footnote_206" href="#FNanchor_206"><span class="label">[206]</span></a> Strype, i. 546, 553, 556.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_207" id="Footnote_207" href="#FNanchor_207"><span class="label">[207]</span></a> <i>Id.</i> 578; Camden, 428; Lodge, ii. 45.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_208" id="Footnote_208" href="#FNanchor_208"><span class="label">[208]</span></a> Strype, ii. 88; <i>Life of Smith</i>, 152.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_209" id="Footnote_209" href="#FNanchor_209"><span class="label">[209]</span></a> Strype, i. 502. I do not give any credit whatever to this league, as +printed in Strype, which seems to have been fabricated by some of the +queen's emissaries. There had been, not perhaps a treaty, but a verbal +agreement between France and Spain at Bayonne some time before; but +its object was apparently confined to the suppression of protestantism in +France and the Netherlands. Had they succeeded, however, in this, the +next blow would have been struck at England. It seems very unlikely +that Maximilian was concerned in such a league.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_210" id="Footnote_210" href="#FNanchor_210"><span class="label">[210]</span></a> Strype, vol. ii.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_211" id="Footnote_211" href="#FNanchor_211"><span class="label">[211]</span></a> The college of Douay for English refugee priests was established in +1568 or 1569. Lingard, 374. Strype seems, but I believe through inadvertence, +to put this event several years later. <i>Annals</i>, ii. 630. It was +dissolved by Requesens, while governor of Flanders, but revived at +Rheims in 1575, under the protection of the cardinal of Lorrain, and +returned to Douay in 1593. Similar colleges were founded at Rome in 1579, +at Valladolid in 1589, at St. Omer in 1596, and at Louvain in 1606.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_212" id="Footnote_212" href="#FNanchor_212"><span class="label">[212]</span></a> 13 Eliz. c. 1. This act was made at first retrospective, so as to affect +every one who had at any time denied the queen's title. A member +objected to this in debate as "a precedent most perilous." But Sir +Francis Knollys, Mr. Norton, and others defended it. D'Ewes, 162. It +seems to have been amended by the Lords. So little notion had men of +observing the first principles of equity towards their enemies! There is +much reason from the debate to suspect that the <i>ex post facto</i> words were +levelled at Mary.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_213" id="Footnote_213" href="#FNanchor_213"><span class="label">[213]</span></a> Strype, ii. 133; D'Ewes, 207.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_214" id="Footnote_214" href="#FNanchor_214"><span class="label">[214]</span></a> Strype, ii. 135.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_215" id="Footnote_215" href="#FNanchor_215"><span class="label">[215]</span></a> <i>Life of Parker</i>, 354.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_216" id="Footnote_216" href="#FNanchor_216"><span class="label">[216]</span></a> Strype's <i>Annals</i>, ii. 48.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_217" id="Footnote_217" href="#FNanchor_217"><span class="label">[217]</span></a> Murden's <i>Papers</i>, p. 43, contain proofs of the increased discontent among +the catholics in consequence of the penal laws.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_218" id="Footnote_218" href="#FNanchor_218"><span class="label">[218]</span></a> Strype, ii. 330. See too in vol. iii. Appendix 68, a series of petitions +intended to be offered to the queen and parliament, about 1583. These +came from the puritanical mint, and show the dread that party entertained +of Mary's succession, and of a relapse into popery. It is urged in these, +that no toleration should be granted to the popish worship in private +houses. Nor in fact had they much cause to complain that it was so. +Knox's famous intolerance is well known. "One mass," he declared in +preaching against Mary's private chapel at Holyrood House, "was more +fearful unto him than if ten thousand armed enemies were landed in any +part of the realm, on purpose to suppress the whole religion." M'Crie's +<i>Life of Knox</i>, vol. ii. p. 24. In a conversation with Maitland he asserted +most explicitly the duty of putting idolaters to death. <i>Id.</i> p. 120. Nothing +can be more sanguinary than the reformer's spirit in this remarkable interview. +St. Dominic could not have surpassed him. It is strange to see +men, professing all the while our modern creed of charity and toleration, +extol these sanguinary spirits of the sixteenth century. The English +puritans, though I cannot cite any passages so strong as the foregoing, +were much the bitterest enemies of the catholics. When we read a letter +from any one, such as Mr. Topcliffe, very fierce against the latter, we may +expect to find him put in a word in favour of silenced ministers.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_219" id="Footnote_219" href="#FNanchor_219"><span class="label">[219]</span></a> D'Ewes, 161, 177.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_220" id="Footnote_220" href="#FNanchor_220"><span class="label">[220]</span></a> Strype's <i>Life of Parker</i>, 354.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_221" id="Footnote_221" href="#FNanchor_221"><span class="label">[221]</span></a> Strype's <i>Annals</i>, i. 582. Honest old Strype, who thinks church and +state never in the wrong, calls this "a notable piece of favour."</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_222" id="Footnote_222" href="#FNanchor_222"><span class="label">[222]</span></a> <i>Id.</i> ii. 110, 408.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_223" id="Footnote_223" href="#FNanchor_223"><span class="label">[223]</span></a> Strype's <i>Annals</i>, iii. 127.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_224" id="Footnote_224" href="#FNanchor_224"><span class="label">[224]</span></a> <i>Life of Whitgift</i>, 83. See too p. 99, and <i>Annals of Reformation</i>, ii. 631, +etc.; also Holingshed, ann. 1574, <i>ad init.</i></p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_225" id="Footnote_225" href="#FNanchor_225"><span class="label">[225]</span></a> An almost incredible specimen of ungracious behaviour towards a +Roman catholic gentleman is mentioned in a letter of Topcliffe, a man +whose daily occupation was to hunt out and molest men for popery. "The +next good news, but in account the highest, her majesty hath served God +with great zeal and comfortable examples; for by her council two notorious +papists, young Rockwood, the master of Euston Hall, where her majesty +did lie upon Sunday now a fortnight, and one Downes, a gentleman, were +both committed, the one to the town prison at Norwich, the other to the +country prison there, for obstinate papistry; and seven more gentlemen of +worship were committed to several houses in Norwich as prisoners; two of +the Lovels, another Downes, one Beningfield, one Parry, and two others +not worth memory for badness of belief.</p> + +<p class="footnote">"This Rockwood is a papist of kind [family] newly crept out of his late +wardship. Her majesty, by some means I know not, was lodged at his +house, Euston, far unmeet for her highness; nevertheless, the gentleman +brought into her presence by like device, her majesty gave him ordinary +thanks for his bad house, and her fair hand to kiss: but my lord chamberlain +nobly and gravely understanding that Rockwood was excommunicated +for papistry, called him before him, demanded of him how he durst presume +to attempt her royal presence, he, unfit to accompany any Christian +person; forthwith said he was fitter for a pair of stocks, commanded him +out of the court, and yet to attend her council's pleasure at Norwich he +was committed. And to dissyffer [sic] the gentleman to the full, a piece +of plate being missed in the court, and searched for in his hay-house, in +the hay-rick, such an image of our lady was there found, as for greatness, +for gayness, and workmanship, I did never see a match; and after a sort of +country dances ended, in her majesty's sight the idol was set behind the +people who avoided; she rather seemed a beast raised upon a sudden from +hell by conjuring, than the picture for whom it had been so often and so +long abused. Her majesty commanded it to the fire, which in her sight +by the country folks was quickly done to her content, and unspeakable joy of +everyone but some one or two who had sucked of the idol's poisoned milk.</p> + +<p class="footnote">"Shortly after, a great sort of good preachers, who had been long +commanded to silence for a little niceness, were licensed, and again commanded +to preach; a greater and more universal joy to the countries, and +the most of the court, than the disgrace of the papists: and the gentlemen +of those parts, being great and hot protestants, almost before by policy +discredited and disgraced, were greatly countenanced.</p> + +<p class="footnote">"I was so happy lately, amongst other good graces, that her majesty +did tell me of sundry lewd papist beasts that have resorted to Buxton," +etc. Lodge, ii. 188, 30 August 1578.</p> + +<p class="footnote">This Topcliffe was the most implacable persecutor of his age. In a +letter to Lord Burleigh (Strype, iv. 39), he urges him to imprison all the +principal recusants, and especially women, "the farther off from their +own family and friends the better." The whole letter is curious, as a +specimen of the prevalent spirit, especially among the puritans, whom +Topcliffe favoured. Instances of the ill-treatment experienced by respectable +families (the Fitzherberts and Foljambes), and even aged ladies, +without any other provocation than their recusancy, may be found in +Lodge, ii. 372, 462; iii. 22. But those farthest removed from puritanism +partook sometimes of the same tyrannous spirit. Aylmer, bishop of +London, renowned for his persecution of nonconformists, is said by Rishton +de Schismate, p. 319, to have sent a young catholic lady to be whipped in +Bridewell for refusing to conform. If the authority is suspicious (and yet +I do not perceive that Rishton is a liar like Sanders), the fact is rendered +hardly improbable by Aylmer's harsh character.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_226" id="Footnote_226" href="#FNanchor_226"><span class="label">[226]</span></a> Strype's <i>Life of Smith</i>, 171; <i>Annals</i>, ii. 631, 636; iii. 479; and Append. +170. The last reference is to a list of magistrates sent up by the bishops +from each diocese, with their characters. Several of these, but the wives +of many more, were inclined to popery.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_227" id="Footnote_227" href="#FNanchor_227"><span class="label">[227]</span></a> Allen's <i>Admonition to the Nobility and People of England</i>, written in +1588, to promote the success of the Armada, is full of gross lies against +the queen. See an analysis of it in Lingard, note B. B. Mr. Butler fully +acknowledges, what indeed the whole tenor of historical documents for +this reign confirms, that Allen and Persons were actively engaged in +endeavouring to dethrone Elizabeth, by means of a Spanish force. But +it must, I think, be candidly confessed by protestants, that they had very +little influence over the superior catholic laity. And an argument may +be drawn from hence against those who conceive the political conduct of +catholics to be entirely swayed by their priests, when even in the sixteenth +century the efforts of these able men, united with the head of their church, +could produce so little effect. Strype owns that Allen's book gave offence +to many catholics, iii. 560; <i>Life of Whitgift</i>, 505. One Wright of Douay +answered a case of conscience, whether catholics might take up arms to +assist the king of Spain against the queen, in the negative. <i>Id.</i> 251; +<i>Annals</i>, 565. This man, though a known loyalist, and actually in the +employment of the ministry, was afterwards kept in a disagreeable sort of +confinement, in the Dean of Westminster's house, of which he complains +with much reason. Birch's <i>Memoirs</i>, vol. ii. p. 71 <i>et alibi</i>. Though it does +not fall within the province of a writer on the constitution to enlarge on +Elizabeth's foreign policy, I must observe, in consequence of the laboured +attempts of Dr. Lingard to represent it as perfectly Machiavelian, and +without any motive but wanton malignity, that, with respect to France +and Spain, and even Scotland, it was strictly defensive, and justified by +the law of self-preservation; though, in some of the means employed, she +did not always adhere more scrupulously to good faith than her enemies.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_228" id="Footnote_228" href="#FNanchor_228"><span class="label">[228]</span></a> 23 Eliz. c. 1 and 29 Eliz. c. 6.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_229" id="Footnote_229" href="#FNanchor_229"><span class="label">[229]</span></a> Strype's <i>Whitgift</i>, p. 117, and other authorities <i>passim</i>.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_230" id="Footnote_230" href="#FNanchor_230"><span class="label">[230]</span></a> Camden, Lingard. Two others suffered at Tyburn not long afterwards +for the same offence. Holingshed, 344. See in Butler's <i>Mem. of Catholics</i>, +vol. iii. p. 382, an affecting narrative, from Dodd's <i>Church History</i>, of the +sufferings of Mr. Tregian and his family, the gentleman whose chaplain +Mayne had been. I see no cause to doubt its truth.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_231" id="Footnote_231" href="#FNanchor_231"><span class="label">[231]</span></a> Ribadeneira, <i>Continuatio Sanderi et Rishtoni de Schismate Anglicano</i>, +p. 111; Philopater, p. 247. This circumstance of Sherwood's age is not +mentioned by Stowe; nor does Dr. Lingard advert to it. No woman was +put to death under the penal code, so far as I remember; which of itself +distinguishes the persecution from that of Mary, and of the house of +Austria in Spain and the Netherlands.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_232" id="Footnote_232" href="#FNanchor_232"><span class="label">[232]</span></a> Strype's <i>Parker</i>, 375.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_233" id="Footnote_233" href="#FNanchor_233"><span class="label">[233]</span></a> Strype's <i>Annals</i>, ii. 644.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_234" id="Footnote_234" href="#FNanchor_234"><span class="label">[234]</span></a> <i>State Trials</i>, i. 1050; from the <i>Phœnix Britannicus</i>.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_235" id="Footnote_235" href="#FNanchor_235"><span class="label">[235]</span></a> <i>Id.</i> 1078; Butler's <i>English Catholics</i>, i. 184, 244; Lingard, vii. 182, +whose remarks are just and candid. A tract, of which I have only seen +an Italian translation, printed at Macerata in 1585, entitled "Historia del +glorioso martirio di diciotto sacerdoti e un secolare, fatti morire in Inghilterra +per la confessione e difensione della fede cattolica," by no means +asserts that he acknowledged Elizabeth to be queen <i>de jure</i>, but rather +that he refused to give an opinion as to her right. He prayed, however, for +her as a queen. "Io ho pregato, e prego per lei. All' ora il Signor +Howardo li domandò per qual regina egli pregasse, se per Elisabetta? Al +quale rispose, Si, per Elisabetta." Mr. Butler quotes this tract in English.</p> + +<p class="footnote">The trials and deaths of Campian and his associates are told in the +continuation of Holingshed, with a savageness and bigotry which, I am +very sure, no scribe for the Inquisition could have surpassed. P. 456. +But it is plain, even from this account, that Campian owned Elizabeth as +queen. See particularly p. 488, for the insulting manner in which this +writer describes the pious fortitude of these butchered ecclesiastics.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_236" id="Footnote_236" href="#FNanchor_236"><span class="label">[236]</span></a> Strype, ii. 637; Butler's <i>Eng. Catholics</i>, i. 196. The Earl of Southampton +asked Mary's ambassador, Bishop Lesley, whether, after the bull, he +could in conscience obey Elizabeth. Lesley answered, that as long as she +was the stronger he ought to obey her. Murden, p. 30. The writer quoted +before by the name of Andreas Philopater (Persons, translated by Cresswell, +according to Mr. Butler, vol. iii. p. 236), after justifying at length the +resistance of the League to Henry IV., adds the following remarkable +paragraph: "Hinc etiam infert universa theologorum et jurisconsultorum +schola, et est certum et de fide, quemcunque principem christianum, si a +religione catholicâ manifestè deflexerit, et alios avocare voluerit, excidere +statim omni potestate et dignitate, ex ipsâ vi juris tum divini tum humani, +hocque ante omnem sententiam supremi pastoris ac judicis contra ipsum +prolatam; et subditos quoscunque liberos esse ab omni juramenti obligatione, +quod ei de obedientiâ tanquam principi legitimo præstitissent, posseque +et debere (si vires habeant) istiusmodi hominem, tanquam apostatam, +hæreticum, ac Christi domini desertorem, et inimicum reipublicæ suæ, +hostemque ex hominum christianorum dominatu ejicere, ne alios inficiat, +vel suo exemplo aut imperio a fide avertat."—P. 149. He quotes four +authorities for this in the margin, from the works of divines or canonists.</p> + +<p class="footnote">This broad duty, however, of expelling a heretic sovereign, he qualifies +by two conditions; first, that the subjects should have the power, "ut +vires habeant idoneas ad hoc subditi;" secondly, that the heresy be +undeniable. There can, in truth, be no doubt that the allegiance professed +to the queen by the seminary priests and jesuits, and, as far as their +influence extended, by all catholics, was with this reservation—till they +should be strong enough to throw it off. See the same tract, p. 229. But +after all, when we come fairly to consider it, is not this the case with every +disaffected party in every state? a good reason for watchfulness, but none +for extermination.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_237" id="Footnote_237" href="#FNanchor_237"><span class="label">[237]</span></a> Rishton and Ribadeneira. See in Lingard, note U, a specification of +the different kinds of torture used in this reign.</p> + +<p class="footnote">The government did not pretend to deny the employment of torture. +But the puritans, eager as they were to exert the utmost severity of the +law against the professors of the old religion, had more regard to civil +liberty than to approve such a violation of it. Beal, clerk of the council, +wrote, about 1585, a vehement book against the ecclesiastical system, +from which Whitgift picks out various enormous propositions, as he thinks +them; one of which is, "that he condemns, without exception of any +cause, racking of grievous offenders, as being cruel, barbarous, contrary +to law, and unto the liberty of English subjects." Strype's <i>Whitgift</i>, +p. 212.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_238" id="Footnote_238" href="#FNanchor_238"><span class="label">[238]</span></a> The persecution of catholics in England was made use of as an argument +against permitting Henry IV. to reign in France, as appears by the +title of a tract published in 1586: "Advertissement des catholiques, +Anglois aux François catholiques, du danger où ils sont de perdre leur +religion et d'expérimenter, comme en Angleterre, la cruauté des ministres, +s'ils reçoivent à la couronne un roy qui soit hérétique." It is in the +British Museum.</p> + +<p class="footnote">One of the attacks on Elizabeth deserves some notice, as it has lately +been revived. In the statute 13 Eliz. an expression is used, "her majesty, +and the natural issue of her body," instead of the more common legal +phrase, "lawful issue." This probably was adopted by the queen out of +prudery, as if the usual term implied the possibility of her having unlawful +issue. But the papistical libellers put the most absurd interpretation on +the word "natural," as if it was meant to secure the succession for some +imaginary bastards by Leicester. And Dr. Lingard is not ashamed to +insinuate the same suspicion. Vol. viii. p. 81, note. Surely what was +congenial to the dark malignity of Persons, and the blind frenzy of Whitaker, +does not become the good sense, I cannot say the candour, of this writer.</p> + +<p class="footnote">It is true that some, not prejudiced against Elizabeth, have doubted +whether "Cupid's fiery dart" was as effectually "quenched in the chaste +beams of the watery moon," as her poet intimates. This I must leave to +the reader's judgment. She certainly went strange lengths of indelicacy. +But, if she might sacrifice herself to the queen of Cnidus and Paphos, she +was unmercifully severe to those about her, of both sexes, who showed +any inclination to that worship, though under the escort of Hymen. Miss +Aikin, in her well written and interesting <i>Memoirs of the Court of Elizabeth</i>, +has collected several instances from Harrington and Birch. It is by no +means true, as Dr. Lingard asserts, on the authority of one Faunt, an +austere puritan, that her court was dissolute, comparatively at least with +the general character of courts; though neither was it so virtuous as the +enthusiasts of the Elizabethan period suppose.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_239" id="Footnote_239" href="#FNanchor_239"><span class="label">[239]</span></a> <i>Somers Tracts</i>, i 189; Strype, iii. 205, 265, 480. Strype says that he +had seen the manuscript of this tract in Lord Burleigh's handwriting. It +was answered by Cardinal Allen, to whom a reply was made by poor +Stubbe, after he had lost his right hand. An Italian translation of the +<i>Execution of Justice</i> was published at London in 1584. This shows how +anxious the queen was to repel the charges of cruelty, which she must have +felt to be not wholly unfounded.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_240" id="Footnote_240" href="#FNanchor_240"><span class="label">[240]</span></a> <i>Somers Tracts</i>, p. 209.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_241" id="Footnote_241" href="#FNanchor_241"><span class="label">[241]</span></a> <i>State Trials</i>, i. 1160.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_242" id="Footnote_242" href="#FNanchor_242"><span class="label">[242]</span></a> <i>Somers Tracts</i>, 164.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_243" id="Footnote_243" href="#FNanchor_243"><span class="label">[243]</span></a> Strype, iii. 298. Shelley, though notoriously loyal and frequently +employed by Burleigh, was taken up and examined before the council for +preparing this petition.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_244" id="Footnote_244" href="#FNanchor_244"><span class="label">[244]</span></a> P. 591. Proofs of the text are too numerous for quotation, and occur +continually to a reader of Strype's 2nd and 3rd volumes. In vol. iii. +Append. 158, we have a letter to the queen from one Antony Tyrrel, a +priest, who seems to have acted as an informer, wherein he declares all +his accusations of catholics to be false. This man had formerly professed +himself a protestant, and returned afterwards to the same religion; so that +his veracity may be dubious. So, a little further on, we find in the same +collection (p. 250) a letter from one Bennet, a priest, to Lord Arundel, +lamenting the false accusations he had given against him, and craving +pardon. It is always possible, as I have just hinted, that these retractations +may be more false than the charges. But ministers who employ +spies, without the utmost distrust of their information, are sure to become +their dupes, and end by the most violent injustice and tyranny.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_245" id="Footnote_245" href="#FNanchor_245"><span class="label">[245]</span></a> The rich catholics compounded for their recusancy by annual payments, +which were of some consideration in the queen's rather scanty revenue. +A list of such recusants, and of the annual fines paid by them in 1594, is +published in Strype, iv. 197, but is plainly very imperfect. The total +was £3323 1<i>s</i>. 10<i>d</i>. A few paid as much as £140 per annum. The average +seems, however, to have been about £20. Vol. iii. Append. 153; see also +p. 258. Probably these compositions, though oppressive, were not quite +so serious as the catholics pretended.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_246" id="Footnote_246" href="#FNanchor_246"><span class="label">[246]</span></a> Parry seems to have been privately reconciled to the church of Rome +about 1580; after which he continued to correspond with Cecil, but +generally recommending some catholics to mercy. He says, in one letter, +that a book printed at Rome, <i>De Persecutione Anglicanâ</i>, had raised a +barbarous opinion of our cruelty; and that he could wish that in those +cases it might please her majesty to pardon the dismembering and drawing. +Strype, iii. 260. He sat afterwards in the parliament of 1584, taking, of +course, the oath of supremacy, where he alone opposed the act against +catholic priests. <i>Parl. Hist.</i> 822. Whether he were actually guilty of +plotting against the queen's life (for this part of his treason he denied at +the scaffold) I cannot say; but his speech there made contained some very +good advice to her. The ministry garbled this before its publication in +Holingshed and other books; but Strype has preserved a genuine copy. +Vol. iii. Append. 102. It is plain that Parry died a catholic; though some +late writers of that communion have tried to disclaim him. Dr. Lingard, +it may be added, admits that there were many schemes to assassinate +Elizabeth, though he will not confess any particular instance. "There +exist," he says, "in the archives at Simancas several notices of such +offers."—P. 384.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_247" id="Footnote_247" href="#FNanchor_247"><span class="label">[247]</span></a> It might be inferred from some authorities that the catholics had +become in a great degree disaffected to the queen about 1584, in consequence +of the extreme rigour practised against them. In a memoir of +one Crichton, a Scots jesuit, intended to show the easiness of invading +England, he says, that "all the catholics without exception favour the +enterprise, first, for the sake of the restitution of the catholic faith; +secondly, for the right and interest which the Queen of Scots has to the +kingdom, and to deliver her out of prison; thirdly, for the great trouble +and misery they endure more and more, being kept out of all employments, +and dishonoured in their own countries, and treated with great injustice +and partiality when they have need to recur to law; and also for the +execution of the laws touching the confiscation of their goods in such sort +as in so short time would reduce the catholics to extreme poverty." +Strype, iii. 415. And in the report of the Earl of Northumberland's +treasons, laid before the star-chamber, we read that "Throckmorton said, +that the bottom of this enterprise, which was not to be known to many, +was, that if a toleration of religion might not be obtained without alteration +of the government, that then the government should be altered, and the +queen removed." <i>Somers Tracts</i>, vol. i. p. 206. Further proofs that +the rigour used towards the catholics was the great means of promoting +Philip's designs occur in Birch's <i>Memoirs of Elizabeth</i>, i. 82 <i>et alibi</i>.</p> + +<p class="footnote">We have also a letter from Persons in England to Allen in 1586, giving +a good account of the zeal of the catholics, though a very bad one of their +condition through severe imprisonment and other ill-treatment. Strype, +iii. 412, and Append. 151. Rishton and Ribadeneira bear testimony +that the persecution had rendered the laity more zealous and sincere. +De Schismate, l. iii. 320, and l. iv. 53.</p> + +<p class="footnote">Yet to all this we may oppose their good conduct in the year of the +Spanish Armada, and in general during the queen's reign; which proves +that the loyalty of the main body was more firm than their leaders wished, +or their enemies believed. However, if any of my readers should incline +to suspect that there was more disposition among this part of the community +to throw off their allegiance to the queen altogether than I have +admitted, he may possibly be in the right; and I shall not impugn his +opinion, provided he concurs in attributing the whole, or nearly the whole, +of this disaffection to her unjust aggressions on the liberty of conscience.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_248" id="Footnote_248" href="#FNanchor_248"><span class="label">[248]</span></a> <i>State Trials</i>, i. 1162.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_249" id="Footnote_249" href="#FNanchor_249"><span class="label">[249]</span></a> 27 Eliz. c. i.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_250" id="Footnote_250" href="#FNanchor_250"><span class="label">[250]</span></a> In Murden's <i>State Papers</i> we have abundant evidence of Mary's +acquaintance with the plots going forward in 1585 and 1586 against +Elizabeth's government, if not with those for her assassination. But +Thomas Morgan, one of the most active conspirators, writes to her, 9th +July, 1586: "There be some good members that attend opportunity to +do the Queen of England a piece of service, which I trust will quiet many +things, if it shall please God to lay his assistance to the cause, for the +which I pray daily."—P. 530. In her answer to this letter, she does not +advert to this hint, but mentions Babington as in correspondence with her. +At her trial she denied all communication with him.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_251" id="Footnote_251" href="#FNanchor_251"><span class="label">[251]</span></a> It may probably be answered to this, that if the letter signed by +Walsingham as well as Davison to Sir Amias Paulet, urging him "to find +out some way to shorten the life of the Scots queen," be genuine, which +cannot perhaps be justly questioned (though it is so in the <i>Biog. Brit.</i> art. +<span class="smcap">Walsingham</span>, note O), it will be difficult to give him credit for any +scrupulousness with respect to Mary. But, without entirely justifying +this letter, it is proper to remark, what the Marian party choose to overlook, +that it was written after the sentence, during the queen's odious scenes of +grimace, when some might argue, though erroneously, that, a legal trial +having passed, the formal method of putting the prisoner to death might +in so peculiar a case, be dispensed with. This was Elizabeth's own wish, +in order to save her reputation, and enable her to throw the obloquy on her +servants; which by Paulet's prudence and honour in refusing to obey her +by privately murdering his prisoner, she was reduced to do in a very +bungling and scandalous manner.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_252" id="Footnote_252" href="#FNanchor_252"><span class="label">[252]</span></a> Questions were put to civilians by the queen's order in 1570, concerning +the extent of Lesley, Bishop of Ross's privilege, as Mary's ambassador. +<i>Murden Papers</i>, p. 18; <i>Somers Tracts</i>, i. 186. They answered, first, that +an ambassador that raises rebellion against the prince to whom he is sent, +by the law of nations, and the civil law of the Romans, has forfeited the +privileges of an ambassador, and is liable to punishment: secondly, that +if a prince be lawfully deposed from his public authority, and another +substituted in his stead, the agent of such a prince cannot challenge the +privileges of an ambassador; since none but absolute princes, and such as +enjoy a royal prerogative, can constitute ambassadors. These questions +are so far curious, that they show the <i>jus gentium</i> to have been already +reckoned in matter of science, in which a particular class of lawyers was +conversant.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_253" id="Footnote_253" href="#FNanchor_253"><span class="label">[253]</span></a> Strype, 360, 362. Civilians were consulted about the legality of trying +Mary. <i>Idem</i>, Append. 138.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_254" id="Footnote_254" href="#FNanchor_254"><span class="label">[254]</span></a> Butler's <i>English Catholics</i>, i. 259; Hume. This is strongly confirmed +by a letter printed not long after, and republished in the Harleian <i>Miscellany</i>, +vol. i. p. 142, with the name of one Leigh, a seminary priest, but +probably the work of some protestant. He says, "for contributions of +money, and for all other warlike actions, there was no difference between +the catholic and the heretic. But in this case [of the Armada] to withstand +the threatened conquest, yea, to defend the person of the queen, +there appeared such a sympathy, concourse, and consent of all sorts of +persons, without respect of religion, as they all appeared to be ready to +fight against all strangers as it were with one heart and one body." Notwithstanding +this, I am far from thinking that it would have been safe to +place the catholics, generally speaking, in command. Sir William Stanley's +recent treachery in giving up Deventer to the Spaniards made it unreasonable +for them to complain of exclusion from trust. Nor do I know that +they did so. But trust and toleration are two different things. And even +with respect to the former, I believe it far better to leave the matter in the +hands of the executive government, which will not readily suffer itself to +be betrayed, than to proscribe, as we have done, whole bodies by a legislative +exclusion. Whenever, indeed, the government itself is not to be +trusted, there arises a new condition of the problem.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_255" id="Footnote_255" href="#FNanchor_255"><span class="label">[255]</span></a> Strype, vols. iii. and iv. <i>passim</i>; <i>Life of Whitgift</i>, 401, 505; Murden, +667; Birch's <i>Memoirs of Elizabeth</i>, Lingard, etc. One hundred and ten +catholics suffered death between 1588 and 1603. Lingard, 513.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_256" id="Footnote_256" href="#FNanchor_256"><span class="label">[256]</span></a> 33 Eliz. c. 2.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_257" id="Footnote_257" href="#FNanchor_257"><span class="label">[257]</span></a> Camden, 566; Strype, iv. 56. This was the declaration of October +1591, which Andreas Philopater answered. Ribadeneira also inveighs +against it. According to them, its publication was delayed till after the +death of Hatton, when the persecuting part of the queen's council gained +the ascendency.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_258" id="Footnote_258" href="#FNanchor_258"><span class="label">[258]</span></a> Butler, 178. In Coke's famous speech in opening the case of the +Powder-plot, he says that not more than thirty priests and five receivers +had been executed in the whole of the queen's reign, and for religion not +any one. <i>State Trials</i>, ii. 179.</p> + +<p class="footnote">Dr. Lingard says of those who were executed between 1588, and the +queen's death, "The butchery, with a few exceptions, was performed on +the victim while he was in full possession of his senses." Vol. viii. p. 356. +I should be glad to think that the few exceptions were the other way. +Much would depend on the humanity of the sheriff, which one might hope +to be stronger in an English gentleman than his zeal against popery. But +I cannot help acknowledging that there is reason to believe the disgusting +cruelties of the legal sentence to have been frequently inflicted. In an +anonymous memorial among Lord Burleigh's papers, written about 1586, +it is recommended that priests persisting in their treasonable opinion +should be hanged, "and the manner of drawing and quartering forborne." +Strype, iii. 620. This seems to imply that it had been usually practised +on the living. And Lord Bacon, in his observations on a libel written +against Lord Burleigh in 1592, does not deny the "bowellings" of +catholics; but makes a sort of apology for it, as "less cruel than the +wheel or forcipation, or even simple burning." Bacon's Works, vol. +i. p. 534.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_259" id="Footnote_259" href="#FNanchor_259"><span class="label">[259]</span></a> Burnet, ii. 418.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_260" id="Footnote_260" href="#FNanchor_260"><span class="label">[260]</span></a> "Though no papists were in this reign put to death purely on account +of their religion, as numberless protestants had been in the woeful days of +Queen Mary, yet many were executed for treason." Churton's <i>Life of +Nowell</i>, p. 147. Mr. Southey, whose abandonment of the oppressed side +I sincerely regret, holds the same language; and a later writer, Mr. +Townsend, in his <i>Accusations of History against the Church of Rome</i>, has +laboured to defend the capital, as well as other, punishments of catholics +under Elizabeth, on the same pretence of their treason.</p> + +<p class="footnote">Treason, by the law of England, and according to the common use of +language, is the crime of rebellion or conspiracy against the government. +If a statute is made, by which the celebration of certain religious rites is +subjected to the same penalties as rebellion or conspiracy, would any man, +free from prejudice, and not designing to impose upon the uninformed, +speak of persons convicted on such a statute as guilty of treason, without +expressing in what sense he uses the words, or deny that they were as truly +punished for their religion, as if they had been convicted of heresy? A +man is punished for religion, when he incurs a penalty for its profession or +exercise, to which he was not liable on any other account.</p> + +<p class="footnote">This is applicable to the great majority of capital convictions on this +score under Elizabeth. The persons convicted could not be traitors in +any fair sense of the word, because they were not charged with anything +properly denominated treason. It certainly appears that Campian and +some other priests about the same time were indicted on the statute of +Edward III. for compassing the queen's death, or intending to depose her. +But the only evidence, so far as we know or have reason to suspect, that +could be brought against them, was their own admission, at least by +refusing to abjure it, of the pope's power to depose heretical princes. I +suppose it is unnecessary to prove that, without some overt act to show +a design of acting upon this principle, it could not fall within the statute.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_261" id="Footnote_261" href="#FNanchor_261"><span class="label">[261]</span></a> Watson's <i>Quodlibets</i>. True relation of the faction begun at Wisbech, +1601. These tracts contain rather an uninteresting account of the +squabbles in Wisbech castle among the prisoners, but cast heavy reproaches +on the jesuits, as the "firebrands of all sedition, seeking by right or wrong +simply or absolutely the monarchy of all England, enemies to all secular +priests, and the causes of all the discord in the English nation."—P. 74. +I have seen several other pamphlets of the time relating to this difference. +Some account of it may be found in Camden, 648, and Strype, iv. 194, as +well as in the catholic historians, Dodd and Lingard.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_262" id="Footnote_262" href="#FNanchor_262"><span class="label">[262]</span></a> Rymer, xv. 473, 488.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_263" id="Footnote_263" href="#FNanchor_263"><span class="label">[263]</span></a> Butler's <i>Engl. Catholics</i>, p. 261.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_264" id="Footnote_264" href="#FNanchor_264"><span class="label">[264]</span></a> Ribadeneira says, that Hatton, "animo Catholicus, nihil perinde quam +innocentem illorum sanguinem adeo crudeliter perfundi dolebat." He +prevented Cecil from promulgating a more atrocious edict than any other, +which was published after his death in 1591. <i>De Schismate Anglic.</i> c. 9. +This must have been the proclamation of 29th Nov. 1591, forbidding +all persons to harbour any one, of whose conformity they should not be +well assured.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_265" id="Footnote_265" href="#FNanchor_265"><span class="label">[265]</span></a> Birch, i. 84.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_266" id="Footnote_266" href="#FNanchor_266"><span class="label">[266]</span></a> Sleidan, <i>Hist. de la Réformation</i> (par Courayer), ii. 74.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_267" id="Footnote_267" href="#FNanchor_267"><span class="label">[267]</span></a> Strype's <i>Cranmer</i>, 354.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_268" id="Footnote_268" href="#FNanchor_268"><span class="label">[268]</span></a> These transactions have been perpetuated by a tract, entitled "Discourse +of the Troubles at Frankfort," first published in 1575, and reprinted in the +well-known collection entitled <i>The Phœnix</i>. It is fairly and temperately +written, though with an avowed bias towards the puritan party. Whatever +we read in any historian on the subject, is derived from this authority; +but the refraction is of course very different through the pages of Collier +and of Neal.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_269" id="Footnote_269" href="#FNanchor_269"><span class="label">[269]</span></a> Strype, ii. 1. There was a Lutheran party at the beginning of her +reign, to which the queen may be said to have inclined, not altogether from +religion, but from policy. <i>Id.</i> i. 53. Her situation was very hazardous; +and in order to connect herself with sincere allies, she had thoughts of +joining the Smalcaldic league of the German princes, whose bigotry would +admit none but members of the Augsburg confession. Jewel's letters to +Peter Martyr, in the appendix to Burnet's third volume, throw considerable +light on the first two years of Elizabeth's reign; and show that famous +prelate to have been what afterwards would have been called a precisian +or puritan. He even approved a scruple Elizabeth entertained about her +title of head of the church, as appertaining only to Christ. But the unreasonableness +of the discontented party, and the natural tendency of a +man who has joined the side of power to deal severely with those he has +left, made him afterwards their enemy.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_270" id="Footnote_270" href="#FNanchor_270"><span class="label">[270]</span></a> Roods and relics accordingly were broken to pieces and burned throughout +the kingdom, of which Collier makes loud complaint. This, Strype +says, gave much offence to the catholics; and it was not the most obvious +method of inducing them to conform.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_271" id="Footnote_271" href="#FNanchor_271"><span class="label">[271]</span></a> Burnet, iii. Appendix, 290; Strype's <i>Parker</i>, 46.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_272" id="Footnote_272" href="#FNanchor_272"><span class="label">[272]</span></a> Quantum auguror, non scribam ad te posthac episcopus. Eo enim jam +res pervenit, ut aut cruces argenteæ et stanneæ, quas nos ubique confregimus, +restituendæ sint, aut episcopatus relinquendi. Burnet, 294. Sandys +writes, that he had nearly been deprived for expressing himself warmly +against images. <i>Id.</i> 296. Other proofs of the text may be found in the +same collection, as well as in Strype's <i>Annals</i>, and his <i>Life of Parker</i>. Even +Parker seems, on one occasion, to have expected the queen to make such a +retrograde movement in religion as would compel them all to disobey her. +<i>Life of Parker</i>, Appendix, 29; a very remarkable letter.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_273" id="Footnote_273" href="#FNanchor_273"><span class="label">[273]</span></a> Strype's <i>Parker</i>, 310. The archbishop seems to disapprove this as +inexpedient, but rather coldly; he was far from sharing the usual opinions +on this subject. A puritan pamphleteer took the liberty to name the +queen's chapel as "the pattern and precedent of all superstition." Strype's +<i>Annals</i>, i. 471.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_274" id="Footnote_274" href="#FNanchor_274"><span class="label">[274]</span></a> Burnet, ii. 395.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_275" id="Footnote_275" href="#FNanchor_275"><span class="label">[275]</span></a> One of the injunctions to the visitors of 1559, reciting the offence and +slander to the church that had arisen by lack of discreet and sober behaviour +in many ministers, both in choosing of their wives, and in living +with them, directs that no priest or deacon shall marry without the +allowance of the bishops, and two justices of the peace, dwelling near the +woman's abode, nor without the consent of her parents or kinsfolk, or, +for want of these, of her master or mistress, on pain of not being permitted +to exercise the ministry, or hold any benefice; and that the marriages of +bishops should be approved by the metropolitan, and also by commissioners +appointed by the queen. <i>Somers Tracts</i>, i. 65; Burnet, ii. 398. +It is reasonable to suppose, that when a host of low-bred and illiterate +priests were at once released from the obligation to celibacy, many of them +would abuse their liberty improvidently, or even scandalously; and this +probably had increased Elizabeth's prejudice against clerical matrimony. +But I do not suppose that this injunction was ever much regarded. Some +time afterwards (Aug. 1561) she put forth another extraordinary injunction, +that no member of a college or cathedral should have his wife living +within its precincts, under pain of forfeiting all his preferments. Cecil +sent this to Parker, telling him at the same time that it was with great +difficulty he had prevented the queen from altogether forbidding the +marriage of priests. <i>Life of P.</i> 107. And the archbishop himself says, +in the letter above mentioned, "I was in a horror to hear such words to +come from her mild nature and Christianly learned conscience, as she spake +concerning God's holy ordinance and institution of matrimony.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_276" id="Footnote_276" href="#FNanchor_276"><span class="label">[276]</span></a> Sandys writes to Parker, April 1559, "The queen's majesty will wink +at it, but not stablish it by law, which is nothing else but to bastard our +children." And decisive proofs are brought by Strype, that the marriages +of the clergy were not held legal, in the first part at least of the queen's +reign. Elizabeth herself, after having been sumptuously entertained by +the archbishop at Lambeth, took leave of Mrs. Parker with the following +courtesy: "<i>Madam</i> (the style of a married lady) I may not call you; +<i>mistress</i> (the appellation at that time of an unmarried woman) I am loth +to call you; but, however, I thank you for your good cheer." The lady +is styled, in deeds made while her husband was archbishop, <i>Parker</i>, alias +<i>Harleston</i>; which was her maiden name. And she dying before her +husband, her brother is called her heir-at-law, though she left children. +But the archbishop procured letters of legitimation, in order to render +them capable of inheritance. <i>Life of Parker</i>, 511. Others did the same. +<i>Annals</i>, i. 8. Yet such letters were, I conceive, beyond the queen's power +to grant, and could not have obtained any regard in a court of law.</p> + +<p class="footnote">In the diocese of Bangor, it was usual for the clergy, some years after +Elizabeth's accession, to pay the bishop for a licence to keep a concubine. +Strype's <i>Parker</i>, 203.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_277" id="Footnote_277" href="#FNanchor_277"><span class="label">[277]</span></a> Burnet, iii. 305.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_278" id="Footnote_278" href="#FNanchor_278"><span class="label">[278]</span></a> Jewel's letters to Bullinger, in Burnet, are full of proofs of his dissatisfaction; +and those who feel any doubts may easily satisfy themselves +from the same collection, and from Strype as to the others. The current +opinion, that these scruples were imbibed during the banishment of our +reformers, must be received with great allowance. The dislike to some +parts of the Anglican ritual had begun at home; it had broken out at +Frankfort; it is displayed in all the early documents of Elizabeth's reign +by the English divines, far more warmly than by their Swiss correspondents. +Grindal, when first named to the see of London, had his scruples about +wearing the episcopal habits removed by Peter Martyr. Strype's <i>Grindal</i>, +29.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_279" id="Footnote_279" href="#FNanchor_279"><span class="label">[279]</span></a> It was proposed on this occasion to abolish all saints' days, to omit the +cross in baptism, to leave kneeling at the communion to the ordinary's +discretion, to take away organs, and one or two more of the ceremonies +then chiefly in dispute. Burnet, iii. 303 and Append. 319; Strype, i. 297, +299. Nowell voted in the minority. It can hardly be going too far to +suppose that some of the majority were attached to the old religion.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_280" id="Footnote_280" href="#FNanchor_280"><span class="label">[280]</span></a> Jewel, one of these visitors, writes afterwards to Martyr: "Invenimus +ubique animos multitudinis satis propensos ad religionem; ibi etiam, ubi +omnia putabantur fore difficillima.... Si quid erat obstinatæ malitiæ, id +totum erat in presbyteris, illis præsertim, qui aliquando stetissent à nostrâ +sententiâ." Burnet, iii. Append. 289. The common people in London +and elsewhere, Strype says, took an active part in demolishing images; +the pleasure of destruction, I suppose, mingling with their abhorrence +of idolatry. And during the conferences held in Westminster Abbey, +Jan. 1559, between the catholic and protestant divines, the populace +who had been admitted as spectators, testified such disapprobation of the +former, that they made it a pretext for breaking off the argument. There +was indeed such a tendency to anticipate the government in reformation, +as necessitated a proclamation, Dec. 28, 1558, silencing preachers on +both sides.</p> + +<p class="footnote">Mr. Butler says, from several circumstances it is evident that a great +majority of the nation then inclined to the Roman catholic religion. <i>Mem. +of Eng. Catholics</i>, i. 146. But his proofs of this are extremely weak. The +attachment he supposes to have existed in the laity towards their pastors +may well be doubted; it could not be founded on the natural grounds of +esteem; and if Rishton, the continuator of Sanders de Schismate, whom +he quotes, says that one-third of the nation was protestant, we may surely +double the calculation of so determined a papist. As to the influence +which Mr. B. alleges the court to have employed in elections for Elizabeth's +first parliament, the argument would equally prove that the majority was +protestant under Mary, since she had recourse to the same means. The +whole tenor of historical documents in Elizabeth's reign proves that the +catholics soon became a minority, and still more among the common +people than the gentry. The north of England, where their strength lay, +was in every respect the least important part of the kingdom. Even +according to Dr. Lingard, who thinks fit to claim half the nation as +catholic in the middle of this reign, the number of recusants certified to +the council under 23 Eliz. c. 1, amounted only to fifty thousand; and, if +we can trust the authority of other lists, they were much fewer before the +accession of James. This writer, I may observe in passing, has, through +haste and thoughtlessness, misstated a passage he cites from Murden's +<i>State Papers</i>, p. 605, and confounded the persons suspected for religion in +the city of London, about the time of the Armada, with the whole number +of men fit for arms; thus making the former amount to seventeen thousand +and eighty-three.</p> + +<p class="footnote">Mr. Butler has taken up so paradoxical a notion on this subject, that he +literally maintains the catholics to have been at least one half of the people +at the epoch of the gunpowder plot. Vol. i. p. 295. We should be glad to +know at what time he supposes the grand apostasy to have been consummated. +Cardinal Bentivoglio gives a very different account; reckoning +the real catholics, such as did not make profession of heresy, at only a +thirtieth part of the whole; though he supposes that four-fifths might +become such, from secret inclination or general indifference, if it were once +established. <i>Opere di Bentivoglio</i>, p. 83, edit. Paris, 1645. But I presume +neither Mr. Butler nor Dr. Lingard would own these <i>adiaphorists</i>.</p> + +<p class="footnote">The latter writer, on the other hand, reckons the Hugonots of France, +soon after 1560, at only one-hundredth part of the nation, quoting for this +Castelnau, a useful memoir writer, but no authority on a matter of calculation. +The stern spirit of Coligni, <i>atrox animus Catonis</i>, rising above +all misfortune, and unconquerable, except by the darkest treachery, is +sufficiently admirable without reducing his party to so miserable a fraction. +The Calvinists at this time are reckoned by some at one-fourth, but more +frequently at one-tenth, of the French nation. Even in the beginning of +the next century, when proscription and massacre, lukewarmness and +self-interest, had thinned their ranks, they are estimated by Bentivoglio +(<i>ubi supra</i>) at one-fifteenth.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_281" id="Footnote_281" href="#FNanchor_281"><span class="label">[281]</span></a> Strype's <i>Parker</i>, 152, 153; Collier, 508. In the Lansdowne Collection, +vol. viii. 47, is a letter from Parker, Apr. 1565, complaining of Turner, +dean of Wells, for having made a man do penance for adultery in a square +cap.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_282" id="Footnote_282" href="#FNanchor_282"><span class="label">[282]</span></a> Strype's <i>Parker</i>, 157, 173.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_283" id="Footnote_283" href="#FNanchor_283"><span class="label">[283]</span></a> This apprehension of Elizabeth's taking a disgust to protestantism is +intimated in a letter of Bishop Cox. Strype's <i>Parker</i>, 229.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_284" id="Footnote_284" href="#FNanchor_284"><span class="label">[284]</span></a> Parker sometimes declares himself willing to see some indulgence as +to the habits and other matters; but, the queen's commands being +peremptory, he had thought it his duty to obey them, though forewarning +her that the puritan ministers would not give way (225, 227). This, +however, is not consistent with other passages, where he appears to importune +the queen to proceed. Her wavering conduct, partly owing to +caprice, partly to insincerity, was naturally vexatious to a man of his firm +and ardent temper. Possibly he might dissemble a little in writing to +Cecil, who was against driving the puritans to extremities. But, on the +review of his whole behaviour, he must be reckoned, and always has been +reckoned, the most severe disciplinarian of Elizabeth's first hierarchy; +though more violent men came afterwards.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_285" id="Footnote_285" href="#FNanchor_285"><span class="label">[285]</span></a> Strype's <i>Annals</i>, 416; <i>Parker</i>, 159. Some years after, these advertisements +obtained the queen's sanction, and got the name of Articles and +Ordinances. <i>Id.</i> 160.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_286" id="Footnote_286" href="#FNanchor_286"><span class="label">[286]</span></a> Strype's <i>Annals</i>, 416, 430; <i>Life of Parker</i>, 184. Sampson had refused +a bishopric on account of these ceremonies. Burnet, iii. 292.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_287" id="Footnote_287" href="#FNanchor_287"><span class="label">[287]</span></a> <i>Life of Parker</i>, 214. Strype says (p. 223) that the suspended ministers +preached again after a little time by connivance.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_288" id="Footnote_288" href="#FNanchor_288"><span class="label">[288]</span></a> Jewel is said to have become strict in enforcing the use of the surplice. +<i>Annals</i>, 421.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_289" id="Footnote_289" href="#FNanchor_289"><span class="label">[289]</span></a> Strype's <i>Annals</i>, i. 423, ii. 316; <i>Life of Parker</i>, 243, 348; Burnet, iii. +310, 325, 337. Bishops Grindal and Horn wrote to Zurich, saying plainly, +it was not their fault that the habits were not laid aside, with the cross in +baptism, the use of organs, baptism by women, etc. P. 314. This last +usage was much inveighed against by the Calvinists, because it involved a +theological tenet differing from their own, as to the necessity of baptism. +In Strype's <i>Annals</i>, 501, we have the form of an oath taken by all mid-wives, +to exercise their calling without sorcery or superstition, and to +baptize with the proper words. It was abolished by James I.</p> + +<p class="footnote">Beza was more dissatisfied than the Helvetic divines with the state of +the English church (<i>Annals</i>, i. 452; Collier, 503); but dissuaded the +puritans from separation, and advised them rather to comply with the +ceremonies. <i>Id.</i> 511.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_290" id="Footnote_290" href="#FNanchor_290"><span class="label">[290]</span></a> Strype's <i>Life of Parker</i>, 242; <i>Life of Grindal</i>, 114.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_291" id="Footnote_291" href="#FNanchor_291"><span class="label">[291]</span></a> Burnet, iii. 316; Strype's <i>Parker</i>, 155 <i>et alibi</i>.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_292" id="Footnote_292" href="#FNanchor_292"><span class="label">[292]</span></a> <i>Id.</i> 226. The church had but two or three friends, Strype says, in +the council about 1572, of whom Cecil was the chief. <i>Id.</i> 388.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_293" id="Footnote_293" href="#FNanchor_293"><span class="label">[293]</span></a> Burnet says, on the authority of the visitors' reports, that out of 9400 +beneficed clergymen, not more than about 200 refused to conform. This +caused for some years just apprehensions of the danger into which religion +was brought by their retaining their affections to the old superstition; +"so that," he proceeds, "if Queen Elizabeth had not lived so long as she +did, till all that generation was dead, and a new set of men better educated +and principled were grown up and put in their rooms; and if a prince of +another religion had succeeded before that time, they had probably turned +about again to the old superstition as nimbly as they had done before in +Queen Mary's days." Vol. ii. p. 401. It would be easy to multiply testimonies +out of Strype, to the papist inclinations of a great part of the +clergy in the first part of this reign. They are said to have been sunk in +superstition and looseness of living. <i>Annals</i>, i. 166.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_294" id="Footnote_294" href="#FNanchor_294"><span class="label">[294]</span></a> Strype's <i>Annals</i>, 138, 177; Collier, 436, 465. This seems to show that +more churches were empty by the desertion of popish incumbents than the +foregoing note would lead us to suppose. I believe that many went off to +foreign parts from time to time, who had complied in 1559; and others +were put out of their livings. The Roman catholic writers make out a +longer list than Burnet's calculation allows.</p> + +<p class="footnote">It appears from an account sent in to the privy council by Parkhurst, +Bishop of Norwich, in 1562, that in his diocese more than one-third of the +benefices were vacant. <i>Annals</i>, i. 323. But in Ely, out of 152 cures only +52 were served in 1560. <i>L. of Parker</i>, 72.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_295" id="Footnote_295" href="#FNanchor_295"><span class="label">[295]</span></a> Parker wrote in 1561 to the bishops of his province, enjoining them to +send him certificates of the names and qualities of all their clergy; one +column, in the form of certificate, was for learning: "And this," Strype +says, "was commonly set down; Latinè aliqua verba intelligit, Latinè +utcunque intelligit; Latinè pauca intelligit," etc. Sometimes, however, +we find doctus. <i>L. of Parker</i>, 95. But if the clergy could not read the +language in which their very prayers were composed, what other learning +or knowledge could they have? Certainly none; and even those who +had gone far enough to study the school logic and divinity, do not deserve +a much higher place than the wholly uninstructed. The Greek tongue was +never <i>generally</i> taught in the universities or public schools till the Reformation, +and perhaps not so soon.</p> + +<p class="footnote">Since this note was written, a letter of Gibson has been published in +Pepys's <i>Memoirs</i>, vol. ii. p. 154, mentioning a catalogue he had found of +the clergy in the archdeaconry of Middlesex, <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> 1563, with their qualifications +annexed. Three only are described as docti Latinè et Græcè; twelve +are called docti simply; nine, Latinè docti; thirty-one, Latinè mediocriter +intelligentes; forty-two, Latinè perperam, utcunque aliquid, pauca verba, +etc., intelligentes; seventeen are non docti or indocti. If this was the +case in London, what can we think of more remote parts</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_296" id="Footnote_296" href="#FNanchor_296"><span class="label">[296]</span></a> In the struggle made for popery at the queen's accession, the lower +house of convocation sent up to the bishops five articles of faith, all +strongly catholic. These had previously been transmitted to the two +universities, and returned with the hands of the greater part of the doctors +to the first four. The fifth they scrupled, as trenching too much on the +queen's temporal power. Burnet, ii. 388, iii. 269.</p> + +<p class="footnote">Strype says, the universities were so addicted to popery that for some +years few educated in them were ordained. <i>Life of Grindal</i>, p. 50. And +Wood's <i>Antiquities of the University of Oxford</i> contain many proofs of its +attachment to the old religion. In Exeter College, as late as 1578, there +were not above four protestants out of eighty, "all the rest secret or open +Roman affectionaries." These chiefly came from the west, "where popery +greatly prevailed, and the gentry were bred up in that religion." Strype's +<i>Annals</i>, ii. 539. But afterwards, Wood complains, "through the influence +of Humphrey and Reynolds (the latter of whom became divinity lecturer +on Secretary Walsingham's foundation in 1586), the disposition of the +times, and the long continuance of the Earl of Leicester, the principal +patron of the puritanical faction, in the place of Chancellor of Oxford, the +face of the university was so much altered that there was little to be seen +in it of the church of England, according to the principles and positions +upon which it was first reformed." <i>Hist. of Oxford</i>, vol. ii. p. 228. Previously, +however, to this change towards puritanism, the university had +not been Anglican, but popish; which Wood liked much better than the +first, and nearly as well as the second.</p> + +<p class="footnote">A letter from the University of Oxford to Elizabeth on her accession +(Hearne's edition of Roper's <i>Life of More</i>, p. 173) shows the accommodating +character of these academies. They extol Mary as an excellent queen, but +are consoled by the thought of her excellent successor. One sentence is +curious: "Cum <i>patri</i>, <i>fratri</i>, <i>sorori</i>, nihil fuerit republicâ carius, <i>religione +optatius</i>, verâ gloriâ dulcius; cum in hâc familiâ hæ laudes floruerint, +vehementer confidimus, etc., quæ ejusdem stirpis sis, easdem cupidissime +prosecuturam." It was a singular strain of complaisance to praise +Henry's, Edward's, and Mary's religious sentiments in the same breath; +but the queen might at least learn this from it, that whether she fixed on +one of their creeds, or devised a new one for herself, she was sure of the +acquiescence of this ancient and learned body. A preceding letter to +Cardinal Pole, in which the times of Henry and Edward are treated more +cavalierly, seems by the style, which is very elegant, to have been the +production of the same pen.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_297" id="Footnote_297" href="#FNanchor_297"><span class="label">[297]</span></a> The fellows and scholars of St. John's College, to the number of three +hundred, threw off their hoods and surplices, in 1565, without any opposition +from the master, till Cecil, as chancellor of the university, took up the +matter, and insisted on their conformity to the established regulations. +This gave much dissatisfaction to the university; not only the more +intemperate party, but many heads of colleges and grave men, among +whom we are rather surprised to find the name of Whitgift, interceding +with their chancellor for some mitigation as to these unpalatable observances. +Strype's <i>Annals</i>, i. 441; <i>Life of Parker</i>, 194. Cambridge had, +however, her catholics, as Oxford had her puritans, of whom Dr. Caius, +founder of the college that bears his name, was among the most remarkable. +<i>Id.</i> 200. The Chancellors of Oxford and Cambridge, Leicester and Cecil, +kept a very strict hand over them, especially the latter, who seems to have +acted as paramount visitor over every college, making them reverse any +act which he disapproved. Strype, <i>passim</i>.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_298" id="Footnote_298" href="#FNanchor_298"><span class="label">[298]</span></a> Strype's <i>Annals</i>, i. 583; <i>Life of Parker</i>, 312, 347; <i>Life of Whitgift</i>, 27.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_299" id="Footnote_299" href="#FNanchor_299"><span class="label">[299]</span></a> Cartwright's <i>Admonition</i>, quoted in Neal's <i>Hist. of Puritans</i>, i. 88.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_300" id="Footnote_300" href="#FNanchor_300"><span class="label">[300]</span></a> Madox's <i>Vindication of Church of England against Neal</i>, p. 122. This +writer quotes several very extravagant passages from Cartwright, which +go to prove irresistibly that he would have made no compromise short of +the overthrow of the established church. P. 111, etc. "As to you, dear +brethren," is said in a puritan tract of 1570, "whom God hath called into +the brunt of the battle, the Lord keep you constant, that ye yield neither +to toleration, neither to any other subtle persuasions of dispensations and +licences, which were to fortify their Romish practices; but, as you fight +the Lord's fight, be valiant." Madox, p. 287.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_301" id="Footnote_301" href="#FNanchor_301"><span class="label">[301]</span></a> These principles had already been broached by those who called Calvin +master; he had himself become a sort of prophet-king at Geneva. And +Collier quotes passages from Knox's <i>Second Blast</i>, inconsistent with any +government, except one slavishly subservient to the church. P. 444. +The nonjuring historian holds out the hand of fellowship to the puritans +he abhors, when they preach up ecclesiastical independence. Collier liked +the royal supremacy as little as Cartwright; and in giving an account of +Bancroft's attack on the nonconformists for denying it, enters upon a long +discussion in favour of an absolute emancipation from the control of +laymen. P. 610. He does not even approve the determination of the +judges in Cawdrey's case (5 Coke's Reports), though against the nonconformists, +as proceeding on a wrong principle of setting up the state +above the church. P. 634.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_302" id="Footnote_302" href="#FNanchor_302"><span class="label">[302]</span></a> The school of Cartwright were as little disposed as the episcopalians to +see the laity fatten on church property. Bancroft, in his famous sermon +preached at Paul's Cross in 1588 (p. 24), divides the puritans into the clergy +factious, and the lay factious. The former, he says, contend and lay it +down in their supplication to parliament in 1585, that things once dedicated +to a sacred use ought so to remain for ever, and not to be converted to +any private use. The lay, on the contrary, think it enough for the clergy +to fare as the apostles did. Cartwright did not spare those who longed to +pull down bishoprics for the sake of plundering them, and charged those +who held impropriations with sin. Bancroft takes delight in quoting his +bitter phrases from the ecclesiastical discipline.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_303" id="Footnote_303" href="#FNanchor_303"><span class="label">[303]</span></a> The old friends and protectors of our reformers at Zurich, Bullinger and +Gualter, however they had favoured the principles of the first nonconformists, +write in strong disapprobation of the innovators of 1574. Strype's +<i>Annals</i>, ii. 316. And Fox, the martyrologist, a refuser to conform, speaks, +in a remarkable letter quoted by Fuller in his <i>Church History</i>, p. 107, of +factiosa illa Puritanorum capita, saying that he is totus ab iis alienus, and +unwilling perbacchari in episcopos. The same is true of Bernard Gilpin, +who disliked some of the ceremonies, and had subscribed the articles with +a reservation, "so far as agreeable to the word of God;" but was wholly +opposed to the new reform of church discipline. <i>Carleton's Life of Gilpin</i>, +and Wordsworth's <i>Ecclesiastical Biography</i>, vol. iv. Neal has not reported +the matter faithfully.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_304" id="Footnote_304" href="#FNanchor_304"><span class="label">[304]</span></a> "The puritan," says Persons the jesuit, in 1594, "is more generally +favoured throughout the realm with all those which are not of the Roman +religion than is the protestant, upon a certain general persuasion, that his +profession is the more perfect, especially in great towns, where preachers +have made more impression in the artificers and burghers than in the +country people. And among the protestants themselves, all those that +were less interested in ecclesiastical livings, or other preferments depending +of the state, are more affected commonly to the puritans, or easily are to +be induced to pass that way for the same reason." Doleman's <i>Conference +about the next Succession to the Crown of England</i>, p. 242. And again: +"The puritan party at home, in England, is thought to be most rigorous +of any other, that is to say, most ardent, quick, bold, resolute, and to have +a great part of the best captains and soldiers on their side, which is a point +of no small moment."—P. 244. I do not quote these passages out of trust +in Father Persons, but because they coincide with much besides that has +occurred to me in reading, and especially with the parliamentary proceedings +of this reign. The following observation will confirm what may startle +some readers; that the puritans, or at least those who rather favoured +them, had a majority among the protestant gentry in the queen's days. +It is agreed on all hands, and is quite manifest, that they predominated in +the House of Commons. But that house was composed, as it has ever +been, of the principal landed proprietors, and as much represented the +general wish of the community when it demanded a further reform in +religious matters, as on any other subject. One would imagine, by the +manner in which some express themselves, that the discontented were a +small faction, who by some unaccountable means, in despite of the government +and the nation, formed a majority of all parliaments under Elizabeth +and her two successors.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_305" id="Footnote_305" href="#FNanchor_305"><span class="label">[305]</span></a> Burnet, iii. 335. Pluralities are still the great abuse of the church of +England; and the rules on this head are so complicated and unreasonable +that scarce any one can remember them. It would be difficult to prove +that, with a view to the interests of religion among the people, or of the +clergy themselves, taken as a body, any pluralities of benefices with cure +of souls ought to remain, except of small contiguous parishes. But with +a view to the interests of some hundred well connected ecclesiastics, the +difficulty is none at all.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_306" id="Footnote_306" href="#FNanchor_306"><span class="label">[306]</span></a> D'Ewes, p. 156; <i>Parliament. Hist.</i> i. 733, etc.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_307" id="Footnote_307" href="#FNanchor_307"><span class="label">[307]</span></a> D'Ewes, p. 239; <i>Parl. Hist.</i> 790; Strype's <i>Life of Parker</i>, 394.</p> + +<p class="footnote">In a debate between Cardinal Carvajal and Rockisane, the famous +Calixtin archbishop of Prague, at the council of Basle, the former said he +would reduce the whole argument to two syllables; Crede. The latter +replied he would do the same, and confine himself to two others; Proba. +Lenfant makes a very just observation on this: "Si la gravité de l'histoire +le permettoit, on diroit avec le comique: C'est tout comme ici. Il y a +long tems que le premier de ces mots est le langage de ce qu'on appelle +<i>l'Eglise</i>, et que le second est le langage de ce qu'on appelle <i>l'heresie</i>." +<i>Concile de Basle</i>, p. 193.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_308" id="Footnote_308" href="#FNanchor_308"><span class="label">[308]</span></a> Several ministers were deprived, in 1572, for refusing to subscribe the +articles. Strype, ii. 186. Unless these were papists, which indeed is +possible, their objection must have been to the articles touching discipline; +for the puritans liked the rest very well.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_309" id="Footnote_309" href="#FNanchor_309"><span class="label">[309]</span></a> Neal, 187; Strype's <i>Parker</i>, 325. Parker wrote to Lord Burleigh +(June 1573), exciting the council to proceed against some of those men +who had been called before the star-chamber. "He knew them," he said, +"to be cowards"—a very great mistake—"and if they of the privy +council gave over, they would hinder her majesty's government more than +they were aware, and much abate the estimation of their own authorities," +etc. <i>Id.</i> p. 421; Cartwright's <i>Admonition</i> was now prohibited to be sold. +<i>Ibid.</i></p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_310" id="Footnote_310" href="#FNanchor_310"><span class="label">[310]</span></a> Neal, 210.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_311" id="Footnote_311" href="#FNanchor_311"><span class="label">[311]</span></a> Strype's <i>Annals</i>, i. 433.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_312" id="Footnote_312" href="#FNanchor_312"><span class="label">[312]</span></a> Strype's <i>Annals</i>, ii. 219, 232; <i>Life of Parker</i>, 461.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_313" id="Footnote_313" href="#FNanchor_313"><span class="label">[313]</span></a> Strype's <i>Life of Grindal</i>, 219, 230, 272. The archbishop's letter to +the queen, declaring his unwillingness to obey her requisition, is in a far +bolder strain than the prelates were wont to use in this reign, and perhaps +contributed to the severity she showed towards him. Grindal was a very +honest, conscientious man, but too little of a courtier or statesman for the +place he filled. He was on the point of resigning the archbishopric when +he died; there had at one time been some thoughts of depriving him.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_314" id="Footnote_314" href="#FNanchor_314"><span class="label">[314]</span></a> Strype's <i>Whitgift</i>, 27 <i>et alibi</i>. He did not disdain to reflect on Cartwright +for his poverty, the consequence of a scrupulous adherence to his +principles. But the controversial writers of every side in the sixteenth +century display a want of decency and humanity which even our anonymous +libellers have hardly matched. Whitgift was not of much learning, if it +be true, as the editors of the <i>Biographia Britannica</i> intimate, that he had +no acquaintance with the Greek language. This must seem strange to +those who have an exaggerated notion of the scholarship of that age.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_315" id="Footnote_315" href="#FNanchor_315"><span class="label">[315]</span></a> Strype's <i>Whitgift</i>, 115.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_316" id="Footnote_316" href="#FNanchor_316"><span class="label">[316]</span></a> Neal, 266; Birch's <i>Memoirs of Elizabeth</i>, vol. i. p. 42, 47, etc.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_317" id="Footnote_317" href="#FNanchor_317"><span class="label">[317]</span></a> According to a paper in the appendix to Strype's <i>Life of Whitgift</i>, +p. 60, the number of conformable ministers in eleven dioceses, not including +those of London and Norwich, the strongholds of puritanism, was 786, that +of non-compliers 49. But Neal says that 233 ministers were suspended +in only six counties, 64 of whom in Norfolk, 60 in Suffolk, 38 in Essex. +P. 268. The puritans formed so much the more learned and diligent part +of the clergy, that a great scarcity of preachers was experienced throughout +this reign, in consequence of silencing so many of the former. Thus in +Cornwall, about the year 1578, out of 140 clergymen, not one was capable +of preaching. Neal, p. 245. And, in general, the number of those who +could not preach, but only read the service, was to the others nearly as +four to one; the preachers being a majority only in London. <i>Id</i>. p. 320.</p> + +<p class="footnote">This may be deemed by some an instance of Neal's prejudice. But that +historian is not so ill-informed as they suppose; and the fact is highly +probable. Let it be remembered that there existed few books of divinity +in English; that all books were, comparatively to the value of money, +far dearer than at present; that the majority of the clergy were nearly +illiterate, and many of them addicted to drunkenness and low vices; above +all, that they had no means of supplying their deficiences by preaching +the discourses of others; and we shall see little cause for doubting Neal's +statement, though founded on a puritan document.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_318" id="Footnote_318" href="#FNanchor_318"><span class="label">[318]</span></a> <i>Life of Whitgift</i>, 137 <i>et alibi pluries</i>; <i>Annals</i>, iii. 183.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_319" id="Footnote_319" href="#FNanchor_319"><span class="label">[319]</span></a> Neal, 274; Strype's <i>Annals</i>, iii. 180.</p> + +<p class="footnote">The germ of the high commission court seems to have been a commission +granted by Mary (Feb. 1557) to certain bishops and others to inquire +after all heresies, punish persons misbehaving at church, and such as +refused to come thither, either by means of presentments by witness, or +any other politic way they could devise; with full power to proceed as +their discretions and consciences should direct them; and to use all such +means as they could invent, for the searching of the premises, to call witnesses, +and force them to make oath of such things as might discover what +they sought after. Burnet, ii. 347. But the primary model was the +inquisition itself.</p> + +<p class="footnote">It was questioned whether the power of deprivation for not reading the +common prayer, granted to the high commissioners, were legal; the Act +of Uniformity having annexed a much smaller penalty. But it was held +by the judges in the case of Cawdrey (5 Coke Reports), that the act did not +take away the ecclesiastical jurisdiction and supremacy which had ever +appertained to the crown, and by virtue of which it might erect courts with +as full spiritual jurisdiction as the archbishops and bishops exercised.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_320" id="Footnote_320" href="#FNanchor_320"><span class="label">[320]</span></a> Strype's <i>Whitgift</i>, 135; and Appendix, 49.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_321" id="Footnote_321" href="#FNanchor_321"><span class="label">[321]</span></a> <i>Id.</i> 157, 160.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_322" id="Footnote_322" href="#FNanchor_322"><span class="label">[322]</span></a> <i>Id.</i> 163, 166 <i>et alibi</i>; Birch's <i>Memoirs</i>, i. 62. There was said to be a +scheme on foot, about 1590, to make all persons in office subscribe a +declaration that episcopacy was lawful by the word of God, which Burleigh +prevented.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_323" id="Footnote_323" href="#FNanchor_323"><span class="label">[323]</span></a> Neal, 325, 385.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_324" id="Footnote_324" href="#FNanchor_324"><span class="label">[324]</span></a> <i>Id.</i> 290; Strype's <i>Life of Aylmer</i>, p. 59, etc. His biographer is here, +as in all his writings, too partial to condemn, but too honest to conceal.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_325" id="Footnote_325" href="#FNanchor_325"><span class="label">[325]</span></a> Neal, 294.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_326" id="Footnote_326" href="#FNanchor_326"><span class="label">[326]</span></a> Strype's <i>Aylmer</i>, 71. When he grew old, and reflected that a large +sum of money would be due from his family, for dilapidations of the palace +at Fulham, etc., he literally proposed to sell his bishopric to Bancroft. +<i>Id.</i> 169. The other, however, waited for his death, and had above £4000 +awarded to him; but the crafty old man having laid out his money in land, +this sum was never paid. Bancroft tried to get an act of parliament in +order to render the real estate liable, but without success. P. 194.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_327" id="Footnote_327" href="#FNanchor_327"><span class="label">[327]</span></a> <i>Somers' Tracts</i>, i. 166.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_328" id="Footnote_328" href="#FNanchor_328"><span class="label">[328]</span></a> Bacon's Works, i. 532.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_329" id="Footnote_329" href="#FNanchor_329"><span class="label">[329]</span></a> Birch's <i>Memoirs</i>, ii. 146.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_330" id="Footnote_330" href="#FNanchor_330"><span class="label">[330]</span></a> <i>Id. ibid.</i> Burleigh does not shine much in these memoirs; but most +of the letters they contain are from the two Bacons, then engaged in the +Essex faction, though nephews of the treasurer.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_331" id="Footnote_331" href="#FNanchor_331"><span class="label">[331]</span></a> The first of Martin Mar-prelate's libels were published in 1588. In +the month of November of that year the archbishop is directed by a letter +from the council to search for and commit to prison the authors and +printers. Strype's <i>Whitgift</i>, 288. These pamphlets are scarce; but a +few extracts from them may be found in Strype, and other authors. The +abusive language of the puritan pamphleteers had begun several years +before. Strype's <i>Annals</i>, ii. 193. See the trial of Sir Richard Knightley +of Northamptonshire for dispersing puritanical libels. <i>State Trials</i>, i. 1263.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_332" id="Footnote_332" href="#FNanchor_332"><span class="label">[332]</span></a> 23 Eliz. c. 2.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_333" id="Footnote_333" href="#FNanchor_333"><span class="label">[333]</span></a> Penry's protestation at his death is in a style of the most affecting and +simple eloquence. <i>Life of Whitgift</i>, 409, and Appendix 176. It is a +striking contrast to the coarse abuse for which he suffered. The authors +of Martin Mar-prelate were never fully discovered; but Penry seems not +to deny his concern in it.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_334" id="Footnote_334" href="#FNanchor_334"><span class="label">[334]</span></a> <i>State Trials</i>, 1271. It may be remarked on this as on other occasions, +that Udal's trial is evidently published by himself; and a defendant, +especially in a political proceeding, is apt to give a partial colour to his +own case. <i>Life of Whitgift</i>, 314; <i>Annals of Reformation</i>, iv. 21; Fuller's +<i>Church History</i>, 122; Neal, 340. This writer says: "Among the divines +who <i>suffered death</i> for the libels above mentioned, was the Rev. Mr. Udal." +This is no doubt a splenetic mode of speaking. But Warburton, in his +short notes on Neal's history, treats it as a wilful and audacious attempt +to impose on the reader; as if the ensuing pages did not let him into all +the circumstances. I will here observe that Warburton, in his self-conceit, +has paid a much higher compliment to Neal than he intended, speaking of +his own comments as "a full confutation (I quote from memory) of that +historian's false facts and misrepresentations." But when we look at +these, we find a good deal of wit and some pointed remarks, but hardly +anything that can be deemed a material correction of facts.</p> + +<p class="footnote">Neal's <i>History of the Puritans</i> is almost wholly compiled, as far as this +reign is concerned, from Strype, and from a manuscript written by some +puritan about the time. It was answered by Madox, afterwards bishop +of Worcester, in a <i>Vindication of the Church of England</i>, published anonymously +in 1733. Neal replied with tolerable success; but Madox's book +is still an useful corrective. Both, however, were, like most controversialists, +prejudiced men, loving the interests of their respective factions better +than truth, and not very scrupulous about misrepresenting an adversary. +But Neal had got rid of the intolerant spirit of the puritans, while Madox +labours to justify every act of Whitgift and Parker.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_335" id="Footnote_335" href="#FNanchor_335"><span class="label">[335]</span></a> <i>Life of Whitgift</i>, 328.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_336" id="Footnote_336" href="#FNanchor_336"><span class="label">[336]</span></a> <i>Id.</i> 336, 360, 366, Append. 142, 159.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_337" id="Footnote_337" href="#FNanchor_337"><span class="label">[337]</span></a> <i>Id.</i> Append. 135; <i>Annals</i>, iv. 52.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_338" id="Footnote_338" href="#FNanchor_338"><span class="label">[338]</span></a> This predilection for the Mosaic polity was not uncommon among the +reformers; Collier quotes passages from Martin Bucer as strong as could +well be found in the puritan writings. P. 303.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_339" id="Footnote_339" href="#FNanchor_339"><span class="label">[339]</span></a> <i>Life of Whitgift</i>, p. 61, 333, and Append. 138; <i>Annals</i>, iv. 140. As I +have not seen the original works in which these tenets are said to be +promulgated, I cannot vouch for the fairness of the representation made +by hostile pens, though I conceive it to be not very far from the truth.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_340" id="Footnote_340" href="#FNanchor_340"><span class="label">[340]</span></a> <i>Ibid</i>. Madox's <i>Vindication of the Ch. of Eng. against Neal</i>, p. 212; +Strype's <i>Annals</i>, iv. 142.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_341" id="Footnote_341" href="#FNanchor_341"><span class="label">[341]</span></a> The large views of civil government entertained by the puritans were +sometimes imputed to them as a crime by their more courtly adversaries, +who reproached them with the writings of Buchanan and Languet. <i>Life +of Whitgift</i>, 258; <i>Annals</i>, iv. 142.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_342" id="Footnote_342" href="#FNanchor_342"><span class="label">[342]</span></a> See a declaration to this effect, at which no one could cavil, in Strype's +<i>Annals</i>, iv. 85. The puritans, or at least some of their friends, retaliated +this charge of denying the queen's supremacy on their adversaries. Sir +Francis Knollys strongly opposed the claims of episcopacy, as a divine +institution, which had been covertly insinuated by Bancroft, on the ground +of its incompatibility with the prerogative, and urged Lord Burleigh to +make the bishops acknowledge they had no superiority over the clergy, +except by statute, as the only means to save her majesty from the extreme +danger into which she was brought by the machinations of the pope and +King of Spain. <i>Life of Whitgift</i>, p. 350, 361, 389. He wrote afterwards to +Lord Burleigh in 1591, that if he might not speak his mind freely against +the power of the bishops, and prove it unlawful, by the laws of this realm, +and not by the canon law, he hoped to be allowed to become a private man. +This bold letter he desires to have shown to the queen. <i>Lansdowne +Catalogue</i>, vol. lxviii. 84.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_343" id="Footnote_343" href="#FNanchor_343"><span class="label">[343]</span></a> D'Ewes, 302; Strype's <i>Whitgift</i>, 92, Append. 32.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_344" id="Footnote_344" href="#FNanchor_344"><span class="label">[344]</span></a> D'Ewes, 339 <i>et post</i>; Strype's <i>Whitgift</i>, 176, etc., Append. 70.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_345" id="Footnote_345" href="#FNanchor_345"><span class="label">[345]</span></a> Strype's <i>Annals</i>, iii. 228.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_346" id="Footnote_346" href="#FNanchor_346"><span class="label">[346]</span></a> Strype's <i>Annals</i>, iii. 186, 192. Compare Append. 35.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_347" id="Footnote_347" href="#FNanchor_347"><span class="label">[347]</span></a> Strype's <i>Whitgift</i>, 279; <i>Annals</i>, iii. 543.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_348" id="Footnote_348" href="#FNanchor_348"><span class="label">[348]</span></a> <i>Parl. Hist.</i> 921.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_349" id="Footnote_349" href="#FNanchor_349"><span class="label">[349]</span></a> Strype's <i>Whitgift</i>, 521, 537, App. 136. The archbishop could not +disguise his dislike to the lawyers. "The temporal lawyer," he says in a +letter to Cecil, "<i>whose learning is no learning anywhere but here at home</i>, +being born to nothing, doth by his labour and travel in that barbarous +knowledge purchase to himself and his heirs for ever a thousand pounds +per annum, and oftentimes much more, whereof there are at this day many +examples."—P. 215.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_350" id="Footnote_350" href="#FNanchor_350"><span class="label">[350]</span></a> Strype's <i>Whitgift</i>, and D'Ewes, <i>passim</i>. In a convocation held during +Grindal's sequestration (1580), proposals for reforming certain abuses in +the spiritual courts were considered; but nothing was done in it. Strype's +<i>Grindal</i>, p. 259, and Appendix, p. 97. And in 1594, a commission to +enquire into abuses in the spiritual courts was issued; but whether this +were intended <i>bonâ fide</i> or not, it produced no reformation. Strype's +<i>Whitgift</i>, 419.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_351" id="Footnote_351" href="#FNanchor_351"><span class="label">[351]</span></a> 35 Eliz. c. 1; <i>Parl. Hist.</i> 863.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_352" id="Footnote_352" href="#FNanchor_352"><span class="label">[352]</span></a> Neal asserts in his summary of the controversy, as it stood in this +reign, that the puritans did not object to the office of bishop, provided he +was only the head of the presbyters, and acted in conjunction with them. +P. 398. But this was in effect to demand everything. For if the office +could be so far lowered in eminence, there were many waiting to clip the +temporal revenues and dignity in proportion.</p> + +<p class="footnote">In another passage, Neal states clearly, if not quite fairly, the main +points of difference between the church and nonconforming parties under +Elizabeth. P. 147. He concludes with the following remark, which is +very true. "Both parties agreed too well in asserting the necessity of +an uniformity of public worship, and of calling in the sword of the magistrates +for the support and defence of the several principles, which they +made an ill use of in their turns, as they could grasp the power into their +hands. The standard of uniformity, according to the bishops, was the +queen's supremacy and the laws of the land; according to the puritans, +the decrees of provincial and national synods, allowed and enforced by +the civil magistrate; but neither party were for admitting that liberty of +conscience and freedom of profession which is every man's right, as far as +is consistent with the peace of the government he lives under.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_353" id="Footnote_353" href="#FNanchor_353"><span class="label">[353]</span></a> Neal, 253, 386.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_354" id="Footnote_354" href="#FNanchor_354"><span class="label">[354]</span></a> Strype's <i>Whitgift</i>, 414; Neal, 373. Several years before, in 1583, two +men called anabaptists, Thacker and Copping, were hanged at the same +place on the same statute for denying the queen's ecclesiastical supremacy; +the proof of which was their dispersion of Brown's tracts, wherein that +was only owned in civil cases. Strype's <i>Annals</i>, iii. 186. This was +according to the invariable practice of Tudor times: an oppressive and +sanguinary statute was first made; and next, as occasion might serve, a +construction was put on it contrary to all common sense, in order to take +away men's lives.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_355" id="Footnote_355" href="#FNanchor_355"><span class="label">[355]</span></a> "The discipline of Christ's church," said Cartwright, "that is necessary +for all times, is delivered by Christ, and set down in the Holy Scriptures. +Therefore the true and lawful discipline is to be fetched from thence, and +from thence alone. And that which resteth upon any other foundation +ought to be esteemed unlawful and counterfeit." Whitgift, in his answer +to Cartwright's <i>Admonition</i>, rested the controversy in the main, as Hooker +did, on the indifferency of church discipline and ceremony. It was not till +afterwards that the defenders of the established order found out that one +claim of divine right was best met by another.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_356" id="Footnote_356" href="#FNanchor_356"><span class="label">[356]</span></a> "If the natural strength of men's wit may by experience and study +attain unto such ripeness in the knowledge of things human, that men in +this respect may presume to build somewhat upon their judgment; what +reason have we to think but that even in matters divine, the like wits, +furnished with necessary helps, exercised in scripture with like diligence, +and assisted with the grace of Almighty God, may grow unto so much +perfection of knowledge, that men shall have just cause, when anything +pertinent unto faith and religion is doubted of, the more willingly to incline +their minds towards that which the sentence of so grave, wise, and learned +in that faculty shall judge most sound? For the controversy is of the +weight of such men's judgment," etc. But Hooker's mistake was to +exaggerate the weight of such men's judgment; and not to allow enough for +their passions and infirmities, the imperfection of their knowledge, their +connivance with power, their attachment to names and persons, and all +the other drawbacks to ecclesiastical authority.</p> + +<p class="footnote">It is well known that the preface to the <i>Ecclesiastical Polity</i> was one of +the two books to which James II. ascribed his return into the fold of +Rome; and it is not difficult to perceive by what course of reasoning on +the positions it contains this was effected.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_357" id="Footnote_357" href="#FNanchor_357"><span class="label">[357]</span></a> In the life of Hooker prefixed to the edition I use, fol. 1671, I find an +assertion of Dr. Barnard, chaplain to Usher, that he had seen a manuscript +of the last books of Hooker, containing many things omitted in the printed +volume. One passage is quoted, and seems in Hooker's style. But the +question is rather with respect to interpolations than omissions. And of +the former I see no evidence or likelihood. If it be true, as is alleged, that +different manuscripts of the three last books did not agree, if even these +disagreements were the result of fraud, why should we conclude that they +were corrupted by the puritans rather than the church? In Zouch's +edition of Walton's <i>Life of Hooker</i>, the reader will find a long and ill +digested note on this subject, the result of which has been to convince me +that there is no reason to believe any other than verbal changes to have +been made in the loose draught which the author left, but that whatever +changes were made, it does not appear that the manuscript was ever in +the hands of the puritans. The strongest probability, however, of their +authenticity is from internal evidence.</p> + +<p class="footnote">A late writer has produced a somewhat ridiculous proof of the carelessness +with which all editions of the <i>Ecclesiastical Polity</i> have been printed; +a sentence having slipped into the text of the seventh book, which makes +nonsense, and which he very probably conjectures to have been a marginal +memorandum of the author for his own use on revising the manuscript. +M'Crie's <i>Life of Melvil</i>, vol. i. p. 471.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_358" id="Footnote_358" href="#FNanchor_358"><span class="label">[358]</span></a> The puritans objected to the title of lord bishops. Sampson wrote a +peevish letter to Grindal on this, and received a very good answer. Strype's +<i>Parker</i>, Append. 178. Parker, in a letter to Cecil, defends it on the best +ground; that the bishops hold their lands by barony, and therefore the +giving them the title of lords was no irregularity, and nothing more than +a consequence of the tenure. Collier, 544. This will not cover our modern +<i>colonial</i> bishops, on whom the same title has, without any good reason, +been conferred.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_359" id="Footnote_359" href="#FNanchor_359"><span class="label">[359]</span></a> Strype's <i>Annals</i>, i. 159.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_360" id="Footnote_360" href="#FNanchor_360"><span class="label">[360]</span></a> 1 Eliz. c. 19; 13 Eliz. c. 10; Blackstone's <i>Commentaries</i>, vol. ii. c. 28. +The exception in favour of the Crown was repealed in the first year of +James.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_361" id="Footnote_361" href="#FNanchor_361"><span class="label">[361]</span></a> It was couched in the following terms:—</p> + +<p class="footnote">"<span class="smcap">Proud Prelate</span>,—You know what you were before I made you what +you are: if you do not immediately comply with my request, by G—— I +will unfrock you.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><span class="smcap i10">Elizabeth.</span>"</p> + +<p class="footnote">Poor Cox wrote a very good letter before this, printed in Strype's <i>Annals</i>, +vol. ii. Append. 84. The names of Hatton Garden and Ely Place (Mantua +væ miseræ nimium vicina Cremonæ) still bear witness to the encroaching +lord keeper, and the elbowed bishop.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_362" id="Footnote_362" href="#FNanchor_362"><span class="label">[362]</span></a> Strype, iv. 246. See also p. 15 of the same volume. By an act in the +first year of James, c. 3, conveyances of bishops' lands to the crown are +made void; a concession much to the king's honour.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_363" id="Footnote_363" href="#FNanchor_363"><span class="label">[363]</span></a> Harrington's "State of the Church," in <i>Nugæ Antiquæ</i>, vol. ii. <i>passim</i>; +Wilkins's <i>Concilia</i>, iv. 256; Strype's <i>Annals</i>, iii. 620 <i>et alibi</i>; <i>Life of +Parker</i>, 454; <i>of Whitgift</i>, 220; <i>of Aylmer, passim</i>. Observe the preamble +of 13 Eliz. c. 10. It must be admitted, on the other hand, that the gentry, +when popishly or puritanically affected, were apt to behave exceedingly +ill towards the bishops. At Lambeth and Fulham they were pretty safe; +but at a distance they found it hard to struggle with the rudeness and +iniquity of the territorial aristocracy; as Sandys twice experienced.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_364" id="Footnote_364" href="#FNanchor_364"><span class="label">[364]</span></a> Birch's <i>Memoirs</i>, i. 48. Elizabeth seems to have fancied herself +entitled by her supremacy to dispose of bishops as she pleased, though they +did not hold commissions <i>durante bene placito</i>, as in her brother's time. +Thus she suspended Fletcher, Bishop of London, of her own authority, only +for marrying "a fine lady and a widow." Strype's <i>Whitgift</i>, 458. And +Aylmer, having preached too vehemently against female vanity in dress, +which came home to the queen's conscience, she told her ladies that if the +bishop held more discourse on such matters, she would fit him for heaven; +but he should walk thither without a staff and leave his mantle behind +him. Harrington's "State of the Church," in <i>Nugæ Antiquæ</i>, i. 170; see +too p. 217. It will of course not appear surprising that Hutton, Archbishop +of York, an exceedingly honest prelate, having preached a bold +sermon before the queen, urging her to settle the succession, and pointing +strongly towards Scotland, received a sharp message. P. 250.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_365" id="Footnote_365" href="#FNanchor_365"><span class="label">[365]</span></a> D'Ewes, 328.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_366" id="Footnote_366" href="#FNanchor_366"><span class="label">[366]</span></a> Collier says (p. 586) on Heylin's authority, that Walsingham offered +the puritans, about 1583, in the queen's name, to give up the ceremony +of kneeling at the communion, the cross in baptism, and the surplice; +but that they answered, "ne ungulam quidem esse relinquendam." But +I am not aware of any better testimony to the fact; and it is by no means +agreeable to the queen's general conduct.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_367" id="Footnote_367" href="#FNanchor_367"><span class="label">[367]</span></a> Bacon, ii. 375. See also another paper concerning the pacification of +the church, written under James, p. 387. "The wrongs," he says, "of +those which are possessed of the government of the church towards the +other, may hardly be dissembled or excused."—P. 382. Yet Bacon was +never charged with affection for the puritans. In truth, Elizabeth and +James were personally the great support of the high church interest; it +had few real friends among their counsellors.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_368" id="Footnote_368" href="#FNanchor_368"><span class="label">[368]</span></a> Burnet, ii. 418; Cabala, part ii. 38 (4to edition). Walsingham +grounds the queen's proceedings upon two principles: the one, that +"consciences are not to be forced, but to be won and reduced by force +of truth, with the aid of time, and use of all good means of instruction and +persuasion;" the other, that "cases of conscience, when they exceed their +bounds, and grow to be matter of faction, lose their nature; and that +sovereign princes ought distinctly to punish their practices and contempt, +though coloured with the pretence of conscience and religion." Bacon +has repeated the same words, as well as some more of Walsingham's letter, +in his observations on the libel on Lord Burleigh, i. 522. And Mr. Southey +(<i>Book of the Church</i>, ii. 291) seems to adopt them as his own.</p> + +<p class="footnote">Upon this it may be observed; first, that they take for granted the +fundamental sophism of religious intolerance, namely, that the civil +magistrate, or the church he supports, is not only in the right, but so +clearly in the right, that no honest man, if he takes time and pains to +consider the subject, can help acknowledging it: secondly, that, according +to the principles of Christianity as admitted on each side, it does not rest +in an esoteric persuasion, but requires an exterior profession, evidenced +both by social worship, and by certain positive rites; and that the marks +of this profession, according to the form best adapted to their respective +ways of thinking, were as incumbent upon the catholic and puritan, as +they had been upon the primitive church: nor were they more chargeable +with faction, or with exceeding the bounds of conscience, when they +persisted in the use of them, notwithstanding any prohibitory statute, than +the early Christians.</p> + +<p class="footnote">The generality of statesmen, and churchmen themselves not unfrequently, +have argued upon the principles of what, in the seventeenth century, +was called Hobbism, towards which the Erastian system, which is +that of the church of England, though excellent in some points of view, +had a tendency to gravitate; namely, that civil and religious allegiance +are so necessarily connected, that it is the subject's duty to follow the +dictates of the magistrate in both alike. And this received some countenance +from the false and mischievous position of Hooker, that the church +and commonwealth are but different denominations of the same society. +Warburton has sufficiently exposed the sophistry of this theory; though +I do not think him equally successful in what he substitutes for it.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_369" id="Footnote_369" href="#FNanchor_369"><span class="label">[369]</span></a> <i>State Trials</i>, i. 1148.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_370" id="Footnote_370" href="#FNanchor_370"><span class="label">[370]</span></a> <i>Id.</i> 1256.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_371" id="Footnote_371" href="#FNanchor_371"><span class="label">[371]</span></a> <i>Id.</i> 1403.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_372" id="Footnote_372" href="#FNanchor_372"><span class="label">[372]</span></a> Murden, 337. Dr. Lingard has fully established, what indeed no one +could reasonably have disputed, Elizabeth's passion for Anjou; and says +very truly, "the writers who set all this down to policy cannot have consulted +the original documents."—P. 149. It was altogether repugnant +to sound policy. Persons, the jesuit, indeed says, in his famous libel, +<i>Leicester's Commonwealth</i>, written not long after this time, that it would +have been "honourable, convenient, profitable, and needful:" which +every honest Englishman would interpret by the rule of contraries. +Sussex wrote indeed to the queen in favour of the marriage (Lodge, ii. 177); +and Cecil undoubtedly professed to favour it; but this must have been +out of obsequiousness to the queen. It was a habit of this minister to set +down briefly the arguments on both sides of a question, sometimes in +parallel columns, sometimes successively; a method which would seem too +formal in our age, but tending to give himself and others a clearer view of +the case. He has done this twice in the present instance (Murden, 322, +331); and it is evident that he does not, and cannot, answer his own +objections to the match. When the council waited on her with this +resolution in favour of the marriage, she spoke sharply to those whom she +believed to be against it. Yet the treaty went on for two years; her +coquetry in this strange delay breeding her, as Walsingham wrote from +Paris, "greater dishonour than I dare commit to paper." Strype's <i>Annals</i>, +iii. 2. That she ultimately broke it off, must be ascribed to the suspiciousness +and irresolution of her character, which, acting for once conjointly +with her good understanding, overcame a disgraceful inclination.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_373" id="Footnote_373" href="#FNanchor_373"><span class="label">[373]</span></a> Strype, iii. 480. Stubbe always signed himself Scæva, in these left-handed +productions.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_374" id="Footnote_374" href="#FNanchor_374"><span class="label">[374]</span></a> Lodge, ii. 412; iii. 49.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_375" id="Footnote_375" href="#FNanchor_375"><span class="label">[375]</span></a> Several volumes of the Harleian MSS. illustrate the course of government +under Elizabeth. The copious analysis in the catalogue, by Humphrey +Wanley and others, which I have in general found accurate, will, +for most purposes, be sufficient. See particularly vol. 703. A letter, <i>inter +alia</i>, in this (folio 1) from Lord Hunsdon and Walsingham to the sheriff of +Sussex, directs him not to assist the creditors of John Ashburnham in +molesting him, "till such time as our determination touching the premises +shall be known," Ashburnham being to attend the council to prefer his +complaint. See also vols. 6995, 6996, 6997, and many others. The +Lansdowne catalogue will furnish other evidences.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_376" id="Footnote_376" href="#FNanchor_376"><span class="label">[376]</span></a> Anderson's <i>Reports</i>, i. 297. It may be found also in the <i>Biographia +Britannica</i>, and the <i>Biographical Dictionary</i>, art. Anderson.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_377" id="Footnote_377" href="#FNanchor_377"><span class="label">[377]</span></a> Lansdowne MSS. lviii. 87. The Harleian MS. 6846 is a mere transcript +from Anderson's <i>Reports</i>, and consequently of no value. There is another +in the same collection, at which I have not looked.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_378" id="Footnote_378" href="#FNanchor_378"><span class="label">[378]</span></a> Hume says, "that the queen had taken a dislike to the smell of this +useful plant." But this reason, if it existed, would hardly have induced +her to prohibit its cultivation throughout the kingdom. The real motive +appears in several letters of the Lansdowne collection. By the domestic +culture of woad, the customs on its importation were reduced; and this +led to a project of levying a sort of excise upon it at home. <i>Catalogue of +Lansdowne MSS.</i> xlix. 32-60. The same principle has since caused the +prohibition of sowing tobacco.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_379" id="Footnote_379" href="#FNanchor_379"><span class="label">[379]</span></a> Camden, 476.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_380" id="Footnote_380" href="#FNanchor_380"><span class="label">[380]</span></a> Rymer, xvi. 448.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_381" id="Footnote_381" href="#FNanchor_381"><span class="label">[381]</span></a> Many of these proclamations are scattered through Rymer; and the +whole have been collected in a volume.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_382" id="Footnote_382" href="#FNanchor_382"><span class="label">[382]</span></a> By a proclamation in 1560, butchers killing flesh in Lent are made +subject to a specific penalty of £20; which was levied upon one man. +Strype's <i>Annals</i>, i. 235. This seems to have been illegal.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_383" id="Footnote_383" href="#FNanchor_383"><span class="label">[383]</span></a> Lord Camden in 1766. Hargrave, in preface to "Hale de Jure +Coronæ," in <i>Law Tracts</i>, vol. i.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_384" id="Footnote_384" href="#FNanchor_384"><span class="label">[384]</span></a> We find an exclusive privilege granted in 1563 to Thomas Cooper, +afterwards Bishop of Winchester, to print his <i>Thesaurus</i>, or Latin dictionary +for twelve years (Rymer, xv. 620); and to Richard Wright to print his +translation of Tacitus during his natural life; any one infringing this +privilege to forfeit 40<i>s.</i> for every printed copy. <i>Id.</i> xvi. 97.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_385" id="Footnote_385" href="#FNanchor_385"><span class="label">[385]</span></a> Strype's <i>Parker</i>, 221. By the 51st of the queen's injunctions, in 1559, +no one might print any book or paper whatsoever unless the same be first +licensed by the council or ordinary.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_386" id="Footnote_386" href="#FNanchor_386"><span class="label">[386]</span></a> A proclamation, dated February 1589, against seditious and schismatical +books and writings, commands all persons who shall have in their +custody any such libels against the order and government of the church +of England, or the rites and ceremonies used in it, to bring and deliver up +the same with convenient speed to their ordinary. <i>Life of Whitgift</i>, +Appendix 126. This has probably been one cause of the extreme scarcity +of these puritanical pamphlets.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_387" id="Footnote_387" href="#FNanchor_387"><span class="label">[387]</span></a> Strype's <i>Grindal</i>, 124, and Append. 43, where a list of these books +is given.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_388" id="Footnote_388" href="#FNanchor_388"><span class="label">[388]</span></a> Strype's <i>Whitgift</i>, 222, and Append. 94. The archbishop exercised his +power over the press, as may be supposed, with little moderation. Not +confining himself to the suppression of books favouring the two religions +adverse to the church, he permitted nothing to appear that interfered in +the least with his own notions. Thus we find him seizing an edition of +some works of Hugh Broughton, an eminent Hebrew scholar. This +learned divine differed from Whitgift about Christ's descent to hell. It is +amusing to read that ultimately the primate came over to Broughton's +opinion; which, if it prove some degree of candour, is a glaring evidence of +the advantages of that free enquiry he had sought to suppress. P. 384, 431.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_389" id="Footnote_389" href="#FNanchor_389"><span class="label">[389]</span></a> Camden, 449; Strype's <i>Annals</i>, ii. 288. The queen had been told, it +seems, of what was done in Wyatt's business, a case not all parallel; +though there was no sufficient necessity even in that instance to justify +the proceeding by martial law. But bad precedents always beget "progeniem +vitiosiorem."</p> + +<p class="footnote">There was a difficulty how to punish Burchell capitally, which probably +suggested to the queen this strange expedient. It is said, which is full as +strange, that the bishops were about to pass sentence on him for heresy, +in having asserted that a papist might lawfully be killed. He put an end, +however, to this dilemma, by cleaving the skull of one of the keepers in the +Tower, and was hanged in a common way.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_390" id="Footnote_390" href="#FNanchor_390"><span class="label">[390]</span></a> Strype's <i>Annals</i>, iii. 570; <i>Life of Whitgift</i>, Append. 126.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_391" id="Footnote_391" href="#FNanchor_391"><span class="label">[391]</span></a> Rymer, xvi. 279.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_392" id="Footnote_392" href="#FNanchor_392"><span class="label">[392]</span></a> Carte, 693, from Stowe.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_393" id="Footnote_393" href="#FNanchor_393"><span class="label">[393]</span></a> Strype's <i>Annals</i>, i. 535.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_394" id="Footnote_394" href="#FNanchor_394"><span class="label">[394]</span></a> Strype, iii. Append. 147. This was exacted in order to raise men for +service in the Low Countries. But the beneficed clergy were always bound +to furnish horses and armour, or their value, for the defence of the kingdom +in peril of invasion or rebellion. An instance of their being called on for +such a contingent occurred in 1569. Strype's <i>Parker</i>, 273; and Rymer +will supply many others in earlier times.</p> + +<p class="footnote">The magistrates of Cheshire and Lancashire had imposed a charge of +eightpence a week on each parish of those counties for the maintenance of +recusants in custody. This, though very nearly borne out by the letter of +a recent statute (14th Eliz. c. 5), was conceived by the inhabitants to be +against law. We have, in Strype's <i>Annals</i>, vol. iii. Append. 56, a letter +from the privy council, directing the charge to be taken off. It is only +worth noticing, as it illustrates the jealousy which the people entertained +of anything approaching to taxation without consent of parliament, and +the caution of the ministry in not pushing any exertion of prerogative +farther than would readily be endured.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_395" id="Footnote_395" href="#FNanchor_395"><span class="label">[395]</span></a> Murden, 632. That some degree of intimidation was occasionally +made use of, may be inferred from the following letter of Sir Henry +Cholmley to the mayor and aldermen of Chester, in 1597. He informs +them of letters received by him from the council, "whereby I am commanded +in all haste to require you that you and every of you send in your +several sums of money unto Torpley (Tarporly) on Friday next the 23rd +December, or else that you and every of you give me meeting there, the +said day and place, to enter severally into bond to her highness for your +appearance forthwith before their lordships, to show cause wherefore you +and every of you should refuse to pay her majesty loan according to her +highness several privy-seals by you received, letting you wit that I am +now directed by other letters from their lordships to pay over the said +money to the use of her majesty, and to send and certify the said bonds so +taken: which praying you heartily to consider of as the last direction of +the service, I heartily bid you farewell." Harl. MSS. 2173, 10.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_396" id="Footnote_396" href="#FNanchor_396"><span class="label">[396]</span></a> Strype, ii. 102. In Haynes, p. 518, is the form of a circular letter or +privy-seal, as it was called from passing that office, sent in 1569, a year +of great difficulty, to those of whose aid the queen stood in need. It +contains a promise of repayment at the expiration of twelve months. A +similar application was made through the lord-lieutenants in their several +counties, to the wealthy and well disposed, in 1588, immediately after the +destruction of the Armada. The loans are asked only for the space of a +year, as "heretofore has been yielded unto her majesty in times of less need +and danger, and yet always fully repaid." Strype, iii. 535. Large sums +of money are said to have been demanded of the citizens of London in +1599. Carte, 675. It is perhaps to this year that we may refer a curious +fact mentioned in Mr. Justice Hutton's judgment in the case of ship-money. +"In the time of Queen Elizabeth (he says), who was a gracious +and a glorious queen, yet in the end of her reign, whether through covetousness, +or by reason of the wars that came upon her, I know not by what +counsel she desired benevolence, the statue of 2nd Richard III. was pressed, +yet it went so far, that by commission and direction money was gathered +in every inn of court; and I myself for my part paid twenty shillings. +But when the queen was informed by her judges that this kind of proceeding +was against law, she gave directions to pay all such sums as were +collected back; and so I (as all the rest of our house, and as I think of other +houses too) had my twenty shillings repaid me again; and privy counsellors +were sent down to all parts, to tell them that it was for the defence +of the realm, and it should be repaid them again." <i>State Trials</i>, iii. 1199.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_397" id="Footnote_397" href="#FNanchor_397"><span class="label">[397]</span></a> Haynes, 518. Hume has exaggerated this, like other facts, in his very +able, but partial, sketch of the constitution in Elizabeth's reign.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_398" id="Footnote_398" href="#FNanchor_398"><span class="label">[398]</span></a> The following are a few specimens, copied from the Lansdowne catalogue. +"Sir Antony Cooke to Sir William Cecil, that he would move +Mr. Peters to recommend Mr. Edward Stanhope to a certain young lady +of Mr. P.'s acquaintance, whom Mr. Stanhope was desirous to marry."—Jan. +25, 1563, lxxi. 73. "Sir John Mason to Sir William Cecil, that +he fears his young landlord, Spelman, has intentions of turning him out +of his house, which will be disagreeable; hopes therefore Sir William C. +will speak in his behalf."—Feb. 4, 1566, <i>id.</i> 74. "Lord Stafford to +Lord Burleigh, to further a match between a certain rich citizen's daughter +and his son; he requests Lord B. to appoint the father to meet him (Lord +Stafford) some day at his house, 'where I will in few words make him so +reasonable an offer as I trust he will not disallow.'"—lxviii. 20. "Lady +Zouch to Lord Burleigh, for his friendly interposition to reconcile Lord +Zouch her husband, who had forsaken her through jealousy."—1593, +lxxiv. 72.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_399" id="Footnote_399" href="#FNanchor_399"><span class="label">[399]</span></a> <i>Biographia Britannica</i>, art. Cecil.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_400" id="Footnote_400" href="#FNanchor_400"><span class="label">[400]</span></a> Townsend's manuscript has been separately published; but I do not +find that D'Ewes has omitted anything of consequence.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_401" id="Footnote_401" href="#FNanchor_401"><span class="label">[401]</span></a> D'Ewes, p. 82; Strype, i. 258, from which latter passage it seems that +Cecil was rather adverse to the proposal.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_402" id="Footnote_402" href="#FNanchor_402"><span class="label">[402]</span></a> D'Ewes, p. 85. The speech which Hume, on D'Ewes's authority, has +put into the queen's mouth at the end of this session, is but an imperfect +copy or abridgment of one which she made in 1566; as D'Ewes himself +afterwards confesses. Her real answer to the speaker in 1563 is in Harrington's +<i>Nugæ Antiquæ</i>, vol. i. p. 80.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_403" id="Footnote_403" href="#FNanchor_403"><span class="label">[403]</span></a> Camden, p. 400.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_404" id="Footnote_404" href="#FNanchor_404"><span class="label">[404]</span></a> The courtiers told the house, that the queen intended to marry in order +to divert them from their request that they would name her successor. +Strype, vol. i. p. 494.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_405" id="Footnote_405" href="#FNanchor_405"><span class="label">[405]</span></a> D'Ewes, p. 128.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_406" id="Footnote_406" href="#FNanchor_406"><span class="label">[406]</span></a> <i>Id.</i> p. 116; Journals, 8th Oct., 25th Nov., 2nd Jan.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_407" id="Footnote_407" href="#FNanchor_407"><span class="label">[407]</span></a> D'Ewes, p. 141.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_408" id="Footnote_408" href="#FNanchor_408"><span class="label">[408]</span></a> D'Ewes, 156, etc. There is no mention of Strickland's business in the +journal.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_409" id="Footnote_409" href="#FNanchor_409"><span class="label">[409]</span></a> Something of this sort seems to have occurred in the session of 1566, +as may be inferred from the lord keeper's reproof to the speaker for calling +her majesty's letters patent in question. <i>Id.</i> 115.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_410" id="Footnote_410" href="#FNanchor_410"><span class="label">[410]</span></a> <i>Id.</i> 158; Journals, 7 Apr.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_411" id="Footnote_411" href="#FNanchor_411"><span class="label">[411]</span></a> Journals, 9 and 10 Apr.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_412" id="Footnote_412" href="#FNanchor_412"><span class="label">[412]</span></a> D'Ewes, 159.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_413" id="Footnote_413" href="#FNanchor_413"><span class="label">[413]</span></a> D'Ewes, 151.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_414" id="Footnote_414" href="#FNanchor_414"><span class="label">[414]</span></a> Bell, I suppose, had reconciled himself to the court, which would have +approved no speaker chosen without its recommendation. There was +always an understanding between this servant of the house and the +government. Proofs and presumptions of this are not unfrequent. In +Strype's <i>Annals</i>, vol. iv. p. 124, we find instructions for the speaker's +speech in 1592, drawn up by Lord Burleigh, as might very likely be the +case on other occasions.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_415" id="Footnote_415" href="#FNanchor_415"><span class="label">[415]</span></a> D'Ewes, 219.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_416" id="Footnote_416" href="#FNanchor_416"><span class="label">[416]</span></a> <i>Id.</i>, 213, 214.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_417" id="Footnote_417" href="#FNanchor_417"><span class="label">[417]</span></a> D'Ewes, 236.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_418" id="Footnote_418" href="#FNanchor_418"><span class="label">[418]</span></a> D'Ewes, 260.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_419" id="Footnote_419" href="#FNanchor_419"><span class="label">[419]</span></a> <i>Id.</i> 282.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_420" id="Footnote_420" href="#FNanchor_420"><span class="label">[420]</span></a> D'Ewes, 410.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_421" id="Footnote_421" href="#FNanchor_421"><span class="label">[421]</span></a> P. 438. Townsend calls this gentleman Davenport, which no doubt +was his true name.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_422" id="Footnote_422" href="#FNanchor_422"><span class="label">[422]</span></a> D'Ewes, 433.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_423" id="Footnote_423" href="#FNanchor_423"><span class="label">[423]</span></a> <i>Id. 440 et post.</i></p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_424" id="Footnote_424" href="#FNanchor_424"><span class="label">[424]</span></a> <i>Id.</i> 470.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_425" id="Footnote_425" href="#FNanchor_425"><span class="label">[425]</span></a> D'Ewes, 474; Townsend, 60.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_426" id="Footnote_426" href="#FNanchor_426"><span class="label">[426]</span></a> <i>Id.</i> 62.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_427" id="Footnote_427" href="#FNanchor_427"><span class="label">[427]</span></a> See the letter in Lodge's <i>Illustrations</i>, vol. iii. 34. Townsend says he +was committed to Sir John Fortescue's keeping, a gentler sort of imprisonment.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_428" id="Footnote_428" href="#FNanchor_428"><span class="label">[428]</span></a> D'Ewes, 470.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_429" id="Footnote_429" href="#FNanchor_429"><span class="label">[429]</span></a> Birch's <i>Memoirs of Elisabeth</i>, i. 96.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_430" id="Footnote_430" href="#FNanchor_430"><span class="label">[430]</span></a> Strype has published, from Lord Burleigh's manuscripts, a speech made +in the parliament of 1589 against the subsidy then proposed. <i>Annals</i>, +vol. iii. Append. 238. Not a word about this occurs in D'Ewes's Journal; +and I mention it as an additional proof how little we can rely on negative +inferences as to proceedings in parliament at this period.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_431" id="Footnote_431" href="#FNanchor_431"><span class="label">[431]</span></a> D'Ewes, 547.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_432" id="Footnote_432" href="#FNanchor_432"><span class="label">[432]</span></a> Their joy and gratitude were rather premature, for her majesty did +not revoke all of them; as appears by Rymer, xvi. 540, and Carte, iii. 712. +A list of them, dated May 1603 (Lodge, iii. 159), seems to imply that they +were still existing.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_433" id="Footnote_433" href="#FNanchor_433"><span class="label">[433]</span></a> D'Ewes, 619, 644, etc.</p> + +<p class="footnote">The speeches made in this parliament are reported more fully than usual +by Heywood Townsend, from whose journal those of most importance +have been transcribed by D'Ewes. Hume has given considerable extracts, +for the sole purpose of inferring from this very debate on monopolies, that +the royal prerogative was, according to the opinion of the House of +Commons itself, hardly subject to any kind of restraint. But the passages +he selects are so unfairly taken (some of them being the mere language of +courtiers, others separated from the context, in order to distort their +meaning), that no one who compares them with the original can acquit +him of extreme prejudice. The adulatory strain in which it was usual to +speak of the sovereign often covered a strong disposition to keep down his +authority. Thus when a Mr. Davies says in this debate: "God hath +given that power to absolute princes, which he attributes to himself—Dixi +quod dii estis;" it would have been seen, if Hume had quoted the following +sentence, that he infers from hence, that justice being a divine attribute, +the king can do nothing that is unjust, and consequently cannot grant +licences to the injury of his subjects. Strong language was no doubt used +in respect of the prerogative. But it is erroneous to assert, with Hume, +that it came equally from the courtiers and country gentlemen, and was +admitted by both. It will chiefly be found in the speeches of Secretary +Cecil, the official defender of prerogative, and of some lawyers. Hume, +after quoting an extravagant speech ascribed to Sergeant Heyle, that +"all we have is her majesty's, and she may lawfully at any time take it +from us; yea, she hath as much right to all our lands and goods as to any +revenue of her crown," observes that Heyle was an eminent lawyer, a man +of character. That Heyle was high in his profession is beyond doubt; +but in that age, as has since, though from the change of times less grossly, +continued to be the case, the most distinguished lawyers notoriously considered +the court and country as plaintiff and defendant in a great suit, +and themselves as their retained advocates. It is not likely, however, that +Heyle should have used the exact words imputed to him. He made, no +doubt, a strong speech for prerogative, but so grossly to transcend all +limits of truth and decency seems even beyond a lawyer seeking office. +Townsend and D'Ewes write with a sort of sarcastic humour, which is not +always to be taken according to the letter. D'Ewes, 433; Townsend, 205.</p> + +<p class="footnote">Hume proceeds to tell us, that it was asserted this session, that the +speaker might either admit or reject bills in the house; and remarks, that +the very proposal of it is a proof at what a low ebb liberty was at that time +in England. There cannot be a more complete mistake. No such assertion +was made; but a member suggested that the speaker might, as the +consuls in the Roman senate used, appoint the order in which bills should +be read; at which speech, it is added, some hissed. D'Ewes, 677. The +present regularity of parliamentary forms, so justly valued by the house, +was yet unknown; and the members called confusedly for the business +they wished to have brought forward.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_434" id="Footnote_434" href="#FNanchor_434"><span class="label">[434]</span></a> <i>Parl. Hist.</i> 958. In the session of 1571, a committee was appointed +to confer with the attorney and solicitor-general about the return of burgesses +from nine places which had not been presented in the last parliament. +But in the end it was "ordered, by Mr. Attorney's assent, that the burgesses +shall remain according to their returns; for that the validity of the +charters of their towns is elsewhere to be examined, if cause be." D'Ewes +p. 156, 159.</p> + +<p class="footnote">D'Ewes observes that it was very common in former times, in order to +avoid the charge of paying wages to their burgesses, that a borough which +had fallen into poverty or decay, either got licence of the sovereign for the +time being to be discharged from electing members, or discontinued it of +themselves; but that of late the members for the most part bearing their +own charges, many of those towns which had thus discontinued their +privilege, renewed it both in Elizabeth's reign and that of James. P. 80. +This could only have been, it is hardly necessary to say, by obtaining +writs out of chancery for that purpose. As to the payment of wages, the +words of D'Ewes intimate that it was not entirely disused. In the session +of 1586, the borough of Grantham complained that Arthur Hall (whose name +now appears for the last time) had sued them for wages due to him as their +representative in the preceding parliament; alleging that, as well by reason +of his negligent attendance and some other offences by him committed in +some of its sessions, as of his promise not to require any such wages, they +ought not to be charged; and a committee having been appointed to +enquire into this, reported that they had requested Mr. Hall to remit his +claim for wages, which he had freely done. D'Ewes, p. 417.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_435" id="Footnote_435" href="#FNanchor_435"><span class="label">[435]</span></a> Strype mentions letters from the council to Mildmay, Sheriff of Essex, +in 1559, about the choice of knights. <i>Annals</i>, v. i. p. 32. And other +instances of interference may be found in the Lansdowne and Harleian +collections. Thus we read that a Mr. Copley used to nominate burgesses +for Gatton, "for that there were no burgesses in the borough." The +present proprietor being a minor in custody of the court of wards, Lord +Burleigh directs the Sheriff of Surrey to make no return without instructions +from himself; and afterwards orders him to cancel the name of +Francis Bacon in his indenture, he being returned for another place, and +to substitute Edward Brown. Harl. MSS. <span class="smcap">DCCIII.</span> 16.</p> + +<p class="footnote">I will introduce in this place, though not belonging to the present reign, +a proof that Henry VIII. did not trust altogether to the intimidating effects +of his despotism for the obedience of parliament, and that his ministers +looked to the management of elections, as their successors have always +done. Sir Robert Sadler writes to some one, whose name does not appear, +to inform him that the Duke of Norfolk had spoken to the king, who was +well content he should be a burgess of Oxford; and that he should "order +himself in the said <i>room</i> according to such instructions as the said Duke +of Norfolk should give him from the king:" if he is not elected at Oxford, +the writer will recommend him to some of "my lord's towns of his bishopric +of Winchester." Cotton MSS. Cleopatra E. iv. 178. Thus we see that +the practice of our government has always been alike; and we may add +the same of the nobility, who interfered with elections full as continually, +and far more openly, than in modern times. The difference is, that a +secretary of the treasury, or peer's agent, does that with some precaution +of secrecy, which the council board, or the peer himself, under the Tudors, +did by express letters to the returning officer; and that the operating +motive is the prospect of a good place in the excise or customs for compliance, +rather than that of lying some months in the Fleet for disobedience.</p> + +<p class="footnote">A very late writer has asserted, as an undoubted fact, which "historic +truth requires to be mentioned," that for the first parliament of Elizabeth, +"five candidates were nominated by the court for each borough, and three +for each county; and by the authority of the sheriffs, the members were +chosen from among the candidates." Butler's <i>Book of the Roman Catholic +Church</i>, p. 225. I never met with any tolerable authority for this, and +believe it to be a mere fabrication; not certainly of Mr. Butler, who is +utterly incapable of a wilful deviation from truth, but of some of those +whom he too implicitly follows.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_436" id="Footnote_436" href="#FNanchor_436"><span class="label">[436]</span></a> D'Ewes, 168.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_437" id="Footnote_437" href="#FNanchor_437"><span class="label">[437]</span></a> Journals, p. 88.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_438" id="Footnote_438" href="#FNanchor_438"><span class="label">[438]</span></a> Holingshed, vol. iii. p. 824 (4to edit.); Hatsell's <i>Precedents</i>, vol. i. p. 53. +Mr. Hatsell inclines too much, in my opinion, to depreciate the authority +of this case, imagining that it was rather as the king's servant, than as a +member of the house, that Ferrers was delivered. But, though Henry +artfully endeavours to rest it chiefly on this ground, it appears to me that +the Commons claim the privilege as belonging to themselves, without the +least reference to this circumstance. If they did not always assert it +afterwards, this negative presumption is very weak, when we consider how +common it was to overlook or recede from precedents, before the constitution +had been reduced into a system. Carte, vol. iii. p. 164, endeavours +to discredit the case of Ferrers as an absolute fable, and certainly points +out some inaccuracy as to dates; but it is highly improbable that the whole +should be an invention. He returns to the subject afterwards (p. 541), +and, with a folly almost inconceivable even in a Jacobite, supposes the +puritans to have fabricated the tale, and prevailed on Holingshed to insert +it in his history.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_439" id="Footnote_439" href="#FNanchor_439"><span class="label">[439]</span></a> Journals, Feb. 22nd and 27th.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_440" id="Footnote_440" href="#FNanchor_440"><span class="label">[440]</span></a> Hatsell, 73, 92, 119.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_441" id="Footnote_441" href="#FNanchor_441"><span class="label">[441]</span></a> <i>Id.</i> 90.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_442" id="Footnote_442" href="#FNanchor_442"><span class="label">[442]</span></a> <i>Id.</i> 97.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_443" id="Footnote_443" href="#FNanchor_443"><span class="label">[443]</span></a> <i>Id.</i> 96.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_444" id="Footnote_444" href="#FNanchor_444"><span class="label">[444]</span></a> <i>Id.</i> 119.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_445" id="Footnote_445" href="#FNanchor_445"><span class="label">[445]</span></a> Journals, 5th and 7th March 1557-8.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_446" id="Footnote_446" href="#FNanchor_446"><span class="label">[446]</span></a> D'Ewes, 291; Hatsell, 93. The latter says, "I cannot but suspect, +that there was some private history in this affair, some particular offence +against the queen, with which we are unacquainted." But I believe the +explanation I have given will be thought more to the purpose; and so far +from having offended the queen, Hall seems to have had a patron in Lord +Burleigh, to whom he wrote many letters, complaining of the Commons, +which are extant in the Lansdowne collection. He seems to have been a +man of eccentric and unpopular character, and had already incurred the +displeasure of the Commons in the session of 1572, when he was ordered +to be warned by the serjeant to appear at the bar "to answer for sundry +lewd speeches used as well in the house as elsewhere." Another entry +records him to have been "charged with seven several articles, but having +humbly submitted himself to the house, and confessed his folly, to have +been upon the question released with a good exhortation from the speaker." +D'Ewes, 207, 212.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_447" id="Footnote_447" href="#FNanchor_447"><span class="label">[447]</span></a> Hatsell, 80.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_448" id="Footnote_448" href="#FNanchor_448"><span class="label">[448]</span></a> D'Ewes, 341.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_449" id="Footnote_449" href="#FNanchor_449"><span class="label">[449]</span></a> D'Ewes, 366. This case, though of considerable importance, is overlooked +by Hatsell, who speaks of that of Hall as the only one before the +long parliament, wherein the Commons have punished the authors of libels +derogatory to their privileges. P. 127. Though he speaks only of libels, +certainly the punishment of words spoken is at least as strong an exercise +of power.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_450" id="Footnote_450" href="#FNanchor_450"><span class="label">[450]</span></a> Journals, 1 Mary, p. 27.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_451" id="Footnote_451" href="#FNanchor_451"><span class="label">[451]</span></a> D'Ewes, 393, etc.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_452" id="Footnote_452" href="#FNanchor_452"><span class="label">[452]</span></a> <i>Id.</i> 430.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_453" id="Footnote_453" href="#FNanchor_453"><span class="label">[453]</span></a> <i>Id.</i> 539.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_454" id="Footnote_454" href="#FNanchor_454"><span class="label">[454]</span></a> <i>Id.</i> 596.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_455" id="Footnote_455" href="#FNanchor_455"><span class="label">[455]</span></a> D'Ewes, 486. Another trifling circumstance may be mentioned to +show the rising spirit of the age. In the session of 1601, Sir Robert Cecil +having proposed that the speaker should <i>attend</i> the lord keeper about some +matter, Sir Edward Hobby took up the word in strong language, as +derogatory to their dignity; and the secretary, who knew, as later ministers +have done, that the Commons are never so unmanageable as on such points +of honour, made a proper apology. <i>Id.</i> 627.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_456" id="Footnote_456" href="#FNanchor_456"><span class="label">[456]</span></a> Birch's <i>Memoirs</i>, i. 97, 120, 152, etc., ii. 129; Bacon's Works, vol. ii. +p. 416, 435.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_457" id="Footnote_457" href="#FNanchor_457"><span class="label">[457]</span></a> Raleigh's <i>Dedication of his Prerogative of Parliaments to James I.</i> +contains terrible things. "The bonds of subjects to their kings should +always be wrought out of iron, the bonds of kings unto subjects but with +cobwebs."—"All binding of a king by law upon the advantage of his +necessity, makes the breach itself lawful in a king; his charters and all +other instruments being no other than the surviving witnesses of his unconstrained +will." The object, however, of the book, is to persuade the king +to call a parliament (about 1613), and we are not to suppose that Raleigh +meant what he said. He was never very scrupulous about truth. In +another of his tracts, entitled <i>The Prince; or, Thesaurus of State</i>, he +holds, though not without flattery towards James, a more reasonable +language. "In every just state some part of the government is or ought +to be impartial to the people; as in a kingdom, a voice or suffrage in +making laws: and sometimes also in levying of arms, if the charge be great +and the prince be forced to borrow help of his subjects, the matter rightly +may be propounded to a parliament, that the tax may seem to have +proceeded from themselves.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_458" id="Footnote_458" href="#FNanchor_458"><span class="label">[458]</span></a> <i>Le Contre Un</i> of La Boetie, the friend of Montaigne, is, as the title +intimates, a vehement philippic against monarchy. It is subjoined to +some editions of the latter's essays. The <i>Franco-Gallia</i> of Hottoman +contains little more than extracts from Fredegarius, Aimoin, and other +ancient writers, to prove the elective character and general freedom of the +monarchy under the two first races. This made a considerable impression +at the time, though the passages in question have been so often quoted +since, that we are almost surprised to find the book so devoid of novelty. +Hubert Languet's <i>Vindicæ contra Tyrannos</i>, published under the name of +Junius Brutus, is a more argumentative discussion of the rights of governors +and their subjects.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_459" id="Footnote_459" href="#FNanchor_459"><span class="label">[459]</span></a> D'Ewes, p. 115.</p> + +<p class="footnote">I have already adverted to Gardiner's resolute assertion of the law +against the prince's single will, as a proof that, in spite of Hume's preposterous +insinuations to the contrary, the English monarchy was known +and acknowledged to be limited. Another testimony may be adduced +from the words of a great protestant churchman. Archbishop Parker, +writing to Cecil to justify himself for not allowing the queen's right to +grant some dispensation in a case of marriage, says, "he would not dispute +of the queen's absolute power, or prerogative royal, how far her highness +might go in following the Roman authority; but he yet doubted, that if +any dispensation should pass from her authority, to any subject, not +avouchable by laws of her realm, made and established by herself and her +three estates, whether that subject be in surety at all times afterwards: +specially seeing there be parliament laws, precisely determining cases of +dispensations." Strype's <i>Parker</i>, 177.</p> + +<p class="footnote">Perhaps, however, there is no more decisive testimony to the established +principles of limited monarchy in the age of Elizabeth, than a circumstance +mentioned in Anderson's <i>Reports</i>, 154. The queen had granted to Mr. +Richard Cavendish an office for issuing certain writs, and directed the +judges to admit him to it, which they neglected (that is, did not think fit) +to do. Cavendish hereupon obtained a letter from her majesty, expressing +her surprise that he was not admitted according to her grant, and commanding +them to sequester the profits of the office for his use, or that of +any other to whom these might appear to be due, as soon as the controversy +respecting the execution of the said office should be decided. It is plain +that some other persons were in possession of these profits, or claimed a +right therein. The judges conceived that they could not lawfully act +according to the said letter and command, because through such a sequestration +of the emoluments, those who claimed a right to issue the writs +would be disseised of their freehold. The queen, informed that they did +not obey the letter, sent another, under the sign manual, in more positive +language, ending in these words: "We look that you and every of you +should dutifully fulfil our commandment herein, and these our letters shall +be your warrant."—21st April 1587. This letter was delivered to the +justices in the presence of the chancellor and Lord Leicester, who were +commissioned to hear their answer, telling them also, that the queen had +granted the patent on account of her great desire to provide for Cavendish. +The judges took a little time to consult what should be said; and, returning +to the Lords, answered that they desired in all respects humbly to obey +her majesty; but, as this case is, could not do so without perjury, which +they well knew the queen would not require, and so went away. Their +answer was reported to the queen, who ordered the chancellor, chief justice +of the king's bench, and master of the rolls, to hear the judges' reasons; and +the queen's council were ordered to attend, when the queen's serjeant began +to show the queen's prerogative to grant the issuing of writs, and showed +precedents. The judges protested in answer, that they had every wish to +assist her majesty to all her rights, but said that this manner of proceeding +was out of course of justice; and gave their reasons, that the right of +issuing these writs and fees incident to it was in the prothonotaries and +others, who claimed it by freehold; who ought to be made to answer, and +not the judges, being more interested therein. This was certainly a little +feeble, but they soon recovered themselves. They were then charged with +having neglected to obey these letters of the queen; which they confessed, +but said that this was no offence or contempt towards her majesty, because +the command was against the law of the land; in which case, they said, +no one is bound to obey such command. When farther pressed, they said +the queen herself was sworn to keep the laws as well as they; and that +they could not obey this command without going against the laws directly +and plainly, against their oaths, and to the offence of God, her majesty, +the country and commonwealth in which they were born and live: so that +if the fear of God were gone from them, yet the examples of others, and +the punishment of those who had formerly transgressed the laws, would +remind them and keep them from such an offence. Then they cited the +Spensers, and Thorp, a judge under Edward III., and precedents of +Richard II.'s time, and of Empson, and the statutes from Magna Charta, +which show what a crime it is for judges to infringe the laws of the land; +and thus, since the queen and the judges were sworn to observe them, they +said that they would not act as was commanded in these letters.</p> + +<p class="footnote">All this was repeated to her majesty for her good allowance of the said +reasons, and which her majesty, as I have heard, says the reporter, took +well; but nothing farther was heard of the business.—Such was the law +and the government, which Mr. Hume has compared to that of Turkey! +It is almost certain, that neither James nor Charles would have made so +discreet a sacrifice of their pride and arbitrary temper; and in this self-command +lay the great superiority of Elizabeth's policy.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_460" id="Footnote_460" href="#FNanchor_460"><span class="label">[460]</span></a> <i>Harborowe of True and Faithful Subjects</i>, 1559. Most of this passage +is quoted by Dr. M'Crie, in his <i>Life of Knox</i>, vol. i. note BB, to whom I +am indebted for pointing it out.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_461" id="Footnote_461" href="#FNanchor_461"><span class="label">[461]</span></a> <i>Commonwealth of England</i>, b. ii. c. 3.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_462" id="Footnote_462" href="#FNanchor_462"><span class="label">[462]</span></a> Bodin says the English ambassador, M. Dail (Mr. Dale), had assured +him, not only that the king may assent to or refuse a bill as he pleases, but +that il ne laisse pas d'en ordonner à son plaisir, et centre la volonté des +estats, comme on a vu Henry VIII. avoir toujours usé de sa puissance +souveraine. He admitted, however, that taxes could only be imposed in +parliament. <i>De la République</i>, l. i. c. 8.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_463" id="Footnote_463" href="#FNanchor_463"><span class="label">[463]</span></a> The misrepresentations of Hume as to the English constitution under +Elizabeth, and the general administration of her reign, have been exposed +since the present chapter was written, by Mr. Brodie, in his <i>History of the +British Empire from the Accession of Charles I. to the Restoration</i>, vol. i. c. 3. +In some respects, Mr. B. seems to have gone too far in an opposite system, +and to represent the practical course of government as less arbitrary than +I can admit it to have been.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_464" id="Footnote_464" href="#FNanchor_464"><span class="label">[464]</span></a> Father Persons, a subtle and lying Jesuit, published in 1594, under the +name of Doleman, a treatise entitled <i>Conference about the next Succession +to the Crown of England</i>. This book is dedicated to Lord Essex, whether +from any hopes entertained of him, or as was then supposed, in order to +injure his fame and his credit with the queen. <i>Sidney Papers</i>, i. 357; +Birch's <i>Memoirs</i>, i. 313. It is written with much art, to show the extreme +uncertainty of the succession, and to perplex men's minds by multiplying +the number of competitors. This, however, is but the second part of his +<i>Conference</i>, the aim of the first being to prove the right of commonwealths +to depose sovereigns, much more to exclude the right heir, especially for +want of true religion. "I affirm and hold," he says, "that for any man +to give his help, consent, or assistance towards the making of a king whom +he judgeth or believeth to be faulty in religion, and consequently would +advance either no religion, or the wrong, if he were in authority, is a most +grievous and damnable sin to him that doth it, of what side soever the +truth be, or how good or bad soever the party be that is preferred."—P. +216. He pretends to have found very few who favour the King of +Scots' title; an assertion by which we may appreciate his veracity. The +protestant party, he tells us, was wont to favour the house of Hertford, +but of late have gone more towards Arabella, whose claim the Lord +Burleigh is supposed to countenance. P. 241. The drift of the whole is +to recommend the infanta, by means of perverted history and bad law, +yet ingeniously contrived to ensnare ignorant persons. In his former +and more celebrated treatise, <i>Leicester's Commonwealth</i>, though he harps +much on the embarrassments attending the succession, Persons argues +with all his power in favour of the Scottish title, Mary being still alive, +and James's return to the faith not desperate. Both these works are full +of the mendacity generally and justly ascribed to his order; yet they are +worthy to be read by any one who is curious about the secret politics of +the queen's reign.</p> + +<p class="footnote">Philip II. held out assurances, that if the English would aid him in +dethroning Elizabeth, a free parliament should elect any catholic sovereign +at their pleasure, not doubting that their choice would fall on the infanta. +He promised also to enlarge the privileges of the people, to give the merchants +a free trade to the Indies, with many other flattering inducements. +Birch's <i>Memoirs</i>, ii. 308. But most of the catholic gentry, it is just to +observe, would never concur in the invasion of the kingdom by foreigners, +preferring the elevation of Arabella, according to the pope's project. +This difference of opinion gave rise, among other causes, to the violent +dissensions of that party in the latter years of Elizabeth's reign; dissensions +that began soon after the death of Mary, in favour of whom they +were all united, though they could never afterwards agree on any project +for the succession. Winwood's <i>Memorials</i>, i. 57; <i>Lettres du Cardinal +d'Ossat</i>, ii. 501.</p> + +<p class="footnote">For the life and character of the famous Father Persons, or Parsons, +above mentioned, see Dodd's <i>Church History</i>, the <i>Biographia Britannica</i>, +or Miss Aikin's <i>James I.</i>, i. 360. Mr. Butler is too favourably inclined +towards a man without patriotism or veracity. Dodd plainly thinks worse +of him than he dares speak.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_465" id="Footnote_465" href="#FNanchor_465"><span class="label">[465]</span></a> D'Ossat, <i>ubi suprà</i>. Clement had, some years before, indulged the idle +hope that France and Spain might unite to conquer England, and either +bestow the kingdom on some catholic prince or divide it between themselves, +as Louis XII. and Ferdinand had done with Naples in 1501; an +example not very inviting to the French. D'Ossat, Henry's minister at +Rome, pointed out the difficulties of such an enterprise, England being the +greatest naval power in the world, and the people warlike. The pope only +replied, that the kingdom had been once conquered, and might be so again; +and especially being governed by an old woman, whom he was ignorant +enough to compare with Joanna II. of Naples. Vol. i. 399. Henry IV. +would not even encourage the project of setting up Arabella, which he +declared to be both unjust and chimerical. <i>Mem. de Sully</i>, l. 15. A knot +of protestants were also busy about the interests of Arabella, or suspected +of being so; Raleigh, Cobham, Northumberland, though perhaps the last +was catholic. Their intrigues occupy a great part of the letters of other +intriguers, Cecil and Lord Henry Howard, in the <i>Secret Correspondence +with King James</i>, published by Sir David Dalrymple, vol. i. <i>passim</i>.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_466" id="Footnote_466" href="#FNanchor_466"><span class="label">[466]</span></a> The explicit declaration on her death-bed ascribed to her by Hume +and most other writers, that her kingsman the King of Scots should +succeed her, is not confirmed by Carey, who was there at the time. "She +was speechless when the council proposed the King of Scots to succeed +her, but put her hand to her head as if in token of approbation." E. of +Monmouth's <i>Memoirs</i>, p. 176. But her uniform conduct shows her +intentions. See, however, D'Israeli's <i>Curiosities of Literature</i>, iii. 107.</p> + +<p class="footnote">It is impossible to justify Elizabeth's conduct towards James in his own +kingdom. What is best to be said for it is, that his indiscretion, his +suspicious intrigues at Rome and Madrid, the dangerous influence of his +favourites, and the evident purpose of the court of Spain to make him its +tool, rendered it necessary to keep a very strict watch over his proceedings. +If she excited the peers and presbyters of Scotland against their king, he +was not behind her in some of the last years of her reign. It appears by a +letter from the Earl of Mar, in Dalrymple's <i>Secret Correspondence</i>, p. 2, +that James had hopes of a rebellion in England in 1601, which he would +have had no scruple in abetting. And a letter from him to Tyrone, in the +Lansdowne MSS. lxxxiv. 36, dated 22nd Dec. 1597, when the latter +was at least preparing for rebellion, though rather cautious, is full of expressions +of favour, and of promises to receive his assistance thankfully at the +queen's death. This letter being found in the collection once belonging +to Sir Michael Hicks, must have been in Lord Burleigh's, and probably in +Elizabeth's hands; it would not make her less inclined to instigate conspiracies +across the Tweed. The letter is not an original, and may have +been communicated by some one about the King of Scots in the pay of +England.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_467" id="Footnote_467" href="#FNanchor_467"><span class="label">[467]</span></a> See Burnet, vol. i, Appendix 267, for Secretary Lethington's letter to +Cecil, where he tells a circumstantial story so positively, and so open, if +false, to a contradiction it never received, that those who lay too much +stress on this very equivocal species of presumption would, if the will had +perished, have reckoned its forgery beyond question. The king's death +approaching, he asserts, "some as well known to you as to me caused +William Clarke, sometimes servant to Thomas Heneage, to sign the supposed +will with a stamp, for otherwise signed it was never;" for which +he appeals to an attestation of the late Lord Paget in parliament, and +requests the depositions of several persons now living to be taken. He +proceeds to refer him "to the original will surmised to be signed with the +king's own hand, that thereby it may most clearly and evidently appear +by some differences, how the same was not signed with the king's hand, +but stamped as aforesaid. And albeit it is used both as an argument and +calumniation against my sovereign by some, that the said original hath +been embezzled in Queen Mary's time, I trust God will and hath reserved +the same to be an instrument to relieve [prove] the truth, and to confound +false surmises, that thereby the right may take place, notwithstanding the +many exemplifications and transcripts, which being sealed with the great +seal, do run abroad in England." Lesley, Bishop of Ross, repeats the same +story with some additions. Bedford's <i>Hereditary Right</i>, p. 197. A treatise +of Hales, for which he suffered imprisonment, in defence of the Suffolk +title under the will, of which there is a manuscript in the British Museum, +Harl. MSS. 537, and which is also printed in the appendix to the book last +quoted, leads me to conjecture that the original will had been mislaid or +rather concealed at that time. For he certainly argues on the supposition +that it was not forthcoming, and had not himself seen it; but "he has +been informed that the king's name is evidently written with a pen, though +some of the strokes are unseen, as if drawn by a weak and trembling hand." +Everyone who has seen the will must bear witness to the correctness of +this information. The reappearance of this very remarkable instrument +was, as I conceive, after the Revolution; for Collier mentions that he had +heard it was in existence; and it is also described in a note to the <i>Acta +Regia</i>.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_468" id="Footnote_468" href="#FNanchor_468"><span class="label">[468]</span></a> It is right to mention, that some difference of opinion exists as to the +genuineness of Henry's signature. But as it is attested by many witnesses, +and cannot be proved a forgery, the legal presumption turns much in its +favour.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_469" id="Footnote_469" href="#FNanchor_469"><span class="label">[469]</span></a> Bedford's (Harbin's) <i>Hereditary Right Asserted</i>, p. 204.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_470" id="Footnote_470" href="#FNanchor_470"><span class="label">[470]</span></a> A manuscript in the Cottonian library, Faustina A. xi., written about +1562 in a very hostile spirit, endeavours to prove from the want of testimony, +and from some variances in their depositions (not very material +ones), that their allegations of matrimony could not be admitted, and that +they had incurred an ecclesiastical censure for fornication. But another, +which I have also found in the Museum, Harl. MSS. 6286, contains the +whole proceedings and evidence, from which I have drawn the conclusion +in the text. Their ignorance of the clergyman who performed the ceremony +is not perhaps very extraordinary; he seems to have been one of +those vagabond ecclesiastics, who, till the marriage act of 1752, were +always ready to do that service for a fee.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_471" id="Footnote_471" href="#FNanchor_471"><span class="label">[471]</span></a> "Hereupon I shall add, what I have heard related from persons of +great credit, which is, that the validity of this marriage was afterwards +brought to a trial at the common law; when the minister who married +them being present, and other circumstances agreeing, the jury (whereof +John Digby of Coleshill, in com. War. esquire, was the foreman) found it +a good marriage." <i>Baronage of England</i>, part ii. 369. Mr. Luders doubts +the accuracy of Dugdale's story; and I think it not unlikely that it is a +confused account of what happened in the court of wards.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_472" id="Footnote_472" href="#FNanchor_472"><span class="label">[472]</span></a> I derive this fact from a Cotton MS. Vitellius C. xvi. 412, etc.; but the +volume is much burned, and the papers confused with others relative to +Lord Essex's divorce. See as to the same suit, or rather perhaps that +mentioned in the next note, Birch's <i>Negotiations</i>, p. 219, or Aikin's +<i>James I.</i> i. 225.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_473" id="Footnote_473" href="#FNanchor_473"><span class="label">[473]</span></a> "The same day a great cause between the Lord Beauchamp and +Monteagle was heard in the court of wards, the main point whereof was to +prove the lawfulness of E. of Hertford's marriage. The court sat until +five of the clock in the afternoon, and the jury had a week's respite for +the delivery of their verdict." Letter of Sir E. Hoby to Sir T. Edmonds, +Feb. 10, 1606. "For my lord of Hertford's cause, when the verdict was +ready to be given up, Mr. Attorney interposed himself for the king, and +said that the land that they both strove for was the king's, and until his +title were decided, the jury ought not to proceed; not doubting but the +king will be gracious to both lords. But thereby both land and legitimation +remain undecided." The same to the same March 7. Sloane MSS. +4176.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_474" id="Footnote_474" href="#FNanchor_474"><span class="label">[474]</span></a> Dugdale's <i>Baronage</i>; Luders' <i>Essay on the Right of Succession to the +Crown in the Reign of Elizabeth</i>. This ingenious author is, I believe, the +first who has taken the strong position as to the want of legal title to the +house of Stuart which I have endeavoured to support. In the entertaining +letters of Joseph Mede on the news of the day (Harl. MSS. 389), it is said +that the king had thoughts of declaring Hertford's issue by Lady Catherine +Grey illegitimate in the parliament of 1621, and that Lord Southampton's +commitment was for having searched for proofs of their marriage. June +30, 1622.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_475" id="Footnote_475" href="#FNanchor_475"><span class="label">[475]</span></a> Luders, <i>ubi suprà</i>.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_476" id="Footnote_476" href="#FNanchor_476"><span class="label">[476]</span></a> The representative of the title of Mary Brandon, Duchess of Suffolk, +that is, the person on whom the claim has descended, according to the +rules which determine the succession of the crown, on the supposition that +Hertford was duly married to Catherine Grey, is the present Duchess of +Buckingham; upon the contrary supposition, the Marquis of Stafford. +This is, of course, if we may take for granted the accuracy of common books +of genealogy. I have not adverted to one objection which some urged +at the time, as we find by Persons's treatises, <i>Leicester's Commonwealth</i>, +and the <i>Conference</i>, to the legitimacy of the Seymours. Catherine Grey +had been betrothed, or perhaps married, to Lord Herbert, son of the Earl +of Pembroke, during the brilliant days of her family, at the close of +Edward's reign. But on her father's fall Pembroke caused a sentence of +divorce to be pronounced, the grounds of which do not appear, but which +was probably sufficient in law to warrant her subsequent union with +Hertford. No advantage is taken of this in the proceedings, which seems +to show that there was no legal bond remaining between the parties. +Camden says she was divorced from Lord Herbert, "being so far gone with +child, as to be very near her time." But from her youth at the time, +and the silence of all other writers, I conclude this to be unworthy of +credit.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_477" id="Footnote_477" href="#FNanchor_477"><span class="label">[477]</span></a> Bolingbroke is of this opinion; considering the act of recognition as +"the æra of hereditary right, and of all those exalted notions concerning +the power of prerogative of kings and the sacredness of their persons." +<i>Dissertation on Parties</i>, Letter II.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_478" id="Footnote_478" href="#FNanchor_478"><span class="label">[478]</span></a> Stat. 1 Jac. c. 1.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_479" id="Footnote_479" href="#FNanchor_479"><span class="label">[479]</span></a> This is confirmed by a curious little tract in the British Museum, +Sloane MSS. 827, containing a short history of the queen's death, and new +king's accession. It affords a good contemporary illustration of the various +feelings which influenced men at this crisis, and is written in a dispassionate +manner. The author ascribes the loss of Elizabeth's popularity to the +impoverishment of the realm, and to the abuses which prevailed. Carte +says, "foreigners were shocked on James's arrival at the applause of the +populace who had professed to adore the late queen, but in fact she had +no huzzas after Essex's execution. She was in four days' time as much +forgot as if she had never existed, by all the world, and even by her own +servants." Vol. iii. p. 707. This is exaggerated, and what Carte could +not know; but there is no doubt that the generality were glad of a change.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_480" id="Footnote_480" href="#FNanchor_480"><span class="label">[480]</span></a> Carte, no foe surely to the house of Stuart, says: "By the time he +reached London, the admiration of the intelligent world was turned into +contempt." On this journey he gave a remarkable proof of his hasty +temper and disregard of law, in ordering a pickpocket taken in the fact to +be hanged without trial. The historian last quoted thinks fit to say in +vindication, that "all felonies committed within the verge of the court are +cognizable in the court of the king's household," referring to 33 H. 8, c. i. +This act, however, contains no such thing; nor does any court appear to +have been held. Though the man's notorious guilt might prevent any +open complaint of so illegal a proceeding, it did not fail to excite observation. +"I hear our new king," says Sir John Harrington, "has hanged +one man before he was tried; it is strangely done: now if the wind bloweth +thus, why may not a man be tried before he has offended?" <i>Nugæ +Antiquæ</i>, vol. i. p. 180.</p> + +<p class="footnote">Birch and Carte tell us, on the authority of the French ambassador's +despatches, that on this journey he expressed a great contempt for women, +suffering them to be presented on their knees, and indiscreetly censuring +his own wife; that he offended the military men by telling them they might +sheathe their swords, since peace was his object; that he showed impatience +of the common people who flocked to see him while hunting, +driving them away with curses, very unlike the affable manners of the +late queen. This is confirmed by Wilson, in Kennet's <i>Complete History</i>, +vol. ii. p. 667.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_481" id="Footnote_481" href="#FNanchor_481"><span class="label">[481]</span></a> Sully, being sent over to compliment James on his accession, persisted +in wearing mourning for Elizabeth, though no one had done so in the king's +presence, and he was warned that it would be taken ill; "dans une cour +où il sembloit qu'on eût si fort affecté de mettre en oubli cette grande reine +qu'on n'y faisoit jamais mention d'elle, et qu'on évitoit même de prononcer +son nom." <i>Mém. de Sully</i>, l. 14. James afterwards spoke slightingly to +Sully of his predecessor, and said that he had long ruled England through +her ministers.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_482" id="Footnote_482" href="#FNanchor_482"><span class="label">[482]</span></a> It was subscribed by 825 ministers from twenty-five counties. It +states, that neither as factious men desiring a popular party in the church, +nor as schismatics aiming at the dissolution of the state ecclesiastical, they +humbly desired the redress of some abuses. Their objections were chiefly +to the cap and surplice, the cross in baptism, baptism by women, confirmation, +the ring in marriage, the reading of the Apocrypha, bowing at the +name of Jesus, etc.; to non-residence and incapable ministers, the commendams +held by bishops, unnecessary excommunications, and other usual +topics. Neal, p. 408; Fuller, part ii. p. 22.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_483" id="Footnote_483" href="#FNanchor_483"><span class="label">[483]</span></a> The puritans seem to have flattered themselves that James would +favour their sect, on the credit of some strong assertions he had occasionally +made of his adherence to the Scots kirk. Some of these were a +good while before; but on quitting the kingdom he had declared that he +left it in a state which he did not intend to alter. Neal, 406. James, +however, was all his life rather a bold liar than a good dissembler. It +seems strange that they should not have attended to his <i>Basilicon Doron</i>, +printed three years before, though not for general circulation, wherein +there is a passage quite decisive of his disposition towards the presbyterians +and their scheme of polity. The Millenary Petition indeed did not +go so far as to request anything of that kind.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_484" id="Footnote_484" href="#FNanchor_484"><span class="label">[484]</span></a> Strype's <i>Whitgift</i>, p. 571; Collier, p. 675; Neal, p. 411; Fuller, part ii. +p. 7.; <i>State Trials</i>, vol. ii. p. 69; <i>Phœnix Britannicus</i>, i. 141; Winwood, +ii. 13. All these, except the last, are taken from an account of the conference +published by Barlow, and probably more favourable to the king +and bishops than they deserved. See what Harrington, an eye-witness, +says in <i>Nugæ Antiquæ</i>, i. 181, which I would quote as the best evidence +of James's behaviour, were the passage quite decent.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_485" id="Footnote_485" href="#FNanchor_485"><span class="label">[485]</span></a> Reynolds, the principal disputant on the puritan side, was nearly, if +not altogether, the most learned man in England. He was censured by +his faction for making a weak defence; but the king's partiality and +intemperance plead his apology. He is said to have complained of unfair +representation in Barlow's account. <i>Hist. and Ant. of Oxford</i>, ii. 293. +James wrote a conceited letter to one Blake, boasting of his own superior +logic and learning. Strype's <i>Whitgift</i>, Append. 239.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_486" id="Footnote_486" href="#FNanchor_486"><span class="label">[486]</span></a> Rymer, xvi. 565.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_487" id="Footnote_487" href="#FNanchor_487"><span class="label">[487]</span></a> Strype's <i>Whitgift</i>, 587. How desirous men not at all connected in +faction with the puritans were of amendments in the church, appears by a +tract of Bacon, written, as it seems, about the end of 1603, vol. i. p. 387.—He +excepts to several matters of ceremony; the cap and surplice, the ring +in marriage, the use of organs, the form of absolution, lay-baptism, etc.; +and inveighs against the abuse of excommunication, against non-residence +and pluralities, the oath <i>ex officio</i>, the sole exercise of ordination and jurisdiction +by the bishop, conceiving that the dean and chapter should always +assent, etc. And, in his predominant spirit of improvement, asks, "Why +the civil state should be purged and restored by good and wholesome laws +made every three or four years in parliament assembled, devising remedies +as fast as time breedeth mischief; and contrariwise the ecclesiastical state +should still continue upon the dregs of time, and receive no alteration now +for these forty-five years or more?</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_488" id="Footnote_488" href="#FNanchor_488"><span class="label">[488]</span></a> <i>Id. ibid.</i></p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_489" id="Footnote_489" href="#FNanchor_489"><span class="label">[489]</span></a> Neal, 432; Winwood, ii. 36.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_490" id="Footnote_490" href="#FNanchor_490"><span class="label">[490]</span></a> See one of the <i>Somers Tracts</i>, vol. ii. p. 144, entitled "Advertisements +of a Loyal Subject, drawn from the Observation of the People's Speeches." +This appears to have been written before the meeting of parliament. The +French ambassadors, Sully and La Boderie, thought most contemptibly of +the king. Lingard, vol. ix. p. 107. His own courtiers, as their private +letters show, disliked and derided him.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_491" id="Footnote_491" href="#FNanchor_491"><span class="label">[491]</span></a> King James's Works, p. 207.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_492" id="Footnote_492" href="#FNanchor_492"><span class="label">[492]</span></a> <i>Parl. Hist.</i> i. 967.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_493" id="Footnote_493" href="#FNanchor_493"><span class="label">[493]</span></a> Commons' Journals, i. 166.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_494" id="Footnote_494" href="#FNanchor_494"><span class="label">[494]</span></a> It appears that some of the more eager patriots were dissatisfied at the +concession made by vacating Goodwin's seat, and said they had drawn +on themselves the reproach of inconstancy and levity. "But the acclamation +of the house was, that it was a testimony of our duty, and no levity." +It was thought expedient, however, to save their honour, that Goodwin +should send a letter to the speaker expressing his acquiescence. P. 168.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_495" id="Footnote_495" href="#FNanchor_495"><span class="label">[495]</span></a> Commons' Journals, 147, etc.; <i>Parl. Hist.</i> 997; Carte, iii. 730, who +gives, on this occasion, a review of the earlier cases where the house had +entered on matters of election. See also a rather curious letter of Cecil +in Winwood's <i>Memorials</i>, ii. 18, where he artfully endeavours to treat the +matter as of little importance.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_496" id="Footnote_496" href="#FNanchor_496"><span class="label">[496]</span></a> Commons' Journals, page 155, etc.; <i>Parl. Hist.</i> 1028; Carte, 734.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_497" id="Footnote_497" href="#FNanchor_497"><span class="label">[497]</span></a> 1 Jac. i. c. 13.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_498" id="Footnote_498" href="#FNanchor_498"><span class="label">[498]</span></a> By one of these canons, all persons affirming any of the thirty-nine +articles to be erroneous are excommunicated <i>ipso facto</i>; consequently +become incapable of being witnesses, of suing for their debts, etc. Neal, +428. But the courts of law disregarded these <i>ipso facto</i> excommunications.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_499" id="Footnote_499" href="#FNanchor_499"><span class="label">[499]</span></a> <i>Somers Tracts</i>, ii. 14; Journals, 199, 235, 238; <i>Parl. Hist.</i> 1067. It +is here said, that a bill restraining excommunications passed into a law, +which does not appear to be true, though James himself had objected to +their frequency. I cannot trace such a bill in the journals beyond the +committee, nor is it in the statute-book. The fact is, that the king desired +the house to confer on the subject with the convocation, which they justly +deemed unprecedented, and derogatory to their privileges; but offered to +confer with the bishops, as lords of parliament. Journals, 173.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_500" id="Footnote_500" href="#FNanchor_500"><span class="label">[500]</span></a> Bacon's Works, i. 624; Journals, 190, 215.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_501" id="Footnote_501" href="#FNanchor_501"><span class="label">[501]</span></a> Commons' Journals, 150, etc.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_502" id="Footnote_502" href="#FNanchor_502"><span class="label">[502]</span></a> Journals, 246.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_503" id="Footnote_503" href="#FNanchor_503"><span class="label">[503]</span></a> Journals, 230.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_504" id="Footnote_504" href="#FNanchor_504"><span class="label">[504]</span></a> <i>Parl. Hist.</i> 1030, from Petyt's <i>Jus Parliamentarium</i>, the earliest book, +as far as I know, where this important document is preserved. The entry +on the Journals, p. 243, contains only the first paragraph. Hume and +Carte have been ignorant of it. It is just alluded to by Rapin.</p> + +<p class="footnote">It is remarked that the attendance of members in this session was more +frequent than had ever been known, so that fresh seats were required. +Journals, 141.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_505" id="Footnote_505" href="#FNanchor_505"><span class="label">[505]</span></a> "My faithful 3, such is now my misfortune, as I must be for this time +secretary to the devil in answering your letters directed unto him. That +the entering now into the matter of the subsidy should be deferred until +the council's next meeting with me, I think no ways convenient, especially +for three reasons. First, ye see it has bin already longest delayd of anything, +and yet yee see the lower house are ever the longer the further +from it; and (as in everything that concerns mee) delay of time does never +turn them towards mee, but, by the contrary, every hour breedeth a new +trick of contradiction amongst them, and every day produces new matter +of sedition, so fertile are their brains in ever buttering forth venome. +Next, the Parlt. is now so very near an end, as this matter can suffer no +longer delay. And thirdly, if this be not granted unto before they receive +my answer unto their petition, it needs never to be moved, for the will of +man or angel cannot devise a pleasing answer to their proposition, except +I should pull the crown not only from my own head, but also from the head +of all those that shall succeed unto mee, and lay it down at their feet. +And that freedom of uttering my thoughts, which no extremity, strait nor +peril of my life could ever bereave mee of in time past, shall now remain +with me, as long as the soul shall with the body. And as for the Reservations +of the Bill of Tonnage and Poundage, yee of the Upper House must +out of your Love and Discretion help it again or otherwise they will in this, +as in all things else that concern mee, wrack both me and all my Posterity. +Yee may impart this to little 10 and bigg Suffolk. And so Farewell from +my Wildernesse, wch I had rather live in (as God shall judge mee) like an +Hermite in this Forrest, then be a King over such a People as the pack +of Puritans are that over-rules the lower house. +<span class="flright"> +J. R."</span></p> + +<p class="footnote center">MS. penes autorem.</p> + +<p class="footnote">I cannot tell who is addressed in this letter by the numeral 3; perhaps +the Earl of Dunbar. By 10 we must doubtless understand Salisbury.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_506" id="Footnote_506" href="#FNanchor_506"><span class="label">[506]</span></a> <i>Parl. Hist. Journals</i>, 274, 278, etc. In a conference with the Lords on +this bill, Mr. Hare, a member, spoke so warmly, as to give their lordships +offence, and to incur some reprehension. "You would have thought," +says Sir Thomas Hoby, in a manuscript letter in the Museum, Sloane MSS. +4161, "that Hare and Hyde represented two tribunes of the people." +But the Commons resented this infringement on their privileges, and after +voting that Mr. Hare did not err in his employment in the committee with +the Lords, sent a message to inform the other house of their vote, and to +request that they "would forbear hereafter any taxations and reprehensions +in their conferences." Journals, 20th and 22nd Feb.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_507" id="Footnote_507" href="#FNanchor_507"><span class="label">[507]</span></a> Journals, 316.</p> + +<p class="footnote">An acute historical critic doubts whether James aimed at an union of +legislatures, though suggested by Bacon. Laing's <i>Hist. of Scotland</i>, iii. 17. +It is certain that his own speeches on the subject do not mention this; nor +do I know that it was ever distinctly brought forward by the government; +yet it is hard to see how the incorporation could have been complete +without it. Bacon not only contemplates the formation of a single parliament, +but the alterations necessary to give it effect (vol. i. p. 638), +suggesting that the previous commission of lords of articles might be +adopted for some, though not for all purposes. This of itself was a sufficient +justification for the dilatoriness of the English parliament. Nor +were the common lawyers who sat in the house much better pleased with +Bacon's schemes for remodelling all our laws. See his speech (vol. i. p. 654) +for naturalising the ante-nati. In this he asserts the kingdom not to be +fully peopled; "the territories of France, Italy, Flanders, and some parts +of Germany, do in equal space of ground bear and contain a far greater +quantity of people, if they were mustered by the poll;" and even goes +on to assert the population to have been more considerable under the +heptarchy.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_508" id="Footnote_508" href="#FNanchor_508"><span class="label">[508]</span></a> It was held by twelve judges out of fourteen, in Calvin's case, that the +post-nati, or Scots born after the king's accession, were natural subjects +of the King of England. This is laid down, and irresistibly demonstrated, +by Coke, then chief justice, with his abundant legal learning. <i>State Trials</i>, +vol. ii. 559.</p> + +<p class="footnote">It may be observed, that the high-flying creed of prerogative mingled +itself intimately with this question of naturalisation; which was much +argued on the monarchical principle of personal allegiance to the sovereign, +as opposed to the half-republican theory that lurked in the contrary +proposition. "Allegiance," says Lord Bacon, "is of a greater extent and +dimension than laws or kingdoms, and cannot consist by the laws merely, +because it began before laws; it continueth after laws, and it is in vigour +when laws are suspended and have not had their force." <i>Id.</i> 596. So +Lord Coke: "Whatsoever is due by the law or constitution of man +may be altered; but natural legiance or obedience of the subject to the +sovereign cannot be altered; ergo, natural legiance or obedience to the +sovereign is not due by the law or constitution of man."—652.</p> + +<p class="footnote">There are many doubtful positions scattered through the judgment in +this famous case. Its surest basis is the long series of precedents, evincing +that the natives of Jersey, Guernsey, Calais, and even Normandy and +Guienne, while these countries appertained to the kings of England, +though not in right of its crown, were never reputed aliens.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_509" id="Footnote_509" href="#FNanchor_509"><span class="label">[509]</span></a> The house had lately expelled Sir Christopher Pigott for reflecting on +the Scots nation in a speech. Journals, 13th Feb. 1607.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_510" id="Footnote_510" href="#FNanchor_510"><span class="label">[510]</span></a> Commons' Journals, 366.</p> + +<p class="footnote">The journals are full of notes of these long discussions about the union +in 1604, 1606, 1607, and even 1610. It is easy to perceive a jealousy that +the prerogative by some means or other would be the gainer. The very +change of name to Great Britain was objected to. One said, we cannot +legislate for Great Britain. P. 186. Another, with more astonishing +sagacity, feared that the king might succeed, by what the lawyers call +<i>remitter</i>, to the prerogatives of the British kings before Julius Cæsar, which +would supersede Magna Charta. P. 185.</p> + +<p class="footnote">James took the title of King of Great Britain in the second year of his +reign. Lord Bacon drew a well-written proclamation on that occasion. +Bacon, i. 621; Rymer, xvi. 603. But it was, not long afterwards, +abandoned.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_511" id="Footnote_511" href="#FNanchor_511"><span class="label">[511]</span></a> Commons' Journals, p. 370.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_512" id="Footnote_512" href="#FNanchor_512"><span class="label">[512]</span></a> P. 377.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_513" id="Footnote_513" href="#FNanchor_513"><span class="label">[513]</span></a> Commons' Journals, p. 384.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_514" id="Footnote_514" href="#FNanchor_514"><span class="label">[514]</span></a> James entertained the strange notion that the war with Spain ceased +by his accession to the throne. By a proclamation dated 23rd June 1603, +he permits his subjects to keep such ships as had been captured by them +before the 24th April, but orders all taken since to be restored to the +owners. Rymer, xvi. 516. He had been used to call the Dutch rebels, +and was probably kept with difficulty by Cecil from displaying his partiality +still more outrageously. Carte, iii. 714. All the council, except +this minister, are said to have been favourable to peace. <i>Id.</i> 938.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_515" id="Footnote_515" href="#FNanchor_515"><span class="label">[515]</span></a> Winwood, vol. ii. 100, 152, etc.; Birch's <i>Negotiations of Edmondes</i>. If +we may believe Sir Charles Cornwallis, our ambassador at Madrid, "England +never lost such an opportunity of winning honour and wealth, as by +relinquishing the war." The Spaniards were astonished how peace could +have been obtained on such advantageous conditions. Winwood, p. 75.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_516" id="Footnote_516" href="#FNanchor_516"><span class="label">[516]</span></a> Bacon, i. 663; Journals, p. 341. Carte says, on the authority of the +French ambassador's despatches, that the ministry secretly put forward +this petition of the Commons in order to frighten the Spanish court into +making compensation to the merchants, wherein they succeeded. iii. 766. +This is rendered very improbable by Salisbury's behaviour. It was Carte's +mistake to rely too much on the despatches he was permitted to read in +the Dépôt des Affaires Etrangères; as if an ambassador were not liable to +be deceived by rumours in a country of which he has in general too little +knowledge to correct them.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_517" id="Footnote_517" href="#FNanchor_517"><span class="label">[517]</span></a> There was a duty on wool, woolfells, and leather, called magna, or +sometimes antiqua custuma, which is said in Dyer to have been by prescription, +and by the barons in Bates's case to have been imposed by the +king's prerogative. As this existed before the 25th Edward I., it is not +very material whether it were so imposed, or granted by parliament. +During the discussion, however, which took place in 1610, a record was +discovered of 3 Edw. I. proving it to have been granted par tous les +grauntz del realme, par la prière des comunes des marchants de tout +Engleterre. Hale, 146. The prisage of wines, or duty of two tons from +every vessel, is considerably more ancient; but how the Crown came by +this right does not appear.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_518" id="Footnote_518" href="#FNanchor_518"><span class="label">[518]</span></a> Dyer, fol. 165. An argument of the great lawyer Plowden in this case +of the queen's increasing the duty on cloths is in the British Museum, +Hargrave MSS. 32, and seems, as far as the difficult handwriting permitted +me to judge, adverse to the prerogative.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_519" id="Footnote_519" href="#FNanchor_519"><span class="label">[519]</span></a> This case I have had the good fortune to discover in one of Mr. Hargrave's +MSS. in the Museum, 132, fol. 66. It is in the handwriting of +Chief Justice Hyde (temp. Car. I.), who has written in the margin: "This +is the report of a case in my lord Dyer's written original, but is not in the +printed books." The reader will judge for himself why it was omitted, +and why the entry of the former case breaks off so abruptly. "Philip and +Mary granted to the town of Southampton that all malmsy wines should +be landed at that port under penalty of paying treble custom. Some +merchants of Venice having landed wines elsewhere, an information was +brought against them in the exchequer (1 Eliz.), and argued several times +in the presence of all the judges. Eight were of opinion against the letters +patent, among whom Dyer and Catlin, chief justices, as well for the +principal matter of restraint in the landing of malmsies at the will and +pleasure of the merchants, for that it was against the laws, statutes, and +customs of the realm (Magna Charta, c. 30; 9 E. 3; 14 E. 3; 25 E. 3, c. 2; +27 E. 3; 28 E. 3; 2 R. 2, c. 1, and others), as also in the assessment of +treble custom, <i>which is merely against the law</i>; also the prohibition above +said was held to be private, and not public. But Baron Lake <i>e contra</i>, +and Browne J. <i>censuit deliberandum</i>. And after, at an after meeting the +same Easter term at Serjeants' Inn, it was resolved as above. And after by +parliament (5 Eliz.) the patent was confirmed and affirmed against aliens.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_520" id="Footnote_520" href="#FNanchor_520"><span class="label">[520]</span></a> Bacon, i. 521.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_521" id="Footnote_521" href="#FNanchor_521"><span class="label">[521]</span></a> Hale's <i>Treatise on the Customs</i>, part 3; in Hargrave's <i>Collection of Law +Tracts</i>. See also the preface by Hargrave to Bates's case, in the <i>State +Trials</i>, where this most important question is learnedly argued.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_522" id="Footnote_522" href="#FNanchor_522"><span class="label">[522]</span></a> He had previously published letters patent, setting a duty of six +shillings and eight-pence a pound, in addition to two-pence already payable, +on tobacco; intended no doubt to operate as a prohibition of a drug he so +much hated. Rymer, xvi. 602.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_523" id="Footnote_523" href="#FNanchor_523"><span class="label">[523]</span></a> <i>State Trials</i>, ii. 371.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_524" id="Footnote_524" href="#FNanchor_524"><span class="label">[524]</span></a> Hale's <i>Treatise on the Customs</i>. These were perpetual, "to be for ever +hereafter paid to the king and his successors, on pain of his displeasure." +<i>State Trials</i>, 481.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_525" id="Footnote_525" href="#FNanchor_525"><span class="label">[525]</span></a> Journals, 295, 297.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_526" id="Footnote_526" href="#FNanchor_526"><span class="label">[526]</span></a> Mr. Hakewill's speech, though long, will repay the diligent reader's +trouble, as being a very luminous and masterly statement of this great +argument. <i>State Trials</i>, ii. 407. The extreme inferiority of Bacon, who +sustained the cause of prerogative, must be apparent to every one. <i>Id.</i> +345. Sir John Davis makes somewhat a better defence; his argument is, +that the king may lay an embargo on trade, so as to prevent it entirely, +and consequently may annex conditions to it. <i>Id.</i> 399. But to this it +was answered, that the king can only lay a temporary embargo, for the +sake of some public good, not prohibit foreign trade altogether.</p> + +<p class="footnote">As to the king's prerogative of restraining foreign trade, see extracts +from Hale's MS. Treatise de Jure Coronæ, in Hargrave's Preface to +<i>Collection of Law Tracts</i>, p. xxx. etc. It seems to have been chiefly as to +exportation of corn.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_527" id="Footnote_527" href="#FNanchor_527"><span class="label">[527]</span></a> Aikin's <i>Memoirs of James I.</i> i. 350. This speech justly gave offence. +"The 21st of this present (May 1610)," says a correspondent of Sir Ralph +Winwood, "he made another speech to both the houses, but so little to +their satisfaction that I hear it bred generally much discomfort to see our +monarchical power and royal prerogative strained so high, and made so +transcendent every way, that if the practice should follow the positions, +we are not likely to leave to our successors that freedom we received from +our forefathers; nor make account of anything we have, longer than they +list that govern." Winwood, iii. 175. The traces of this discontent +appear in short notes of the debate. Journals, p. 430.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_528" id="Footnote_528" href="#FNanchor_528"><span class="label">[528]</span></a> Journals, 431.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_529" id="Footnote_529" href="#FNanchor_529"><span class="label">[529]</span></a> <i>Somers Tracts</i>, vol. ii. 159; in the Journals much shorter.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_530" id="Footnote_530" href="#FNanchor_530"><span class="label">[530]</span></a> These canons were published in 1690 from a copy belonging to Bishop +Overall, with Sancroft's imprimatur. The title-page runs in an odd expression: +"Bishop Overall's Convocation-Book concerning the Government +of God's Catholic Church and the Kingdoms of the whole World." The +second canon is as follows: "If any man shall affirm that men at the +first ran up and down in woods and fields, etc., until they were taught by +experience the necessity of government; and that therefore they chose +some among themselves to order and rule the rest, giving them power and +authority so to do; and that consequently all civil power, jurisdiction, +and authority, was first derived from the people and disordered multitude, +or either is originally still in them, or else is deduced by their consent +naturally from them, and is not God's ordinance, originally descending from +him and depending upon him, he doth greatly err."—P. 3.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_531" id="Footnote_531" href="#FNanchor_531"><span class="label">[531]</span></a> Coke's 2nd Institute, 601; Collier, 688; <i>State Trials</i>, ii. 131. See too +an angry letter of Bancroft, written about 1611 (Strype's <i>Life of Whitgift</i>, +Append. 227), wherein he inveighs against the common lawyers and the +parliament.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_532" id="Footnote_532" href="#FNanchor_532"><span class="label">[532]</span></a> Cowell's <i>Interpreter, or Law Dictionary</i>; edit. 1607. These passages +are expunged in the later editions of this useful book. What the author +says of the writ of prohibition, and the statutes of præmunire, under these +words, was very invidious towards the common lawyers, treating such +restraints upon the ecclesiastical jurisdiction as necessary in former ages, +but now become useless since the annexation of the supremacy of the +Crown.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_533" id="Footnote_533" href="#FNanchor_533"><span class="label">[533]</span></a> Commons' Journals, 339, and afterwards to 415. The authors of the +<i>Parliamentary History</i> say there is no further mention of the business after +the conference, overlooking the most important circumstance, the king's +proclamation suppressing the book, which yet is mentioned by Rapin and +Carte, though the latter makes a false and disingenuous excuse for Cowell. +Vol. iii. p. 798. Several passages concerning this affair occur in Winwood's +<i>Memorials</i>, to which I refer the curious reader. Vol. iii. p. 125, 129, 131, +136, 137, 145.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_534" id="Footnote_534" href="#FNanchor_534"><span class="label">[534]</span></a> Winwood, iii. 123.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_535" id="Footnote_535" href="#FNanchor_535"><span class="label">[535]</span></a> <i>Somers Tracts</i>, ii. 162; <i>State Trials</i>, ii. 519.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_536" id="Footnote_536" href="#FNanchor_536"><span class="label">[536]</span></a> The court of the council of Wales was erected by statute 34 H. 8, c. 26, +for that principality and its marches, with authority to determine such +causes and matters as should be assigned to them by the king, "as heretofore +hath been accustomed and used;" which implies a previous existence +of some such jurisdiction. It was pretended, that the four counties of +Hereford, Worcester, Gloucester, and Salop were included within their +authority, as marches of Wales. This was controverted in the reign of +James by the inhabitants of these counties, and on reference to the twelve +judges, according to Lord Coke, it was resolved that they were ancient +English shires, and not within the jurisdiction of the council of Wales; +"and yet," he subjoins, "the commission was not after reformed in all +points as it ought to have been." Fourth Inst. 242. An elaborate argument +in defence of the jurisdiction may be found in Bacon, ii. 122. And +there are many papers on this subject in Cotton MSS. Vitellius, C. i. The +complaints of this enactment had begun in the time of Elizabeth. It was +alleged that the four counties had been reduced from a very disorderly state +to tranquillity by means of the council's jurisdiction. But, if this were +true, it did not furnish a reason for continuing to exclude them from the +general privileges of the common law, after the necessity had ceased. +The king, however, was determined not to concede this point. Carte, +iii. 794.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_537" id="Footnote_537" href="#FNanchor_537"><span class="label">[537]</span></a> Commons' Journals for 1610, <i>passim</i>; Lords' Journals, 7th May, <i>et +post</i>; <i>Parl. Hist.</i> 1124, <i>et post</i>; Bacon, i. 676; Winwood, iii. 119, <i>et post</i>.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_538" id="Footnote_538" href="#FNanchor_538"><span class="label">[538]</span></a> It appears by a letter of the king, in Murden's <i>State Papers</i>, p. 813, +that some indecent allusions to himself in the House of Commons had +irritated him. "Wherein we have misbehaved ourselves, we know not, +nor we can never yet learn; but sure we are, we may say with Bellarmin +in his book, that in all the lower houses these seven years past, especially +these two last sessions, Ego pungor, ego carpor. Our fame and actions +have been tossed like tennis-balls among them, and all that spite and +malice durst do to disgrace and inflame us hath been used. To be short, +this lower house by their behaviour have perilled and annoyed our health, +wounded our reputation, emboldened all ill-natured people, encroached +upon many of our privileges, and plagued our people with their delays. +It only resteth now, that you labour all you can to do that you think best +to the repairing of our estate.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_539" id="Footnote_539" href="#FNanchor_539"><span class="label">[539]</span></a> "Your queen," says Lord Thos. Howard, in a letter, "did talk of her +subjects' love and good affection, and in good truth she aimed well; our +king talketh of his subjects' fear and subjection, and herein I think he +doth well too, as long as it holdeth good." <i>Nugæ Antiquæ</i>, i. 395.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_540" id="Footnote_540" href="#FNanchor_540"><span class="label">[540]</span></a> The court of James I. was incomparably the most disgraceful scene of +profligacy which this country has ever witnessed; equal to that of Charles +II. in the laxity of female virtue, and without any sort of parallel in some +other respects. Gross drunkenness is imputed even to some of the ladies +who acted in the court pageants (<i>Nugæ Antiquæ</i>, i. 348), which Mr. Gifford, +who seems absolutely enraptured with this age and its manners, might as +well have remembered. <i>Life of Ben Jonson</i>, p. 231, etc. The king's +prodigality is notorious.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_541" id="Footnote_541" href="#FNanchor_541"><span class="label">[541]</span></a> "It is atheism and blasphemy," he says in a speech made in the +star-chamber, 1616, "to dispute what God can do; good Christians content +themselves with his will revealed in his word; so it is presumption and +high contempt in a subject to dispute what a king can do, or say that a +king cannot do this or that." King James's works, p. 557.</p> + +<p class="footnote">It is probable that his familiar conversation was full of this rodomontade, +disgusting and contemptible from so wretched a pedant, as well as offensive +to the indignant ears of those who knew and valued their liberties. The +story of Bishops Neile and Andrews is far too trite for repetition.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_542" id="Footnote_542" href="#FNanchor_542"><span class="label">[542]</span></a> Carte, iii. 747; Birch's <i>Life of P. Henry</i>, 405. Rochester, three days +after, directed Sir Thomas Edmondes at Paris to commence a negotiation +for a marriage between Prince Charles and the second daughter of the late +King of France. But the ambassador had more sense of decency, and +declined to enter on such an affair at that moment.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_543" id="Footnote_543" href="#FNanchor_543"><span class="label">[543]</span></a> Winwood, vol. ii.; Carte, iii. 749; Watson's <i>Hist. of Philip III.</i> +Appendix. In some passages of this negotiation Cecil may appear not +wholly to have deserved the character I have given him for adhering to +Elizabeth's principles of policy. But he was placed in a difficult position, +not feeling himself secure of the king's favour, which, notwithstanding his +great previous services, that capricious prince, for the first year after his +accession, rather sparingly afforded; as appears from the <i>Memoirs of Sully</i>, +l. 14, and <i>Nugæ. Antiquæ</i>, i. 345. It may be said that Cecil was as little +Spanish, just as Walpole was as little Hanoverian, as the partialities of +their respective sovereigns would permit for their own reputation. It is +hardly necessary to observe, that James and the kingdom were chiefly +indebted to Cecil for the tranquillity that attended the accession of the +former to the throne. I will take this opportunity of noticing that the +learned and worthy compiler of the catalogue of the Lansdowne manuscripts +in the Museum has thought fit not only to charge Sir Michael Hicks +with venality, but to add: "It is certain that articles among these papers +contribute to justify very strong suspicions, that neither of the secretary's +masters [Lord Burleigh and Lord Salisbury] was altogether innocent on +the score of corruption." <i>Lands. Cat.</i> vol. xci. p. 45. This is much too +strong an accusation to be brought forward without more proof than +appears. It is absurd to mention presents of fat bucks to men in power, +as bribes; and rather more so to charge a man with being corrupted +because an attempt is made to corrupt him, as the catalogue-maker has +done in this place. I would not offend this respectable gentleman; but +by referring to many of the Lansdowne manuscripts I am enabled to say +that he has travelled frequently out of his province, and substituted his +conjectures for an analysis or abstract of the document before him.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_544" id="Footnote_544" href="#FNanchor_544"><span class="label">[544]</span></a> A great part of Winwood's third volume relates to this business, which, +as is well known, attracted a prodigious degree of attention throughout +Europe. The question, as Winwood wrote to Salisbury, was "not of the +succession of Cleves and Juliers, but whether the house of Austria and +the church of Rome, both now on the wane, shall recover their lustre and +greatness in these parts of Europe."—P. 378. James wished to have the +right referred to his arbitration, and would have decided in favour of the +Elector of Brandenburg, the chief protestant competitor.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_545" id="Footnote_545" href="#FNanchor_545"><span class="label">[545]</span></a> Winwood, vols. ii. and iii. <i>passim</i>. Birch, that accurate master of this +part of English history, has done justice to Salisbury's character. <i>Negotiations +of Edmondes</i>, p. 347. Miss Aikin, looking to his want of constitutional +principle, is more unfavourable, and perhaps on the whole justly; but +what statesman of that age was ready to admit the new creed of parliamentary +control over the executive government? <i>Memoirs of James</i>, +i. 395.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_546" id="Footnote_546" href="#FNanchor_546"><span class="label">[546]</span></a> "On Sunday, before the king's going to Newmarket (which was Sunday +last was a se'nnight), my Lord Coke and all the judges of the common law +were before his majesty to answer some complaints made by the civil +lawyers for the general granting of prohibitions. I heard that the Lord +Coke, amongst other offensive speech, should say to his majesty that his +highness was defended by his laws. At which saying, with other speech +then used by the Lord Coke, his majesty was very much offended, and told +him he spoke foolishly, and said that he was not defended by his laws, but +by God, and so gave the Lord Coke, in other words, a very sharp reprehension, +both for that and other things; and withal told him that Sir +Thomas Crompton (judge of the admiralty) was as good a man as Coke; +my Lord Coke having then, by way of exception, used some speech against +Sir Thomas Crompton. Had not my lord treasurer, most humbly on his +knee, used many good words to pacify his majesty and to excuse that +which had been spoken, it was thought his highness would have been much +more offended. In the conclusion, his majesty, by the means of my lord +treasurer, was well pacified, and gave a gracious countenance to all the +other judges, and said he would maintain the common law." Lodge, iii. +364. The letter is dated 25th November 1608, which shows how early +Coke had begun to give offence by his zeal for the law.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_547" id="Footnote_547" href="#FNanchor_547"><span class="label">[547]</span></a> 12 Reports. In his second Institute, p. 57, written a good deal later, +he speaks in a very different manner of Bates's case, and declares the +judgment of the court of exchequer to be contrary to law.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_548" id="Footnote_548" href="#FNanchor_548"><span class="label">[548]</span></a> 12 Reports. There were, however, several proclamations afterwards +to forbid building within two miles of London, except on old foundations, +and in that case only with brick or stone, under penalty of being proceeded +against by the attorney-general in the star-chamber. Rymer, xvii. 107 +(1618), 144 (1619), 607 (1624). London nevertheless increased rapidly, +which was by means of licences to build; the prohibition being in this, as +in many other cases enacted chiefly for the sake of the dispensations.</p> + +<p class="footnote">James made use of proclamations to infringe personal liberty in another +respect. He disliked to see any country-gentleman come up to London, +where, it must be confessed, if we trust to what those proclamations assert +and the memoirs of the age confirm, neither their own behaviour, nor that +of their wives and daughters, who took the worst means of repairing the +ruin their extravagance had caused, redounded to their honour. The +king's comparison of them to ships in a river and in the sea is well known. +Still, in a constitutional point of view, we may be startled at proclamations +commanding them to return to their country-houses and maintain hospitality, +on pain of condign punishment. Rymer, xvi. 517 (1604); xvii. +417 (1622), 632 (1624).</p> + +<p class="footnote">I neglected, in the first chapter, the reference I had made to an important +dictum of the judges in the reign of Mary, which is decisive as to the legal +character of proclamations even in the midst of the Tudor period. "The +king, it is said, may make a proclamation quoad terrorem populi, to put +them in fear of his displeasure, but not to impose any fine, forefeiture, or +imprisonment; for no proclamation can make a new law, but only confirm +and ratify an ancient one." Dalison's Reports, 20.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_549" id="Footnote_549" href="#FNanchor_549"><span class="label">[549]</span></a> Winwood, iii. 193.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_550" id="Footnote_550" href="#FNanchor_550"><span class="label">[550]</span></a> Carte, iii. 805.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_551" id="Footnote_551" href="#FNanchor_551"><span class="label">[551]</span></a> The number of these was intended to be two hundred, but only ninety-three +patents were sold in the first six years. Lingard, ix. 203, from +<i>Somers Tracts</i>. In the first part of his reign he had availed himself of an old +feudal resource, calling on all who held £40 a year in chivalry (whether of +the crown or not, as it seems) to receive knighthood, or to pay a composition. +Rymer, xvi. 530. The object of this was of course to raise +money from those who thought the honour troublesome and expensive, +but such as chose to appear could not be refused; and this accounts for +his having made many hundred knights in the first year of his reign. +Harris's <i>Life of James</i>, 69.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_552" id="Footnote_552" href="#FNanchor_552"><span class="label">[552]</span></a> MS. penes autorem.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_553" id="Footnote_553" href="#FNanchor_553"><span class="label">[553]</span></a> Carte, iv. 17.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_554" id="Footnote_554" href="#FNanchor_554"><span class="label">[554]</span></a> Wilson, in Kennet, ii. 696.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_555" id="Footnote_555" href="#FNanchor_555"><span class="label">[555]</span></a> This act (34 H. 8, c. 26) was repealed a few years afterwards. 21 J. 1, +c. 10.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_556" id="Footnote_556" href="#FNanchor_556"><span class="label">[556]</span></a> Commons' Journals, 466, 472, 481, 486. Sir Henry Wotton at length +muttered something in favour of the prerogative of laying impositions, as +belonging to hereditary though not to elective princes. <i>Id.</i> 493. This +silly argument is only worth notice, as a proof what erroneous notions +of government were sometimes imbibed from an intercourse with foreign +nations. Dudley Digges and Sandys answered him very properly.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_557" id="Footnote_557" href="#FNanchor_557"><span class="label">[557]</span></a> The judges having been called upon by the House of Lords to deliver +their opinions on the subject of impositions, previous to the intended +conference, requested, by the mouth of Chief Justice Coke, to be excused. +This was probably a disappointment to Lord Chancellor Egerton, who +had moved to consult them, and proceeded from Coke's dislike to him +and to the court. It induced the house to decline the conference. Lords' +Journals, 23rd May.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_558" id="Footnote_558" href="#FNanchor_558"><span class="label">[558]</span></a> Lords' Journals, May 31; Commons' Journals, 496, 498.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_559" id="Footnote_559" href="#FNanchor_559"><span class="label">[559]</span></a> Carte, iv. 23. Neville's memorial above mentioned was read in the +house, May 14.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_560" id="Footnote_560" href="#FNanchor_560"><span class="label">[560]</span></a> Carte, iv. 19, 20; Bacon, i. 695; C. J. 462.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_561" id="Footnote_561" href="#FNanchor_561"><span class="label">[561]</span></a> C. J. 506; Carte, 23. This writer absurdly defends the prerogative of +laying impositions on merchandise as part of the <i>law of nations</i>.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_562" id="Footnote_562" href="#FNanchor_562"><span class="label">[562]</span></a> It is said that, previously to taking this step, the king sent for the +Commons, and tore all their bills before their faces in the banqueting-house +at Whitehall. D'Israeli's <i>Character of James</i>, p. 158, on the authority of +an unpublished letter.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_563" id="Footnote_563" href="#FNanchor_563"><span class="label">[563]</span></a> Carte; Wilson; Camden's <i>Annals of James I.</i> (in Kennet, ii. 643).</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_564" id="Footnote_564" href="#FNanchor_564"><span class="label">[564]</span></a> Carte, iv. p. 56.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_565" id="Footnote_565" href="#FNanchor_565"><span class="label">[565]</span></a> 12 Reports, 119.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_566" id="Footnote_566" href="#FNanchor_566"><span class="label">[566]</span></a> <i>State Trials</i>, ii. 889.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_567" id="Footnote_567" href="#FNanchor_567"><span class="label">[567]</span></a> There had, however, been instances of it, as in Sir Walter Raleigh's +case (Lodge, iii. 172, 173); and I have found proofs of it in the queen's +reign; though I cannot at present quote my authority. In a former age, +the judges had refused to give an extra-judicial answer to the king. +Lingard, v. 382, from the year-book, Pasch. 1 H. 7, 15, Trin. 1.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_568" id="Footnote_568" href="#FNanchor_568"><span class="label">[568]</span></a> <i>State Trials</i>, ii. 869; Bacon, ii. 483, etc.; Dalrymple's <i>Memorials of +James I.</i>, vol. i. p. 56. Some other very unjustifiable constructions of the +law of treason took place in this reign. Thomas Owen was indicted and +found guilty, under the statute of Edward III., for saying, that "the king, +being excommunicated (<i>i.e.</i> if he should be excommunicated) by the pope, +might be lawfully deposed and killed by any one, which killing would not +be murder, being the execution of the supreme sentence of the pope;" a +position very atrocious, but not amounting to treason. <i>State Trials</i>, ii. +879. And Williams, another papist, was convicted of treason by a still +more violent stretch of law, for writing a book predicting the king's death +in the year 1621. <i>Id.</i> 1085.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_569" id="Footnote_569" href="#FNanchor_569"><span class="label">[569]</span></a> Bacon, ii. 500, 518, 522; Cro. Jac. 335, 343.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_570" id="Footnote_570" href="#FNanchor_570"><span class="label">[570]</span></a> Bacon, ii. 517, etc.; Carte, iv. 35; <i>Biograph. Brit.</i>, art. Coke. The +king told the judges, he thought his prerogative as much wounded if it +be publicly disputed upon, as if any sentence were given against it.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_571" id="Footnote_571" href="#FNanchor_571"><span class="label">[571]</span></a> See D'Israeli, <i>Character of James I.</i>, p. 125. He was too much affected +by his dismissal from office.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_572" id="Footnote_572" href="#FNanchor_572"><span class="label">[572]</span></a> Camden's <i>Annals of James I.</i> in Kennet, vol. ii.; Wilson, <i>ibid.</i>, 704, 705; +Bacon's Works, ii. 574. The fine imposed was £30,000; Coke voted for +£100,000.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_573" id="Footnote_573" href="#FNanchor_573"><span class="label">[573]</span></a> Fuller's <i>Church Hist.</i> 56; Neal, i. 435; Lodge, iii. 344.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_574" id="Footnote_574" href="#FNanchor_574"><span class="label">[574]</span></a> <i>State Trials</i>, ii. 765.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_575" id="Footnote_575" href="#FNanchor_575"><span class="label">[575]</span></a> Collier, 712, 717; Selden's Life in <i>Biographia Brit.</i></p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_576" id="Footnote_576" href="#FNanchor_576"><span class="label">[576]</span></a> Carte, iii. 698.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_577" id="Footnote_577" href="#FNanchor_577"><span class="label">[577]</span></a> <i>State Trials</i>, ii. 23; Lodge's <i>Illustrations</i>, iii. 217.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_578" id="Footnote_578" href="#FNanchor_578"><span class="label">[578]</span></a> Winwood, iii. 201, 279.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_579" id="Footnote_579" href="#FNanchor_579"><span class="label">[579]</span></a> <i>Id.</i> 178. In this collection are one or two letters from Arabella, which +show her to have been a lively and accomplished woman. It is said in a +manuscript account of circumstances about the king's accession, which +seems entitled to some credit, that on its being proposed that she should +walk at the queen's funeral, she answered with spirit that, as she had been +debarred her majesty's presence while living, she would not be brought +on the stage as a public spectacle after her death. Sloane MSS. 827.</p> + +<p class="footnote">Much occurs on the subject of this lady's imprisonment in one of the +valuable volumes in Dr. Birch's handwriting, among the same MSS. 4161. +Those have already assisted Mr. D'Israeli in his interesting memoir on +Arabella Stuart, in the <i>Curiosities of Literature</i>, New Series, vol. i. They +cannot be read (as I should conceive) without indignation at James and his +ministers. One of her letters is addressed to the two chief-justices, begging +to be brought before them by habeas corpus, being informed that it is +designed to remove her far from those courts of justice where she ought +to be tried and condemned, or cleared, to remote parts, whose courts she +holds unfitted for her offence. "And if your lordships may not or will +not grant unto me the ordinary relief of a distressed subject, then I beseech +you become humble intercessors to his majesty that I may receive such +benefit of justice, as both his majesty by his oath hath promised, and the +laws of this realm afford to all others, those of his blood not excepted. +And though, unfortunate woman! I can obtain neither, yet I beseech your +lordships retain me in your good opinion, and judge charitably till I be +proved to have committed any offence either against God or his majesty +deserving so long restraint or separation from my lawful husband."</p> + +<p class="footnote">Arabella did not profess the Roman catholic religion, but that party +seem to have relied upon her; and so late as 1610, she incurred some +"suspicion of being collapsed." Winwood, ii. 117.</p> + +<p class="footnote">This had been also conjectured in the queen's life-time. <i>Secret Correspondence +of Cecil with James I.</i>, p. 118.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_580" id="Footnote_580" href="#FNanchor_580"><span class="label">[580]</span></a> <i>State Trials</i>, ii. 769.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_581" id="Footnote_581" href="#FNanchor_581"><span class="label">[581]</span></a> Sir Charles Cornwallis's <i>Memoir of Prince Henry</i>, reprinted in the +Somers Tracts, vol. ii., and of which sufficient extracts may be found in +Birch's life, contains a remarkably minute detail of all the symptoms +attending the prince's illness, which was an epidemic typhus fever. The +report of his physicians after dissection may also be read in many books. +Nature might possibly have overcome the disorder, if an empirical doctor +had not insisted on continually bleeding him. He had no other murderer. +We need not even have recourse to Hume's acute and decisive remark that, +if Somerset had been so experienced in this trade, he would not have spent +five months in bungling about Overbury's death.</p> + +<p class="footnote">Carte says (vol. iv. 33) that the queen charged Somerset with designing +to poison her, Prince Charles, and the elector palatine, in order to marry +the electress to Lord Suffolk's son. But this is too extravagant, whatever +Anne might have thrown out in passion against a favourite she hated. +On Henry's death the first suspicion fell of course on the papists. Winwood, +iii. 410. Burnet doubts whether his aversion to popery did not +hasten his death. And there is a remarkable letter from Sir Robert +Naunton to Winwood, in the note of the last reference, which shows that +suspicions of some such agency were entertained very early. But the +positive evidence we have of his disease outweighs all conjecture.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_582" id="Footnote_582" href="#FNanchor_582"><span class="label">[582]</span></a> The circumstances to which I allude are well known to the curious +in English history, and might furnish materials for a separate dissertation, +had I leisure to stray in these by-paths. Hume has treated them as quite +unimportant; and Carte, with his usual honesty, has never alluded to them. +Those who read carefully the new edition of the <i>State Trials</i>, and various +passages in Lord Bacon's <i>Letters</i>, may form for themselves the best judgment +they can. A few conclusions may, perhaps, be laid down as +established, 1. That Overbury's death was occasioned, not merely by +Lady Somerset's revenge, but by his possession of important secrets, which +in his passion he had threatened Somerset to divulge. 2. That Somerset +conceived himself to have a hold over the king by the possession of the +same or some other secrets, and used indirect threats of revealing them. +3. That the king was in the utmost terror at hearing of these measures; +as is proved by a passage in Weldon's <i>Memoirs</i>, p. 115, which, after being +long ascribed to his libellous spirit, has lately received the most entire +confirmation by some letters from More, lieutenant of the Tower, published +in the <i>Archæologia</i>, vol. xviii. 4. That Bacon was in the king's confidence, +and employed by him so to manage Somerset's trial, as to prevent him +from making any imprudent disclosure, or the judges from getting any +insight into that which it was not meant to reveal. See particularly a +passage in his letter to Coke, vol. ii. 514, beginning, "This crime was second +to none but the powder-plot."</p> + +<p class="footnote">Upon the whole, I cannot satisfy myself in any manner as to this +mystery. Prince Henry's death, as I have observed, is out of the question; +nor does a different solution, hinted by Harris and others, and which may +have suggested itself to the reader, appear probable to my judgment on +weighing the whole case. Overbury was an ambitious, unprincipled man; +and it seems more likely than anything else, that James had listened too +much to some criminal suggestion from him and Somerset; but of what +nature I cannot pretend even to conjecture; and that through apprehension +of this being disclosed, he had pusillanimously acquiesced in the scheme +of Overbury's murder.</p> + +<p class="footnote">It is a remarkable fact, mentioned by Burnet, and perhaps little believed, +but which, like the former, has lately been confirmed by documents printed +in the <i>Archæologia</i>, that James in the last year of his reign, while dissatisfied +with Buckingham, privately renewed his correspondence with +Somerset, on whom he bestowed at the same time a full pardon, and seems +to have given him hopes of being restored to his former favour. A +memorial drawn up by Somerset, evidently at the king's command, and +most probably after the clandestine interview reported by Burnet, contains +strong charges against Buckingham. <i>Archæologia</i>, vol. xvii. 280. But no +consequences resulted from this; James was either reconciled to his +favourite before his death, or felt himself too old for a struggle. Somerset +seems to have tampered a little with the popular party in the beginning of +the next reign. A speech of Sir Robert Cotton's in 1625 (<i>Parl. Hist.</i> ii. 145) +praises him, comparatively at least with his successor in royal favour; +and he was one of those against whom informations were brought in the +star-chamber for dispersing Sir Robert Dudley's famous proposal for +bridling the impertinences of parliament. Kennet, iii. 62. The patriots, +however, of that age had too much sense to encumber themselves with an +ally equally unserviceable and infamous. There cannot be the slightest +doubt of Somerset's guilt as to the murder, though some have thought the +evidence insufficient (Carte, iv. 34); he does not deny it in his remarkable +letter to James, requesting, or rather demanding, mercy, printed in the +Cabala and in Bacon's Works.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_583" id="Footnote_583" href="#FNanchor_583"><span class="label">[583]</span></a> Raleigh made an attempt to destroy himself on being committed to +the Tower; which of course affords a presumption of his consciousness +that something could be proved against him. Cayley's <i>Life of Raleigh</i>, +vol. ii. p. 10. Hume says, it appears from Sully's <i>Memoirs</i> that he had +offered his services to the French ambassador. I cannot find this in Sully; +whom Raleigh, however, and his party seem to have aimed at deceiving +by false information. Nor could there be any treason in making an +interest with the minister of a friendly power. Carte quotes the despatches +of Beaumont, the French ambassador, to prove the connection of the conspirators +with the Spanish plenipotentiary. But it may be questioned +whether he knew any more than the government gave out. If Raleigh +had ever shown a discretion bearing the least proportion to his genius, we +might reject the whole story as improbable. But it is to be remembered +that there had long been a catholic faction, who fixed their hopes on +Arabella; so that the conspiracy, though extremely injudicious, was not +so perfectly unintelligible as it appears to a reader of Hume, who has overlooked +the previous circumstances. It is also to be considered, that the +king had shown so marked a prejudice against Raleigh on his coming to +England, and the hostility of Cecil was so insidious and implacable, as +might drive a man of his rash and impetuous courage to desperate courses. +See Cayley's <i>Life of Raleigh</i>, vol. ii.; a work containing much interesting +matter, but unfortunately written too much in the spirit of an advocate, +which, with so faulty a client, must tend to an erroneous representation of +facts.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_584" id="Footnote_584" href="#FNanchor_584"><span class="label">[584]</span></a> This estate was Sherborn Castle, which Raleigh had not very fairly +obtained from the see of Salisbury. He settled this before his conviction +upon his son; but an accidental flaw in the deed enabled the king to wrest +it from him, and bestow it on the Earl of Somerset. Lady Raleigh, it is +said, solicited his majesty on her knees to spare it; but he only answered, +"I mun have the land, I mun have it for Carr." He gave him, however, +£12,000 instead. But the estate was worth £5000 per annum. This ruin +of the prospects of a man far too intent on aggrandisement impelled him +once more into the labyrinth of fatal and dishonest speculations. Cayley, +89, etc.; <i>Somers Tracts</i>, ii. p. 22, etc.; <i>Curiosities of Literature</i>, New Series, +vol. ii. It has been said that Raleigh's unjust conviction made him in one +day the most popular, from having been the most odious, man in England. +He was certainly such under Elizabeth. This is a striking, but by no +means solitary, instance of the impolicy of political persecution.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_585" id="Footnote_585" href="#FNanchor_585"><span class="label">[585]</span></a> Rymer, xvi. 789. He was empowered to name officers, to use martial +law, etc.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_586" id="Footnote_586" href="#FNanchor_586"><span class="label">[586]</span></a> James made it a merit with the court of Madrid, that he had put to +death a man so capable of serving him merely to give them satisfaction. +<i>Somers Tracts</i>, ii. 437. There is even reason to suspect that he betrayed +the secret of Raleigh's voyage to Gondomar, before he sailed. Hardwicke, +<i>State Papers</i>, i. 398. It is said in Mr. Cayley's <i>Life of Raleigh</i> that his +fatal mistake in not securing a pardon under the great seal was on account +of the expense. But the king would have made some difficulty at least +about granting it.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_587" id="Footnote_587" href="#FNanchor_587"><span class="label">[587]</span></a> This project began as early as 1605. Winwood, vol. ii. The king had +hopes that the United Provinces would acknowledge the sovereignty of +Prince Henry and the infanta on their marriage; and Cornwallis was +directed to propose this formally to the court of Madrid. <i>Id.</i> p. 201. But +Spain would not cede the point of sovereignty; nor was this scheme likely +to please either the states-general or the court of France.</p> + +<p class="footnote">In the later negotiation about the marriage of Prince Charles, those of +the council who were known or suspected catholics, Arundel, Worcester, +Digby, Weston, Calvert, as well as Buckingham, whose connections were +such, were in the Spanish party. Those reputed to be jealous protestants +were all against it. Wilson, in Kennet, ii. 725. Many of the former were +bribed by Gondomar. <i>Id.</i> and Rushworth, i. 19.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_588" id="Footnote_588" href="#FNanchor_588"><span class="label">[588]</span></a> The proclamation for this parliament contains many of the unconstitutional +directions to the electors, contained, as has been seen, in that +of 1604, though shorter. Rymer, xvii. 270.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_589" id="Footnote_589" href="#FNanchor_589"><span class="label">[589]</span></a> "Deal with me, as I shall desire at your hands," etc. "He knew not," +he told them, "the laws and customs of the land when he first came, +and was misled by the old counsellors whom the old queen had left;"—he +owns that at the last parliament there was "a strange kind of beast +called undertaker," etc. <i>Parl. Hist.</i> i. 1180. Yet this coaxing language +was oddly mingled with sallies of his pride and prerogative notions. It is +evidently his own composition, not Bacon's. The latter, in granting the +speaker's petitions, took the high tone so usual in this reign, and directed +the House of Commons like a schoolmaster. Bacon's Works, i. 701.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_590" id="Footnote_590" href="#FNanchor_590"><span class="label">[590]</span></a> Debates of Commons in 1621, vol. i. p. 84. I quote the two volumes +published at Oxford in 1766; they are abridged in the new <i>Parliamentary +History</i>.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_591" id="Footnote_591" href="#FNanchor_591"><span class="label">[591]</span></a> <i>Id.</i> 103, 109.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_592" id="Footnote_592" href="#FNanchor_592"><span class="label">[592]</span></a> The Commons in this session complained to the Lords, that the Bishop +of London (Stokesley) had imprisoned one Philips on suspicion of heresy. +Some time afterwards, they called upon him to answer their complaint. +The bishop laid the matter before the Lords, who all declared that it was +unbecoming for any lord of parliament to make answer to any one in that +place; "quod non consentaneum fuit aliquem procerum prædictorum +alicui in eo loco responsorum." Lords' Journals, i. 71. The lords, however, +in 1701 (<i>State Trials</i>, xiv. 275), seem to have recognised this as a case +of impeachment.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_593" id="Footnote_593" href="#FNanchor_593"><span class="label">[593]</span></a> Debates in 1621, p. 114, 228, 229.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_594" id="Footnote_594" href="#FNanchor_594"><span class="label">[594]</span></a> <i>Id. passim.</i></p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_595" id="Footnote_595" href="#FNanchor_595"><span class="label">[595]</span></a> Carte.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_596" id="Footnote_596" href="#FNanchor_596"><span class="label">[596]</span></a> Clarendon speaks of this impeachment as an unhappy precedent, made +to gratify a private displeasure. This expression seems rather to point to +Buckingham than to Coke; and some letters of Bacon to the favourite at +the time of his fall display a consciousness of having offended him. Yet +Buckingham had much more reason to thank Bacon as his wisest counsellor, +than to assist in crushing him. In his works (vol. i. p. 712) is a tract, +entitled "Advice to the Duke of Buckingham," containing instructions for +his governance as minister. These are marked by the deep sagacity and +extensive observation of the writer. One passage should be quoted in +justice to Bacon. "As far as it may lie in you, let no arbitrary power be +intruded; the people of this kingdom love the laws thereof, and nothing +will oblige them more than a confidence of the free enjoying of them: what +the nobles upon an occasion once said in parliament, 'Nolumus leges +Angliæ mutari,' is imprinted in the hearts of all the people." I may add +that with all Bacon's pliancy, there are fewer over-strained expressions +about the prerogative in his political writings than we should expect. His +practice was servile, but his principles were not unconstitutional. We have +seen how strongly he urged the calling of parliament in 1614: and he did +the same, unhappily for himself, in 1621. Vol. ii. p. 580. He refused also +to set the great seal to an office intended to be erected for enrolling +prentices, a speculation apparently of some monopolists; writing a very +proper letter to Buckingham, that there was no ground of law for it. +P. 555.</p> + +<p class="footnote">I am very loth to call Bacon, for the sake of Pope's antithesis, "the +meanest of mankind." Who would not wish to believe the feeling language +of his letter to the king, after the attack on him had already begun? "I +hope I shall not be found to have the troubled fountain of a corrupt heart, +in a depraved habit of taking rewards to pervert justice; howsoever I may +be frail, and partake of the abuses of the times."—P. 589. Yet the general +disesteem of his contemporaries speaks forcibly against him. Sir Simon +d'Ewes and Weldon, both indeed bitter men, give him the worst of characters. +"Surely," says the latter, "never so many parts and so base and +abject a spirit tenanted together in any one earthen cottage as in this +man." It is a striking proof of the splendour of Bacon's genius, that it +was unanimously acknowledged in his own age amidst so much that should +excite contempt. He had indeed ingratiated himself with every preceding +parliament through his incomparable ductility; having take an active part +in their complaints of grievances in 1604, before he became attorney-general, +and even on many occasions afterwards while he held that office, +having been intrusted with the management of conferences on the most +delicate subjects. In 1614, the Commons, after voting that the attorney-general +ought not to be elected to parliament, made an exception in favour +of Bacon. Journals, p. 460. "I have been always gracious in the lower +house," he writes to James in 1616, begging for the post of chancellor; +"I have interest in the gentlemen of England, and shall be able to do some +good effect in rectifying that body of parliament-men, which is cardo +rerum." Vol. ii. p. 496.</p> + +<p class="footnote">I shall conclude this note by observing, that, if all Lord Bacon's +philosophy had never existed, there would be enough in his political +writings to place him among the greatest men this country has produced.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_597" id="Footnote_597" href="#FNanchor_597"><span class="label">[597]</span></a> Debates in 1621, vol. ii. p. 7.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_598" id="Footnote_598" href="#FNanchor_598"><span class="label">[598]</span></a> Debates, p. 14.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_599" id="Footnote_599" href="#FNanchor_599"><span class="label">[599]</span></a> In a former parliament of this reign, the Commons having sent up a +message, wherein they entitled themselves the knights, citizens, burgesses, +and barons of the commons' court of parliament, the Lords sent them +word that they would never acknowledge any man that sitteth in the +lower house to have the right or title of a baron of parliament; nor could +admit the term of the commons' court of parliament; "because all your +house together, without theirs, doth make no court of parliament." +4th March, 1606. Lords' Journals. Nevertheless the Lords did not +scruple almost immediately afterwards, to denominate their own house a +court, as appears by memoranda of 27th and 28th May; they even issued +a habeas corpus as from a court, to bring a servant of the Earl of Bedford +before them. So also in 1609, 16th and 17th of February. And on April +14th and 18th, 1614; and probably later, if search were made.</p> + +<p class="footnote">I need hardly mention, that the barons mentioned above, as part of the +Commons, were the members for the cinque ports, whose denomination is +recognised in several statutes.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_600" id="Footnote_600" href="#FNanchor_600"><span class="label">[600]</span></a> Debates in 1621, vol. i. p. 355, etc.; vol. ii. p. 5, etc. Mede writes to +his correspondent on May 11, that the execution had not taken place; +"but I hope it will." The king was plainly averse to it.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_601" id="Footnote_601" href="#FNanchor_601"><span class="label">[601]</span></a> The following observation on Floyd's case, written by Mr. Harley, in +a manuscript account of the proceedings (Harl. MSS. 6274), is well worthy +to be inserted. I copy from the appendix to the above-mentioned debates +of 1621. "The following collection," he has written at the top, "is an +instance how far a zeal against popery and for one branch of the royal +family, which was supposed to be neglected by King James, and consequently +in opposition to him, will carry people against common justice +and humanity." And again at the bottom: "For the honour of Englishmen, +and indeed of human nature, it were to be hoped these debates were +not truly taken, there being so many motions contrary to the laws of the +land, the laws of parliament, and common justice. Robert Harley, +July 14, 1702." It is remarkable that this date is very near the time +when the writer of these just observations, and the party which he led, had +been straining in more than one instance the privileges of the House of +Commons, not certainly with such violence as in the case of Floyd, but +much beyond what can be deemed their legitimate extent.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_602" id="Footnote_602" href="#FNanchor_602"><span class="label">[602]</span></a> In a much later period of the session, when the Commons had lost their +good humour, some heat was very justly excited by a petition from some +brewers, complaining of an imposition of four-pence on the quarter of malt. +The courtiers defended this as a composition in lieu of purveyance. But it +was answered that it was compulsory, for several of the principal brewers +had been committed and lay long in prison for not yielding to it. One said +that impositions of this nature overthrew the liberty of all the subjects of +this kingdom; and if the king may impose such taxes, then are we but +villains, and lose all our liberties. It produced an order that the matter +be examined before the house, the petitioners to be heard by council, and +all the lawyers of the house to be present. Debates of 1621, vol. ii. 252; +Journals, p. 652. But nothing further seems to have taken place, whether +on account of the magnitude of the business which occupied them during +the short remainder of the session, or because a bill which passed their +house to prevent illegal imprisonment, or restraint on the lawful occupation +of the subject, was supposed to meet this case. It is a remarkable +instance of arbitrary taxation, and preparatory to an excise.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_603" id="Footnote_603" href="#FNanchor_603"><span class="label">[603]</span></a> Debates of 1621, p. 14; Hatsell's <i>Precedents</i>, i. 133.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_604" id="Footnote_604" href="#FNanchor_604"><span class="label">[604]</span></a> Debates, p. 114, <i>et alibi, passim</i>.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_605" id="Footnote_605" href="#FNanchor_605"><span class="label">[605]</span></a> Vol. ii. 170, 172.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_606" id="Footnote_606" href="#FNanchor_606"><span class="label">[606]</span></a> <i>Id.</i> p. 186.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_607" id="Footnote_607" href="#FNanchor_607"><span class="label">[607]</span></a> P. 189. Lord Cranfield told the Commons there were three reasons +why they should give liberally. 1. That lands were now a third better +than when the king came to the crown. 2. That wools, which were then +20<i>s.</i> were now 30<i>s.</i> 3. That corn had risen from 26<i>s.</i> to 36<i>s.</i> the quarter. +<i>Ibid.</i> There had certainly been a very great increase of wealth under +James, especially to the country gentlemen; of which their style of building +is an evident proof. Yet in this very session complaints had been made +of the want of money, and fall in the price of lands (vol. i. p. 16); and an +act was proposed against the importation of corn (vol. ii. p. 87). In fact, +rents had been enormously enhanced in this reign, which the country +gentlemen of course endeavoured to keep up. But corn, probably through +good seasons, was rather lower in 1621 than it had been—about 30<i>s.</i> a +quarter.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_608" id="Footnote_608" href="#FNanchor_608"><span class="label">[608]</span></a> P. 242, etc.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_609" id="Footnote_609" href="#FNanchor_609"><span class="label">[609]</span></a> <i>Id.</i> 174, 200. Compare also p. 151. Sir Thomas Wentworth appears +to have discountenanced the resenting this as a breach of privilege. +Doubtless the house showed great and even excessive moderation in it; +for we can hardly doubt that Sandys was really committed for no other +cause than his behaviour in parliament. It was taken up again afterwards. +P. 259.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_610" id="Footnote_610" href="#FNanchor_610"><span class="label">[610]</span></a> P. 261, etc.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_611" id="Footnote_611" href="#FNanchor_611"><span class="label">[611]</span></a> P. 284.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_612" id="Footnote_612" href="#FNanchor_612"><span class="label">[612]</span></a> P. 289.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_613" id="Footnote_613" href="#FNanchor_613"><span class="label">[613]</span></a> P. 317.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_614" id="Footnote_614" href="#FNanchor_614"><span class="label">[614]</span></a> P. 330.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_615" id="Footnote_615" href="#FNanchor_615"><span class="label">[615]</span></a> P. 339.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_616" id="Footnote_616" href="#FNanchor_616"><span class="label">[616]</span></a> P. 359.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_617" id="Footnote_617" href="#FNanchor_617"><span class="label">[617]</span></a> Rymer, xvii. 344; <i>Parl. Hist.</i> Carte, 93; Wilson.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_618" id="Footnote_618" href="#FNanchor_618"><span class="label">[618]</span></a> Besides the historians, see Cabala, part ii. p. 155 (4to edit.); D'Israeli's +<i>Character of James I.</i>, p. 125; and Mede's Letters, Harl. MSS. 389.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_619" id="Footnote_619" href="#FNanchor_619"><span class="label">[619]</span></a> Wilson's <i>Hist. of James I.</i> in Kennet, ii. 247, 749. Thirty-three peers, +Mr. Joseph Mede tells us in a letter of Feb. 24, 1621 (Harl. MSS. 389), +"signed a petition to the king which they refused to deliver to the council, +as he desired, nor even to the prince, unless he would say he did not receive +it as a counsellor; whereupon the king sent for Lord Oxford, and asked +him for it; he, according to previous agreement, said he had it not; then +he sent for another, who made the same answer: at last they told him they +had resolved not to deliver it, unless they were admitted all together. +Whereupon his majesty, wonderfully incensed, sent them all away, <i>re +infectâ</i>, and said that he would come into parliament himself, and bring +them all to the bar." This petition, I believe, did not relate to any general +grievances, but to a question of their own privileges, as to their precedence +of Scots peers. Wilson, <i>ubi supra</i>. But several of this large number were +inspired by more generous sentiments; and the commencement of an +aristocratic opposition deserves to be noticed. In another letter, written +in March, Mede speaks of the good understanding between the king and +parliament; he promised they should sit as long as they like, and hereafter +he would have a parliament every three years. "Is not this good if it be +true?... But certain it is that the Lords stick wonderful fast to the +Commons and all take great pains."</p> + +<p class="footnote">The entertaining and sensible biographer of James has sketched the +characters of these Whig peers. Aikin's <i>James I.</i>, ii. 238.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_620" id="Footnote_620" href="#FNanchor_620"><span class="label">[620]</span></a> One of these may be found in the <i>Somers Tracts</i>, ii. 470, entitled Tom +Tell-truth, a most malignant ebullition of disloyalty, which the author +must have risked his neck as well as ears in publishing. Some outrageous +reflections on the personal character of the king could hardly be excelled +by modern licentiousness. Proclamations about this time against excess +of lavish speech in matters of state (Rymer, xvii. 275, 514), and against +printing or uttering seditious and scandalous pamphlets (<i>Id.</i> 522, 616) +show the tone and temper of the nation.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_621" id="Footnote_621" href="#FNanchor_621"><span class="label">[621]</span></a> The letters on this subject, published by Lord Hardwicke (<i>State Papers</i>, +vol. i.) are highly important; and being unknown to Carte and Hume, +render their narratives less satisfactory. Some pamphlets of the time, in +the second volume of the <i>Somers Tracts</i>, may be read with interest; and +Howell's <i>Letters</i>, being written from Madrid during the Prince of Wales's +residence, deserve notice. See also Wilson in Kennet, p. 750, <i>et post</i>. +Dr. Lingard has illustrated the subject lately (ix. 271).</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_622" id="Footnote_622" href="#FNanchor_622"><span class="label">[622]</span></a> Hume, and many other writers on the side of the Crown, assert the +value of a subsidy to have fallen from £70,000, at which it had been under +the Tudors, to £55,000, or a less sum. But though I will not assert a +negative too boldly, I have no recollection of having found any good +authority for this; and it is surely too improbable to be lightly credited. +For admit that no change was made in each man's rate according to the +increase of wealth and diminution of the value of money, the amount must +at least have been equal to what it had been; and to suppose the contributors +to have prevailed on the assessors to underrate them, is rather +contrary to common fiscal usage. In one of Mede's letters, which of course +I do not quote as decisive, it is said that the value of a subsidy was <i>not +above</i> £80,000; and that the assessors were directed (this was in 1621) not +to follow former books, but value every man's estate according to their +knowledge, and not his own confession.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_623" id="Footnote_623" href="#FNanchor_623"><span class="label">[623]</span></a> <i>Parl. Hist.</i> 1383, 1388, 1390; Carte, 119. The king seems to have +acted pretty fairly in this parliament, bating a gross falsehood in denying +the intended toleration of papists. He wished to get further pledges of +support from parliament before he plunged into a war, and was very right +in doing so. On the other hand, the prince and Duke of Buckingham +behaved in public towards him with great rudeness. <i>Parl. Hist.</i> 1396.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_624" id="Footnote_624" href="#FNanchor_624"><span class="label">[624]</span></a> <i>Parl. Hist.</i> 1421.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_625" id="Footnote_625" href="#FNanchor_625"><span class="label">[625]</span></a> Clarendon blames the impeachment of Middlesex for the very reason +which makes me deem it a fortunate event for the constitution, and seems +to consider him as a sacrifice to Buckingham's resentment. Hacket also, +the biographer of Williams, takes his part. Carte, however, thought him +guilty (p. 116); and the unanimous vote of the peers is much against him, +since that house was not wholly governed by Buckingham. See too the +"Life of Nicholas Farrar" in Wordsworth's <i>Ecclesiastical Biography</i>, +vol. iv.; where it appears that that pious and conscientious man was one +of the treasurer's most forward accusers, having been deeply injured by +him. It is difficult to determine the question from the printed trial.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_626" id="Footnote_626" href="#FNanchor_626"><span class="label">[626]</span></a> 21 Jac. 1, c. 3. See what Lord Coke says on this act, and on the +general subject of monopolies. 3 Inst. 181.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_627" id="Footnote_627" href="#FNanchor_627"><span class="label">[627]</span></a> <i>P. H.</i> 1483.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_628" id="Footnote_628" href="#FNanchor_628"><span class="label">[628]</span></a> <i>Id.</i> 1488.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_629" id="Footnote_629" href="#FNanchor_629"><span class="label">[629]</span></a> The general temperance and chastity of Charles, and the effect those +virtues had in reforming the outward face of the court, are attested by +many writers, and especially by Mrs. Hutchinson, whose good word he +would not have undeservedly obtained. <i>Mem. of Col. Hutchinson</i>, p. 65. +I am aware that he was not the perfect saint as well as martyr which his +panegyrists represent him to have been; but it is an unworthy office, even +for the purpose of throwing ridicule on exaggerated praise, to turn the +microscope of history on private life.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_630" id="Footnote_630" href="#FNanchor_630"><span class="label">[630]</span></a> War had not been declared at Charles's accession, nor at the dissolution +of the first parliament. In fact, he was much more set upon it than his +subjects. Hume and all his school keep this out of sight.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_631" id="Footnote_631" href="#FNanchor_631"><span class="label">[631]</span></a> Hume has disputed this, but with little success, even on his own +showing. He observes, on an assertion of Wilson, that Buckingham lost +his popularity after Bristol arrived, because he proved that the former, +while in Spain, had professed himself a papist—that it is false, and <i>was +never said by Bristol</i>. It is singular that Hume should know so positively +what Bristol did not say in 1624, when it is notorious that he said in parliament +what nearly comes to the same thing in 1626. See a curious letter +in Cabala, p. 224, showing what a combination had been formed against +Buckingham, of all descriptions of malcontents.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_632" id="Footnote_632" href="#FNanchor_632"><span class="label">[632]</span></a> <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. ii. p. 6.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_633" id="Footnote_633" href="#FNanchor_633"><span class="label">[633]</span></a> <i>Id.</i> 33.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_634" id="Footnote_634" href="#FNanchor_634"><span class="label">[634]</span></a> The language of Lord-Keeper Coventry in opening the session was very +ill calculated for the spirit of the Commons: "If we consider aright, and +think of that incomparable distance between the supreme height and +majesty of a mighty monarch and the submissive awe and lowliness of +loyal subjects, we cannot but receive exceeding comfort and contentment +in the frame and constitution of this highest court, wherein not only the +prelates, nobles, and grandees, but the commons of all degrees, have their +part; and wherein that high majesty doth descend to admit, or rather to +invite, the humblest of his subjects to conference and counsel with him," +etc. He gave them a distinct hint afterwards that they must not expect +to sit long. <i>Parl. Hist.</i> 39.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_635" id="Footnote_635" href="#FNanchor_635"><span class="label">[635]</span></a> <i>Parl. Hist.</i> 60. I know of nothing under the Tudors of greater arrogance +than this language. Sir Dudley Carleton, accustomed more to foreign +negotiations than to an English House of Commons, gave very just offence +by descanting on the misery of the people in other countries. "He +cautioned them not to make the king out of love with parliaments by +incroaching on his prerogative; for in his messages he had told them that +he must then use new councils. In all Christian kingdoms there were +parliaments anciently, till the monarchs seeing their turbulent spirits, +stood upon their prerogatives, and overthrew them all, except with us. +In foreign countries the people look not like ours, with store of flesh on +their backs; but like ghosts, being nothing but skin and bones, with some +thin cover to their nakedness, and wearing wooden shoes on their feet; a +misery beyond expression, and that we are yet free from; and let us not +lose the repute of a free-born nation by our turbulency in parliament." +Rushworth.</p> + +<p class="footnote">This was a hint, in the usual arrogant style of courts, that the liberties of +the people depended on favour, and not on their own determination to +maintain them.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_636" id="Footnote_636" href="#FNanchor_636"><span class="label">[636]</span></a> <i>Parl. Hist.</i> 119; Hatsell, i. 147; Lords' Journals. A few peers refused +to join in this.</p> + +<p class="footnote">Dr. Lingard has observed that the opposition in the House of Lords was +headed by the Earl of Pembroke, who had been rather conspicuous in the +late reign, and whose character is drawn by Clarendon in the first book of +history. He held ten proxies in the king's first parliament, as Buckingham +did thirteen. Lingard, ix. 328. In the second Pembroke had had only +five, but the duke still came with thirteen. Lords' Journals, p. 491. This +enormous accumulation of suffrages in one person led to an order of the +house, which is now its established regulation, that no peer can hold more +than two proxies. Lords' Journals, p. 507.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_637" id="Footnote_637" href="#FNanchor_637"><span class="label">[637]</span></a> <i>Parl. Hist.</i> 125; Hatsell, 141.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_638" id="Footnote_638" href="#FNanchor_638"><span class="label">[638]</span></a> Mr. Brodie has commented rather too severely on Bristol's conduct. +Vol. ii. p. 109. That he was "actuated merely by motives of self-aggrandisement," +is surely not apparent; though he might be more partial +to Spain than we may think right, or even though he might have some bias +towards the religion of Rome. The last, however, is by no means proved; +for the king's word is no proof in my eyes.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_639" id="Footnote_639" href="#FNanchor_639"><span class="label">[639]</span></a> See the proceedings on the mutual charges of Buckingham and Bristol +in Rushworth, or the <i>Parliamentary History</i>. Charles's behaviour is worth +noticing. He sent a message to the house, desiring that they would not +comply with the earl's request of being allowed counsel; and yielded +ungraciously, when the Lords remonstrated against the prohibition. <i>Parl. +Hist.</i> 97, 132. The attorney-general exhibited articles against Bristol as +to facts depending in great measure on the king's sole testimony. Bristol +petitioned the house "to take in consideration of what consequence such a +precedent might be; and thereon most humbly to move his majesty for +the declining, at least, of his majesty's accusation and testimony." <i>Id.</i> 98. +The house ordered two questions on this to be put to the judges: +1. Whether, in case of treason or felony, the king's testimony was to be +admitted or not? 2. Whether words spoken to the prince, who is after +king, make any alteration in the case? They were ordered to deliver their +opinions three days afterwards. But when the time came, the chief justice +informed the house that the attorney-general had communicated to the +judges his majesty's pleasure that they should forbear to give an answer. +<i>Id.</i> 103, 106.</p> + +<p class="footnote">Hume says, "Charles himself was certainly deceived by Buckingham, +when he corroborated his favourite's narrative by his testimony." But no +assertion can be more gratuitous; the supposition indeed is impossible.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_640" id="Footnote_640" href="#FNanchor_640"><span class="label">[640]</span></a> <i>Parl. Hist.</i> 193. If the following letter is accurate, the privy-council +themselves were against this dissolution: "Yesterday the Lords sitting in +council at Whitehall to argue whether the parliament should be dissolved +or not, were all with one voice against the dissolution of it; and to-day, +when the lord keeper drew out the commission to have read it, they sent +four of their own body to his majesty to let him know how dangerous this +abruption would be to the state, and beseech him the parliament might +sit but two days—he answered not a minute."—15 June, 1626. Mede's +Letters, <i>ubi supra</i>. The author expresses great alarm at what might be +the consequence of this step. Mede ascribes this to the council; but others, +perhaps more probably, to the house of peers. The king's expression +"not a minute" is mentioned by several writers.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_641" id="Footnote_641" href="#FNanchor_641"><span class="label">[641]</span></a> Rushworth, Kennet.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_642" id="Footnote_642" href="#FNanchor_642"><span class="label">[642]</span></a> Mede's Letters—"On Monday the judges sat in Westminster-hall to +persuade the people to pay subsidies; but there arose a great tumultuous +shout amongst them: 'A parliament! a parliament! else no subsidies!' +The levying of the subsidies, verbally granted in parliament, being propounded +to the subsidy men in Westminster, all of them, saving some +thirty among five thousand (and they all the king's servants), cried 'A +parliament! a parliament!' etc. The same was done in Middlesex on +Monday also, in five or six places, but far more are said to have refused +the grant. At Hicks's hall the men of Middlesex assembled there, when +they had heard a speech for the purpose, made their obeisance; and so +went out without any answer affirmative or negative. In Kent the whole +county denied, saying that subsidies were matters of too high a nature for +them to meddle withal, and that they durst not deal therewith, lest, hereafter +they might be called in question." July 22, <i>et post</i>. In Harleian +MSS. xxxvii. fol. 192, we find a letter from the king to the deputy lieutenant +and justices of every county, informing them that he had dissolved the +last parliament because the disordered passion of some members of that +house, contrary to the good inclination of the greater and wiser sort of +them, had frustrated the grant of four subsidies, and three-fifteenths, where +they had promised; he therefore enjoins the deputy lieutenants to cause +all the troops and bands of the county to be mustered, trained, and ready +to march, as he is threatened with invasion; that the justices do divide +the county into districts, and appoint in each able persons to collect and +receive moneys, promising the parties to employ them in the common +defence; to send a list of those who contribute and those who refuse, +"that we may hereby be informed who are well affected to our service, +and who are otherwise." July 7, 1626. It is evident that the pretext of +invasion, which was utterly improbable, was made use of in order to shelter +the king's illegal proceedings.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_643" id="Footnote_643" href="#FNanchor_643"><span class="label">[643]</span></a> Rushworth's Abr. i. 270.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_644" id="Footnote_644" href="#FNanchor_644"><span class="label">[644]</span></a> The 321st volume of Hargrave MSS. p. 300, contains minutes of a +debate at the council-table during the interval between the second and +third parliaments of Charles, taken by a counsellor. It was proposed to +lay an excise on beer; others suggested that it should be on malt, on +account of what was brewed in private houses. It was then debated "how +to overcome difficulties, whether by persuasion or force. Persuasion, it +was thought, would not gain it; and for judicial courses, it would not hold +against the subject that would stand upon the right of his own property, +and against the fundamental constitutions of the kingdom. The last resort +was to a proclamation; for in star-chamber it might be punishable, and +thereupon it rested." There follows much more; it seemed to be agreed +that there was such a necessity as might justify the imposition; yet a sort +of reluctance is visible even among these timid counsellors. The king +pressed it forward much. In the same volume (p. 393) we find other proceedings +at the council-table, whereof the subject was, the censuring or +punishing of some one who had refused to contribute to the loan of 1626 +on the ground of its illegality. The highest language is held by some of +the conclave in this debate.</p> + +<p class="footnote">Mr. D'Israeli has collected from the same copious reservoir, the manuscripts +of the British Museum, several more illustrations, both of the +arbitrary proceedings of the council, and of the bold spirit with which they +were resisted. <i>Curiosities of Literature</i>, New Series, iii. 381. But this +ingenious author is too much imbued with "the monstrous faith of +many made for one," and sets the private feelings of Charles for an unworthy +and dangerous minion, above the liberties and interests of the +nation.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_645" id="Footnote_645" href="#FNanchor_645"><span class="label">[645]</span></a> Rushworth, Kennet.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_646" id="Footnote_646" href="#FNanchor_646"><span class="label">[646]</span></a> See above, in chap. v. Coke himself, while chief justice, had held that +one committed by the privy-council was not bailable by any court in +England. <i>Parl. Hist.</i> 310. He had nothing to say when pressed with this +in the next parliament, but that he had misgrounded his opinion upon a +certain precedent, which being nothing to the purpose, he was now assured +his opinion was as little to the purpose. <i>Id.</i> 325; <i>State Trials</i>, iii. 81.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_647" id="Footnote_647" href="#FNanchor_647"><span class="label">[647]</span></a> <i>State Trials</i>, iii. 1-234; <i>Parl. Hist.</i> 246, 259, etc.; Rushworth.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_648" id="Footnote_648" href="#FNanchor_648"><span class="label">[648]</span></a> At the council-table, some proposing a parliament, the king said, he +did abominate the name. Mede's Letters, 30th Sept. 1626.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_649" id="Footnote_649" href="#FNanchor_649"><span class="label">[649]</span></a> Rushworth; Mede's Letters in Harl. MSS. <i>passim</i>.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_650" id="Footnote_650" href="#FNanchor_650"><span class="label">[650]</span></a> Rushworth's Abr. i. 304; Cabala, part ii. 217. See what is said of this +by Mr. Brodie, ii. 158.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_651" id="Footnote_651" href="#FNanchor_651"><span class="label">[651]</span></a> A commission addressed to Lord Wimbledon, 28th Dec. 1625, empowers +him to proceed against soldiers or dissolute persons joining with them, +who should commit any robberies, etc., which by martial law ought to be +punished with death, by such summary course as is agreeable to martial +law, etc. Rymer, xviii. 254. Another, in 1626, may be found. P. 763. +It is unnecessary to point out how unlike these commissions are to our +present mutiny-bills.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_652" id="Footnote_652" href="#FNanchor_652"><span class="label">[652]</span></a> Bishop Williams, as we are informed by his biographer, though he +promoted the petition of right, stickled for the additional clause adopted +by the Lords, reserving the king's sovereign power; which very justly +exposed him to suspicion of being corrupted. For that he was so is most +evident by what follows; where we are told that he had an interview with +the Duke of Buckingham, when they were reconciled; and "his grace +had the bishop's consent with a little asking, that he would be his grace's +faithful servant in the next session of parliament, and was allowed to hold +up a seeming enmity, and his own popular estimation, that he might the +sooner do the work." Hacket's <i>Life of Williams</i>, pp. 77, 80. With such +instances of baseness and treachery in the public men of this age, surely +the distrust of the Commons was not so extravagant as the school of Hume +pretend.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_653" id="Footnote_653" href="#FNanchor_653"><span class="label">[653]</span></a> The debates and conferences on this momentous subject, especially on +the article of the habeas corpus, occupy near two hundred columns in the +<i>New Parliamentary History</i>, to which I refer the reader.</p> + +<p class="footnote">In one of these conferences, the Lords, observing what a prodigious +weight of legal ability was arrayed on the side of the petition, very fairly +determined to hear counsel for the Crown. One of these, Serjeant Ashley, +having argued in behalf of the prerogative in a high tone, such as had been +usual in the late reign, was ordered into custody; and the Lords assured +the other house, that he had no authority from them for what he had said. +<i>Id.</i> 327. A remarkable proof of the rapid growth of popular principles!</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_654" id="Footnote_654" href="#FNanchor_654"><span class="label">[654]</span></a> Hargrave MSS. xxxii. 97.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_655" id="Footnote_655" href="#FNanchor_655"><span class="label">[655]</span></a> <i>Parl. Hist.</i> 436.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_656" id="Footnote_656" href="#FNanchor_656"><span class="label">[656]</span></a> Stat. 3 Car. I. c. 1. Hume has printed in a note the whole statute +with the preamble, which I omit for the sake of brevity, and because it +may be found in so common a book.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_657" id="Footnote_657" href="#FNanchor_657"><span class="label">[657]</span></a> <i>Parl. Hist.</i> 431.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_658" id="Footnote_658" href="#FNanchor_658"><span class="label">[658]</span></a> Rushworth Abr. i. 409.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_659" id="Footnote_659" href="#FNanchor_659"><span class="label">[659]</span></a> <i>Parl. Hist.</i> 441, etc.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_660" id="Footnote_660" href="#FNanchor_660"><span class="label">[660]</span></a> Cawdrey's Case, 5 Reports; Cro. Jac. 37; Neal, p. 432. The latter +says, above three hundred were deprived; but Collier reduces them to +forty-nine. P. 687. The former writer states the nonconformist ministers +at this time in twenty-four counties to have been 754; of course the whole +number was much greater. P. 434. This minority was considerable; +but it is chiefly to be noticed, that it contained the more exemplary portion +of the clergy; no scandalous or absolutely illiterate incumbent, of whom +there was a very large number, being a nonconformist. This general +enforcement of conformity, however it might compel the majority's +obedience, rendered the separation of the incompliant more decided. +Neal, 446. Many retired to Holland, especially of the Brownist, or +Independent denomination. <i>Id.</i> 436. And Bancroft, like his successor +Laud, interfered to stop some who were setting out for Virginia. <i>Id.</i> 454.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_661" id="Footnote_661" href="#FNanchor_661"><span class="label">[661]</span></a> Lord Bacon, in his advertisement respecting the <i>Controversies of the +Church of England</i>, written under Elizabeth, speaks of this notion as newly +broached. "Yea and some indiscreet persons have been bold in open +preaching to use dishonourable and derogatory speech and censure of the +churches abroad; and that so far, as some of our men ordained in foreign +parts have been pronounced to be no lawful ministers."—Vol. i. p. 382. +It is evident, by some passages in Strype, attentively considered, that +natives regularly ordained abroad in the presbyterian churches were +admitted to hold preferment in England; the first bishop who objected +to them seems to have been Aylmer. Instances, however, of foreigners +holding preferment without any re-ordination, may be found down to the +civil wars. <i>Annals of Reformation</i>, ii. 522, and Appendix, 116; <i>Life of +Grindal</i>, 271; Collier, ii. 594; Neal, i. 258.</p> + +<p class="footnote">The divine right of episcopacy is said to have been laid down by Bancroft, +in his famous sermon at Paul's cross, in 1588. But I do not find anything +in it to that effect. It is, however, pretty distinctly asserted, if I mistake +not the sense, in the canons of 1606. Overall's <i>Convocation Book</i>, 179, etc. +Yet Laud had been reproved by the university of Oxford in 1604, for maintaining, +in his exercise for bachelor of divinity, that there could be no true +church without bishops, which was thought to cast a bone of contention +between the church of England and the reformed upon the Continent. +Heylin's <i>Life of Laud</i>, 54.</p> + +<p class="footnote">Cranmer and some of the original founders of the Anglican church, +so far from maintaining the divine and indispensable right of episcopal +government, held bishops and priests to be the same order.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_662" id="Footnote_662" href="#FNanchor_662"><span class="label">[662]</span></a> See the queen's injunctions of 1559 (<i>Somers Tracts</i>, i. 65), and compare +preamble of 5 and 6 of Edw. VI. c. 3.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_663" id="Footnote_663" href="#FNanchor_663"><span class="label">[663]</span></a> The first of these Sabbatarians was a Dr. Bound, whose sermon was +suppressed by Whitgift's order. But some years before, one of Martin +Mar-prelate's charges against Aylmer was for playing at bowls on Sundays: +and the word sabbath as applied to that day may be found occasionally +under Elizabeth, though by no means so usual as afterwards. One of +Bound's recommendations was that no feasts should be given on that day, +"except by lords, knights, and persons of quality;" for which unlucky +reservation his adversaries did not forget to deride him. Fuller's <i>Church +History</i>, p. 227. This writer describes in his quaint style the abstinence +from sports produced by this new doctrine; and remarks, what a slight +acquaintance with human nature would have taught Archbishop Laud, +that "the more liberty people were offered, the less they used it; it was +sport for them to refrain from sport." See also Collier, 643; Neal, 386; +Strype's <i>Whitgift</i>, 530; May's <i>Hist. of Parliament</i>, 16.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_664" id="Footnote_664" href="#FNanchor_664"><span class="label">[664]</span></a> Heylin's <i>Life of Laud</i>, 15; Fuller, part ii. p. 76.</p> + +<p class="footnote">The regulations enacted at various times since the Reformation for the +observance of abstinence in as strict a manner, though not ostensibly on +the same grounds, as it is enjoined in the church of Rome, may deserve +some notice. A statute of 1548 (2 and 3 Edward VI. c. 19), after reciting +that one day or one kind of meat is not more holy, pure, or clean than +another, and much else to the same effect, yet "forasmuch as divers of the +king's subjects, turning their knowledge therein to gratify their sensuality, +have of late more than in times past broken and contemned such abstinence, +which hath been used in this realm upon the Fridays and Saturdays, the +embering days and other days commonly called vigils, and in the time +commonly called Lent, and other accustomed times; the king's majesty +considering that due and godly abstinence is a mean to virtue and to subdue +men's bodies to their soul and spirit, and considering also especially that +fishers and men using the trade of fishing in the sea may thereby the rather +be set on work, and that by eating of fish much flesh shall be saved and +increased," enacts, after repealing all existing laws on the subject, that such +as eat flesh at the forbidden seasons shall incur a penalty of ten shillings, +or ten days' imprisonment <i>without flesh</i>, and a double penalty for the +second offence.</p> + +<p class="footnote">The next statute relating to abstinence is one (5th Eliz. c. 5) entirely for +the increase of the fishery. It enacts (§ 15, etc.) that no one, unless having +a licence, shall eat flesh on fish-days, or on Wednesdays, now made an +additional fish-day, under a penalty of £3, or three months' imprisonment. +Except that every one having three dishes of sea-fish at his table, might +have one of flesh also. But "because no manner of person shall misjudge +of the intent of this statute," it is enacted that whosoever shall notify that +any eating of fish or forbearing of flesh mentioned therein is of any necessity +for the saving of the soul of man, or that it is the service of God, otherwise +than as other politic laws are and be; that then such persons shall be +punished as spreaders of false news (§ 39 and 40). The act 27th Eliz. c. 11, +repeals the prohibition as to Wednesday; and provides that no victuallers +shall vend flesh in Lent, nor upon Fridays or Saturdays, under a penalty. +The 35th Eliz. c. 7, § 22, reduces the penalty of three pounds or three +months' imprisonment, enacted by 5th of Eliz. to one-third. This is the +latest statute that appears on the subject.</p> + +<p class="footnote">Many proclamations appear to have been issued in order to enforce an +observance so little congenial to the propensities of Englishmen. One of +those in the first year of Edward was before any statute; and its very +words respecting the indifference of meats in a religious sense were adopted +by the legislature the next year. Strype's <i>Eccles. Memor.</i> ii. 81. In one of +Elizabeth's, <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> 1572, as in the statute of Edward, the political motives +of the prohibition seem in some measure associated with the superstition +it disclaims; for eating in the season of Lent is called "licentious and carnal +disorder, in contempt of God and man, and only to the satisfaction of +devilish and carnal appetite;" and butchers, etc., "ministering to such +foul lust of the flesh," were severely mulcted. Strype's <i>Annals</i>, ii. 208. +But in 1576 another proclamation to the same effect uses no such hard +words, and protests strongly against any superstitious interpretation of +its motive. <i>Life of Grindal</i>, p. 226. So also in 1579 (Strype's <i>Annals</i>, ii. +608), and, as far as I have observed, in all of a later date, the encouragement +of the navy and fishery is set forth as their sole ground. In 1596, +Whitgift, by the queen's command, issued letters to the bishops of his +province, to take order that the fasting-days, Wednesday and Friday, +should be kept, and no suppers eaten, especially on Friday evens. This +was on account of the great dearth of that and the preceding year. Strype's +<i>Whitgift</i>, p. 490. These proclamations for the observance of Lent continued +under James and Charles, as late, I presume, as the commencement +of the civil war. They were diametrically opposed to the puritan tenets; +for, notwithstanding the pretext about the fishery, there is no doubt that +the dominant ecclesiastics maintained the observance of Lent as an +ordinance of the church. But I suspect that little regard was paid to +Friday and Saturday as days of weekly fast. Rymer, xvii. 131, 134, 349; +xviii. 268, 282, 961.</p> + +<p class="footnote">This abstemious system, however, was only compulsory on the poor. +Licences were easily obtained by others from the privy-council in Edward's +days, and afterwards from the bishop. They were empowered, with their +guests, to eat flesh on all fasting-days for life. Sometimes the number of +guests was limited. Thus the Marquis of Winchester had permission for +twelve friends; and John Sanford, draper of Gloucester, for two. Strype's +<i>Memorials</i>, ii. 82. The act above mentioned for encouragement of the +fishery, 5th Eliz. c. 5, provides that £1 6<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i> shall be paid for granting +every licence, and 6<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i> annually afterwards, to the poor of the parish. +But no licence was to be granted for eating beef at any time of the year, +or veal from Michaelmas to the first of May. A melancholy privation to +our countrymen! but, I have no doubt, little regarded. Strype makes +known to us the interesting fact, that Ambrose Potter, of Gravesend, and +his wife, had permission from Archbishop Whitgift "to eat flesh and white +meats in Lent, during their lives; so that it was done soberly and frugally, +cautiously, and avoiding public scandal as much as might be, and giving +6<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i> annually to the poor of the parish." <i>Life of Whitgift</i>, 246.</p> + +<p class="footnote">The civil wars did not so put an end to the compulsory observance of +Lent and fish days but that similar proclamations are found after the +Restoration, I know not how long. Kennet's Register, p. 367 and 558. +And some orthodox Anglicans continued to make a show of fasting. The +following extracts from Pepys' diary are, perhaps, characteristic of the +class. "I called for a dish of fish which we had for dinner, this being the +first day of Lent; and I do intend to try whether I can keep it or no." +Feb. 27, 1661. "Notwithstanding my resolution, yet for want of other +victuals, I did eat flesh this Lent, but am resolved to eat as little as I can.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_665" id="Footnote_665" href="#FNanchor_665"><span class="label">[665]</span></a> Wilson, 709.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_666" id="Footnote_666" href="#FNanchor_666"><span class="label">[666]</span></a> Debates in parliament, 1621, vol. i. pp. 45, 52. The king requested +them not to pass this bill, being so directly against his proclamation. <i>Id.</i> +60. Shepherd's expulsion is mentioned in Mede's Letters, Harl. MSS. 389.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_667" id="Footnote_667" href="#FNanchor_667"><span class="label">[667]</span></a> Vol. ii. 97. Two acts were passed (1 Car. I. c. 1 and 3 Car I. c. 2) for +the better observance of Sunday; the former of which gave great annoyance, +it seems, to the orthodox party. "Had any such bill," says Heylin, +"been offered in King James's time, it would have found a sorry welcome; +but this king being under a necessity of compliance with them, resolved to +grant them their desires in that particular, to the end that they might +grant his also in the aid required, when that obstruction was removed. +The Sabbatarians took the benefit of this opportunity for the obtaining +of this grant, the first that ever they obtained by all their strugglings, +which of what consequence it was we shall see hereafter." <i>Life of Laud</i>, +p. 129. Yet this statute permits the people lawful sports and pastimes +on Sundays within their own parishes.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_668" id="Footnote_668" href="#FNanchor_668"><span class="label">[668]</span></a> Without loading the page with too many references on a subject so +little connected with this work, I mention Strype's <i>Annals</i>, vol. i. p. 118, +and a letter from Jewel to P. Martyr in Burnet, vol. iii. Appendix 275.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_669" id="Footnote_669" href="#FNanchor_669"><span class="label">[669]</span></a> Collier, 568.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_670" id="Footnote_670" href="#FNanchor_670"><span class="label">[670]</span></a> Strype's <i>Annals</i>, i. 207, 294.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_671" id="Footnote_671" href="#FNanchor_671"><span class="label">[671]</span></a> Strype's <i>Whitgift</i>, 434-472.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_672" id="Footnote_672" href="#FNanchor_672"><span class="label">[672]</span></a> It is admitted on all hands that the Greek fathers did not inculcate +the predestinarian system. Elizabeth having begun to read some of the +fathers, Bishop Cox writes of it with some disapprobation, adverting +especially to the Pelagianism of Chrysostom and the other Greeks. Strype's +<i>Annals</i>, i. 324.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_673" id="Footnote_673" href="#FNanchor_673"><span class="label">[673]</span></a> Winwood, iii. 293. The intemperate and even impertinent behaviour +of James in pressing the states of Holland to inflict some censure or +punishment on Vorstius, is well known. But though Vorstius was an +Arminian, it was not precisely on account of those opinions that he incurred +the king's peculiar displeasure, but for certain propositions as to the nature +of the Deity, which James called atheistical, but which were in fact Arian. +The letters on this subject in Winwood are curious. Even at this time, +the king is said to have spoken moderately of predestination as a dubious +point (p. 452), though he had treated Arminius as a mischievous innovator +for raising a question about it; and this is confirmed by his letter to the +States in 1613. Brandt, iii. 129; and see p. 138; See Collier, p. 711, for +the king's sentiments in 1616; also Brandt, iii. 313.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_674" id="Footnote_674" href="#FNanchor_674"><span class="label">[674]</span></a> Sir Dudley Carleton's <i>Letters and Negotiations, passim</i>; Brandt's +<i>History of Reformation in Low Countries</i>, vol. iii. The English divines sent +to this synod were decidedly inclined to Calvinism, but they spoke of +themselves as deputed by the king, not by the church of England which +they did not represent.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_675" id="Footnote_675" href="#FNanchor_675"><span class="label">[675]</span></a> There is some obscurity about the rapid transition of the court from +Calvinism to the opposite side. It has been supposed that the part taken +by James at the synod of Dort was chiefly political, with a view to support +the house of Orange against the party headed by Barnevelt. But he was +so much more of a theologian than a statesman, that I much doubt whether +this will account satisfactorily for his zeal in behalf of the Gomarists. He +wrote on the subject with much polemical bitterness, but without reference, +so far as I have observed, to any political faction; though Sir Dudley +Carleton's letters show that <i>he</i> contemplated the matter as a minister ought +to do. Heylin intimates that the king grew "more moderate afterwards, +and into a better liking of those opinions which he had laboured to condemn +at the synod of Dort." <i>Life of Laud</i>, 120. The court language, indeed, +shifted so very soon after this, that Antonio de Dominis, the famous half-converted +Archbishop of Spalato, is said to have invented the name of +doctrinal puritans for those who distinguished themselves by holding the +Calvinistic tenets. Yet the synod of Dort was in 1618; while De Dominis +left England not later than 1622. Buckingham seems to have gone very +warmly into Laud's scheme of excluding the Calvinists. The latter gave +him a list of divines on Charles's accession, distinguishing their names by +O. and P. for orthodox and puritan; including several tenets in the latter +denomination, besides those of the quinquarticular controversy; such as +the indispensable observance of the Lord's day, the indiscrimination of +bishops and presbyters, etc. <i>Life of Laud</i>, 119. The influence of Laud +became so great that to preach in favour of Calvinism, though commonly +reputed to be the doctrine of the church, incurred punishment in any rank. +Davenant, Bishop of Salisbury, one of the divines sent to Dort, and +reckoned among the principal theologians of that age, was reprimanded +on his knees before the privy-council for this offence. Collier, p. 750. +But in James's reign the University of Oxford was decidedly Calvinistic. +A preacher, about 1623, having used some suspicious expressions, was +compelled to recant them, and to maintain the following theses in the +divinity school: Decretum prædestinationis non est conditionale—Gratia +sufficiens ad salutem non conceditur omnibus. Wood, ii. 348. And I +suppose it continued so in the next reign, so far as the university's opinions +could be manifested. But Laud took care that no one should be promoted, +as far as he could help it, who held these tenets.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_676" id="Footnote_676" href="#FNanchor_676"><span class="label">[676]</span></a> Winwood, vol. i. pp. 1, 52, 388; <i>Lettres d'Ossat</i>, i. 221; Birch's <i>Negotiations +of Edmondes</i>, p. 36. These references do not relate to the letter said +to have been forged in the king's name, and addressed to Clement VIII. +by Lord Balmerino. But Laing, <i>Hist. of Scotland</i>, iii. 59, and Birch's +<i>Negotiations</i>, etc. 177, render it almost certain that this letter was genuine, +which indeed has been generally believed by men of sense. James was a +man of so little consistency or sincerity that it is difficult to solve the +problem of this clandestine intercourse. But it might very likely proceed +from his dread of being excommunicated, and, in consequence, assassinated. +In a proclamation, commanding all jesuits and priests to quit the realm, +dated in 1603, he declares himself personally "so much beholden to the +new bishop of Rome for his kind office and private temporal carriage +towards us in many things, as we shall ever be ready to requite the same +towards him as Bishop of Rome in state and condition of a secular prince." +Rymer, xvi. 573. This is explained by a passage in the memoirs of Sully +(l. 15). Clement VIII., though before Elizabeth's death he had abetted +the project of placing Arabella on the throne, thought it expedient, after +this design had failed, to pay some court to James, and had refused to +accept the dedication of a work written against him, besides, probably, +some other courtesies. There is a letter from the king addressed to the +pope, and probably written in 1603, among the Cottonian MSS. Nero B. +vi. 9, which shows his disposition to coax and coquet with the Babylonian, +against whom he so much inveighs in his printed works. It seems that +Clement had so far presumed as to suggest that the Prince of Wales should +be educated a catholic; which the king refuses, but not in so strong a +manner as he should have done. I cannot recollect whether this letter has +been printed, though I can scarcely suppose the contrary. Persons himself +began to praise the works of James, and show much hope of what he would +do. Cotton, Jul. B. vi. 77.</p> + +<p class="footnote">The severities against catholics seem at first to have been practically +mitigated. Winwood, ii. 78. Archbishop Hutton wrote to Cecil, complaining +of the toleration granted to papists, while the puritans were +severely treated. <i>Id.</i> p. 40; Lodge, iii. 251. "The former," he says, +"partly by this round dealing with the puritans, and partly by some +extraordinary favour, have grown mightily in number, courage, and influence."—"If +the gospel shall quail, and popery prevail, it will be imputed +principally unto your great counsellors, who either procure or yield to grant +toleration to some." James told some gentlemen who petitioned for +toleration, that the utmost they could expect was connivance. Carte, iii. +711. This seems to have been what he intended through his reign, till +importuned by Spain and France to promise more.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_677" id="Footnote_677" href="#FNanchor_677"><span class="label">[677]</span></a> 1 Jac. I. c. 4. The penalties of recusancy were particularly hard upon +women, who, as I have observed in another place, adhered longer to the +old religion than the other sex; and still more so upon those who had to +pay for their scruples. It was proposed in parliament, but with the usual +fate of humane suggestions, that husbands going to church, should not be +liable for their wives' recusancy. Carte, 754. But they had the alternative +afterwards, by 7 Jac. I. c. 6, of letting their wives lie in prison or +paying £10 a month.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_678" id="Footnote_678" href="#FNanchor_678"><span class="label">[678]</span></a> Lingard, ix. 41, 55.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_679" id="Footnote_679" href="#FNanchor_679"><span class="label">[679]</span></a> From comparing some passages in Sir Charles Cornwallis's despatches, +(Winwood, vol. ii. pp. 143, 144, 153, with others in Birch's account of Sir +Thomas Edmondes's negotiations, p. 233, <i>et seq.</i>) it appears that the +English catholics were looking forward at this time to some crisis in their +favour, and that even the court of Spain was influenced by their hopes. +A letter from Sir Thomas Parry to Edmondes, dated at Paris, 10 Oct. 1605, +is remarkable: "Our priests are very busy about petitions to be exhibited +to the king's majesty at this parliament, and some further designs upon +refusal. These matters are secretly managed by intelligence with their +colleagues in those parts where you reside, and with the two nuncios. I +think it were necessary for his majesty's service that you found means to +have privy spies amongst them, to discover their negotiations. Something +is at present in hand amongst these desperate hypocrites, which I trust +God shall divert by the vigilant care of his majesty's faithful servants and +friends abroad, and prudence of his council at home." Birch, p. 233. +There seems indeed some ground for suspicion that the nuncio at Brussels +was privy to the conspiracy; though this ought not to be asserted as an +historical fact. Whether the offence of Garnet went beyond misprision of +treason has been much controverted. The catholic writers maintain that +he had no knowledge of the conspiracy, except by having heard it in confession. +But this rests altogether on his word; and the prevarication of +which he has been proved to be guilty (not to mention the damning circumstance +that he was taken at Hendlip in concealment along with the other +conspirators), makes it difficult for a candid man to acquit him of a +thorough participation in their guilt. Compare Townsend's <i>Accusations +of History against the Church of Rome</i> (1825), p. 247, containing extracts +from some important documents in the State Paper-Office, not as yet +published, with <i>State Trials</i>, vol. ii.; and see Lingard, ix. 160, etc. Yet it +should be kept in mind that it was easy for a few artful persons to keep +on the alert by indistinct communications a credulous multitude whose +daily food was rumour; and the general hopes of the English Romanists +at the moment are not evidence of their privity to the gunpowder-treason, +which was probably contrived late, and imparted to very few. But to +deny that there was such a plot, or, which is the same thing, to throw the +whole on the contrivance and management of Cecil, as has sometimes been +done, argues great effrontery in those who lead, and great stupidity in +those who follow. The letter to Lord Monteagle, the discovery of the +powder, the simultaneous rising in arms in Warwickshire, are as indisputable +as any facts in history. What then had Cecil to do with the plot, +except that he hit upon the clue to the dark allusions in the letter to +Monteagle, of which he was courtier enough to let the king take the credit? +James's admirers have always reckoned this, as he did himself, a vast +proof of sagacity; yet there seems no great acuteness in the discovery, +even if it had been his own. He might have recollected the circumstances +of his father's catastrophe, which would naturally put him on the scent of +gunpowder. In point of fact, however, the happy conjecture appears to +be Cecil's. Winwood, ii. 170. But had he no previous hint? See Lodge, +iii. 301.</p> + +<p class="footnote">The Earl of Northumberland was not only committed to the Tower on +suspicion of privity in the plot, but lay fourteen years there, and paid a +fine of £11,000 (by composition for £30,000), before he was released. +Lingard, ix. 89. It appears almost incredible that a man of his ability, +though certainly of a dangerous and discontented spirit, and rather destitute +of religion than a zealot for popery, which he did not, I believe, openly +profess, should have mingled in so flagitious a design. There is indeed a +remarkable letter in Winwood, vol. iii. p. 287, which tends to corroborate +the suspicions entertained of him. But this letter is from Salisbury, his +inveterate enemy. Every one must agree, that the fine imposed on this +nobleman was preposterous. Were we even to admit that suspicion might +justify his long imprisonment, a participation in one of the most atrocious +conspiracies recorded in history was, if proved, to be more severely +punished; if unproved, not at all.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_680" id="Footnote_680" href="#FNanchor_680"><span class="label">[680]</span></a> 3 Jac. I. c. 4, 5.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_681" id="Footnote_681" href="#FNanchor_681"><span class="label">[681]</span></a> Carte, iii. 782; Collier, 690; Butler's <i>Memoirs of Catholics</i>; Lingard, +vol. ix. 97; Aikin, i. 319. It is observed by Collier, ii. 695, and indeed by +the king himself, in his <i>Apology for the Oath of Allegiance</i> (edit. 1619), p. 46, +that Bellarmine plainly confounds the oath of allegiance with that of +supremacy. But this cannot be the whole of the case; it is notorious that +Bellarmine protested against any denial of the pope's deposing power.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_682" id="Footnote_682" href="#FNanchor_682"><span class="label">[682]</span></a> Lingard, ix. 215. Drury, executed in 1607, was one of the twelve +priests who, in 1602, had signed a declaration of the queen's right to the +crown, notwithstanding her excommunication. But, though he evidently +wavered, he could not be induced to say as much now in order to save his +life. <i>State Trials</i>, ii. 358.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_683" id="Footnote_683" href="#FNanchor_683"><span class="label">[683]</span></a> Lord Bacon, wise in all things, always recommended mildness towards +recusants. In a letter to Villiers, in 1616, he advises that the oath of +supremacy should by no means be tendered to recusant magistrates in +Ireland; "the new plantation of protestants," he says, "must mate the +other party in time." Vol. ii. p. 530. This has not indeed proved true; +yet as much, perhaps, for want of following Bacon's advice, as for any +other cause. He wished for a like toleration in England. But the king, +as Buckingham lets him know, was of a quite contrary opinion; for, +"though he would not by any means have a more severe course held than +his laws appoint in that case, yet there are many reasons why there should +be no mitigation above that which his laws have exerted, and his own +conscience telleth him to be fit." He afterwards professes "to account it +a baseness in a prince to show such a desire of the match [this was in 1617] +as to slack anything in his course of government, much more in propagation +of the religion he professeth, for fear of giving hinderance to the +match thereby."—Page 562. What a contrast to the behaviour of this +same king six years afterwards! The Commons were always dissatisfied +with lenity, and complained that the lands of recusants were undervalued; +as they must have been, if the king got only £6000 per annum by the compositions. +Debates in 1621, vol. i. pp. 24, 91. But he valued those in +England and Ireland at £36,000. Lingard, 215, from <i>Hardwicke Papers</i>.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_684" id="Footnote_684" href="#FNanchor_684"><span class="label">[684]</span></a> The absurd and highly blamable conduct of Buckingham has created +a prejudice in favour of the court of Madrid. That they desired the marriage +is easy to be believed; but that they would have ever sincerely +co-operated for the restoration of the Palatinate, or even withdrawn the +Spanish troops from it, is neither rendered probable by the general policy +of that government, nor by the conduct it pursued in the negotiation. +Compare <i>Hardwicke State Papers</i>, vol. i.; Cabala, 1, <i>et post</i>; Howell's +<i>Letters</i>; <i>Clarendon State Papers</i>, vol. i. <i>ad initium</i>, especially p. 13.</p> + +<p class="footnote">A very curious paper in the latter collection (p. 14) may be thought, +perhaps, to throw light on Buckingham's projects, and account in some +measure for his sudden enmity to Spain. During his residence at Madrid +in 1623, a secretary who had been dissatisfied with the court revealed to +him a pretended secret discovery of gold mines in a part of America, and +suggested that they might be easily possessed by any association that +could command seven or eight hundred men; and that after having made +such a settlement, it would be easy to take the Spanish flotilla, and attempt +the conquest of Jamaica and St. Domingo. This made so great an impression +on the mind of Buckingham, that, long afterwards in 1628, he entered +into a contract with Gustavus Adolphus, who bound himself to defend him +against all opposers in the possession of these mines, as an absolute prince +and sovereign, on condition of receiving one-tenth of the profits; promising +especially his aid against any puritans who might attack him from Barbadoes +or elsewhere, and to furnish him with four thousand men and six +ships of war, to be paid out of the revenue of the mines.</p> + +<p class="footnote">This is a very strange document, if genuine. It seems to show that +Buckingham, aware of his unpopularity in England, and that sooner or +later he must fall, and led away, as so many were, by the expectation of +immense wealth in America, had contrived this arrangement, which was +probably intended to take place only in the event of his banishment from +England. The share that Gustavus appears to have taken in so wild a +plan is rather extraordinary, and may expose the whole to some suspicion. +It is not clear how this came among the Clarendon papers; but the indorsement +runs: "Presented, and the design attempted and in some measure +attained by Cromwell, anno 1652." I should conjecture therefore that +some spy of the king's procured the copy from Cromwell's papers.</p> + +<p class="footnote">I have since found that Harte had seen a sketch of this treaty, but he +does not tell us by what means. <i>Hist. Gust. Adolph.</i> i. 130. But that +prince, in 1627, laid before the diet of Sweden a plan for establishing a +commerce with the West Indies; for which sums of money were subscribed. +<i>Id.</i> 143.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_685" id="Footnote_685" href="#FNanchor_685"><span class="label">[685]</span></a> <i>Hardwicke Papers</i>, pp. 402, 411, 417. The very curious letters in this +collection relative to the Spanish match are the vouchers for my text. It +appears by one of Secretary Conway's, since published (Ellis, iii. 154), that +the king was in great distress at the engagement for a complete immunity +from penal laws for the catholics, entered into by the prince and Buckingham; +but, on full deliberation in the council, it was agreed that he must +adhere to his promise. This rash promise was the cause of his subsequent +prevarications.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_686" id="Footnote_686" href="#FNanchor_686"><span class="label">[686]</span></a> <i>Hardwicke Papers</i>; Rushworth.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_687" id="Footnote_687" href="#FNanchor_687"><span class="label">[687]</span></a> <i>Hardwicke Papers</i>, p. 452, where the letter is printed in Latin. The +translation in Wilson, Rushworth, and Cabala, p. 214, is not by any means +exact, going in several places much beyond the original. If Hume knew +nothing but the translation, as is most probable, we may well be astonished +at his way of dismissing this business; that "the prince having received a +very civil letter from the pope, he was induced to return a very civil +answer." Clarendon saw it in a different light. <i>Clar. State Papers</i>, ii. 337.</p> + +<p class="footnote">Urban VIII. had succeeded Gregory XV. before the arrival of Charles's +letter. He answered it, of course, in a style of approbation, and so as +to give the utmost meaning to the prince's compliments, expressing his +satisfaction, "cum pontificem Romanum ex officii genere colere princeps +Britannus inciperet," etc. Rushworth, vol. i. p. 98.</p> + +<p class="footnote">It is said by Howell, who was then on the spot, that the prince never +used the service of the church of England while he was at Madrid, though +two chaplains, church-plate, etc., had been sent over. Howell's <i>Letters</i>, +p. 140. Bristol and Buckingham charged each other with advising Charles +to embrace the Romish religion; and he himself, in a letter to Bristol, +Jan. 21, 1625-6, imputes this to him in the most positive terms. Cabal +p. 17, 4to edit. As to Buckingham's willingness to see this step taken, +there can, I presume, be little doubt.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_688" id="Footnote_688" href="#FNanchor_688"><span class="label">[688]</span></a> Rushworth; Cabala, p. 19.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_689" id="Footnote_689" href="#FNanchor_689"><span class="label">[689]</span></a> <i>Parl. Hist.</i> 1375. Both houses, however, joined in an address that the +laws against recusants might be put in execution (<i>Id.</i> 1408); and the +Commons returned again to the charge afterwards. <i>Idem</i>, 1484.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_690" id="Footnote_690" href="#FNanchor_690"><span class="label">[690]</span></a> Rushworth.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_691" id="Footnote_691" href="#FNanchor_691"><span class="label">[691]</span></a> See a series of letters from Lord Kensington (better known afterwards +as Earl of Holland), the king's ambassador at Paris for this marriage-treaty; +in the appendix to <i>Clarendon State Papers</i>, vol. ii. pp. v. viii. ix.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_692" id="Footnote_692" href="#FNanchor_692"><span class="label">[692]</span></a> <i>Hardwicke Papers</i>, i. 536. Birch, in one of those volumes given by him +to the British Museum (and which ought to be published according to his +own intention), has made several extracts from the MS. despatches of +Tillieres, the French ambassador, which illustrate this negotiation. The +pope, it seems, stood off from granting the dispensation, requiring that the +English catholic clergy should represent to him their approbation of the +marriage. He was informed that the cardinal had obtained terms much +more favourable for the catholics than in the Spanish treaty. In short, +they evidently fancied themselves to have gained a full assurance of +toleration; nor could the match have been effected on any other terms. +The French minister writes to Louis XIII. from London, October 6, 1624, +that he had obtained a supersedeas of all prosecutions, more than themselves +expected, or could have believed possible; "en somme, un acte très +publique, et qui fut résolu en plein conseil, le dit roi l'ayant assemblé +exprès pour cela le jour d'hier." The pope agreed to appoint a bishop for +England, nominated by the King of France. Oct. 22. The oath of +allegiance, however, was a stumbling-block; the king could not change it +by his own authority, and establish another in parliament, "où la faction +des puritains prédomine, de sorte qu'ils peuvent ce qu'ils veulent." +Buckingham, however, promised "de nous faire obtenir l'assurance que +votre majesté désire tant, que les catholiques de ce pais ne seront jamais +inquiétés pour le raison du serment de fidélité, du quel votre majesté a si +souvent ouï parler." Dec. 22. He speaks the same day of an audience +he had of King James, who promised never to persecute his catholic subjects, +nor desire of them any oath which spoke of the pope's spiritual +authority, "mais seulement un acte de la reconnoissance de la domination +temporelle qui Dieu lui a donnée, et qu'ils auroient en considération de +votre majesté, et de la confiance que vous prenez en sa parole, beaucoup +plus de liberté qu'ils n'auroient eu en vertu des articles du traité d'Espagne." +The French advised that no parliament should be called till +Henrietta should come over, "de qui la présence serviroit de bride aux +puritains." It is not wonderful, with all this good-will on the part of +their court, that the English catholics should now send a letter to request +the granting of the dispensation. A few days after, Dec. 26, the ambassador +announces the king's letter to the archbishops, directing them to stop +the prosecution of catholics, the enlargement of prisoners on the score of +religion, and the written promises of the king and prince to let the catholics +enjoy more liberty than they would have had by virtue of the treaty with +Spain. On the credit of this, Louis wrote on the 23rd of January to +request six or eight ships of war to employ against Soubise, the chief of +the Hugonots; with which, as is well known, Charles complied in the +ensuing summer.</p> + +<p class="footnote">The king's letter above mentioned does not, I believe, appear. But his +ambassadors, Carlisle and Holland, had promised in his name that he +would give a written promise, on the word and honour of a king, which the +prince and a secretary of state should also sign, that all his Roman catholic +subjects should enjoy more freedom as to their religion than they could +have had by any articles agreed on with Spain; not being molested in their +persons or property for their profession and exercise of their religion, provided +they used their liberty with moderation, and rendered due submission +to the king, who would not force them to any oath contrary to their +religion. This was signed 18th Nov. <i>Hardw. Pap.</i> 546.</p> + +<p class="footnote">Yet after this concession on the king's part, the French cabinet was +encouraged by it to ask for "a direct and public toleration, not by connivance, +promise, or <i>écrit</i> secret, but by a public notification to all the +Roman catholics, and that of all his majesty's kingdoms whatsoever, confirmed +by his majesty's and the prince's oath, and attested by a public act, +whereof a copy to be delivered to the pope or his minister, and the same to +bind his majesty and the prince's successors for ever." <i>Id.</i> p. 552. The +ambassadors expressed the strongest indignation at this proposal, on which +the French did not think fit to insist. In all this wretched negotiation, +James was as much the dupe as he had been in the former, expecting that +France would assist in the recovery of the Palatinate, towards which, in +spite of promises, she took no steps. Richlieu had said, "donnez-nous +des prêtres, et nous vous donnerons des colonels." <i>Id.</i> p. 538. Charles +could hardly be expected to keep his engagement as to the catholics, when +he found himself so grossly outwitted.</p> + +<p class="footnote">It was during this marriage-treaty of 1624, that the archbishop of +Embrun, as he relates himself, in the course of several conferences with +the king on that subject, was assured by him that he was desirous of +re-entering the fold of the church. Wilson in Rennet, p. 786, note by +Wellwood. I have not seen the original passage; but Dr. Lingard puts +by no means so strong an interpretation on the king's words, as related +by the archbishop. Vol. ix. 323.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_693" id="Footnote_693" href="#FNanchor_693"><span class="label">[693]</span></a> Rennet, p. vi.; Rushworth; Lingard, ix. 353; Cabala, p. 144.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_694" id="Footnote_694" href="#FNanchor_694"><span class="label">[694]</span></a> "God alloweth (it is said in this homily, among other passages to the +same effect) neither the dignity of any person, nor the multitude of any +people, nor the weight of any cause, as sufficient for the which the subjects +may move rebellion against their princes." The next sentence contains a +bold position. "Turn over and read the histories of all nations, look over +the chronicles of our own country, call to mind so many rebellions of old +time, and some yet fresh in memory; ye shall not find that God ever prospered +any rebellion against their natural and lawful prince, but contrariwise, +that the rebels were overthrown and slain, and such as were taken +prisoners dreadfully executed." They illustrate their doctrine by the +most preposterous example I have ever seen alleged in any book, that of +the Virgin Mary; who "being of the royal blood of the ancient natural +kings of Jewry obeyed the proclamation of Augustus to go to Bethlehem. +This obedience of this most noble and most virtuous lady to a foreign and +pagan prince doth well teach us, who in comparison of her are both base +and vile, what ready obedience we do owe to our natural and gracious +sovereign."</p> + +<p class="footnote">In another homily entitled "On Obedience," the duty of non-resistance, +even in defence of religion, is most decidedly maintained; and in such a +manner as might have been inconvenient in case of a popish successor. +Nor was this theory very consistent with the aid and countenance given +to the United Provinces. Our learned churchmen, however, cared very +little for the Dutch. They were more puzzled about the Maccabees. But +that knot is cut in Bishop Overall's <i>Convocation Book</i>, by denying that +Antiochus Epiphanes had lawful possession of Palestine; a proposition +not easy to be made out.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_695" id="Footnote_695" href="#FNanchor_695"><span class="label">[695]</span></a> Collier, 724; Neal, 495; Wood's <i>History of the University of Oxford</i>, +ii. 341. Knight was sent to the Gate-house prison, where he remained +two years. Laud was the chief cause of this severity, if we may believe +Wood; and his own diary seems to confirm this.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_696" id="Footnote_696" href="#FNanchor_696"><span class="label">[696]</span></a> <i>Parl. Hist.</i> 877, 395, 410, etc.; Kennet, p. 30; Collier, 740, 743. This +historian, though a non-juror, is Englishman enough to blame the doctrines +of Sibthorp and Mainwaring, and, consistently with his high-church +principles, is displeased at the suspension of Abbot by the king's authority.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_697" id="Footnote_697" href="#FNanchor_697"><span class="label">[697]</span></a> <i>State Trials</i>, ii. 1449. A few years before this, Abbot had the misfortune, +while hunting deer in a nobleman's park, to shoot one of the +keepers with his cross-bow. Williams and Laud, who then acted together, +with some other of the servile crew, had the baseness to affect scruples at +the archbishop's continuance in his function, on pretence that, by some +contemptible old canon, he had become irregular in consequence of this +accidental homicide; and Spelman disgraced himself by writing a treatise +in support of this doctrine. James, however, had more sense than the +antiquary, and less ill-nature than the churchmen; and the civilians gave +no countenance to Williams's hypocritical scruples. Hacket's <i>Life of +Williams</i>, p. 651; <i>Biograph. Britann.</i> art. Abbot; Spelman's Works, +part 2, p. 3; Aikin's <i>James I.</i>, ii. 259. Williams's real object was to +succeed the archbishop on his degradation.</p> + +<p class="footnote">It may be remarked that Abbot, though a very worthy man, had not +always been untainted by the air of a court. He had not scrupled grossly +to flatter the king: (see his article in <i>Biograph. Brit.</i> and Aikin, i. 368) +and tells us himself, that he introduced Villiers, in order to supplant +Somerset; which, though well-meant, did not become his function. Even +in the delicate business of promising toleration to the catholics by the +secret articles of the treaty with Spain, he gave satisfaction to the king +(<i>Hardwicke Papers</i>, i. 428), which could only be by compliance. This shows +that the letter in Rushworth, ascribed to the archbishop, deprecating all +such concessions, is not genuine. In Cabala, p. 13, it is printed with the +name of the Archbishop of York, Matthews.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_698" id="Footnote_698" href="#FNanchor_698"><span class="label">[698]</span></a> The bishops were many of them gross sycophants of Buckingham. +Besides Laud, Williams, and Neile, one Field, Bishop of Landaff, was an +abject courtier. See a letter of his in Cabala, p. 118, 4to edit. Mede says +(27th May 1626), "I am sorry to hear they (the bishops) are so habituated +to flattery that they seem not to know of any other duty that belongs to +them." See Ellis's <i>Letters</i>, iii. 228, for the account Mede gives of the +manner in which the heads of houses forced the election of Buckingham as +Chancellor of Cambridge, while the impeachment was pending against him. +The junior masters of arts, however, made a good stand; so that it was +carried against the Earl of Berkshire only by three voices.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_699" id="Footnote_699" href="#FNanchor_699"><span class="label">[699]</span></a> Those who may be inclined to dissent from my text, will perhaps bow +to their favourite Clarendon. He says that in the three first parliaments, +though there were "several distempered speeches of particular persons, +not fit for the reverence due to his majesty," yet he "does not know any +formed act of either house (for neither the remonstrance nor votes of the +last day were such), that was not agreeable to the wisdom and justice of +great courts upon those extraordinary occasions; and whoever considers +the acts of power and injustice in the intervals of parliament, will not be +much scandalised at the warmth and vivacity of those meetings." Vol. i. +p. 8, edit. 1826.</p> +</div> + + + + + + + + +<pre> + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Constitutional History of England, Vol +1 of 3, by Henry Hallam + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK CONSTITUTIONAL HISTORY OF ENGLAND (V.1/3) *** + +***** This file should be named 39711-h.htm or 39711-h.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + http://www.gutenberg.org/3/9/7/1/39711/ + +Produced by Juliet Sutherland, Melissa McDaniel and the +Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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