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You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Encyclopaedia Britannica, 11th Edition, Volume 14, Slice 8 + "Isabnormal Lines" to "Italic" + +Author: Various + +Release Date: May 15, 2012 [EBook #39700] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ENCYC. BRITANNICA, VOL 14, SL 8 *** + + + + +Produced by Marius Masi, Don Kretz and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net + + + + + + +</pre> + + + +<table border="0" cellpadding="10" style="background-color: #dcdcdc; color: #696969; " summary="Transcriber's note"> +<tr> +<td style="width:25%; vertical-align:top"> +Transcriber’s note: +</td> +<td class="norm"> +Sections in Greek will yield a transliteration +when the pointer is moved over them, and words using diacritic characters in the +Latin Extended Additional block, which may not display in some fonts or browsers, will +display an unaccented version. <br /><br /> +<a name="artlinks">Links to other EB articles:</a> Links to articles residing in other EB volumes will +be made available when the respective volumes are introduced online. +</td> +</tr> +</table> +<div style="padding-top: 3em; "> </div> + +<h2>THE ENCYCLOPÆDIA BRITANNICA</h2> + +<h2>A DICTIONARY OF ARTS, SCIENCES, LITERATURE AND GENERAL INFORMATION</h2> + +<h3>ELEVENTH EDITION</h3> +<div style="padding-top: 3em; "> </div> + +<hr class="full" /> +<h3>VOLUME XIV SLICE VIII<br /><br /> +Isabnormal Lines to Italic</h3> +<hr class="full" /> +<div style="padding-top: 3em; "> </div> + +<p class="center1" style="font-size: 150%; font-family: 'verdana';">Articles in This Slice</p> +<table class="reg" style="width: 90%; font-size: 90%; border: gray 2px solid;" cellspacing="8" summary="Contents"> + +<tr><td class="tcl"><a href="#ar1">ISABNORMAL LINES</a></td> <td class="tcl"><a href="#ar36">ISMAIL HADJI MAULVI-MOHAMMED</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="tcl"><a href="#ar2">ISAEUS</a></td> <td class="tcl"><a href="#ar37">ISMAILIA</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="tcl"><a href="#ar3">ISAIAH</a></td> <td class="tcl"><a href="#ar38">ISMAY, THOMAS HENRY</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="tcl"><a href="#ar4">ISAIAH, ASCENSION OF</a></td> <td class="tcl"><a href="#ar39">ISMID, or ISNIKMID</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="tcl"><a href="#ar5">ISANDHLWANA</a></td> <td class="tcl"><a href="#ar40">ISNARD, MAXIMIN</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="tcl"><a href="#ar6">ISAR</a></td> <td class="tcl"><a href="#ar41">ISOBAR</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="tcl"><a href="#ar7">ISATIN</a></td> <td class="tcl"><a href="#ar42">ISOCLINIC LINES</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="tcl"><a href="#ar8">ISAURIA</a></td> <td class="tcl"><a href="#ar43">ISOCRATES</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="tcl"><a href="#ar9">ISCHIA</a></td> <td class="tcl"><a href="#ar44">ISODYNAMIC LINES</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="tcl"><a href="#ar10">ISCHL</a></td> <td class="tcl"><a href="#ar45">ISOGONIC LINES</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="tcl"><a href="#ar11">ISEO, LAKE OF</a></td> <td class="tcl"><a href="#ar46">ISOLA DEL LIRI</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="tcl"><a href="#ar12">ISÈRE</a> (river in France)</td> <td class="tcl"><a href="#ar47">ISOMERISM</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="tcl"><a href="#ar13">ISÈRE</a> (department of France)</td> <td class="tcl"><a href="#ar48">ISOTHERM</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="tcl"><a href="#ar14">ISERLOHN</a></td> <td class="tcl"><a href="#ar49">ISOXAZOLES</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="tcl"><a href="#ar15">ISFAHĀN</a></td> <td class="tcl"><a href="#ar50">ISRAEL</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="tcl"><a href="#ar16">ISHIM</a></td> <td class="tcl"><a href="#ar51">ISRAELI, ISAAC BEN SOLOMON</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="tcl"><a href="#ar17">ISHMAEL</a></td> <td class="tcl"><a href="#ar52">ISRAËLS, JOSEF</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="tcl"><a href="#ar18">ISHPEMING</a></td> <td class="tcl"><a href="#ar53">ISSACHAR</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="tcl"><a href="#ar19">ISHTAR</a></td> <td class="tcl"><a href="#ar54">ISSEDONES</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="tcl"><a href="#ar20">ISHTIB</a></td> <td class="tcl"><a href="#ar55">ISSERLEIN, ISRAEL</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="tcl"><a href="#ar21">ISIDORE OF ALEXANDRIA</a></td> <td class="tcl"><a href="#ar56">ISSERLES, MOSES BEN ISRAEL</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="tcl"><a href="#ar22">ISIDORE OF SEVILLE</a></td> <td class="tcl"><a href="#ar57">ISSOIRE</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="tcl"><a href="#ar23">ISINGLASS</a></td> <td class="tcl"><a href="#ar58">ISSOUDUN</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="tcl"><a href="#ar24">ISIS</a></td> <td class="tcl"><a href="#ar59">ISSYK-KUL</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="tcl"><a href="#ar25">ISKELIB</a></td> <td class="tcl"><a href="#ar60">ISTAHBANÁT</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="tcl"><a href="#ar26">ISLA, JOSÉ FRANCISCO DE</a></td> <td class="tcl"><a href="#ar61">ISTHMUS</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="tcl"><a href="#ar27">ISLAM</a></td> <td class="tcl"><a href="#ar62">ISTRIA</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="tcl"><a href="#ar28">ISLAMABAD</a></td> <td class="tcl"><a href="#ar63">ISYLLUS</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="tcl"><a href="#ar29">ISLAND</a></td> <td class="tcl"><a href="#ar64">ITACOLUMITE</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="tcl"><a href="#ar30">ISLAY</a></td> <td class="tcl"><a href="#ar65">ITAGAKI, TAISUKE</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="tcl"><a href="#ar31">ISLES OF THE BLEST</a></td> <td class="tcl"><a href="#ar66">ITALIAN LANGUAGE</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="tcl"><a href="#ar32">ISLINGTON</a></td> <td class="tcl"><a href="#ar67">ITALIAN LITERATURE</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="tcl"><a href="#ar33">ISLIP</a></td> <td class="tcl"><a href="#ar68">ITALIAN WARS</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="tcl"><a href="#ar34">ISLY</a></td> <td class="tcl"><a href="#ar69">ITALIC</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="tcl"><a href="#ar35">ISMAIL</a></td> <td class="tcl"> </td></tr> +</table> + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page860" id="page860"></a>860</span></p> +<p><span class="bold">ISABNORMAL<a name="ar1" id="ar1"></a></span> (or <span class="sc">Isanomalous</span>) <b>LINES</b>, in physical geography, +lines upon a map or chart connecting places having +an abnormal temperature. Each place has, theoretically, a +proper temperature due to its latitude, and modified by its +configuration. Its mean temperature for a particular period +is decided by observation and called its normal temperature. +Isabnormal lines may be used to denote the variations due to +warm winds or currents, great altitudes or depressions, or great +land masses as compared with sea. Or they may be used to +indicate the abnormal result of weather observations made in an +area such as the British Isles for a particular period.</p> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ISAEUS<a name="ar2" id="ar2"></a></span> (<i>c.</i> 420 <span class="scs">B.C.</span>-<i>c.</i> 350 <span class="scs">B.C.</span>), Attic orator, the chronological +limits of whose extant work fall between the years 390 and 353 +<span class="scs">B.C.</span>, is described in the Plutarchic life as a Chalcidian; by Suidas, +whom Dionysius follows, as an Athenian. The accounts have +been reconciled by supposing that his family sprang from the +settlement (<span class="grk" title="klêrouchia">κληρουχία</span>) of Athenian citizens among whom the +lands of the Chalcidian <i>hippobotae</i> (knights) had been divided +about 509 <span class="scs">B.C.</span> In 411 <span class="scs">B.C.</span> Euboea (except Oreos) revolted +from Athens; and it would not have been strange if residents of +Athenian origin had then migrated from the hostile island to +Attica. Such a connexion with Euboea would explain the non-Athenian +name Diagoras which is borne by the father of Isaeus, +while the latter is said to have been “an Athenian by descent” +(<span class="grk" title="Athênaios to genos">Ἀθηναῖος τὸ γένος</span>). So far as we know, Isaeus took no part in +the public affairs of Athens. “I cannot tell,” says Dionysius, +“what were the politics of Isaeus—or whether he had any +politics at all.” Those words strikingly attest the profound +change which was passing over the life of the Greek cities. +It would have been scarcely possible, fifty years earlier, that an +eminent Athenian with the powers of Isaeus should have failed +to leave on record some proof of his interest in the political +concerns of Athens or of Greece. But now, with the decline of +personal devotion to the state, the life of an active citizen had +ceased to have any necessary contact with political affairs. +Already we are at the beginning of that transition which is +to lead from the old life of Hellenic citizenship to that Hellenism +whose children are citizens of the world.</p> + +<p>Isaeus (who was born probably about 420 <span class="scs">B.C.</span>) is believed to +have been an early pupil of Isocrates, and he certainly was a +student of Lysias. A passage of Photius has been understood +as meaning that personal relations had existed between Isaeus +and Plato, but this view appears erroneous.<a name="fa1a" id="fa1a" href="#ft1a"><span class="sp">1</span></a> The profession +of Isaeus was that of which Antiphon had been the first representative +at Athens—that of a <span class="grk" title="logographos">λογογράφος</span>, who composed +speeches which his clients were to deliver in the law-courts. +But, while Antiphon had written such speeches chiefly (as Lysias +frequently) for public causes, it was with private causes that +Isaeus was almost exclusively concerned. The fact marks the +progressive subdivision of labour in his calling, and the extent to +which the smaller interests of private life now absorbed the +attention of the citizen.</p> + +<p>The most interesting recorded event in the career of Isaeus +is one which belongs to its middle period—his connexion with +Demosthenes. Born in 384 <span class="scs">B.C.</span>, Demosthenes attained his civic +majority in 366. At this time he had already resolved to +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page861" id="page861"></a>861</span> +prosecute the fraudulent guardians who had stripped him of +his patrimony. In prospect of such a legal contest, he could +have found no better ally than Isaeus. That the young +Demosthenes actually resorted to his aid is beyond reasonable +doubt. But the pseudo-Plutarch embellishes the story +after his fashion. He says that Demosthenes, on coming of age, +took Isaeus into his house, and studied with him for four years—paying +him the sum of 10,000 drachmas (about £400), on +condition that Isaeus should withdraw from a school of rhetoric +which he had opened, and devote himself wholly to his new pupil. +The real Plutarch gives us a more sober and a more probable +version. He simply states that Demosthenes “employed Isaeus +as his master in rhetoric, though Isocrates was then teaching, +either (as some say) because he could not pay Isocrates the +prescribed fee of ten minae, or because he preferred the style +of Isaeus for his purpose, as being <i>vigorous and astute</i>” (<span class="grk" title="drastêrion +kai panourgon">δραστήριον καὶ πανοῦργον</span>). It may be observed that, except by the pseudo-Plutarch, +a school of Isaeus is not mentioned,—for a notice in +Plutarch need mean no more than that he had written a textbook, +or that his speeches were read in schools;<a name="fa2a" id="fa2a" href="#ft2a"><span class="sp">2</span></a> nor is any other +pupil named. As to Demosthenes, his own speeches against +Aphobus and Onetor (363-362 <span class="scs">B.C.</span>) afford the best possible gauge +of the sense and the measure in which he was the disciple of +Isaeus; the intercourse between them can scarcely have been +either very close or very long. The date at which Isaeus died +can only be conjectured from his work; it may be placed about +350 <span class="scs">B.C.</span></p> + +<div class="condensed"> +<p>Isaeus has a double claim on the student of Greek literature. He +is the first Greek writer who comes before us as a consummate +master of strict forensic controversy. He also holds a most important +place in the general development of practical oratory, and therefore +in the history of Attic prose. Antiphon marks the beginning of that +development, Demosthenes its consummation. Between them stand +Lysias and Isaeus. The open, even ostentatious, art of Antiphon +had been austere and rigid. The concealed art of Lysias had charmed +and persuaded by a versatile semblance of natural grace and +simplicity. Isaeus brings us to a final stage of transition, in which +the gifts distinctive of Lysias were to be fused into a perfect harmony +with that masterly art which receives its most powerful expression in +Demosthenes. Here, then, are the two cardinal points by which the +place of Isaeus must be determined. We must consider, first, his +relation to Lysias; secondly, his relation to Demosthenes.</p> + +<p>A comparison of Isaeus and Lysias must set out from the distinction +between choice of words (<span class="grk" title="lexis">λέξις</span>) and mode of putting words +together (<span class="grk" title="synthesis">σύνθεσις</span>). In choice of words, <i>diction</i>, Lysias and Isaeus +are closely alike. Both are clear, pure, simple, concise; both have +the stamp of persuasive plainness (<span class="grk" title="apheleia">ἀφέλεια</span>), and both combine it +with graphic power (<span class="grk" title="enargeia">ἐνάργεια</span>). In mode of putting words together, +<i>composition</i>, there is, however a striking difference. Lysias threw +off the stiff restraints of the earlier periodic style, with its wooden +monotony; he is too fond indeed of antithesis always to avoid a +rigid effect; but, on the whole, his style is easy, flexible and various; +above all, its subtle art usually succeeds in appearing natural. +Now this is just what the art of Isaeus does not achieve. With less +love of antithesis than Lysias, and with a diction almost equally +pure and plain, he yet habitually conveys the impression of conscious +and confident art. Hence he is least effective in adapting his style +to those characters in which Lysias peculiarly excelled—the ingenuous +youth, the homely and peace-loving citizen. On the other +hand, his more open and vigorous art does not interfere with his +moral persuasiveness where there is scope for reasoned remonstrance, +for keen argument or for powerful denunciation. Passing from the +formal to the real side of his work, from diction and composition to +the treatment of subject-matter, we find the divergence wider still. +Lysias usually adheres to a simple four-fold division—proem, +narrative, proof, epilogue. Isaeus frequently interweaves the +narrative with the proof.<a name="fa3a" id="fa3a" href="#ft3a"><span class="sp">3</span></a> He shows the most dexterous ingenuity +in adapting his manifold tactics to the case in hand, and often +“out-generals” (<span class="grk" title="katastratêgei">καταστρατηγεῖ</span>) his adversary by some novel and +daring disposition of his forces. Lysias, again, usually contents +himself with a merely rhetorical or sketchy proof; Isaeus aims at +strict logical demonstration, worked out through all its steps. As +Sir William Jones well remarks, Isaeus lays close siege to the understandings +of the jury.<a name="fa4a" id="fa4a" href="#ft4a"><span class="sp">4</span></a></p> + +<p>Such is the general relation of Isaeus to Lysias. What, we must +next ask, is the relation of Isaeus to Demosthenes? The Greek +critic who had so carefully studied both authors states his own view +in broad terms when he declares that “the power of Demosthenes +took its seeds and its beginnings from Isaeus” (Dion. Halic. <i>Isaeus</i>, +20). A closer examination will show that within certain limits the +statement may be allowed. Attic prose expression had been continuously +developed as an art; the true link between Isaeus and +Demosthenes is technical, depending on their continuity. Isaeus +had made some original contributions to the resources of the art; and +Demosthenes had not failed to profit by these. The <i>composition</i> of +Demosthenes resembles that of Isaeus in blending terse and vigorous +periods with passages of more lax and fluent ease, as well as in that +dramatic vivacity which is given by rhetorical question and similar +devices. In the versatile disposition of subject-matter, the divisions +of “narrative” and “proof” being shifted and interwoven according +to circumstances, Demosthenes has clearly been instructed by the +example of Isaeus. Still more plainly and strikingly is this so in +regard to the elaboration of systematic, proof; here Demosthenes +invites direct and close comparison with Isaeus by his method of +drawing out a chain of arguments, or enforcing a proposition by +strict legal argument. And, more generally, Demosthenes is the +pupil of Isaeus, though here the pupil became even greater than the +master, in that faculty of grappling with an adversary’s case point +by point, in that aptitude for close and strenuous conflict which is +expressed by the words <span class="grk" title="agôn, enagônios">ἀγών, ἐναγώνιος</span>.<a name="fa5a" id="fa5a" href="#ft5a"><span class="sp">5</span></a></p> + +<p>The pseudo-Plutarch, in his life of Isaeus, mentions an <i>Art of +Rhetoric</i> and sixty-four speeches, of which fifty were accounted +genuine. From a passage of Photius it appears that at least<a name="fa6a" id="fa6a" href="#ft6a"><span class="sp">6</span></a> the fifty +speeches of recognized authenticity were extant as late as <span class="scs">A.D.</span> 850. +Only eleven, with a large part of a twelfth, have come down to us; +but the titles of forty-two<a name="fa7a" id="fa7a" href="#ft7a"><span class="sp">7</span></a> others are known.<a name="fa8a" id="fa8a" href="#ft8a"><span class="sp">8</span></a></p> + +<p>The titles of the lost speeches confirm the statement of Dionysius +that the speeches of Isaeus were exclusively forensic; and only three +titles indicate speeches made in public causes. The remainder, +concerned with private causes, may be classed under six heads:—(1) +<span class="grk" title="klêrikoi">κληρικοί</span>—cases of claim to an inheritance; (2) <span class="grk" title="epiklêrikoi">ἐπικληρικοί</span>—cases +of claim to the hand of an heiress; (3) <span class="grk" title="diadikasiai">διαδικασίαι</span>—cases of +claim of property; (4) <span class="grk" title="apostasiou">ἀποστασίου</span>—cases of claim to the ownership +of a slave; (5) <span class="grk" title="eggyês">ἐγγύης</span>—action brought against a surety whose +principal had made default; (6) <span class="grk" title="antômosia">ἀντωμοσία</span> (as = <span class="grk" title="paragraphê">παραγραφή</span>)—a +special plea; (7) <span class="grk" title="ephesis">ἔφεσις</span>—appeal from one jurisdiction to another.</p> + +<p>Eleven of the twelve extant speeches belong to class (1), the +<span class="grk" title="klêrikoi">κληρικοί</span>, or claims to an inheritance. This was probably the branch +of practice in which Isaeus had done his most important and most +characteristic work. And, according to the ancient custom, this +class of speeches would therefore stand first in the manuscript collections +of his writings. The case of Antiphon is parallel: his speeches +in cases of homicide (<span class="grk" title="phonikoi">φονικοί</span>) were those on which his reputation +mainly depended, and stood first in the manuscripts. Their exclusive +preservation, like that of the speeches made by Isaeus in +will-cases, is thus primarily an accident of manuscript tradition, but +partly also the result of the writer’s special prestige.</p> + +<p>Six of the twelve extant speeches are directly concerned with +claims to an estate; five others are connected with legal proceedings +arising out of such a claim. They may be classified thus (the name +given in each case being that of the person whose estate is in dispute):</p> + +<div class="list"> +<p>I. <i>Trials of Claim to an Inheritance</i> (<span class="grk" title="diadikasiai">διαδικασίαι</span>).</p> +</div> + +<div class="list1"> + <p>1. Or. i., Cleonymus. Date between 360 and 353 <span class="scs">B.C.</span></p> + <p>2. Or. iv., Nicostratus. Date uncertain.</p> + <p>3. Or. vii., Apollodorus. 353 <span class="scs">B.C.</span></p> + <p>4. Or. viii., Ciron. 375 <span class="scs">B.C.</span></p> + <p>5. Or. ix., Astyphilus. 369 <span class="scs">B.C.</span> (<i>c.</i> 390, Schömann).</p> + <p>6. Or. x., Aristarchus. 377-371 <span class="scs">B.C.</span> (386-384, Schömann).</p> +</div> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page862" id="page862"></a>862</span></p> + +<div class="list"> +<p>II. <i>Actions for False Witness</i> (<span class="grk" title="dikai pseudomartyriôn">δίκαι ψευδομαρτυριῶν</span>).</p> +</div> + +<div class="list1"> + <p>1. Or. ii., Menecles. 354 <span class="scs">B.C.</span></p> + <p>2. Or. iii., Pyrrhus. Date uncertain, but comparatively late.</p> + <p>3. Or. vi., Philoctemon. 364-363 <span class="scs">B.C.</span></p> +</div> + +<div class="list"> +<p>III. <i>Action to Compel the Discharge of a Suretyship</i> (<span class="grk" title="eggyês dikê">ἐγγύης δίκη</span>).</p> +</div> + +<div class="list1"> + <p>Or. v., Dicaeogenes. 390 <span class="scs">B.C.</span></p> +</div> + +<div class="list"> +<p>IV. <i>Indictment of a Guardian for Maltreatment of a Ward</i> (<span class="grk" title="eisaggelia kakôseôs orphanou">εἰσαγγελία κακώσεως ὀρφανοῦ</span>).</p> +</div> + +<div class="list1"> + <p>Or. xi., Hagnias. 359 <span class="scs">B.C.</span></p> +</div> + +<div class="list"> +<p>V. <i>Appeal from Arbitration to a Dicastery</i> (<span class="grk" title="ephesis">ἔφεσις</span>).</p> +</div> + +<div class="list1"> + <p>Or. xii., For Euphiletus. (Incomplete.) Date uncertain.</p> +</div> + +<p>The speeches of Isaeus supply valuable illustrations to the early +history of testamentary law. They show us the faculty of adoption, +still, indeed, associated with the religious motive in which it +originated, as a mode of securing that the sacred rites of the family +shall continue to be discharged by one who can call himself the son +of the deceased. But practically the civil aspect of adoption is, for +the Athenian citizen, predominant over the religious; he adopts a +son in order to bestow property on a person to whom he wishes to +bequeath it. The Athenian system, as interpreted by Isaeus, is thus +intermediate, at least in spirit, between the purely religious standpoint +of the Hindu and the maturer form which Roman testamentary +law had reached before the time of Cicero.<a name="fa9a" id="fa9a" href="#ft9a"><span class="sp">9</span></a> As to the form of the +speeches, it is remarkable for its variety. There are three which, +taken together, may be considered as best representing the diversity +and range of their author’s power. The fifth, with its simple but +lively diction, its graceful and persuasive narrative, recalls the +qualities of Lysias. The eleventh, with its sustained and impetuous +power, has no slight resemblance to the manner of Demosthenes. +The eighth is, of all, the most characteristic, alike in narrative and +in argument. Isaeus is here seen at his best. No reader who is +interested in the social life of ancient Greece need find Isaeus dull. +If the glimpses of Greek society which he gives us are seldom so +gay and picturesque as those which enliven the pages of Lysias, they +are certainly not less suggestive. Here, where the innermost relations +and central interests of the family are in question, we touch +the springs of social life; we are not merely presented with scenic +details of dress and furniture, but are enabled in no small degree to +conceive the feelings of the actors.</p> + +<p>The best manuscript of Isaeus is in the British Museum,—Crippsianus +A (= Burneianus 95, 13th century), which contains also Antiphon, +Andocides, Lycurgus and Dinarchus. The next best is Bekker’s +Laurentianus B (Florence), of the 15th century. Besides these, he +used Marcianus L (Venice), saec. 14, Vratislaviensis Z saec. 14<a name="fa10a" id="fa10a" href="#ft10a"><span class="sp">10</span></a> and +two very inferior MSS. Ambrosianus A. 99, P (which he dismissed +after Or. i.), and Ambrosianus D. 42, Q (which contains only Or. +i., ii.). Schömann, in his edition of 1831, generally followed Bekker’s +text; he had no fresh apparatus beyond a collation of a Paris MS. +R in part of Or. i.; but he had sifted the Aldine more carefully. +Baiter and Sauppe (1850) had a new collation of A, and also used a +collation of Burneianus 96, M, given by Dobson in vol. iv. of his +edition (1828). C. Scheibe (Teubner, 1860) made it his especial +aim to complete the work of his predecessors by restoring the correct +Attic forms of words; thus (<i>e.g.</i>) he gives <span class="grk" title="êggya">ἠγγύα</span> for <span class="grk" title="enegya">ἐνεγύα</span>, <span class="grk" title="dedimen">δέδιμεν</span> for +<span class="grk" title="dediamen">δεδίαμεν</span>, and the like,—following the consent of the MSS., however, +in such forms as the accusative of proper names in -<span class="grk" title="ên">ην</span> rather than -<span class="grk" title="ê">η</span>, +or (<i>e.g.</i>) the future <span class="grk" title="phanêsomai">φανήσομαι</span> rather than <span class="grk" title="phanoumai">φανοῦμαι</span>, &c., and on such +doubtful points as <span class="grk" title="phrateres">φράτερες</span> instead of <span class="grk" title="phratores">φράτορες</span>, or <span class="grk" title="Eilêthyias">Εἰληθυίας</span> instead of +<span class="grk" title="Eileithyias">Εἰλειθυίας</span>.</p> + +<p><span class="sc">Editions.</span>—<i>Editio princeps</i> (Aldus, Venice, 1513); in <i>Oratores +Attici</i>, by I. Bekker (1823-1828); W. S. Dobson (1828); J. G. +Baiter and Hermann Sauppe (1850); separately, by G. F. Schömann, +with commentary (1831); C. Scheibe (1860) (Teubner series, new +ed. by T. Thalheim, 1903); H. Buermann (1883); W. Wyse (1904). +English translation by Sir William Jones, 1779.</p> + +<p>On Isaeus generally see Wyse’s edition; R. C. Jebb, <i>Attic Orators</i>; +F. Blass, <i>Die attische Beredsamkeit</i> (2nd ed., 1887-1893); and L. +Moy, <i>Étude sur les plaidoyers d’Isée</i> (1876).</p> +</div> +<div class="author">(R. C. J.)</div> + +<hr class="foot" /> <div class="note"> + +<p><a name="ft1a" id="ft1a" href="#fa1a"><span class="fn">1</span></a> See further Jebb’s <i>Attic Orators from Antiphon to Isaeus</i>, +(ii. 264).</p> + +<p><a name="ft2a" id="ft2a" href="#fa2a"><span class="fn">2</span></a> Plut. <i>De glor. Athen.</i> p. 350 c, where he mentions <span class="grk" title="tous Isokrateis +kai Antiphôntas kai Isaious">τοὺς Ἰσοκράτεις καὶ Ἀντιφῶντας καὶ Ἰσαίους</span> among <span class="grk" title="tous en tais scholais ta +meirakia prodidaskontas">τοὺς ἐν ταῖς σχολαῖς τὰ μειράκια προδιδάσκοντας</span>.</p> + +<p><a name="ft3a" id="ft3a" href="#fa3a"><span class="fn">3</span></a> Here he was probably influenced by the teaching of Isocrates. +The forensic speech of Isocrates known as the <i>Aegineticus</i> (Or. xix.), +which belongs to the peculiar province of Isaeus, as dealing +with a claim to property (<span class="grk" title="epidikasia">ἐπιδικασία</span>), affords perhaps the earliest +example of narrative and proof thus interwoven. Earlier +forensic writers had kept the <span class="grk" title="diêgêsis">διήγησις</span> and <span class="grk" title="pisteis">πίστεις</span> distinct, as Lysias +does.</p> + +<p><a name="ft4a" id="ft4a" href="#fa4a"><span class="fn">4</span></a> This is what Dionysius means when he says (<i>Isaeus</i>, 61) that +Isaeus differs from Lysias—<span class="grk" title="tô mê kat’ enthymêma ti legein alla kat’ +epicheirêma">τῷ μὴ κατ᾿ ἐνθύμημα τι λέγειν ἀλλὰ κατ᾿ ἐπιχείρημα</span>. Here the “enthymeme” means a rhetorical syllogism with +one premiss suppressed (<i>curtum</i>, Juv. vi. 449); “epicheireme,” such +a syllogism stated in full. Cf. R. Volkmann, <i>Rhetorik der Griechen +und Römer</i>, 1872, pp. 153 f.</p> + +<p><a name="ft5a" id="ft5a" href="#fa5a"><span class="fn">5</span></a> Cleon’s speech in Thuc. iii. 37, 38, works out this image with +remarkable force; within a short space we have <span class="grk" title="xyneseôs agôn—tôn toiônde agônôn—agônistês—agônizesthai—antagônizesthai—agônothetein">ξυνἐσεως ἀγών—τῶν τοιῶνδε ἀγώνων—ἀγωνιστής—ἀγωνίζεσθαι—ἀνταγωνίζεσθαι—ἀγωνοθετεῖν</span>. +See <i>Attic Orators</i>, vol. i. 39; ii. 304.</p> + +<p><a name="ft6a" id="ft6a" href="#fa6a"><span class="fn">6</span></a> For the words of Photius (cod. 263), <span class="grk" title="toutôn de oi to gnêsion +martyrêthentes n’ kataleipontai monon">τούτων δὲ οἱ τὸ γνήσιον μαρτυρηθέντες ν΄ καταλείπονται μόνον</span>, might be so rendered as to +imply that, besides these fifty, others also were extant. See <i>Att. +Orat.</i> ii. 311, note 2.</p> + +<p><a name="ft7a" id="ft7a" href="#fa7a"><span class="fn">7</span></a> Forty-four are given in Thalheim’s ed.</p> + +<p><a name="ft8a" id="ft8a" href="#fa8a"><span class="fn">8</span></a> The second of our speeches (the Meneclean) was discovered in the +Laurentian Library in 1785, and was edited in that year by Tyrwhitt. +In editions previous to that date, Oration i. is made to conclude with +a few lines which really belong to the end of Orat. ii. (§ 47, <span class="grk" title="all’ +epeidê to pragma ... psêthisasthe">ἀλλ᾿ ἐπειδὴ τὸ πρᾶγμα ... ψηφίσασθε</span>), and this arrangement is followed +in the translation of Isaeus by Sir William Jones, to whom our second +oration, was, of course, then (1779) unknown. In Oration i. all that +follows the words <span class="grk" title="mê poiêsantes">μὴ ποιήσαντες</span> in § 22 was first published in 1815 +by Mai, from a MS. in the Ambrosian Library at Milan.</p> + +<p><a name="ft9a" id="ft9a" href="#fa9a"><span class="fn">9</span></a> Cf. Maine’s <i>Ancient Law</i>, ch. vi., and the <i>Tagore Law Lectures</i> +(1870) by Herbert Cowell, lect. ix., “On the Rite of Adoption,” +pp. 208 f.</p> + +<p><a name="ft10a" id="ft10a" href="#fa10a"><span class="fn">10</span></a> The date of L and Z is given as the end of the 15th century in +the introduction to Wyse’s edition.</p> +</div> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ISAIAH.<a name="ar3" id="ar3"></a></span> I. <i>Life and Period.</i>—Isaiah is the name of the +greatest, and both in life and in death the most influential of the +Old Testament prophets. We do not forget Jeremiah, but +Jeremiah’s literary and religious influence is secondary compared +with that of Isaiah. Unfortunately we are reduced to inference +and conjecture with regard both to his life and to the extent of +his literary activity. In the heading (i. 1) of what we may call +the occasional prophecies of Isaiah (<i>i.e.</i> those which were called +forth by passing events), the author is called “the son of Amoz” +and Rabbinical legend identifies this Amoz with a brother of +Amaziah, king of Judah; but this is evidently based on a mere +etymological fancy. We know from his works that (unlike +Jeremiah) he was married (viii. 3), and that he had at least two +sons, whose names he regarded as, together with his own, +symbolic by divine appointment of certain decisive events or +religious truths—Isaiah (Yesha’-yāhū), meaning “Salvation—Yahweh”; +Shear-Yāshūb, “a remnant shall return”; and +Maher-shalal-hash-baz, “swift (swiftly cometh) spoil, speedy +(speedily cometh) prey” (vii. 3, viii. 3, 4, 18). He lived at +Jerusalem, perhaps in the “middle” or “lower city” (2 Kings +xx. 4), exercised at one time great influence at court (chap. +xxxvii.), and could venture to address a king unbidden (vii. 4), +and utter the most unpleasant truths, unassailed, in the plainest +fashion. Presumably therefore his social rank was far above +that of Amos and Micah; certainly the high degree of rhetorical +skill displayed in his discourses implies a long course of literary +discipline, not improbably in the school of some older prophet +(Amos vii. 14 suggests that “schools” or companies “of the +prophets” existed in the southern kingdom). We know but +little of Isaiah’s predecessors and models in the prophetic art (it +were fanaticism to exclude the element of human preparation); +but certainly even the acknowledged prophecies of Isaiah (and +much more the disputed ones) could no more have come into +existence suddenly and without warning than the masterpieces +of Shakespeare. In the more recent commentaries (<i>e.g.</i> Cheyne’s +<i>Prophecies of Isaiah</i>, ii. 218) lists are generally given of the points +of contact both in phraseology and in ideas between Isaiah and +the prophets nearly contemporary with him. For Isaiah cannot +be studied by himself.</p> + +<p>The same heading already referred to gives us our only +traditional information as to the period during which Isaiah +prophesied; it refers to Uzziah, Jotham, Ahaz and Hezekiah +as the contemporary kings. It is, however, to say the least, +doubtful whether any of the extant prophecies are as early as the +reign of Uzziah. Exegesis, the only safe basis of criticism for +the prophetic literature, is unfavourable to the view that even +chap. i. belongs to the reign of this king, and we must therefore +regard it as most probable that the heading in i. 1 is (like those +of the Psalms) the work of one or more of the Sōpherīm (or +students and editors of Scripture) in post-exilic times, apparently +the same writer (or company of writers) who prefixed the headings +of Hosea and Micah, and perhaps of some of the other books. +Chronological study had already begun in his time. But he +would be a bold man who would profess to give trustworthy dates +either for the kings of Israel or for the prophetic writers. (See +<span class="sc"><a href="#artlinks">Bible</a></span>, <i>Old Testament</i>, Chronology; the article “Chronology” +in the <i>Encyclopaedia Bíblica</i>; and cf. H. P. Smith, <i>Old Testament +History</i>, Edin., 1903, p. 202, note 2.)</p> + +<p>II. <i>Chronological Arrangement, how far possible.</i>—Let us now +briefly sketch the progress of Isaiah’s prophesying on the basis +of philological exegesis, and a comparison of the sound results of +the study of the inscriptions. If our results are imperfect and +liable to correction, that is only to be expected in the present +position of the historical study of the Bible. Chap. vi., which +describes a vision of Isaiah “in the death-year of King Uzziah” +(740 or 734 <span class="scs">B.C.</span>?) may possibly have arisen out of notes put down +in the reign of Jotham; but for several reasons it is not an +acceptable view that, in its present form, this striking chapter +is earlier than the reign of Ahaz. It seems, in short, to have +originally formed the preface to the small group of prophecies +which now follows it, viz. vii. i.-ix. 7. The portions which may +represent discourses of Jotham’s reign are chap. ii. and chap. ix. 8-x. +4—stern denunciations which remind us somewhat of Amos. +But the allusions in the greater part of chaps. ii.-v. correspond +to no period so closely as the reign of Ahaz, and the same remark +applies still more self-evidently to vii. 1-ix. 7.<a name="fa1b" id="fa1b" href="#ft1b"><span class="sp">1</span></a> Chap. xvii. 1-11 +ought undoubtedly to be read in immediate connexion with chap. +vii.; it presupposes the alliance of Syria and northern Israel, +whose destruction it predicts, though opening a door of hope +for a remnant of Israel. The fatal siege of Samaria (724-722 <span class="scs">B.C.</span>) +seems to have given occasion to chap. xxviii.; but the following +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page863" id="page863"></a>863</span> +prophecies (chaps. xxix.-xxxiii.) point in the main to Sennacherib’s +invasion, 701 <span class="scs">B.C.</span>, which evidently stirred Isaiah’s deepest +feelings and was the occasion of some of his greatest prophecies. +It is, however, the vengeance taken by Sargon upon Ashdod (711) +which seems to be preserved in chap. xx., and the striking little +prophecy in xxi. 1-10, sometimes referred of late to a supposed +invasion of Judah by Sargon, rather belongs to some one of the +many prophetic personages who wrote, but did not speak like +the greater prophets, during and after the Exile. It is also an +opinion largely held that the prophetic epilogue in xvi. 13, 14, +was attached by Isaiah to an oracle on archaic style by another +prophet (Isaiah’s hand has, however, been traced by some in +xvi. 4<i>b</i>, 5). In fact no progress can be expected in the accurate +study of the prophets until the editorial activity both of the great +prophets themselves and of their more reflective and studious +successors is fully recognized.</p> + +<p>Thus there were two great political events (the Syro-Israelitish +invasion under Ahaz, and the great Assyrian invasion of Sennacherib) +which called forth the spiritual and oratorical faculties +of our prophet, and quickened his faculty of insight into the +future. The Sennacherib prophecies must be taken in connexion +with the historical appendix, chaps, xxxvi.-xxxix. The beauty +and incisiveness of the poetic prophecy in xxxvii. 21-32 have, +by some critics, been regarded as evidence for its authenticity. +This, however, is, on critical grounds, most questionable.</p> + +<p>A special reference seems needed at this point to the oracle +on Egypt, chap. xix. The comparative feebleness of the style has +led to the conjecture that, even if the basis of the prophecy be +Isaianic, yet in its present form it must have undergone the +manipulation of a scribe. More probably, however, it belongs to +the early Persian period. It should be added that the Isaianic +origin of the appendix in xix. 18-24 is, if possible, even more +doubtful, because of the precise, circumstantial details of the +prophecy which are not like Isaiah’s work. It is plausible to +regard <i>v.</i> 18 as a fictitious prophecy in the interests of Onias, the +founder of the rival Egyptian temple to Yahweh at Leontopolis +in the name of Heliopolis (Josephus, <i>Ant.</i> xii. 9, 7).</p> + +<p>III. <i>Disintegration Theories.</i>—We must now enter more fully +into the question whether the whole of the so-called Book of +Isaiah was really written by that prophet. The question relates, +at any rate, to xiii.-xiv. 23, xxi. 1-10, xxiv.-xxvii., xxxiv., xxxv. +and xl.-lxvi. The father of the controversy may be said to be the +Jewish rabbi, Aben Ezra, who died <span class="scs">A.D.</span> 1167. We need not, +however, spend much time on the well-worn but inconclusive +arguments of the older critics. The existence of a tradition in +the last three centuries before Christ as to the authorship of +any book is (to those acquainted with the habits of thought of +that age) of but little critical moment; the <i>Sōpherīm</i>, <i>i.e.</i> +students of Scripture, in those times were simply anxious for the +authority of the Scriptures, not for the ascertainment of their +precise historical origin. It was of the utmost importance to +declare that (especially) Isaiah xl.-lxvi. was a prophetic work +of the highest order; this was reason sufficient (apart from any +presumed phraseological affinities in xl.-lxvi.) for ascribing them +to the royal prophet Isaiah. When the view had once obtained +currency, it would naturally become a tradition. The question of +the Isaianic or non-Isaianic origin of the disputed prophecies +(especially xl.-lxvi.) must be decided on grounds of exegesis +alone. It matters little, therefore, when the older critics appeal +to Ezra i. 2 (interpreted by Josephus, <i>Ant.</i> xi. 1, 1-2), to the +Septuagint version of the book (produced between 260 and 130 +<span class="scs">B.C.</span>), in which the disputed prophecies are already found, and +to the Greek translation of the Wisdom of Jesus, the son of Sirach, +which distinctly refers to Isaiah as the comforter of those that +mourned in Zion (Eccles. xlviii. 24, 25).</p> + +<p>The fault of the controversialists on both sides has been that +each party has only seen “one side of the shield.” It will be +admitted by philological students that the exegetical data +supplied by (at any rate) Isa. xl.-lxvi. are conflicting, and therefore +susceptible of no simple solution. This remark applies, +it is true, chiefly to the portion which begins at lii. 13. The +earlier part of Isa. xl.-lxvi. admits of a perfectly consistent +interpretation from first to last. There is nothing in it to indicate +that the author’s standing-point is earlier than the Babylonian +captivity. His object is (as most scholars, probably, believe) to +warn, stimulate or console the captive Jews, some full believers, +some semi-believers, some unbelievers or idolaters. The development +of the prophet’s message is full of contrasts and surprises: +the vanity of the idol-gods and the omnipotence of Israel’s +helper, the sinfulness and infirmity of Israel and her high spiritual +destiny, and the selection (so offensive to patriotic Jews, xlv. +9, 10) of the heathen Cyrus as the instrument of Yahweh’s +purposes, as in fact his Messiah or Anointed One (xlv. 1), are +brought successively before us. Hence the semi-dramatic character +of the style. Already in the opening passage mysterious +voices are heard crying, “Comfort ye, comfort ye my people”; +the plural indicates that there were other prophets among the +exiles besides the author of Isa. xl.-xlviii. Then the Jews and +the Asiatic nations in general are introduced trembling at the +imminent downfall of the Babylonian empire. The former are +reasoned with and exhorted to believe; the latter are contemptuously +silenced by an exhibition of the futility of their religion. +Then another mysterious form appears on the scene, bearing the +honourable title of “Servant of Yahweh,” through whom God’s +gracious purposes for Israel and the world are to be realized. +The cycle of poetic passages on the character and work of this +“Servant,” or commissioned agent of the Most High, may have +formed originally a separate collation which was somewhat later +inserted in the Prophecy of Restoration (<i>i.e.</i> chaps. xl.-xlviii., and +its appendix chaps. xlix.-lv.).</p> + +<p>The new section which begins at chap. xlix. is written in much +the same delightfully flowing style. We are still among the +exiles at the close of the captivity, or, as others think, amidst a +poor community in Jerusalem, whose members have now been +dispersed among the Gentiles. The latter view is not so strange +as it may at first appear, for the new book has this peculiarity, +that Babylon and Cyrus are not mentioned in it at all. [True, +there was not so much said about Babylon as we should have +expected even in the first book; the paucity of references to +the local characteristics of Babylonia is in fact one of the negative +arguments urged by older scholars in favour of the Isaianic +origin of the prophecy.] Israel himself, with all his inconsistent +qualities, becomes the absorbing subject of the prophet’s meditations. +The section opens with a soliloquy of the “Servant of +Yahweh,” which leads on to a glorious comforting discourse, +“Can a woman forget her sucking child,” &c. (xlix. 1, comp. +li. 12, 13). Then his tone rises, Jerusalem can and must be +redeemed; he even seems to see the great divine act in process +of accomplishment. Is it possible, one cannot help asking, that +the abrupt description of the strange fortunes of the “Servant”—by +this time entirely personalized—was written to follow +chap. lii. 1-12?</p> + +<p>The whole difficulty seems to arise from the long prevalent +assumption that chaps. xl.-lxvi. form a whole in themselves. +Natural as the feeling against disintegration may be, the difficulties +in the way of admitting the unity of chaps. xl.-lxvi. +are insurmountable. Even if, by a bold assumption, we grant +the unity of authorship, it is plain upon the face of it that +the chapters in question cannot have been composed at the +same time or under the same circumstances; literary and +artistic unity is wholly wanting. But once admit (as it is only +reasonable to do) the extension of Jewish editorial activity to +the prophetic books and all becomes clear. The record before +us gives no information as to its origin. It is without a heading, +and by its abrupt transitions, and honestly preserved variations +of style, invites us to such a theory as we are now indicating. +It is only the inveterate habit of reading Isa. xlix.-lxvi. as a part +of a work relating to the close of the Exile that prevents us from +seeing how inconsistent are the tone and details with this presupposition.</p> + +<div class="condensed"> +<p>The present article in its original form introduced here a survey +of the portions of Isa. xl.-lxvi. which were plainly of Palestinian +origin. It is needless to reproduce this here, because the information +is now readily accessible elsewhere; in 1881 there was an originality +in this survey, which gave promise of a still more radical treatment +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page864" id="page864"></a>864</span> +such as that of Bernhard Duhm, a fascinating commentary published +in 1892. See also Cheyne, <i>Jewish Quarterly Review</i>, July and October +1891; <i>Introd. to Book of Isaiah</i> (1895), which also point forward, +like Stade’s <i>Geschichte</i> in Germany, to a bolder criticism of Isaiah.</p> +</div> + +<p>IV. <i>Non-Isaianic Elements in Chaps. i.-xxxix.</i>—We have said +nothing hitherto, except by way of allusion, of the disputed +prophecies scattered up and down the first half of the book of +Isaiah. There is only one of these prophecies which may, with +any degree of apparent plausibility, be referred to the age of +Isaiah, and that is chaps. xxiv.-xxvii. The grounds are (1) that +according to xxv. 6 the author dwells on Mount Zion; (2) that +Moab is referred to as an enemy (xxv. 10); and (3) that at the +close of the prophecy, Assyria and Egypt are apparently mentioned +as the principal foes of Israel (xxvii. 12, 13). A careful and +thorough exegesis will show the hollowness of this justification. +The tone and spirit of the prophecy as a whole point to the same +late apocalyptic period to which chap. xxxiv. and the book of +Joel; and also the last chapter (especially) of the book of +Zechariah, may unhesitatingly be referred.</p> + +<p>A word or two may perhaps be expected on Isa. xiii., xiv. and +xxxiv., xxxv. These two oracles agree in the elaborateness +of their description of the fearful fate of the enemies of Yahweh +(Babylon and Edom are merely representatives of a class), and +also in their view of the deliverance and restoration of Israel +as an epoch for the whole human race. There is also an unrelieved +sternness, which pains us by its contrast with Isa. xl.-lxvi. +(except those passages of this portion which are probably not +homogeneous with the bulk of the prophecy). They have also +affinities with Jer. l. li., a prophecy (as most now agree) of +post-exilic +origin.</p> + +<p>There is only one passage which seems in some degree to make +up for the aesthetic drawbacks of the greater part of these late +compositions. It is the ode on the fall of the king of Babylon +in chap. xiv. 4-21, which is as brilliant with the glow of lyric +enthusiasm as the stern prophecy which precedes it is, from the +same point of view, dull and uninspiring. It is in fact worthy to +be put by the side of the finest passages of chaps. xl.-lxvi.—of +those passages which irresistibly rise in the memory when we +think of “Isaiah.”</p> + +<p>V. <i>Prophetic Contrasts in Isaiah.</i>—From a religious point of +view there is a wide difference, not only between the acknowledged +and the disputed prophecies of the book of Isaiah, but also +between those of the latter which occur in chaps. i.-xxxix., +on the one hand, and the greater and more striking part of chaps. +xl.-lxvi. on the other. We may say, upon the whole, with Duhm, +that Isaiah represents a synthesis of Amos and Hosea, though not +without important additions of his own. And if we cannot without +much hesitation admit that Isaiah was really the first preacher of +a personal Messiah whose record has come down to us, yet his +editors certainly had good reason for thinking him capable of such +a lofty height of prophecy. It is not because Isaiah could not +have conceived of a personal Messiah, but because the Messiah-passages +are not plainly Isaiah’s either in style or in thought. +If Isaiah had had those bright visions, they would have affected +him more.</p> + +<p>Perhaps the most characteristic religious peculiarities of the +various disputed prophecies are—(1) the emphasis laid on the +uniqueness, eternity, creatorship and predictive power of +Yahweh (xl. 18, 25, xli. 4, xliv. 6, xlviii. 12, xlv. 5, 6, 18, 22, xlvi. +9, xlii. 5, xlv. 18, xli. 26, xliii. 9, xliv. 7, xlv. 21, xlviii. 14); +(2) the conception of the “Servant of Yahweh”; (3) the ironical +descriptions of idolatry (Isaiah in the acknowledged prophecies +only refers incidentally to idolatry) xl. 19, 20, xli. 7, xliv. 9-17, +xlvi. 6; (4) the personality of the Spirit of Yahweh (mentioned +no less than seven times, see especially xl. 3, xlviii. 16, lxiii. 10, +14); (5) the influence of the angelic powers (xxiv. 21); (6) +the resurrection of the body (xxvi. 19); (7) the everlasting +punishment of the wicked (lxvi. 24); (8) vicarious atonement +(chap. liii.).</p> + +<p>We cannot here do more than chronicle the attempts of a +Jewish scholar, the late Dr Kohut, in the <i>Z.D.M.G.</i> for 1876 to +prove a Zoroastrian influence on chaps. xl.-lxvi. The idea is +not in itself inadmissible, at least for post-exilic portions, for +Zoroastrian ideas were in the intellectual atmosphere of Jewish +writers in the Persian age.</p> + +<p>There is an equally striking difference among the disputed +prophecies themselves, and one of no small moment as a subsidiary +indication of their origin. We have already spoken of +the difference of tone between parts of the latter half of the book; +and, when we compare the disputed prophecies of the former half +with the Prophecy of Israel’s Restoration, how inferior (with all +reverence be it said) do they appear! Truly “in many parts +and many manners did God speak” in this composite book of +Isaiah! To the Prophecy of Restoration we may fitly apply +the words, too gracious and too subtly chosen to be translated, +of Renan, “ce second Isaïe, dont l’âme lumineuse semble comme +imprégnée, six cent ans d’avance, de toutes les rosées, de tous +les parfums de l’avenir” (<i>L’Antéchrist</i>, p. 464); though, indeed, +the common verdict of sympathetic readers sums up the +sentence in a single phrase—“the Evangelical Prophet.” The +freedom and the inexhaustibleness of the undeserved grace of +God is a subject to which this gifted son constantly returns +with “a monotony which is never monotonous.” The defect of +the disputed prophecies in the former part of the book (a defect, +as long as we regard them in isolation, and not as supplemented +by those which come after) is that they emphasize too much for +the Christian sentiment the stern, destructive side of the series +of divine interpositions in the latter days.</p> + +<p>VI. <i>The Cyrus Inscriptions.</i>—Perhaps one of the most important +contributions to the study of II. Isaiah has been the +discovery of two cuneiform texts relative to the fall of Babylon +and the religious policy of Cyrus. The results are not favourable +to a mechanical view of prophecy as involving absolute accuracy +of statement. Cyrus appears in the unassailably authentic +cylinder inscription “as a complete religious indifferentist, +willing to go through any amount of ceremonies to soothe the +prejudices of a susceptible population.” He preserves a strange +and significant silence with regard to Ahura-mazda, the supreme +God of Zoroastrianism, and in fact can hardly have been a +Zoroastrian believer at all. On the historical and religious +bearings of these two inscriptions the reader may be referred to +the article “Cyrus” in the <i>Encyclopaedia Biblica</i> and the essay +on “II. Isaiah and the Inscriptions” in Cheyne’s <i>Prophecies of +Isaiah</i>, vol. ii. It may, with all reverence, be added that our +estimate of prophecy must be brought into harmony with facts, +not facts with our preconceived theory of inspiration.</p> + +<div class="condensed"> +<p><span class="sc">Authorities.</span>—Lowth, <i>Isaiah: a new translation, with a preliminary +dissertation and notes</i> (1778); Gesenius, <i>Der Proph. Jes.</i> +(1821); Hitzig, <i>Der Proph. Jes.</i> (1833); Delitzsch, <i>Der Pr. Jes.</i> (4th +ed., 1889); Dillmann-Kittel, <i>Isaiah</i> (1898); Duhm (1892; 2nd ed., +1902); Marti (1900); Cheyne, <i>The Prophecies of Isaiah</i> (2 vols., +1880-1881); <i>Introd. to Book of Isaiah</i> (1898); “The Book of the +Prophet Isaiah,” in Paul Haupt’s <i>Polychrome Bible</i> (1898); S. R. +Driver, <i>Isaiah, his life and times</i> (1888); J. Skinner, “The Book of +Isaiah,” in <i>Cambridge Bible</i> (2 vols., 1896, 1898); G. A. Smith, in +<i>Expositor’s Bible</i> (2 vols., 1888, 1890); Condamin (Rom. Cath.) +(1905); G. H. Box (1908); Article on Isaiah in <i>Ency. Bib.</i> by +Cheyne; in Hastings’ <i>Dict. of the Bible</i> by Prof. G. A. Smith. R. H. +Kennett’s Schweich Lecture (1909), <i>The Composition of the Book of +Isaiah in the Light of Archaeology and History</i>, an interesting attempt +at a synthesis of results, is a brightly written but scholarly sketch +of the growth of the book of Isaiah, which went on till the great success +of the Jews under Judas Maccabaeus. The outbursts of triumph +(<i>e.g.</i> Isa. ix. 2-7) are assigned to this period. The most original +statement is perhaps the view that the words of Isaiah were preserved +orally by his disciples, and did not see the light (in a revised +form) till a considerable time after the crystallization of the reforms +of Josiah into laws.</p> +</div> +<div class="author">(T. K. C.)</div> + +<hr class="foot" /> <div class="note"> + +<p><a name="ft1b" id="ft1b" href="#fa1b"><span class="fn">1</span></a> On the question of the Isaianic origin of the prophecy, ix. 1-6, +and the companion passage, xi. 1-8, see Cheyne <i>Introd. to the Book of +Isaiah</i>, 1895, pp. 44, 45 and 62-66. Cf., however, J. Skinner “Isaiah +i.-xxxix.” in <i>Cambridge Bible</i>.</p> +</div> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ISAIAH, ASCENSION OF<a name="ar4" id="ar4"></a></span>, an apocryphal book of the Old +Testament. The <i>Ascension of Isaiah</i> is a composite work of +very great interest. In its present form it is probably not older +than the latter half of the 2nd century of our era. Its various +constituents, however, and of these there were three—the +<i>Martyrdom of Isaiah</i>, the <i>Testament of Hezekiah</i> and the <i>Vision +of Isaiah</i>—circulated independently as early as the 1st century. +The first of these was of Jewish origin, and is of less interest than +the other two, which were the work of Christian writers. The +<i>Vision of Isaiah</i> is important for the knowledge it affords us of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page865" id="page865"></a>865</span> +1st-century beliefs in certain circles as to the doctrines of the +Trinity, the Incarnation, the Resurrection, the Seven Heavens, +&c. The long lost <i>Testament of Hezekiah</i>, which is, in the opinion +of R. H. Charles, to be identified with iii. 13b-iv. 18, of our present +work, is unquestionably of great value owing to the insight it +gives us into the history of the Christian Church at the close of +the 1st century. Its descriptions of the worldliness and lawlessness +which prevailed among the elders and pastors, <i>i.e.</i> the bishops +and priests, of the wide-spread covetousness and vainglory as +well as the growing heresies among Christians generally, agree +with similar accounts in 2 Peter, 2 Timothy and Clement of +Rome.</p> + +<div class="condensed"> +<p><i>Various Titles.</i>—Origen in his commentary on Matt. xiii. 57 +(Lommatzsch iii. 4, 9) calls it <i>Apocryph of Isaiah</i>—<span class="grk" title="Apokryphon Hêsaiou">Ἀπόκρυφον Ἡσαίου</span>, +Epiphanius (<i>Haer.</i> xl. 2) terms it the <i>Ascension of Isaiah</i>—<span class="grk" title="to +anabatikon Hêsaiou">τὸ ἀναβατικὸν Ἡσαίου</span>, and similarly Jerome—<i>Ascensio Isaiae</i>. It was +also known as the <i>Vision of Isaiah</i> and finally as the <i>Testament of +Hezekiah</i> (see Charles, <i>The Ascension of Isaiah</i>, pp. xii.-xv.).</p> + +<p><i>The Greek Original and the Versions.</i>—The book was written in +Greek, though not improbably the middle portion, the <i>Testament of +Hezekiah</i>, was originally composed in Semitic. The Greek in its +original form, which we may denote by G, is lost. It has, however, +been in part preserved to us in two of its recensions, G¹ and G². +From G¹ the Ethiopic Version and the first Latin Version (consisting +of ii. 14-iii. 13, vii. 1-19) were translated, and of this recension the +actual Greek has survived in a multitude of phrases in the <i>Greek +Legend</i>. G² denotes the Greek text from which the Slavonic and the +second Latin Version (consisting of vi.-xi.) were translated. Of this +recension ii. 4-iv. 2 have been discovered by Grenfell and Hunt.<a name="fa1c" id="fa1c" href="#ft1c"><span class="sp">1</span></a> +For complete details see Charles, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. xviii.-xxxiii.; also +Flemming in Hennecke’s <i>NTliche Apok</i>.</p> + +<p><i>Latin Version.</i>—The first Latin Version (L¹) is fragmentary +(=ii. 14-iii. 13, vii. 1-19). It was discovered and edited by Mai in +1828 (Script. <i>vet. nova collectio</i> III. ii. 238), and reprinted by +Dillmann in his edition of 1877, and subsequently in a more correct +form by Charles in his edition of 1900. The second version (L²), +which consists of vi.-xi., was first printed at Venice in 1522, by +Gieseler in 1832, Dillmann in 1877 and Charles in 1900.</p> + +<p><i>Ethiopic Version.</i>—There are three MSS. This version is on the +whole a faithful reproduction of G¹. These were used by Dillmann +and subsequently by Charles in their editions.</p> + +<p><i>Different Elements in the Book.</i>—The compositeness of this work +is universally recognized. Dillmann’s analysis is as follows, (i.) +<i>Martyrdom of Isaiah</i>, of Jewish origin; ii. 1-iii. 12, v. 2-14. (ii.) The +<i>Vision of Isaiah</i>, of Christian origin, vi. 1-xi. 1, 23-40. (iii.) The +above two constituents were put together by a Christian writer, who +prefixed i. 1, 2, 4b-13 and appended xi. 42, 43. (iv.) Finally a later +Christian editor incorporated the two sections iii. 13-v. 1 and xi. 2-22, +and added i. 3, 4a, v. 15, 16, xi. 41.</p> + +<p>This analysis has on the whole been accepted by Harnack, Schürer, +Deane and Beer. These scholars have been influenced by Gebhardt’s +statement that in the <i>Greek Legend</i> there is not a trace of iii. 13-v. 1, +xi. 2-22, and that accordingly these sections were absent from the +text when the <i>Greek Legend</i> was composed. But this statement is +wrong, for at least five phrases or clauses in the <i>Greek Legend</i> are +derived from the sections in question. Hence R. H. Charles has +examined (<i>op. cit.</i> pp. xxxviii.-xlvii.) the problem <i>de novo</i>, and +arrived at the following conclusions. The book is highly composite, +and arbitrariness and disorder are found in every section. There are +three original documents at its base, (i.) The <i>Martyrdom of Isaiah</i> = +i. 1, 2a, 6b-13a, ii. 1-8, 10-iii. 12, v. 1b-14. This is but an imperfect +survival of the original work. Part of the original work +omitted by the final editor of our book is preserved in the <i>Opus +imperfectum</i>, which goes back <i>not to our text, but to the original +Martyrdom</i>, (ii.) The <i>Testament of Hezekiah</i> = iii. 13b-iv. 18. This +work is mutilated and without beginning or end. (iii.) The <i>Vision of +Isaiah</i> = vi.-xi. 1-40. The archetype of this section existed independently +in Greek; for the second Latin and the Slavonic Versions +presuppose an independent circulation of their Greek archetype in +western and Slavonic countries. This archetype differs in many +respects from the form in which it was republished by the editor of +the entire work.</p> + +<p>We may, in short, put this complex matter as follows: The conditions +of the problem are sufficiently satisfied by supposing a single +editor, who had three works at his disposal, the <i>Martyrdom of Isaiah</i>, +of Jewish origin, and the <i>Testament of Hezekiah</i> and the <i>Vision of +Isaiah</i>, of Christian origin. These he reduced or enlarged as it suited +his purpose, and put them together as they stand in our text. Some +of the editorial additions are obvious, as i. 2b-6a, 13a, ii. 9, iii. 13a, +iv. 1a, 19-v. 1a, 15, 16, xi. 41-43.</p> + +<p><i>Dates of the Various Constituents of the Ascension.</i>—(<i>a</i>) The +<i>Martyrdom</i> is quoted by the <i>Opus Imperfectum</i>, Ambrose, Jerome, +Origen, Tertullian and by Justin Martyr. It was probably known +to the writer of the Epistle to the Hebrews. Thus we are brought +back to the 1st century <span class="scs">A.D.</span> if the last reference is trustworthy. +And this is no doubt the right date, for works written by Jews in the +2nd century would not be likely to become current in the Christian +Church. (<i>b</i>) The <i>Testament of Hezekiah</i> was written between <span class="scs">A.D.</span> 88-100. +The grounds for this date will be found in Charles, <i>op. cit.</i> +pp. lxxi.-lxxii. and 30-31. (<i>c</i>) The <i>Vision of Isaiah</i>. The later recension +of this Vision was used by Jerome, and a more primitive form +of the text by the Archontici according to Epiphanius. It is still +earlier attested by the <i>Actus Petri Vercellenses</i>. Since the Protevangel +of James was apparently acquainted with it, and likewise +Ignatius (<i>ad. Ephes.</i> xix.), the composition of the primitive form of +the Vision goes back to the close of the 1st century.</p> + +<p>The work of combining and editing these three independent +writings may go back to early in the 3rd or even to the 2nd century.</p> + +<p><span class="sc">Literature.</span>—<i>Editions of the Ethiopic Text</i>: Laurence, <i>Ascensio +Isaiae vatis</i> (1819); Dillmann, <i>Ascensio Isaiae Aethiopice et Latine, +cum prolegomenis, adnotationibus criticis et exegeticis, additis versionum +Latinarum reliquiis edita</i> (1877); Charles, <i>Ascension of +Isaiah, translated from the Ethiopic Version, which, together with the +new Greek Fragment, the Latin Versions and the Latin translation of +the Slavonic, is here published in full, edited with Introduction, Notes +and Indices</i> (1900); Flemming, in Hennecke’s <i>NTliche Apok.</i> 292-305; +<i>NTliche Apok.-Handbuch</i>, 323-331. This translation is made from +Charles’s text, and his analysis of the text is in the main accepted by +this scholar. <i>Translations</i>: In addition to the translations given +in the preceding editions, Basset, <i>Les Apocryphes éthiopiens</i>, iii. +“L’Ascension d’Isaïe” (1894); Beer, <i>Apok. und Pseud.</i> (1900) ii. 124-127. +The latter is a German rendering of ii.-iii. 1-12, v. 2-14, of Dillmann’s +text. <i>Critical Inquiries</i>: Stokes, art. “Isaiah, Ascension of,” in +Smith’s <i>Dict. of Christian Biography</i> (1882), iii. 298-301; Robinson, +“The Ascension of Isaiah” in Hastings’ <i>Bible Dict.</i> ii. 499-501. +For complete bibliography see Schürer,<span class="sp">3</span> <i>Gesch. des jüd. Volks</i>, +iii. 280-285; Charles, <i>op. cit.</i></p> +</div> +<div class="author">(R. H. C.)</div> + +<hr class="foot" /> <div class="note"> + +<p><a name="ft1c" id="ft1c" href="#fa1c"><span class="fn">1</span></a> Published by them in the <i>Amherst Papyri</i>, an account of the +Greek papyri in the collection of Lord Amherst (1900), and by +Charles in his edition.</p> +</div> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ISANDHLWANA,<a name="ar5" id="ar5"></a></span> an isolated hill in Zululand, 8 m. S.E. of +Rorke’s Drift across the Tugela river, and 105 m. N. by W. of +Durban. On the 22nd of January 1879 a British force encamped +at the foot of the hill was attacked by about 10,000 Zulus, +the flower of Cetewayo’s army, and destroyed. Of eight +hundred Europeans engaged about forty escaped (see <span class="sc"><a href="#artlinks">Zululand</a></span>: +<i>History</i>).</p> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ISAR<a name="ar6" id="ar6"></a></span> (identical with <i>Isère</i>, in Celtic “the rapid”), a river of +Bavaria. It rises in the Tirolese Alps N.E. from Innsbruck, at an +altitude of 5840 ft. It first winds in deep, narrow glens and gorges +through the Alps, and at Tölz (2100 ft.), due north from its source, +enters the Bavarian plain, which it traverses in a generally north +and north-east direction, and pours its waters into the Danube +immediately below Deggendorf after a course of 219 m. The +area of its drainage basin is 38,200 sq. m. Below Munich the +stream is 140 to 350 yards wide, and is studded with islands. +It is not navigable, except for rafts. The total fall of the river +is 4816 ft. The Isar is essentially the national stream of the +Bavarians. It has belonged from the earliest times to the +Bavarian people and traverses the finest corn land in the kingdom. +On its banks lie the cities of Munich and Landshut, and the +venerable episcopal see of Freising, and the inhabitants of the +district it waters are reckoned the core of the Bavarian race.</p> + +<div class="condensed"> +<p>See C. Gruber, <i>Die Isar nach ihrer Entwickelung und ihren hydrologischen +Verhältnissen</i> (Munich, 1889); and <i>Die Bedeutung der Isar +als Verkehrsstrasse</i> (Munich, 1890).</p> +</div> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ISATIN,<a name="ar7" id="ar7"></a></span> C<span class="su">8</span>H<span class="su">5</span>NO<span class="su">2</span>, in chemistry, a derivative of indol, interesting +on account of its relation to indigo; it may be regarded as +the anhydride of ortho-aminobenzoylformic or isatinic acid. +It crystallizes in orange red prisms which melt at 200-201° C. +It may be prepared by oxidizing indigo with nitric or chromic +acid (O. L. Erdmann, <i>Jour. prak. Chem.</i>, 1841, 24, p. 11); by +boiling ortho-nitrophenylpropiolic acid with alkalis (A. Baeyer, +<i>Ber.</i>, 1880, 13, p. 2259), or by oxidizing carbostyril with alkaline +potassium permanganate (P. Friedlander and H. Ostermaier, +<i>Ber.</i>, 1881, 14, p. 1921). P. J. Meyer (German Patent 26736 +(1883)) obtains substituted isatins by condensing para-toluidine +with dichloracetic acid, oxidizing the product with air and then +hydrolysing the oxidized product with hydrochloric acid. +T. Sandmeyer (German Patents 113981 and 119831 (1899)) obtained +isatin-α-anilide by condensing aniline with chloral hydrate +and hydroxylamine, an intermediate product isonitrosodiphenylacetamidine +being obtained, which is converted into isatin-α-anilide +by sulphuric acid. This can be converted into indigo +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page866" id="page866"></a>866</span> +by reduction with ammonium sulphide. Isatin dissolved in +concentrated sulphuric acid gives a blue coloration with +thiophene, due to the formation of indophenin (see <i>Abst.</i> <i>J.C.S.</i>, +1907). Concentrated nitric acid oxidizes it to oxalic acid, and +alkali fusion yields aniline. It dissolves in soda forming a +violet solution, which soon becomes yellow, a change due to the +transformation of sodium N-isatin into sodium isatate, the <i>aci</i>-isatin +salt being probably formed intermediately (Heller, <i>Abst.</i> +<i>J.C.S.</i>, 1907, i. p. 442). Most metallic salts are N-derivatives +yielding N-methyl ethers; the silver salt is, however, an +O-derivative, yielding an O-methyl ether (A. v. Baeyer, 1883; +W. Peters, <i>Abst.</i> <i>J.C.S.</i>, 1907, i. p. 239).</p> + +<div class="center pt2"><img style="width:511px; height:67px; vertical-align: middle;" src="images/img866.jpg" alt="" /></div> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ISAURIA,<a name="ar8" id="ar8"></a></span> in ancient geography, a district in the interior of +Asia Minor, of very different extent at different periods. The +permanent nucleus of it was that section of the Taurus which +lies directly to south of Iconium and Lystra. Lycaonia had all +the Iconian plain; but Isauria began as soon as the foothills +were reached. Its two original towns, Isaura Nea and Isaura +Palaea, lay, one among these foothills (<i>Dorla</i>) and the other on the +watershed (Zengibar Kalé). When the Romans first encountered +the Isaurians (early in the 1st century <span class="scs">B.C.</span>), they regarded +Cilicia Trachea as part of Isauria, which thus extended to the sea; +and this extension of the name continued to be in common use +for two centuries. The whole basin of the Calycadnus was +reckoned Isaurian, and the cities in the valley of its southern +branch formed what was known as the Isaurian Decapolis. +Towards the end of the 3rd century <span class="scs">A.D.</span>, however, all Cilicia was +detached for administrative purposes from the northern slope +of Taurus, and we find a province called at first Isauria-Lycaonia, +and later Isauria alone, extending up to the limits of Galatia, +but not passing Taurus on the south. Pisidia, part of which +had hitherto been included in one province with Isauria, was also +detached, and made to include Iconium. In compensation +Isauria received the eastern part of Pamphylia. Restricted +again in the 4th century, Isauria ended as it began by being just +the wild district about Isaura Palaea and the heads of the +Calycadnus. Isaura Palaea was besieged by Perdiccas, the +Macedonian regent after Alexander’s death; and to avoid +capture its citizens set the place alight and perished in the flames. +During the war of the Cilician and other pirates against Rome, +the Isaurians took so active a part that the proconsul P. Servilius +deemed it necessary to follow them into their fastnesses, and +compel the whole people to submission, an exploit for which he +received the title of Isauricus (75 <span class="scs">B.C.</span>). The Isaurians were +afterwards placed for a time under the rule of Amyntas, king of +Galatia; but it is evident that they continued to retain their +predatory habits and virtual independence. In the 3rd century +they sheltered the rebel emperor, Trebellianus. In the 4th +century they are still described by Ammianus Marcellinus as +the scourge of the neighbouring provinces of Asia Minor; but +they are said to have been effectually subdued in the reign +of Justinian. In common with all the eastern Taurus, Isauria +passed into the hands of Turcomans and Yuruks with the Seljuk +conquest. Many of these have now coalesced with the aboriginal +population and form a settled element: but the district is still +lawless.</p> + +<p>This comparatively obscure people had the honour of producing +two Byzantine emperors, Zeno, whose native name was Traskalisseus +Rousoumbladeotes, and Leo III., who ascended the +throne of Constantinople in 718, reigned till 741, and became +the founder of a dynasty of three generations. The ruins of +Isaura Palaea are mainly remarkable for their fine situation +and their fortifications and tombs. Those of Isaura Nea have +disappeared, but numerous inscriptions and many sculptured +<i>stelae</i>, built into the houses of <i>Dorla</i>, prove the site. It was the +latter, and not the former town, that Servilius reduced by +cutting off the water supply. The site was identified by W. M. +Ramsay in 1901. The only modern exploration of highland +Isauria was that made by J. S. Sterrett in 1885; but it was not +exhaustive.</p> + +<div class="condensed"> +<p><span class="sc">Bibliography.</span>—W. M. Ramsay, <i>Historical Geography of Asia +Minor</i> (1890), and article “Nova Isaura” in <i>Journ. Hell. Studies</i> +(1905); A. M. Ramsay, <i>ibid.</i> (1904); J. R. S. Sterrett, “Wolfe +Expedition to Asia Minor,” <i>Papers Amer. Inst. of Arch.</i> iii. (1888); +C. Ritter, <i>Erdkunde</i>, xix. (1859); E. J. Davis, <i>Life in As. Turkey</i> +(1879).</p> +</div> +<div class="author">(D. G. H.)</div> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ISCHIA<a name="ar9" id="ar9"></a></span> (Gr. <span class="grk" title="Pithêkousa">Πιθηκοῦσα</span>, Lat. <i>Aenaria</i>, in poetry <i>Inarime</i>), an +island off the coast of Campania, Italy, 16 m. S.W. of Naples, +to the province of which it belongs, and 7 m. S.W. of the Capo +Miseno, the nearest point of the mainland. Pop. about 20,000. +It is situated at the W. extremity of the Gulf of Naples, and is +the largest island near Naples, measuring about 19 m. in circumference +and 26 sq. m. in area. It belongs to the same volcanic +system as the mainland near it, and the Monte Epomeo (anc. +<span class="grk" title="Epôpeus">Ἐπωπεύς</span>, viewpoint), the highest point of the island (2588 ft.), +lies on the N. edge of the principal crater, which is surrounded +by twelve smaller cones. The island was perhaps occupied +by Greek settlers even before Cumae; its Eretrian and Chalcidian +inhabitants abandoned it about 500 <span class="scs">B.C.</span> owing to an eruption, +and it is said to have been deserted almost at once by the greater +part of the garrison which Hiero I. of Syracuse had placed there +about 470 <span class="scs">B.C.</span>, owing to the same cause. Later on it came into +the possession of Naples, but passed into Roman hands in 326, +when Naples herself lost her independence. The ancient town, +traces of the fortifications of which still exist, was situated near +Lacco, at the N.W. corner of the island. Augustus gave it back +to Naples in exchange for Capri. After the fall of Rome it suffered +attacks and devastations from the successive masters of Italy, +until it was finally taken by the Neapolitans in 1299.</p> + +<p>Several eruptions are recorded in Roman times. The last of +which we have any knowledge occurred in 1301, but the island +was visited by earthquakes in 1881 and 1883, 1700 lives being lost +in the latter year, when the town of Casamicciola on the north +side of the island was almost entirely destroyed. The hot springs +here, which still survive from the period of volcanic activity, +rise at a temperature of 147° Fahr. and are alkaline and saline; +they are much visited by bathers, especially in summer. They +were known in Roman times, and many votive altars dedicated +to Apollo and the nymphs have been found. The whole island +is mountainous, and is remarkable for its beautiful scenery and +its fertility. Wine, corn, oil and fruit are produced, especially +the former, while the mountain slopes are clothed with woods. +Tiles and pottery are made in the island. Straw-plaiting is a +considerable industry at Lacco; and a certain amount of +fishing is also done. The potter’s clay of Ischia served for the +potteries of Cumae and Puteoli in ancient times, and was indeed +in considerable demand until the catastrophe at Casamicciola +in 1883.</p> + +<p>The chief towns are Ischia on the E. coast, the capital and the +seat of a bishop (pop. in 1901, town, 2756; commune, 7012), +with a 15th-century castle, to which Vittoria Colonna retired +after the death of her husband in 1525; Casamicciola (pop. +in 1901, town, 1085; commune, 3731) on the north, and Forīo +on the west coast (pop. in 1901, town, 3640; commune, 7197). +There is regular communication with Naples, both by steamer +direct, and also by steamer to Torregaveta, 2 m. W.S.W. of +Baiae and 12½ m. W.S.W. of Naples, and thence by rail.</p> + +<div class="condensed"> +<p>See J. Beloch, <i>Campanien</i> (Breslau, 1890), 202 sqq.</p> +</div> +<div class="author">(T. As.)</div> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ISCHL<a name="ar10" id="ar10"></a></span>, a market-town and watering-place of Austria, in +Upper Austria, 55 m. S.S.W. of Linz by rail. Pop. (1900) 9646. +It is beautifully situated on the peninsula formed by the junction +of the rivers Ischl and Traun and is surrounded by high mountains, +presenting scenery of the finest description. To the S. is the +Siriuskogl or Hundskogl (1960 ft.), and to the W. the Schafberg +(5837 ft.), which is ascended from St Wolfgang by a rack-and-pinion +railway, built in 1893. It possesses a fine parish church, +built by Maria Theresa and renovated in 1877-1880, and the +Imperial Villa is surrounded by a magnificent park. Ischl +is one of the most fashionable spas of Europe, being the favourite +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page867" id="page867"></a>867</span> +summer residence of the Austrian Imperial family and of the +Austrian nobility since 1822. It has saline and sulphureous +drinking springs and numerous brine and brine-vapour baths. +The brine used at Ischl contains about 25% of salt and there are +also mud, sulphur and pine-cone baths. Ischl is situated at an +altitude of 1533 ft. above sea-level and has a very mild climate. +Its mean annual temperature is 49.4° F. and its mean summer +temperature is 63.5° F. Ischl is an important centre of the salt +industry and 4 m. to its W. is a celebrated salt mine, which has +been worked as early as the 12th century.</p> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ISEO, LAKE OF<a name="ar11" id="ar11"></a></span> (the <i>Lacus Sebinus</i> of the Romans), a lake +in Lombardy, N. Italy, situated at the southern foot of the Alps, +and between the provinces of Bergamo and Brescia. It is formed +by the Oglio river, which enters the northern extremity of the +lake of Lovere, and issues from the southern end at Sarnico, +on its way to join the Po. The area of the lake is about 24 sq. m., +it is 17½ m. in length, and 3 m. wide in the broadest portion, +while the greatest depth is said to be about 984 ft. and the height +of its surface above sea-level 607 ft. It contains one large island, +that of Siviano, which culminates in the Monte Isola (1965 ft.) +that is crowned by a chapel, while to the south is the islet of San +Paolo, occupied by the buildings of a small Franciscan convent +now abandoned, and to the north the equally tiny island of +Loreto, with a ruined chapel containing frescoes. At the southern +end of the lake are the small towns of Iseo (15 m. by rail N.W. of +Brescia) and of Sarnico. From Paratico, opposite Sarnico, on +the other or left bank of the Oglio, a railway runs in 6¼ m. to +Palazzolo, on the main Brescia-Bergamo line. Towards the +head of the lake, the deep wide valley of the Oglio is seen, +dominated by the glittering snows of the Adamello (11,661 ft.), +a glorious prospect. Along the east shore (the west shore is far +more rugged) a fine carriage road rims from Iseo to the considerable +town of Pisogne (13½ m.), situated at the northern end of +the lake, and nearly opposite that of Lovere, on the right bank +of the Oglio. The portion of this road some way S. of Pisogne +is cleverly engineered, and is carried through several tunnels. +The lake’s charms were celebrated by Lady Mary Wortley-Montagu, +who spent ten summers (1747-1757) in a villa at Lovere, +then much frequented by reason of an iron spring. The lake +has several sardine and eel fisheries.</p> +<div class="author">(W. A. B. C.)</div> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ISÈRE<a name="ar12" id="ar12"></a></span> [anc. <i>Isara</i>], one of the chief rivers in France as well +as of those flowing down on the French side of the Alpine chain. +Its total length from its source to its junction with the Rhône is +about 180 m., during which it descends a height of about 7550 ft. +Its drainage area is about 4725 sq. m. It flows through the +departments of Savoie, Isère and Drôme. This river rises in +the Galise glaciers in the French Graian Alps and flows, as +a mountain torrent, through a narrow valley past Tignes in +a north-westerly direction to Bourg St Maurice, at the western +foot of the Little St Bernard Pass. It now bends S.W., as far +as Moutiers, the chief town of the Tarentaise, as the upper course +of the Isère is named. Here it again turns N.W. as far as Albertville, +where after receiving the Arly (right) it once more takes a +south-westerly direction, and near St Pierre d’Albigny receives +its first important tributary, the Arc (left), a wild mountain +stream flowing through the Maurienne and past the foot of the +Mont Cenis Pass. A little way below, at Montmélian, it becomes +officially navigable (for about half of its course), though it is +but little used for that purpose owing to the irregular depth of +its bed and the rapidity of its current. Very probably, in ancient +days, it flowed from Montmélian N.W. and, after passing through +or forming the Lac du Bourget, joined the Rhône. But at +present it continues from Montmélian in a south-westerly +direction, flowing through the broad and fertile valley of the +Graisivaudan, though receiving but a single affluent of any +importance, the Bréda (left). At Grenoble, the most important +town on its banks, it bends for a short distance again N.W. +But just below that town it receives by far its most important +affluent (left) the Drac, which itself drains the entire S. slope of +the lofty snow-clad Dauphiné Alps, and which, 11 m. above +Grenoble, had received the Romanche (right), a mountain +stream which drains the entire central and N. portion of the same +Alps. Hence the Drac is, at its junction with the Isère, a stream +of nearly the same volume, while these two rivers, with the +Durance, drain practically the entire French slope of the Alpine +chain, the basins of the Arve and of the Var forming the sole +exceptions. A short distance below Moirans the Isère changes its +direction for the last time and now flows S.W. past Romans before +joining the Rhône on the left, as its principal affluent after the +Saône and the Durance, between Tournon and Valence. The +Isère is remarkable for the way in which it changes its direction, +forming three great loops of which the apex is respectively at +Bourg St Maurice, Albertville and Moirans. For some way +after its junction with the Rhône the grey troubled current of +the Isère can be distinguished in the broad and peaceful stream +of the Rhône.</p> +<div class="author">(W. A. B. C )</div> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ISÈRE,<a name="ar13" id="ar13"></a></span> a department of S.E. France, formed in 1790 out of the +northern part of the old province of Dauphiné. Pop. (1906) +562,315. It is bounded N. by the department of the Ain, E. by +that of Savoie, S. by those of the Hautes Alpes and the Drôme +and W. by those of the Loire and the Rhône. Its area is 3179 +sq. m. (surpassed only by 7 other departments), while its greatest +length is 93 m. and its greatest breadth 53 m. The river Isère +runs for nearly half its course through this department, to which +it gives its name. The southern portion of the department is +very mountainous, the loftiest summit being the Pic Lory +(13,396 ft.) in the extensive snow-clad Oisans group (drained +by the Drac and Romanche, two mighty mountain torrents), +while minor groups are those of Belledonne, of Allevard, of the +Grandes Rousses, of the Dévoluy, of the Trièves, of the Royannais, +of the Vercors and, slightly to the north of the rest, that +of the Grande Chartreuse. The northern portion of the department +is composed of plateaux, low hills and plains, while on every +side but the south it is bounded by the course of the Rhône. It +forms the bishopric of Grenoble (dating from the 4th century), +till 1790 in the ecclesiastical province of Vienne, and now in that +of Lyons. The department is divided into four arrondissements +(Grenoble, St Marcellin, La Tour du Pin and Vienne), 45 cantons +and 563 communes. Its capital is Grenoble, while other important +towns in it are the towns of Vienne, St Marcellin and La Tour du +Pin. It is well supplied with railways (total length 342 m.), +which give access to Gap, to Chambéry, to Lyons, to St Rambert +and to Valence, while it also possesses many tramways (total +length over 200 m.). It contains silver, lead, coal and iron mines, +as well as extensive slate, stone and marble quarries, besides +several mineral springs (Allevard, Uriage and La Motte). The +forests cover much ground, while among the most flourishing +industries are those of glove making, cement, silk weaving and +paper making. The area devoted to agriculture (largely in the +fertile valley of the Graisivaudan, or Isère, N.E. of Grenoble) is +about 1211 sq. m.</p> +<div class="author">(W. A. B. C.)</div> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ISERLOHN,<a name="ar14" id="ar14"></a></span> a town in the Prussian province of Westphalia, +on the Baar, in a bleak and hilly region, 17 m. W. of Arnsberg, +and 30 m. E.N.E. from Barmen by rail. Pop. (1900) 27,265. +Iserlohn is one of the most important manufacturing towns +in Westphalia. Both in the town and neighbourhood there are +numerous foundries and works for iron, brass, steel and bronze +goods, while other manufactures include wire, needles and +pins, fish-hooks, machinery, umbrella-frames, thimbles, bits, +furniture, chemicals, coffee-mills, and pinchbeck and britannia-metal +goods. Iserlohn is a very old town, its gild of armourers +being referred to as “ancient” in 1443.</p> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ISFAHĀN<a name="ar15" id="ar15"></a></span> (older form <i>Ispahān</i>), the name of a Persian province +and town. The province is situated in the centre of the country, +and bounded S. by Fars, E. by Yezd, N. by Kashān, Natanz +and Irāk, and W. by the Bakhtiāri district and Arabistān. It +pays a yearly revenue of about £100,000, and its population +exceeds 500,000. It is divided into twenty-five districts, its +capital, the town of Isfahān, forming one of them. These +twenty-five districts, some very small and consisting of only a +little township and a few hamlets, are Isfahān, Jai, Barkhār, +Kahāb, Kararaj, Baraān, Rūdasht, Marbin, Lenjān, Kerven, +Rār, Kiar, Mizdej, Ganduman, Somairam, Jarkūyeh, Ardistan, +Kūhpāyeh, Najafabad, Komisheh, Chadugan, Varzek, Tokhmaklu, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page868" id="page868"></a>868</span> +Gurji, Chinarūd. Most of these districts are very fertile, +and produce great quantities of wheat, barley, rice, cotton, +tobacco and opium. Lenjān, west of the city of Isfahān, is +the greatest rice-producing district; the finest cotton comes +from Jarkūyeh; the best opium and tobacco from the villages +in the vicinity of the city.</p> + +<p>The town of Isfahān or Ispahān, formerly the capital of +Persia, now the capital of the province, is situated on the +Zāyendeh river in 32° 39′ N. and 51° 40′ E.<a name="fa1d" id="fa1d" href="#ft1d"><span class="sp">1</span></a> at an elevation +of 5370 ft. Its population, excluding that of the Armenian +colony of Julfa on the right or south bank of the river (about +4000), is estimated at 100,000 (73,654, including 5883 Jews, +in 1882). The town is divided into thirty-seven <i>mahallehs</i> +(parishes) and has 210 mosques and colleges (many half ruined), +84 caravanserais, 150 public baths and 68 flour mills. The +water supply is principally from open canals led off from the +river and from several streams and canals which come down +from the hills in the north-west. The name of the Isfahān +river was originally Zendeh (Pahlavi <i>zendek</i>) rūd, “the great +river”; it was then modernized into Zindeh-rūd, “the living +river,” and is now called Zayendeh rūd, “the life-giving river.” +Its principal source is the Janāneh rūd which rises on the eastern +slope of the Zardeh Kuh about 90 to 100 m. W. of Isfahān. +After receiving the Khursang river from Feridan on the north +and the Zarīn rūd from Chaharmahal on the south it is called +Zendeh rūd. It then waters the Lenjan and Marbin districts, +passes Isfahān as Zayendeh-rūd and 70 m. farther E. ends in +the Gavkhani depression. From its entrance into Lenjan to +its end 105 canals are led off from it for purposes of irrigation +and 14 bridges cross it (5 at Isfahān). Its volume of water at +Isfahān during the spring season has been estimated at 60,000 +cub. ft. per second; in autumn the quantity is reduced to one-third, +but nearly all of it being then used for feeding the irrigation +canals very little is left for the river bed. The town covers +about 20 sq. m., but many parts of it are in ruins. The old city +walls—a ruined mud curtain—are about 5 m. in circumference.</p> + +<p>Of the many fine public buildings constructed by the Sefavis +and during the reign of the present dynasty very little remains. +There are still standing in fairly good repair the two palaces +named respectively Chehel Sitūn, “the forty pillars,” and +Hasht Behesht, “the eight paradises,” the former constructed +by Shah Abbas I. (1587-1629), the latter by Shah Soliman in +1670, and restored and renovated by Fath Ali Shah (1797-1834). +They are ornamented with gilding and mirrors in every possible +variety of Arabesque decoration, and large and brilliant pictures, +representing scenes of Persian history, cover the walls of their +principal apartments and have been ascribed in many instances +to Italian and Dutch artists who are known to have been in +the service of the Sefavis. Attached to these palaces were many +other buildings such as the Imaretino built by Amīn ed-Dowleh +(or Addaula) for Fath Ali Shah, the Imaret i Ashref built by +Ashref Khan, the Afghan usurper, the Talār Tavīleh, Guldasteh, +Sarpushīdeh, &c., erected in the early part of the 19th century +by wealthy courtiers for the convenience of the sovereign and +often occupied as residences of European ministers travelling +between Bushire and Teheran and by other distinguished +travellers. Perhaps the most agreeable residence of all was the +Haft Dast, “the seven courts,” in the beautiful garden of +Saādetabad on the southern bank of the river, and 2 or 3 +m. from the centre of the city. This palace was built by Shah +Abbas II. (1642-1667), and Fath Ali Shad Kajār died there +in 1834. Close to it was the Aineh Khaneh, “hall of mirrors” +and other elegant buildings in the Hazar jerib (1000 acre) garden. +All these palaces and buildings on both sides of the river were +surrounded by extensive gardens, traversed by avenues of tall +trees, principally planes, and intersected by paved canals of +running water with tanks and fountains. Since Fath Ali Shah’s +death, palaces and gardens have been neglected. In 1902 an +official was sent from Teheran to inspect the crown buildings, +to report on their condition, and repair and renovate some, &c. +The result was that all the above-mentioned buildings, excepting +the Chehel Sitūn and Hasht Behesht, were demolished and their +timber, bricks, stone, &c., sold to local builders. The gardens +are wildernesses. The garden of the Chehel Sitūn palace opens +out through the Alā Kapū (“highest gate, sublime porte”) +to the Maidān-i-Shah, which is one of the most imposing piazzas +in the world, a parallelogram of 560 yds. (N.-S.) by 174 yds. +(E.-W.) surrounded by brick buildings divided into two storeys +of recessed arches, or arcades, one above the other. In front +of these arcades grow a few stunted planes and poplars. On +the south side of the maidan is the famous Masjed i Shah (the +shah’s mosque) erected by Shah Abbas I. in 1612-1613. It is +covered with glazed tiles of great brilliancy and richly decorated +with gold and silver ornaments and cost over £175,000. It is +in good repair, and plans of it were published by C. Texier +(<i>L’Arménie, la Perse</i>, &c., vol. i. pls. 70-72) and P. Coste (<i>Monuments +de la Perse</i>). On the eastern side of the maidan stands +the Masjed i Lutf Ullah with beautiful enamelled tiles and in +good repair. Opposite to it on the western side of the maidan +is the Alā Kapū, a lofty building in the form of an archway +overlooking the maidan and crowned in the fore part by an +immense open throne-room supported by wooden columns, +while the hinder part is elevated three storeys higher. On the +north side of the maidan is the entrance gate to the main bazaar +surmounted by the Nekkāreh-Khaneh, or drumhouse, where is +blared forth the appalling music saluting the rising and setting +sun, said to have been instituted by Jamshīd many thousand +years ago. West of the Chehel Sitūn palace and conducting +N.-S. from the centre of the city to the great bridge of Allah +Verdi Khan is the great avenue nearly a mile in length called +Chahār Bagh, “the four gardens,” recalling the fact that it +was originally occupied by four vineyards which Shah Abbas I. +rented at £360 a year and converted into a splendid approach +to his capital.</p> + +<div class="condensed"> +<p>It was thus described by Lord Curzon of Kedleston in 1880: +“Of all the sights of Isfahān, this in its present state is the most +pathetic in the utter and pitiless decay of its beauty. Let me indicate +what it was and what it is. At the upper extremity a two-storeyed +pavilion,<a name="fa2d" id="fa2d" href="#ft2d"><span class="sp">2</span></a> connected by a corridor with the Seraglio of the +palace, so as to enable the ladies of the harem to gaze unobserved +upon the merry scene below, looked out upon the centre of the avenue. +Water, conducted in stone channels, ran down the centre, falling in +miniature cascades from terrace to terrace, and was occasionally +collected in great square or octagonal basins where cross roads cut +the avenue. On either side of the central channel was a row of +oriental planes and a paved pathway for pedestrians. Then occurred +a succession of open parterres, usually planted or sown. Next on +either side was a second row of planes, between which and the +flanking walls was a raised causeway for horsemen. The total +breadth is now fifty-two yards. At intervals corresponding with the +successive terraces and basins, arched doorways with recessed open +chambers overhead conducted through these walls into the various +royal or noble gardens that stretched on either side, and were known +as the Gardens of the Throne, of the Nightingale, of Vines, of Mulberries, +Dervishes, &c. Some of these pavilions were places of public +resort and were used as coffee-houses, where when the business of the +day was over, the good burghers of Isfahān assembled to sip that +beverage and inhale their <i>kalians</i> the while; as Fryer puts it: +’Night drawing on, all the pride of Spahaun was met in the Chaurbaug +and the Grandees were Airing themselves, prancing about with +their numerous Trains, striving to outvie each other in Pomp and +Generosity.’ At the bottom, quays lined the banks of the river, and +were bordered with the mansions of the nobility.”</p> + +<p>Such was the Chahar Bagh in the plenitude of its fame. But now +what a tragical contrast! The channels are empty, their stone +borders crumbled and shattered, the terraces are broken down, the +parterres are unsightly bare patches, the trees, all lopped and +pollarded, have been chipped and hollowed out or cut down for fuel +by the soldiery of the Zil, the side pavilions are abandoned and +tumbling to pieces and the gardens are wildernesses. Two centuries +of decay could never make the Champs Élysées in Paris, the Unter +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page869" id="page869"></a>869</span> +den Linden in Berlin, or Rotten Row in London, look one half as +miserable as does the ruined avenue of Shah Abbas. It is in itself +an epitome of modern Iran.”</p> +</div> + +<p>Towards the upper end of the avenue on its eastern side +stands the medresseh (college) which Shah Hosain built in 1710. +It still has a few students, but is very much out of repair; Lord +Curzon spoke of it in 1888 as “one of the stateliest ruins that +he saw in Persia.” South of this college the avenue is altogether +without trees, and the gardens on both sides have been turned +into barley fields. Among the other notable buildings of Isfahān +must be reckoned its five bridges, all fine structures, and one of +them, the bridge of Allah Verdi Kahn, 388 yds. in length with +a paved roadway of 30 ft. in breadth, is one of the stateliest +bridges in the world, and has suffered little by the march of decay.</p> + +<p>Another striking feature of Isfahān is the line of covered +bazaars, which extends for nearly 3 m. and divides the city +from south to north. The confluence of people in these bazaars +is certainly very great, and gives an exaggerated idea of the +populousness of the city, the truth being that while the inhabitants +congregate for business in the bazaars, the rest of the +city is comparatively deserted. When surveyed from a commanding +height within the city, or in the immediate environs, the +enormous extent of mingled garden and building, about 30 m. +in circuit, gives an impression of populousness and busy life, +but a closer scrutiny reveals that the whole scene is nothing more +than a gigantic sham. With the exception of the bazaars and +a few parishes there is really no continuous inhabited area. +Whole streets, whole quarters of the city have fallen into utter +ruin and are absolutely deserted, and the traveller who is bent on +visiting some of the remarkable sites in the northern part of +the city or in the western suburbs, such as the minarets dating +from the 12th century, the remains of the famous castle of +Tabarrak built by the Buyid Rukn addaula (d. 976), the ruins +of the old fire temple, the shaking minarets of Guladān, &c., +has to pass through miles of crumbling mud walls and roofless +houses. It is believed indeed that not a twentieth part of the +area of the old city is at present peopled, and the million or +600,000 inhabitants of Chardin’s time (middle of the 17th century) +have now dwindled to about 85,000. The Armenian suburb +of Julfa, at any rate, which contained a population of 30,000 +souls in the 17th century, has now only 4000, and the Christian +churches, which numbered thirteen and were maintained with +splendour, are now reduced to half a dozen edifices with bare +walls and empty benches. Much improvement has recently +taken place in the education of the young and also in their +religious teaching, the wealthy Armenians of India and Java +having liberally contributed to the national schools, and the +Church Missionary Society of London having a church, schools +and hospitals there since 1869.</p> + +<p>The people of Isfahān have a very poor reputation in Persia +either for courage or morals. They are regarded as a clever but +at the same time dissolute and disorderly community, whose +government requires a strong hand. The <i>lutis</i> (hooligans) of +Isfahān are proverbial as the most turbulent and rowdy set of +vagabonds in Persia. The priesthood of Isfahān are much +respected for their learning and high character, and the merchants +are a very respectable class. The commerce of Isfahān has +greatly fallen off from its former flourishing condition, and +it is doubtful whether the trade of former days can ever be +restored.</p> +<div class="author">(A. H.-S.)</div> + +<div class="condensed"> +<p><i>History.</i>—The natural advantages of Isfahān—a genial climate, a +fertile soil and abundance of water for irrigation—must have always +made it a place of importance. In the most ancient cuneiform documents, +referring to a period between 3000 and 2000 <span class="scs">B.C.</span>, the province +of <i>Anshan</i>, which certainly included Isfahān, was the limit of the +geographical knowledge of the Babylonians, typifying the extreme +east, as Syria (or <i>Martu-ki</i>) typified the west. The two provinces of +<i>Anshan</i> and <i>Subarta</i>, by which we must understand the country from +Isfahān to Shuster, were ruled in those remote ages by the same +king, who undoubtedly belonged to the great Turanian family; +and from this first notice of Anshan down to the 7th century <span class="scs">B.C.</span> +the region seems to have remained, more or less, dependent on the +paramount power of Susa. With regard to the eastern frontier of +Anshan, however, ethnic changes were probably in extensive operation +during this interval of twenty centuries. The western Iranians, +for instance, after separating from their eastern brethren on the +Oxus, as early perhaps as 3000 <span class="scs">B.C.</span>, must have followed the line +of the Elburz mountains, and then bifurcating into two branches +must have scattered, westward into Media and southward towards +Persia. The first substantial settlement of the southern branch +would seem then to have been at Isfahān, where <i>Jem</i>, the eponym +of the Persian race, is said to have founded a famous castle, the +remains of which were visible as late as the 10th century <span class="scs">A.D.</span> This +castle is known in the Zoroastrian writings as <i>Jem-gird</i>, but its proper +name was <i>Sarū</i> or <i>Sarūk</i> (given in the Bundahish as <i>Sruwa</i> or <i>Srobak</i>), +and it was especially famous in early Mahommedan history as the +building where the ancient records and tables of the Persians were +discovered which proved of so much use to Albumazar and his contemporaries. +A valuable tradition, proceeding from quite a different +source, has also been preserved to the effect that Jem, who invented +the original Persian character, “dwelt in Assan, a district of +Shuster” (see Flügel’s <i>Fihrist</i>, p. 12, l. 21), which exactly accords +with the Assyrian notices of Assan or Anshan classed as a dependency +of Elymais. Now, it is well known that native legend represented +the Persian race to have been held in bondage for a thousand +years, after the reign of Jem, by the foreign usurper <i>Zohāk</i> or +<i>Bīverasp</i>, a period which may well represent the duration of Elymaean +supremacy over the Aryans of Anshan. At the commencement +of the 7th century <span class="scs">B.C.</span> Persia and Ansan are still found in the +annals of Sennacherib amongst the tributaries of Elymais, confederated +against Assyria; but shortly afterwards the great Susian +monarchy, which had lasted for full 2000 years, crumbled away +under continued pressure from the west, and the Aryans of Anshan +recovered their independence, founding for the first time a national +dynasty, and establishing their seat of government at Gabae on the +site of the modern city of Isfahān.</p> + +<p>The royal city of Gabae was known as a foundation of the Achaemenidae +as late as the time of Strabo, and the inscriptions show that +Achaemenes and his successors did actually rule at Anshan until the +great Cyrus set out on his career of western victory. Whether the +<i>Kābi</i> or <i>Kāvi</i> of tradition, the blacksmith of Isfahān, who is said +to have headed the revolt against Zohāk, took his name from the +town of Gabae may be open to question; but it is at any rate remarkable +that the national standard of the Persian race, named +after the blacksmith, and supposed to have been first unfurled at +this epoch, retained the title of <i>Darafsh-a Kavāni</i> (the banner of +Kāvi) to the time of the Arab conquest, and that the men of Isfahān +were, moreover, throughout this long period, always especially +charged with its protection. The provincial name of Anshan or +Assan seems to have been disused in the country after the age of +Cyrus, and to have been replaced by that of Gabene or Gabiane, +which alone appears in the Greek accounts of the wars of Alexander +and his successors, and in the geographical descriptions of Strabo. +Gabae or Gāvi became gradually corrupted to <i>Jaī</i> during the +Sassanian period, and it was thus by the latter name that the old +city of Isfahān was generally known at the time of the Arab invasion. +Subsequently the title of Jaī became replaced by <i>Sheheristān</i> +or <i>Medīneh</i>, “the city” <i>par excellence</i>, while a suburb which +had been founded in the immediate vicinity, and which took the name +of <i>Yahudīeh</i>, or the “Jews’ town,” from its original Jewish inhabitants, +gradually rose into notice and superseded the old capital.<a name="fa3d" id="fa3d" href="#ft3d"><span class="sp">3</span></a></p> + +<p><i>Sheheristān</i> and <i>Yahudīeh</i> are thus in the early ages of Islam +described as independent cities, the former being the eastern and +the latter the western division of the capital, each surrounded by a +separate wall; but about the middle of the 10th century the famous +Buyid king, known as the <i>Rukn-addaula</i> (<i>al-Dowleh</i>), united the two +suburbs and many of the adjoining villages in one general enclosure +which was about 10 m. in circumference. The city, which had now +resumed its old name of Isfahān, continued to flourish till the time of +Timur (<span class="scs">A.D.</span> 1387), when in common with so many other cities of the +empire it suffered grievously at the hands of the Tatar invaders. +Timur indeed is said to have erected a <i>Kelleh Minār</i> or “skull +tower” of 70,000 heads at the gate of the city, as a warning to deter +other communities from resisting his arms. The place, however, +owing to its natural advantages, gradually recovered from the effects +of this terrible visitation, and when the Safavid dynasty, who succeeded +to power in the 16th century, transferred their place of +residence to it from Kazvin, it rose rapidly in populousness and +wealth. It was under Shah Abbas the first, the most illustrious +sovereign of this house, that Isfahān attained its greatest prosperity. +This monarch adopted every possible expedient, by stimulating +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page870" id="page870"></a>870</span> +commerce, encouraging arts and manufactures, and introducing +luxurious habits, to attract visitors to his favourite capital. He +built several magnificent palaces in the richest style of Oriental +decoration, planted gardens and avenues, and distributed amongst +them the waters of the Zendeh-rūd in an endless series of reservoirs, +fountains and cascades. The baths, the mosques, the colleges, the +bazaars and the caravanserais of the city received an equal share of +his attention, and European artificers and merchants were largely +encouraged to settle in his capital. Ambassadors visited his court +from many of the first states of Europe, and factories were permanently +established for the merchants of England, France, Holland, the +Hanseatic towns, Spain, Portugal and Moscow. The celebrated +traveller Chardin, who passed a great portion of his life at Isfahān in +the latter half of the 17th century, has left a detailed and most +interesting account of the statistics of the city at that period. He +himself estimated the population at 600,000, though in popular belief +the number exceeded a million. There were 1500 flourishing villages +in the immediate neighbourhood; the enceinte of the city and +suburbs was reckoned at 24 m., while the mud walls surrounding the +city itself, probably nearly following the lines of the Buyid enclosure, +measured 20,000 paces. In the interior were counted 162 +mosques, 48 public colleges, 1802 caravanserais, 273 baths and 12 +cemeteries. The adjoining suburb of Julfa was also a most flourishing +place. Originally founded by Shah Abbas the Great, who transported +to this locality 3400 Armenian families from the town of Julfa +on the Arras, the colony increased rapidly under his fostering care, +both in wealth and in numbers, the Christian population being +estimated in 1685 at 30,000 souls. The first blow to the prosperity +of modern Isfahān was given by the Afghan invasion at the beginning +of the 18th century, since which date, although continuing for some +time to be the nominal head of the empire, the city has gradually +dwindled in importance, and now only ranks as a second or third rate +provincial capital. When the Kajar dynasty indeed mounted the +throne of Persia at the end of the 18th century the seat of government +was at once transferred to Teherān, with a view to the support +of the royal tribe, whose chief seat was in the neighbouring province +of Mazenderān; and, although it has often been proposed, from +considerations of state policy in reference to Russia, to re-establish +the court at Isfahān, which is the true centre of Persia, the scheme +has never commanded much attention. At the same time the +government of Isfahān, owing to the wealth of the surrounding +districts, has always been much sought after. Early in the 19th +century the post was often conferred upon some powerful minister of +the court, but in later times it has been usually the apanage of a +favourite son or brother of the reigning sovereign.<a name="fa4d" id="fa4d" href="#ft4d"><span class="sp">4</span></a> Fath Ali Shāh, +who had a particular affection for Isfahān, died here in 1834, and it +became a time-honoured custom for the monarch on the throne to +seek relief from the heat of Teherān by forming a summer camp at +the rich pastures of Gandumān, on the skirts of Zardeh-Kuh, to the +west of Isfahān, for the exercise of his troops and the health and +amusement of his courtiers, but in recent years the practice has been +discontinued.</p> +</div> +<div class="author">(H. C. R.)</div> + +<hr class="foot" /> <div class="note"> + +<p><a name="ft1d" id="ft1d" href="#fa1d"><span class="fn">1</span></a> These figures are approximate for the centre of the town north +of the river. The result of astronomical observations taken by the +German expedition for observing the transit of Venus in 1874 and by +Sir O. St John in 1870 on the south bank of the river near, and in +Julfa respectively was 51° 40′ 3.45″ E., 32° 37′ 30″ N. The stone +slab commemorating the work of the expedition and placed on the +spot where the observations were taken has been carried off and now +serves as a door plinth of an Armenian house.</p> + +<p><a name="ft2d" id="ft2d" href="#fa2d"><span class="fn">2</span></a> This pavilion was the Persian telegraph office of Isfahān for +nearly forty years and was demolished in 1903.</p> + +<p><a name="ft3d" id="ft3d" href="#fa3d"><span class="fn">3</span></a> The name of Yahudīeh or “Jews’ town” is derived by the early +Arab geographers from a colony of Jews who are said to have +migrated from Babylonia to Isfahān shortly after Nebuchadrezzar’s +conquest of Jerusalem, but this is pure fable. The Jewish settlement +really dates from the 3rd century <span class="scs">A.D.</span> as is shown by a notice +in the Armenian history of Moses of Chorene, lib. iii. cap. 35. The +name <i>Isfahān</i> has been generally compared with the Aspadana of +Ptolemy in the extreme north of Persis, and the identification is +probably correct. At any rate the title is of great antiquity being +found in the Bundahish, and being derived in all likelihood from the +family name of the race of <i>Feridūn</i>, the <i>Athviyān</i> of romance, who +were entitled <i>Aspiyān</i> in Pahlavi, according to the phonetic rules of +that language.</p> + +<p><a name="ft4d" id="ft4d" href="#fa4d"><span class="fn">4</span></a> Zill es Sultan, elder brother of Muzafar ed d-n Shah, became +governor-general of the Isfahān province in 1869.</p> +</div> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ISHIM,<a name="ar16" id="ar16"></a></span> a town of West Siberia, in the government of Tobolsk, +180 m. N.W. of Omsk, on a river of the same name, tributary, +on the left, of the Irtysh. Pop. (1897) 7161. The town, which +was founded in 1630, has tallow-melting and carries on a large +trade in rye and rye flour. The fair is one of the most important +in Siberia, its returns being estimated at £500,000 annually.</p> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ISHMAEL<a name="ar17" id="ar17"></a></span> (a Hebrew name meaning “God hears”), in the +Bible, the son of Abraham by his Egyptian concubine Hagar, +and the eponym of a number of (probably) nomadic tribes living +outside Palestine. Hagar in turn personifies a people found to +the east of Gilead (1 Chron. v. 10) and Petra (Strabo).<a name="fa1e" id="fa1e" href="#ft1e"><span class="sp">1</span></a> Through +the jealousy of Sarah, Abraham’s wife, mother and son were +driven away, and they wandered in the district south of Beersheba +and Kadesh (Gen. xvi. J, xxi. E); see <span class="sc"><a href="#artlinks">Abraham</a></span>. It had +been foretold to his mother before his birth that he should be +“a wild ass among men,” and that he should dwell “before +the face of” (that is, to the eastward of) his brethren. It is +subsequently stated that after leaving his father’s roof he +“became an archer,<a name="fa2e" id="fa2e" href="#ft2e"><span class="sp">2</span></a> and dwelt in the wilderness of Paran, and +his mother took him a wife out of the land of Egypt.” But the +genealogical relations were rather with the Edomites, Midianites +and other peoples of North Arabia and the eastern desert than +with Egypt proper, and this is indicated by the expressions that +“they dwelt from Havilah unto Shur that is east of Egypt, +and he settled to the eastward of his brethren” (see <span class="sc"><a href="#artlinks">Mizraim</a></span>). +Like Jacob, the ancestor of the Israelites, he had twelve sons +(xxv. 12-18, P), of which only a few have historical associations +apart from the biblical records. Nebaioth and Kedar suggest +the Nabataei and Cedrei of Pliny (v. 12). the first-mentioned +of whom were an important Arab people after the time of +Alexander (see <span class="sc"><a href="#artlinks">Nabataeans</a></span>). The names correspond to the +Nabaitu and Kidru of the Assyrian inscriptions occupying the +desert east of the Jordan and Dead Sea, whilst the Massa and +Tema lay probably farther south. Dumah may perhaps be +the same as the Domata of Pliny (vi. 32) and the <span class="grk" title="Doumetha">Δούμεθα</span> or +<span class="grk" title="Doumaitha">Δουμαίθα</span> of Ptolemy (v. 19, 7, viii. 22, 3)—Sennacherib +conquered a fortress of “Aribi” named Adumu,—and Jetur is +obviously the Ituraea of classical geographers.<a name="fa3e" id="fa3e" href="#ft3e"><span class="sp">3</span></a></p> + +<div class="condensed"> +<p>“Ishmael,” therefore, is used in a wide sense of the wilder, roving +peoples encircling Canaan from the north-east to the south, related +to but on a lower rank than the “sons” of Isaac. It is practically +identical with the term “Arabia” as used by the Assyrians. Nothing +certain is known of the history of these mixed populations. They +arc represented as warlike nomads and with a certain reputation for +wisdom (Baruch iii. 23). Not improbably they spoke a dialect (or +dialects) akin to Arabic or Aramaic.<a name="fa4e" id="fa4e" href="#ft4e"><span class="sp">4</span></a> According to the Mahommedans, +Ishmael, who is recognized as their ancestor, lies buried with +his mother in the Kaaba in Mecca. See further, T. Nöldeke, <i>Ency. +Bib., s.v.</i>, and the articles <span class="sc"><a href="#artlinks">Edom</a></span>, <span class="sc"><a href="#artlinks">Midian</a></span>.</p> +</div> +<div class="author">(S. A. C.)</div> + +<hr class="foot" /> <div class="note"> + +<p><a name="ft1e" id="ft1e" href="#fa1e"><span class="fn">1</span></a> On Paul’s use of the story of Hagar (Gal. iv. 24-26), see <i>Ency. +Bib.</i> col. 1934; and H. St J. Thackeray, <i>Relation of St Paul to +contemporary Jewish Thought</i> (London, 1900), pp. 196 sqq.; Hagar +typifies the old Sinaitic covenant, and Sarah represents the new +covenant of freedom from bondage. The treatment of the concubine +and her son in Gen. xvi. compared with ch. xxi. illustrates old +Hebrew customs, on which see further S. A. Cook, <i>Laws of Moses, &c.</i> +(London, 1903), pp. 116 sqq., 140 sq.</p> + +<p><a name="ft2e" id="ft2e" href="#fa2e"><span class="fn">2</span></a> The Ituraean archers were of Jetur, one of the “sons” of +Ishmael (Gen. xxv. 15), and were Roman mercenaries, perhaps even +in Great Britain (<i>Pal. Expl. Fund, Q.S.</i>, 1909, p. 283).</p> + +<p><a name="ft3e" id="ft3e" href="#fa3e"><span class="fn">3</span></a> With Adbeel (Gen. xxv. 13) may be identified Idibi’il (-ba’il) a +tribe employed by Tiglath-Pileser IV. (733 <span class="scs">B.C.</span>) to watch the +frontier of Musri (Sinaitic peninsula or N. Arabia?).</p> + +<p><a name="ft4e" id="ft4e" href="#fa4e"><span class="fn">4</span></a> This is suggested by the fact that Ashurbanipal (7th century) +mentions as the name of their deity Atar-Samain (<i>i.e.</i> “Ishtar of the +heavens”).</p> +</div> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ISHPEMING<a name="ar18" id="ar18"></a></span>, a city of Marquette county, Michigan, U.S.A., +about 15 m. W. by S. of Marquette, in the N. part of the upper +peninsula. Pop. (1890) 11,197; (1900) 13,255, of whom 5970 +were foreign-born; (1904) 11,623; (1910) 12,448. It is served by +the Chicago & North Western, the Duluth, South Shore & +Atlantic, and the Lake Superior and Ishpeming railways. The +city is 1400 ft. above sea-level (whence its name, from an Ojibway +Indian word, said to mean “high up”), in the centre of the +Marquette Range iron district, and has seven mines within its +limits; the mining of iron ore is its principal industry. +Ishpeming was settled about 1854, and was incorporated as +a city in 1873.</p> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ISHTAR<a name="ar19" id="ar19"></a></span>, or <span class="sc">Ištar</span>, the name of the chief goddess of Babylonia +and Assyria, the counterpart of the Phoenician Astarte (<i>q.v.</i>). +The meaning of the name is not known, though it is possible +that the underlying stem is the same as that of Assur (<i>q.v.</i>), which +would thus make her the “leading one” or “chief.” At all +events it is now generally recognized that the name is Semitic +in its origin. Where the name originated is likewise uncertain, +but the indications point to Erech where we find the worship +of a great mother-goddess independent of any association with +a male counterpart flourishing in the oldest period of Babylonian +history. She appears under various names, among which are +Nanā, Innanna, Ninā and Anunit. As early as the days of +Khammurabi we find these various names which represented +originally different goddesses, though all manifest as the chief +trait the life-giving power united in Ishtar. Even when the older +names are employed it is always the great mother-goddess who +is meant. Ishtar is the one goddess in the pantheon who retains +her independent position despite and throughout all changes that +the Babylonian-Assyrian religion undergoes. In a certain +sense she is the only real goddess in the pantheon, the rest being +mere reflections of the gods with whom they are associated +as consorts. Even when Ishtar is viewed as the consort of some +chief—of Marduk occasionally in the south, of Assur more +frequently in the north—the consciousness that she has a +personality of her own apart from this association is never +lost sight of.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page871" id="page871"></a>871</span></p> + +<p>We may reasonably assume that the analogy drawn from the +process of reproduction among men and animals led to the +conception of a female deity presiding over the life of the universe. +The extension of the scope of this goddess to life in general—to +the growth of plants and trees from the fructifying seed—was a +natural outcome of a fundamental idea; and so, whether we +turn to incantations or hymns, in myths and in epics, in votive +inscriptions and in historical annals, Ishtar is celebrated and +invoked as the great mother, as the mistress of lands, as clothed +in splendour and power—one might almost say as the personification +of life itself.</p> + +<p>But there are two aspects to this goddess of life. She brings +forth, she fertilizes the fields, she clothes nature in joy and gladness, +but she also withdraws her favours and when she does so +the fields wither, and men and animals cease to reproduce. +In place of life, barrenness and death ensue. She is thus also +a grim goddess, at once cruel and destructive. We can, therefore, +understand that she was also invoked as a goddess of war +and battles and of the chase; and more particularly among the +warlike Assyrians she assumes this aspect. Before the battle she +appears to the army, clad in battle array and armed with bow and +arrow. In myths symbolizing the change of seasons she is +portrayed in this double character, as the life-giving and the +life-depriving power. The most noteworthy of these myths +describes her as passing through seven gates into the nether world. +At each gate some of her clothing and her ornaments are removed +until at the last gate she is entirely naked. While she remains in +the nether world as a prisoner—whether voluntary or involuntary +it is hard to say—all fertility ceases on earth, but the time comes +when she again returns to earth, and as she passes each gate the +watchman restores to her what she had left there until she is +again clad in her full splendour, to the joy of mankind and of all +nature. Closely allied with this myth and personifying another +view of the change of seasons is the story of Ishtar’s love for +Tammuz—symbolizing the spring time—but as midsummer +approaches her husband is slain and, according to one version, +it is for the purpose of saving Tammuz from the clutches of the +goddess of the nether world that she enters upon her journey +to that region.</p> + +<p>In all the great centres Ishtar had her temples, bearing such +names as E-anna, “heavenly house,” in Erech; E-makh, “great +house,” in Babylon; E-mash-mash, “house of offerings,” in +Nineveh. Of the details of her cult we as yet know little, but +there is no evidence that there were obscene rites connected +with it, though there may have been certain mysteries introduced +at certain centres which might easily impress the uninitiated as +having obscene aspects. She was served by priestesses as well +as by priests, and it would appear that the votaries of Ishtar +were in all cases virgins who, as long as they remained in the +service of Ishtar, were not permitted to marry.</p> + +<div class="condensed"> +<p>In the astral-theological system, Ishtar becomes the planet Venus, +and the double aspect of the goddess is made to correspond to the +strikingly different phases of Venus in the summer and winter +seasons. On monuments and seal-cylinders she appears frequently +with bow and arrow, though also simply clad in long robes with a +crown on her head and an eight-rayed star as her symbol. Statuettes +have been found in large numbers representing her as naked with her +arms folded across her breast or holding a child. The art thus +reflects the popular conceptions formed of the goddess. Together +with Sin, the moon-god, and Shamash, the sun-god, she is the third +figure in a triad personifying the three great forces of nature—moon, +sun and earth, as the life-force. The doctrine involved illustrates +the tendency of the Babylonian priests to centralize the manifestations +of divine power in the universe, just as the triad Anu, Bel and +Ea (<i>q.v.</i>)—the heavens, the earth and the watery deep—form +another illustration of this same tendency.</p> + +<p>Naturally, as a member of a triad, Ishtar is dissociated from any +local limitations, and similarly as the planet Venus—a conception +which is essentially a product of theological speculation—no thought +of any particular locality for her cult is present. It is because her +cult, like that of Sin (<i>q.v.</i>) and Shamash (<i>q.v.</i>), is spread over all +Babylonia and Assyria, that she becomes available for purposes of +theological speculation.</p> + +<p>Cf. <span class="sc"><a href="#artlinks">Astarte</a></span>, <span class="sc"><a href="#artlinks">Atargatis</a></span>, <span class="sc"><a href="#artlinks">Great Mother of the Gods</a></span>, and +specially <span class="sc"><a href="#artlinks">Babylonian and Assyrian Religion</a></span>.</p> +</div> +<div class="author">(M. Ja.)</div> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ISHTIB<a name="ar20" id="ar20"></a></span>, or Istib (anc. <i>Astibon</i>, Slav. <i>Shtipliye</i> or <i>Shtip</i>), +a town of Macedonia, European Turkey, in the vilayet of +Kossovo; 45 m. E.S.E. of Uskub. Pop. (1905) about 10,000. +Ishtib is built on a hill at the confluence of the small river +Ishtib with the Bregalnitza, a tributary of the Vardar. It has +a thriving agricultural trade, and possesses several fine mosques, +a number of fountains and a large bazaar. A hill on the north-west +is crowned by the ruins of an old castle.</p> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ISIDORE OF ALEXANDRIA,<a name="ar21" id="ar21"></a></span><a name="fa1f" id="fa1f" href="#ft1f"><span class="sp">1</span></a> Greek philosopher and one +of the last of the Neoplatonists, lived in Athens and Alexandria +towards the end of the 5th century <span class="scs">A.D.</span> He became head of the +school in Athens in succession to Marinus who followed Proclus. +His views alienated the chief members of the school and he was +compelled to resign his position to Hegias. He is known principally +as the preceptor of Damascius whose testimony to him +in the <i>Life of Isidorus</i> presents him in a very favourable light +as a man and a thinker. It is generally admitted, however, that +he was rather an enthusiast than a thinker; reasoning with him +was subsidiary to inspiration, and he preferred the theories of +Pythagoras and Plato to the unimaginative logic and the practical +ethics of the Stoics and the Aristotelians. He seems to have +given loose rein to a sort of theosophical speculation and attached +great importance to dreams and waking visions on which he used +to expatiate in his public discourses.</p> + +<div class="condensed"> +<p>Damascius’ <i>Life</i> is preserved by Photius in the <i>Bibliotheca</i>, and the +fragments are printed in the Didot edition of Diogenes Laërtius. +See Agathias, <i>Hist.</i> ii. 30; Photius, <i>Bibliotheca</i>, 181; and histories +of Neoplatonism.</p> +</div> + +<hr class="foot" /> <div class="note"> + +<p><a name="ft1f" id="ft1f" href="#fa1f"><span class="fn">1</span></a> With Isidore of Alexandria has been confused an Isidore of Gaza, +mentioned by Photius. Little is known of him except that he was +one of those who accompanied Damascius to the Persian court when +Justinian closed the schools in Athens in 529. Suidas, in speaking +of Isidore of Alexandria, says that Hypatia was his wife, but there +is no means of approximating the dates (see <span class="sc"><a href="#artlinks">Hypatia</a></span>). Suetonius, +in his <i>Life of Nero</i>, refers to a Cynic philosopher named Isidore, who is +said to have jested publicly at the expense of Nero.</p> +</div> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ISIDORE OF SEVILLE,<a name="ar22" id="ar22"></a></span> or <span class="sc">Isidorus Hispalensis</span> (<i>c.</i> 560-636), +Spanish encyclopaedist and historian, was the son of Severianus, +a distinguished native of Cartagena, who came to Seville about +the time of the birth of Isidore. Leander, bishop of Seville, was +his elder brother. Left an orphan while still young, Isidore was +educated in a monastery, and soon distinguished himself in controversies +with the Arians. In 599, on the death of his brother, +he was chosen archbishop of Seville, and acquired high renown +by his successful administration of the episcopal office, as well +as by his numerous theological, historical and scientific works. +He founded a school at Seville, and taught in it himself. In the +provincial and national councils he played an important part, +notably at Toledo in 610, at Seville in 619 and in 633 at Toledo, +which profoundly modified the organization of the church in +Spain. His great work, however, was in another line. Profoundly +versed in the Latin as well as in the Christian literature, +his indefatigable intellectual curiosity led him to condense and +reproduce in encyclopaedic form the fruit of his wide reading. +His works, which include all topics—science, canon law, history +or theology—are unsystematic and largely uncritical, merely +reproducing at second hand the substance of such sources as +were available. Yet in their inadequate way they served to +keep alive throughout the dark ages some little knowledge +of the antique culture and learning. The most elaborate of his +writings is the <i>Originum sive etymologiarum libri XX</i>. It was +the last of his works, written between 622 and 633, and was +corrected by his friend and disciple Braulion. It is an encyclopaedia +of all the sciences, under the form of an explanation of +the terms proper to each of them. It was one of the capital +books of the middle ages.</p> + +<div class="condensed"> +<p>On the <i>Libri differentiarum sive de proprietate sermonum</i>—of which +the first book is a collection of synonyms, and the second of explanations +of metaphysical and religious ideas—see A. Macé’s +doctoral dissertation, Rennes, 1900. Mommsen has edited the +<i>Chronica majora</i> or <i>Chronicon de sex aetatibus</i> (from the creation to +<span class="scs">A.D.</span> 615) and the “Historia Gothorum, Wandalorum, Sueborum,” +in the <i>Monumenta Germaniae historica, auctores antiqitissimi: +Chronica minora II</i>. The history of the Goths is a historical source +of the first order. The <i>De scriptoribus ecclesiasticis</i> or better <i>De +viris illustribus</i>, was a continuation of the work of St Jerome and of +Gennadius (cf. G. von Dzialowski in <i>Kirchengeschichtliche Studien</i>, iv. +(1899). Especially interesting is the <i>De natura rerum ad Sisebutum</i> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page872" id="page872"></a>872</span> +<i>regem</i>, a treatise on astronomy and meteorology, which contained the +sum of physical philosophy during the early middle ages. The +<i>Regula monachorum</i> of Isidore was adopted by many of the monasteries +in Spain during the 7th and 8th centuries. The collection +of canons known as the <i>Isidoriana</i> or <i>Hispalensis</i> is not by him, and +the following, attributed to him, are of doubtful authenticity: <i>De +ortu ac obitu patrum qui in Scriptura laudibus efferuntur</i>; <i>Allegoriae +scripturae sacrae et liber numerorum</i>; <i>De ordine creaturarum</i>.</p> + +<p>The edition of all of Isidore’s works by F. Orevalo (Rome, 1797-1803, +7 vols.), reproduced in Migne, <i>Patrologia Latina</i>, 81-84, is +carefully edited. See also C. Canal, <i>San Isidoro, exposicion de sus +obras e indicaciones a cerca de la influencia que han ejercido en la +civilizacion española</i> (Seville, 1897). A list of monographs is in the +<i>Bibliographie</i> of Ulysse Chevalier.</p> +</div> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ISINGLASS<a name="ar23" id="ar23"></a></span> (probably a corruption of the Dutch <i>huisenblas</i>, +Ger. <i>Hausenblase</i>, literally “sturgeon’s bladder”), a pure form +of commercial gelatin obtained from the swimming bladder or +sound of several species of fish. The sturgeon is the most valuable, +various species of which, especially <i>Acipenser stellatus</i> +(the seuruga), <i>A. ruthenus</i> (the sterlet) and <i>A. güldenstädtii</i> +(the ossétr), flourish in the Volga and other Russian rivers, +in the Caspian and Black Seas, and in the Arctic Ocean, and yield +the “Russian isinglass”; a large fish, <i>Silurus parkerii</i>, and +probably some other fish, yield the “Brazilian isinglass”; other +less definitely characterized fish yield the “Penang” product; +while the common cod, the hake and other <i>Gadidae</i> also yield +a variety of isinglass. The sounds, having been removed from +the fish and cleansed, undergo no other preparation than desiccation +or drying, an operation needing much care; but in this +process the sounds are subjected to several different treatments. +If the sound be unopened the product appears in commerce as +“pipe,” “purse” or “lump isinglass”; if opened and unfolded, +as “leaf” or “honeycomb”; if folded and dried, as “book,” +and if rolled out, as “ribbon isinglass.” Russian isinglass +generally appears in commerce as leaf, book, and long and short +staple; Brazilian isinglass, from Para and Maranham, as pipe, +lump and honeycomb; the latter product, and also the isinglass +of Hudson’s Bay, Penang, Manila, &c., is darker in colour and less +soluble than the Russian product.</p> + +<p>The finest isinglass, which comes from the Russian ports of +Astrakhan and Taganrog, is prepared by steeping the sounds in +hot water in order to remove mucus, &c.; they are then cut open +and the inner membrane exposed to the air; after drying, the +outer membrane is removed by rubbing and beating. As +imported, isinglass is usually too tough and hard to be directly +used. To increase its availability, the raw material is sorted, +soaked in water till it becomes flexible and then trimmed; the +trimmings are sold as a lower grade. The trimmed sheets are +sometimes passed between steel rollers, which reduce them to +the thickness of paper; it then appears as a transparent ribbon, +“shot” like watered silk. The ribbon is dried, and, if necessary, +cut into strips.</p> + +<p>The principal use of isinglass is for clarifying wines, beers +and other liquids. This property is the more remarkable since +it is not possessed by ordinary gelatin; it has been ascribed to +its fibrous structure, which forms, as it were, a fine network in +the liquid in which it is disseminated, and thereby mechanically +carries down all the minute particles which occasion the turbidity. +The cheaper varieties are more commonly used; many brewers +prefer the Penang product; Russian leaf, however, is used +by some Scottish brewers; and Russian long staple is used in +the Worcestershire cider industry. Of secondary importance +is its use for culinary and confectionery purposes, for example, +in making jellies, stiffening jams, &c. Here it is often replaced +by the so-called “patent isinglass,” which is a very pure gelatin, +and differs from natural isinglass by being useless for clarifying +liquids. It has few other applications in the arts. Mixed +with gum, it is employed to give a lustre to ribbons and silk; +incorporated with water, Spanish liquorice and lamp black +it forms an Indian ink; a solution, mixed with a little tincture +of benzoin, brushed over sarsenet and allowed to dry, forms +the well-known “court plaster.” Another plaster is obtained +by adding acetic acid and a little otto of roses to a solution of +fine glue. It also has valuable agglutinating properties; by +dissolving in two parts of pure alcohol it forms a diamond +cement, the solution cooling to a white, opaque, hard solid; +it also dissolves in strong acetic acid to form a powerful cement, +which is especially useful for repairing glass, pottery and +like substances.</p> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ISIS<a name="ar24" id="ar24"></a></span> (Egyptian <i>Ēse</i>), the most famous of the Egyptian goddesses. +She was of human form, in early times distinguished +only by the hieroglyph of her name <img style="width:19px; height:39px; vertical-align: middle;" src="images/img872.jpg" alt="" /> upon her head. Later +she commonly wore the horns of a cow, and the cow was sacred +to her; it is doubtful, however, whether she had any animal +representation in early times, nor had she possession of any +considerable locality until a late period, when Philae, Behbēt +and other large temples were dedicated to her worship. Yet +she was of great importance in mythology, religion and magic, +appearing constantly in the very ancient Pyramid texts as the +devoted sister-wife of Osiris and mother of Horus. In the +divine genealogies she is daughter of Keb and Nut (earth and +sky). She was supreme in magical power, cunning and knowledge. +A legend of the New Kingdom tells how she contrived +to learn the all-powerful hidden name of Rē’ which he had +confided to no one. A snake which she had fashioned for the +purpose stung the god, who sent for her as a last resort in his +unendurable agony; whereupon she represented to him that +nothing but his own mysterious name could overcome the +venom of the snake. Much Egyptian magic turns on the healing +or protection of Horus by Isis, and it is chiefly from magical +texts that the myth of Isis and Osiris as given by Plutarch can be +illustrated. The Metternich stela (XXXth Dynasty), the finest +example of a class of prophylactic stelae generally known by +the name of “Horus on the crocodiles,” is inscribed with a long +text relating the adventures of Isis and Horus in the marshes +of the Delta. With her sister Nephthys, Isis is frequently represented +as watching the body of Osiris or mourning his death.</p> + +<p>Isis was identified with Demeter by Herodotus, and described +as the goddess who was held to be the greatest by the Egyptians; +he states that she and Osiris, unlike other deities, were worshipped +throughout the land. The importance of Isis had increased +greatly since the end of the New Kingdom. The great temple of +Philae was begun under the XXXth Dynasty; that of Behbēt +seems to have been built by Ptolemy II. The cult of Isis spread +into Greece with that of Serapis early in the 3rd century <span class="scs">B.C.</span> +In Egypt itself Isea, or shrines of Isis, swarmed. At Coptos +Isis became a leading divinity on a par with the early god Min. +About 80 <span class="scs">B.C.</span> Sulla founded an Isiac college in Rome, but their +altars within the city were overthrown by the consuls no less +than four times in the decade from 58 to 48 <span class="scs">B.C.</span>, and the worship +of Isis at Rome continued to be limited or suppressed by a +succession of enactments which were enforced until the reign +of Caligula. The Isiac mysteries were a representation of the +chief events in the myth of Isis and Osiris—the murder of +Osiris, the lamentations of Isis and her wanderings, followed +by the triumph of Horus over Seth and the resurrection of the +slain god—accompanied by music and an exposition of the inner +meaning of the spectacle. These were traditional in ancient +Egypt, and in their later development were no doubt affected +by the Eleusinian mysteries of Demeter. They appealed powerfully +to the imagination and the religious sense. The initiated +went through rites of purification, and practised a degree of +asceticism; but for many the festival was believed to be an +occasion for dark orgies. Isis nursing the child Horus (Harpokhrates) +was a very common figure in the Deltaic period, +and in these later days was still a favourite representation. +The Isis temples discovered at Pompeii and in Rome show that +ancient monuments as well as objects of small size were brought +from Egypt to Italy for dedication to her worship, but the +goddess absorbed the attributes of all female divinities; she +was goddess of the earth and its fruits, of the Nile, of the sea, +of the underworld, of love, healing and magic. From the time of +Vespasian onwards the worship of Isis, always popular with some +sections, had a great vogue throughout the western world, and +is not without traces in Britain. It proved the most successful +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page873" id="page873"></a>873</span> +of the pagan cults in maintaining itself against Christianity, +with which it had not a little in common, both in doctrine and +in emblems. But the destruction of the Serapeum at Alexandria +in <span class="scs">A.D.</span> 397 was a fatal blow to the prestige of the Graeco-Egyptian +divinities. The worship of Isis, however, survived in Italy +into the 5th century. At Philae her temple was frequented by +the barbarous Nobatae and Blemmyes until the middle of the +6th century, when the last remaining shrine of Isis was finally +closed.</p> + +<div class="condensed"> +<p>See G. Lafaye, art. “Isis” in Daremberg et Saglio, <i>Dictionnaire des +antiquités</i> (1900); <i>id.</i> <i>Hist. du culte des divinités d’Alexandrie hors de +l’Égypte</i> (1883); Meyer and Drexler, art. “Isis” in Röscher’s +<i>Lexicon der griech. und röm. Mythologie</i> (1891-1892) (very elaborate); +E. A. W. Budge, <i>Gods of the Egyptians</i>, vol. ii. ch. xiii.; Ad. Rusch, +<i>De Serapide et Iside in Graecia cultis</i> (dissertation) (Berlin, 1906). +(The author especially collects the evidence from Greek inscriptions +earlier than the Roman conquest; he contends that the mysteries of +Isis were not equated with the Eleusinian mysteries.)</p> +</div> +<div class="author">(F. Ll. G.)</div> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ISKELIB,<a name="ar25" id="ar25"></a></span> the chief town of a <i>Caza</i> (governed by a <i>kaimakam</i>) +in the vilayet of Angora in Asia Minor, altitude 2460 ft., near +the left bank of the Kizil Irmak (anc. <i>Halys</i>), 100 m. in an +air-line N.E. of Angora and 60 S.E. of Kastamūni (to which +vilayet it belonged till 1894). Pop. 10,600 (Cuinet, <i>La Turquie +d’Asie</i>, 1894). It lies several miles off the road, now abandoned +by wheeled traffic, between Changra and Amasia in a picturesque +<i>cul de sac</i> amongst wooded hills, at the foot of a limestone rock +crowned by the ruins of an ancient fortress now filled with +houses (photograph in Anderson, <i>Studia Pontica</i>, p. 4). Its +ancient name is uncertain. Near the town (on S.) are saline +springs, whence salt is extracted.</p> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ISLA, JOSÉ FRANCISCO DE<a name="ar26" id="ar26"></a></span> (1703-1781), Spanish satirist, +was born at Villavidanes (León) on the 24th of March 1703. +He joined the Jesuits in 1719, was banished from Spain with +his brethren in 1767, and settled at Bologna, where he died on +the 2nd of November 1781. His earliest publication, a <i>Carta +de un residente en Roma</i> (1725), is a panegyric of trifling interest, +and <i>La Juventud triunfante</i> (1727) was written in collaboration +with Luis de Lovada. Isla’s gifts were first shown in his <i>Triunfo +del amor y de la lealtad: Dia Grande de Navarra</i>, a satirical +description of the ceremonies at Pamplona in honour of Ferdinand +VI.’s accession; its sly humour so far escaped the victims +that they thanked the writer for his appreciation of their local +efforts, but the true significance of the work was discovered +shortly afterwards, and the protests were so violent that Isla +was transferred by his superiors to another district. He gained +a great reputation as an effective preacher, and his posthumous +<i>Sermones morales</i> (1792-1793) justify his fame in this respect. +But his position in the history of Spanish literature is due to +his <i>Historia del famoso predicador fray Gerundio de Campazas, +alias Zotes</i> (1758), a novel which wittily caricatures the bombastic +eloquence of pulpit orators in Spain. Owing to the +protests of the Dominicans and other regulars, the book was +prohibited in 1760, but the second part was issued surreptitiously +in 1768. He translated <i>Gil Blas</i>, adopting more or less seriously +Voltaire’s unfounded suggestion that Le Sage plagiarized from +Espinel’s <i>Marcos de Obregón</i>, and other Spanish books; the +text appeared in 1783, and in 1828 was greatly modified by +Evaristo Peña y Martín, whose arrangement is still widely read.</p> + +<div class="condensed"> +<p>See Policarpo Mingote y Tarrazona, <i>Varones ilustres de la provincia +de León</i> (León, 1880), pp. 185-215; Bernard Gaudeau, <i>Les +Prêcheurs burlesques en Espagne au XVIII<span class="sp">e</span> siècle</i> (Paris, 1891); +V. Cian, <i>L’ Immigrazione dei Gesuiti spagnuoli letterati in Italia</i> (Torino, +1895).</p> +</div> +<div class="author">(J. F.-K.)</div> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ISLAM,<a name="ar27" id="ar27"></a></span> an Arabic word meaning “pious submission to the +will of God,” the name of the religion of the orthodox Mahommedans, +and hence used, generically, for the whole body of +Mahommedan peoples. <i>Salama</i>, from which the word is derived +appears in <i>salaam</i>, “peace be with you,” the greeting of the East, +and in Moslem, and means to be “free” or “secure.” (See +<span class="sc"><a href="#artlinks">Mahommedan Religion</a></span>, &c.)</p> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ISLAMABAD,<a name="ar28" id="ar28"></a></span> a town of India in the state of Kashmir, on +the north bank of the Jhelum. Pop. (1901) 9390. The town +crowns the summit of a long low ridge, extending from the +mountains eastward. It is the second town in Kashmir, and +was originally the capital of the valley, but is now decaying. +It contains an old summer palace, overshadowed by plane +trees, with numerous springs, and a fine mosque and shrine. +Below the town is a reservoir containing a spring of clear water +called the <i>Anant Nag</i>, slightly sulphurous, from which volumes +of gas continually arise; the water swarms with sacred fish. +There are manufactures of Kashmir shawls, also of chintzes, +cotton and woollen goods.</p> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ISLAND<a name="ar29" id="ar29"></a></span> (O.E. <i>ieg</i> = isle, + land<a name="fa1g" id="fa1g" href="#ft1g"><span class="sp">1</span></a>), in physical geography, +a term generally definable as a piece of land surrounded by +water. Islands may be divided into two main classes, continental +and oceanic. The former are such as would result from the +submergence of a coastal range, or a coastal highland, until +the mountain bases were cut off from the mainland while their +summits remained above water. The island may have been +formed by the sea cutting through the landward end of a +peninsula, or by the eating back of a bay or estuary until a portion +of the mainland is detached and becomes surrounded by water. +In all cases where the continental islands occur, they are connected +with the mainland by a continental shelf, and their +structure is essentially that of the mainland. The islands off +the west coast of Scotland and the Isles of Man and Wight +have this relation to Britain, while Britain and Ireland have a +similar relation to the continent of Europe. The north-east +coast of Australia furnishes similar examples, but in addition +to these in that locality there are true oceanic islands near the +mainland, formed by the growth of the Great Barrier coral reef. +Oceanic islands are due to various causes. It is a question +whether the numberless islands of the Malay Archipelago should +be regarded as continental or oceanic, but there is no doubt +that the South Sea islands scattered over a portion of the +Pacific belong to the oceanic group. The ocean floor is by no +means a level plain, but rises and falls in mounds, eminences +and basins towards the surface. When this configuration is +emphasized in any particular oceanic area, so that a peak rises +above the surface, an oceanic island is produced. Submarine +volcanic activity may also raise material above sea-level, or +the buckling of the ocean-bed by earth movements may have +a similar result. Coral islands (see <span class="sc"><a href="#artlinks">Atoll</a></span>) are oceanic islands, +and are frequently clustered upon plateaux where the sea is +of no great depth, or appear singly as the crown of some isolated +peak that rises from deep water.</p> + +<p>Island life contains many features of peculiar interest. The +sea forms a barrier to some forms of life but acts as a carrier to +other colonizing forms that frequently develop new features +in their isolated surroundings where the struggle for existence +is greater or less than before. When a sea barrier has existed +for a very long time there is a marked difference between the +fauna and flora even of adjacent islands. In Bali and Borneo, +for example, the flora and fauna are Asiatic, while in Lombok +and Celebes they are Australian, though the Bali Straits are +very narrow. In Java and Sumatra, though belonging to the +same group, there are marked developments of bird life, the +peacock being found in Java and the Argus pheasant in Sumatra, +having become too specialized to migrate. The Cocos, Keeling +Islands and Christmas Island in the Indian Ocean have been +colonized by few animal forms, chiefly sea-birds and insects, +while they are clothed with abundant vegetation, the seeds of +which have been carried by currents and by other means, but +the variety of plants is by no means so great as on the mainland. +Island life, therefore, is a sure indication of the origin of the +island, which may be one of the remnants of a shattered or +dissected continent, or may have arisen independently from the +sea and become afterwards colonized by drift.</p> + +<div class="condensed"> +<p>The word “island” is sometimes used for a piece of land cut off by +the tide or surrounded by marsh (<i>e.g.</i> Hayling Island).</p> +</div> + +<hr class="foot" /> <div class="note"> + +<p><a name="ft1g" id="ft1g" href="#fa1g"><span class="fn">1</span></a> The O.E. <i>ieg</i>, <i>ig</i>, still appearing in local names, <i>e.g.</i> Anglesey, +Battersea, is cognate with Norw. <i>öy</i>, Icel. <i>ey</i>, and the first part of +Ger. <i>Eiland</i>, &c.; it is referred to the original Teut. <i>ahwia</i>, a place +in water, <i>ahwa</i>, water, cf. Lat. <i>aqua</i>; the same word is seen in +English “eyot,” “ait,” an islet in a river. The spelling “island,” +accepted before 1700, is due to a false connexion with “isle,” Fr. +<i>île</i>, Lat. <i>insula</i>.</p> +</div> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page874" id="page874"></a>874</span></p> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ISLAY,<a name="ar30" id="ar30"></a></span> the southernmost island of the Inner Hebrides, Argyllshire, +Scotland, 16 m. W. of Kintyre and ¾ m. S.W. of Jura, +from which it is separated by the Sound of Islay. Pop. (1901) +6857; area, 150,400 acres; maximum breadth 19 m. and +maximum length 25 m. The sea-lochs Gruinart and Indaal cut +into it so deeply as almost to convert the western portion into +a separate island. It is rich and productive, and has been called +the “Queen of the Hebrides.” The surface generally is regular, +the highest summits being Ben Bheigeir (1609 ft.) and Sgorr +nam Faoileann (1407 ft.). There are several freshwater lakes +and streams, which provide good fishing. Islay was the ancient +seat of the “lord of the Isles,” the first to adopt that title being +John Macdonald of Isle of Islay, who died about 1386; but the +Macdonalds were ultimately ousted by their rivals, the Campbells, +about 1616. Islay House, the ancient seat of the Campbells of +Islay, stands at the head of Loch Indaal. The island was formerly +occupied by small crofters and tacksmen, but since 1831 it has +been gradually developed into large sheep and arable farms and +considerable business is done in stock-raising. Dairy-farming +is largely followed, and oats, barley and various green crops are +raised. The chief difficulty in the way of reclamation is the great +area of peat (60 sq. m.), which, at its present rate of consumption, +is calculated to last 1500 years. The island contains several +whisky distilleries, producing about 400,000 gallons annually. +Slate and marble are quarried, and there is a little mining of +iron, lead and silver. At Bowmore, the chief town, there is a +considerable shipping trade. Port Ellen, the principal village, +has a quay with lighthouse, a fishery and a golf-course. Port +Askaig is the ferry station for Faolin on Jura. Regular communication +with the Clyde is maintained by steamers, and a +cable was laid between Lagavulin and Kintyre in 1871.</p> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ISLES OF THE BLEST,<a name="ar31" id="ar31"></a></span> or <span class="sc">Fortunate Islands</span> (Gr. +<span class="grk" title="ai tôn makarôn nêsoi">αἱ τῶν μακάρων νῆσοι</span>: Lat., Fortunatae Insulae), in Greek +mythology a group of islands near the edge of the Western +Ocean, peopled not by the dead, but by mortals upon whom +the gods had conferred immortality. Like the islands of the +Phaeacians in Homer (<i>Od.</i> viii.) or the Celtic Avalon and St +Brendan’s island, the Isles of the Blest are represented as a +land of perpetual summer and abundance of all good things. +No reference is made to them by Homer, who speaks instead of +the Elysian Plain (<i>Od.</i> iv. and ix.), but they are mentioned by +Hesiod (<i>Works and Days</i>, 168) and Pindar (<i>Ol.</i> ii.). A very old +tradition suggests that the idea of such an earthly paradise +was a reminiscence of some unrecorded voyage to Madeira and +the Canaries, which are sometimes named Fortunatae Insulae +by medieval map-makers. (See <span class="sc"><a href="#artlinks">Atlantis</a></span>.)</p> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ISLINGTON<a name="ar32" id="ar32"></a></span> (in Domesday and later documents <i>Iseldon</i>, +<i>Isendon</i> and in the 16th century <i>Hisselton</i>), a northern metropolitan +borough of London, England, bounded E. by Stoke +Newington and Hackney, S. by Shoreditch and Finsbury, and +W. by St Pancras, and extending N. to the boundary of the +county of London. Pop. (1901) 334,991. The name is commonly +applied to the southern part of the borough, which, however, +includes the districts of Holloway in the north, Highbury in +the east, part of Kingsland in the south-east, and Barnsbury +and Canonbury in the south-central portion. The districts included +preserve the names of ancient manors, and in Canonbury, +which belonged as early as the 13th century to the priory of +St Bartholomew, Smithfield, traces of the old manor house +remain. The fields and places of entertainment in Islington +were favourite places of resort for the citizens of London in the +17th century and later; the modern Ball’s Pond Road recalls +the sport of duck-hunting practised here and on other ponds +in the parish, and the popularity of the place was increased by +the discovery of chalybeate wells. At Copenhagen Fields, now +covered by the great cattle market (1855) adjoining Caledonian +Road, a great meeting of labourers was held in 1834. They were +suspected of intending to impose their views on parliament by +violence, but a display of military force held them in check. +The most noteworthy modern institutions in Islington are the +Agricultural Hall, Liverpool Road, erected in 1862, and used +for cattle and horse shows and other exhibitions; Pentonville +Prison, Caledonian Road (1842), a vast pile of buildings radiating +from a centre, and Holloway Prison. The borough has only some +40 acres of public grounds, the principal of which is Highbury +Fields. Among its institutions are the Great Northern Central +Hospital, Holloway, the London Fever Hospital, the Northern +Polytechnic, and the London School of Divinity, St John’s +Hall Highbury. Islington is a suffragan bishopric in the diocese +of London. The parliamentary borough of Islington has north, +south, east and west divisions, each returning one member. +The borough council consists of a mayor, 10 aldermen and +60 councillors. Area, 3091.5 acres.</p> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ISLIP,<a name="ar33" id="ar33"></a></span> a township of Suffolk county, New York, U.S.A., +in the central part of the S. side of Long Island. Pop. (1905, +state census) 13,721; (1910) 18,346. The township is 16 m. long +from E. to W., and 8 m. wide in its widest part. It is bounded +on the S. by the Atlantic Ocean; between the ocean and the +Great South Bay, here 5-7 m. wide, is a long narrow strip of +beach, called Fire Island, at the W. end of which is Fire Island +Inlet. The “Island” beach and the Inlet, both very dangerous +for shipping, are protected by the Fire Island Lighthouse, +the Fire Island Lightship, and a Life Saving Station near the +Lighthouse and another at Point o’ Woods. Near the Lighthouse +there are a United States Wireless Telegraph Station and +a station of the Western Union Telegraph Company, which +announces to New York incoming steamships; and a little +farther E., on the site formerly occupied by the Surf House, a +well-known resort for hay-fever patients, is a state park. Along +the “Island” beach there is excellent surf-bathing. The +township is served by two parallel branches of the Long Island +railroad about 4 m. apart. On the main (northern) division +are the villages of Brentwood (first settled as Modern Times, +a quasi free-love community), which now has the Convent and +School of St Joseph and a large private sanitarium; Central +Islip, the seat of the Central Islip State Hospital for the Insane; +and Ronkonkoma, on the edge of a lake of the same name (with +no visible outlet or inlet and suffering remarkable changes in area). +On the S. division of the Long Island railroad are the villages +of Bay Shore (to the W. of which is West Islip); Oakdale; West +Sayville, originally a Dutch settlement; Sayville and Bayport. +The “South Country Road” of crushed clam or oyster shells +runs through these villages, which are famous for oyster and +clam fisheries. About one-half of the present township was +patented in 1684, 1686, 1688 and 1697 by William Nicolls +(1657-1723), the son of Matthias Nicolls, who came from Islip in +Oxfordshire, England; this large estate (on either side of the +Connetquot or Great river) was kept intact until 1786; the W. +part of Islip was mostly included in the Moubray patent of 1708; +and the township was incorporated in 1710.</p> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ISLY,<a name="ar34" id="ar34"></a></span> the name of a small river on the Moroccan-Algerian +frontier, a sub-tributary of the Tafna, famous as the scene of +the greatest victory of the French army in the Algerian wars. +The intervention of Morocco on the side of Abd-el-Kader led +at once to the bombardment of Tangier by the French fleet under +the prince de Joinville, and the advance of the French army +of General Bugeaud (1844). The enemy, 45,000 strong, was +found to be encamped on the Isly river near Kudiat-el-Khodra. +Bugeaud disposed of some 6500 infantry and 1500 cavalry, +with a few pieces of artillery. In his own words, the formation +adopted was “a boar’s head.” With the army were Lamoricière, +Pélissier and other officers destined to achieve distinction. On +the 14th of August the “boar’s head” crossed the river about +9 m. to the N.W. of Kudiat and advanced upon the Moorish +camp; it was immediately attacked on all sides by great masses +of cavalry; but the volleys of the steady French infantry broke +the force of every charge, and at the right moment the French +cavalry in two bodies, each of the strength of a brigade, broke +out and charged. One brigade stormed the Moorish camp +(near Kudiat) in the face of artillery fire, the other sustained a +desperate conflict on the right wing with a large body of Moorish +horse which had not charged; and only the arrival of infantry +put an end to the resistance in this quarter. A general rally +of the Moorish forces was followed by another action in which +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page875" id="page875"></a>875</span> +they endeavoured to retake the camp. Bugeaud’s forces, which +had originally faced S. when crossing the river, had now changed +direction until they faced almost W. Near Kudiat-el-Khodra the +Moors had rallied in considerable force, and prepared to retake +their camp. The French, however, continued to attack in perfect +combination, and after a stubborn resistance the Moors once +more gave way. For this great victory, which was quickly +followed by proposals of peace, Bugeaud was made duc d’Isly.</p> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ISMAIL<a name="ar35" id="ar35"></a></span> (1830-1895), khedive of Egypt, was born at Cairo +on the 31st of December 1830, being the second of the three sons +of Ibrahim and grandson of Mehemet Ali. After receiving a +European education at Paris, where he attended the École +d’État-Major, he returned home, and on the death of his elder +brother became heir to his uncle, Said Mohammed, the Vali of +Egypt. Said, who apparently conceived his own safety to lie in +ridding himself as much as possible of the presence of his nephew, +employed him in the next few years on missions abroad, notably +to the pope, the emperor Napoleon III. and the sultan of Turkey. +In 1861 he was despatched at the head of an army of 14,000 to +quell an insurrection in the Sudan, and this he successfully +accomplished. On the death of Said, on 18th January 1863, +Ismail was proclaimed viceroy without opposition. Being of an +Orientally extravagant disposition, he found with considerable +gratification that the Egyptian revenue was vastly increased by +the rise in the value of cotton which resulted from the American +Civil War, the Egyptian crop being worth about £25,000,000 +instead of £5,000,000. Besides acquiring luxurious tastes in his +sojourns abroad, Ismail had discovered that the civilized nations +of Europe made a free use of their credit for raising loans. He +proceeded at once to apply this idea to his own country by +transferring his private debts to the state and launching out on +a grand scale of expenditure. Egypt was in his eyes the ruler’s +estate which was to be exploited for his benefit and his renown. +His own position had to be strengthened, and the country +provided with institutions after European models. To these +objects Ismail applied himself with energy and cleverness, but +without any stint of expense. During the ’sixties and ’seventies +Egypt became the happy hunting-ground of self-seeking financiers, +to whose schemes Ismail fell an easy and a willing prey. In +1866-1867 he obtained from the sultan of Turkey, in exchange +for an increase in the tribute, firmans giving him the title of +khedive, and changing the law of succession to direct descent +from father to son; and in 1873 he obtained a new firman +making him to a large extent independent. He projected vast +schemes of internal reform, remodelling the customs system +and the post office, stimulating commercial progress, creating +a sugar industry, introducing European improvements into +Cairo and Alexandria, building palaces, entertaining lavishly +and maintaining an opera and a theatre. It has been calculated +that, of the total amount of debt incurred by Ismail for his +projects, about 10% may have been sunk in works of permanent +utility—always excluding the Suez Canal. Meanwhile the +opening of the Canal had given him opportunities for asserting +himself in foreign courts. On his accession he refused to ratify +the concessions to the Canal company made by Said, and the +question was referred in 1864 to the arbitration of Napoleon III., +who awarded £3,800,000 to the company as compensation for +the losses they would incur by the changes which Ismail insisted +upon in the original grant. Ismail then used every available +means, by his own undoubted powers of fascination and by +judicious expenditure, to bring his personality before the foreign +sovereigns and public, and he had no little success. He was made +G.C.B. in 1867, and in the same year visited Paris and London, +where he was received by Queen Victoria and welcomed by the +lord mayor; and in 1869 he again paid a visit to England. +The result was that the opening of the Canal in November 1869 +enabled him to claim to rank among European sovereigns, and +to give and receive royal honours: this excited the jealousy of +the sultan, but Ismail was clever enough to pacify his overlord. +In 1876 the old system of consular jurisdiction for foreigners +was modified, and the system of mixed courts introduced, by +which European and native judges sat together to try all civil +cases without respect of nationality. In all these years Ismail +had governed with <i>éclat</i> and profusion, spending, borrowing, +raising the taxes on the fellahin and combining his policy of +independence with dazzling visions of Egyptian aggrandizement. +In 1874 he annexed Darfur, and was only prevented from +extending his dominion into Abyssinia by the superior fighting +power of the Abyssinians. But at length the inevitable financial +crisis came. A national debt of over one hundred millions +sterling (as opposed to three millions when he became viceroy) +had been incurred by the khedive, whose fundamental idea of +liquidating his borrowings was to borrow at increased interest. +The bond-holders became restive. Judgments were given +against the khedive in the international tribunals. When he +could raise no more loans he sold his Suez Canal shares (in 1875) +to Great Britain for £3,976,582; and this was immediately +followed by the beginning of foreign intervention. In December +1875 Mr Stephen Cave was sent out by the British government +to inquire into the finances of Egypt, and in April 1876 his report +was published, advising that in view of the waste and extravagance +it was necessary for foreign Powers to interfere in order to +restore credit. The result was the establishment of the Caisse +de la Dette. In October Mr (afterwards Lord) Goschen and M. +Joubert made a further investigation, which resulted in the +establishment of Anglo-French control. A further commission +of inquiry by Major Baring (afterwards Lord Cromer) and others +in 1878 culminated in Ismail making over his estates to the +nation and accepting the position of a constitutional sovereign, +with Nubar as premier, Mr (afterwards Sir Charles) Rivers +Wilson as finance minister, and M. de Blignières as minister of +public works. Ismail professed to be quite pleased. “Egypt,” +he said, “is no longer in Africa; it is part of Europe.” The new +régime, however, only lasted six months, and then Ismail dismissed +his ministers, an occasion being deliberately prepared +by his getting Arabi (<i>q.v.</i>) to foment a military <i>pronunciamiento</i>. +England and France took the matter seriously, and insisted +(May 1879) on the reinstatement of the British and French +ministers; but the situation was no longer a possible one; the +tribunals were still giving judgments for debt against the government, +and when Germany and Austria showed signs of intending +to enforce execution, the governments of Great Britain and +France perceived that the only chance of setting matters straight +was to get rid of Ismail altogether. He was first advised to +abdicate, and a few days afterwards (26th June), as he did not +take the hint, he received a telegram from the sultan (who had +not forgotten the earlier history of Mehemet Ali’s dynasty), +addressed to him as ex-khedive, and informing him that his son +Tewfik was his successor. He at once left Egypt for Naples, but +eventually was permitted by the sultan to retire to his palace +of Emirghian on the Bosporus. There he remained, more or less +a state prisoner, till his death on the 2nd of March 1895. Ismail +was a man of undoubted ability and remarkable powers. But +beneath a veneer of French manners and education he remained +throughout a thorough Oriental, though without any of the +moral earnestness which characterizes the better side of Mahommedanism. +Some of his ambitions were not unworthy, and +though his attitude towards western civilization was essentially +cynical, he undoubtedly helped to make the Egyptian upper +classes realize the value of European education. Moreover, +spendthrift as he was, it needed—as is pointed out in Milner’s +<i>England in Egypt</i>—a series of unfortunate conditions to render +his personality as pernicious to his country as it actually became. +“It needed a nation of submissive slaves, not only bereft of any +vestige of liberal institutions, but devoid of the slightest spark +of the spirit of liberty. It needed a bureaucracy which it would +have been hard to equal for its combination of cowardice and +corruption. It needed the whole gang of swindlers—mostly +European—by whom Ismail was surrounded.” It was his early +encouragement of Arabi, and his introduction of swarms of +foreign concession-hunters, which precipitated the “national +movement” that led to British occupation. His greatest title to +remembrance in history must be that he made European intervention +in Egypt compulsory.</p> +<div class="author">(H. Ch.)</div> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page876" id="page876"></a>876</span></p> +<p><span class="bold">ISMAIL HADJI MAULVI-MOHAMMED<a name="ar36" id="ar36"></a></span> (1781-1831), Mussulman +reformer, was born at Pholah near Delhi. In co-operation +with Syed Ahmed he attempted to free Indian Mahommedanism +from the influence of the native early Indian faiths. The two +men travelled extensively for many years and visited Mecca. +In the Wahhabite movement they found much that was akin +to their own views, and on returning to India preached the new +doctrine of a pure Islam, and gathered many adherents. The +official Mahommedan leaders, however, regarded their propaganda +with disfavour, and the dispute led to the reformers +being interdicted by the British government in 1827. The little +company then moved to Punjab where, aided by an Afghan +chief, they declared war on the Sikhs and made Peshawar the +capital of the theocratic community which they wished to +establish (1829). Deserted by the Afghans they had to leave +Peshawar, and Ismail Hadji fell in battle against the Sikhs +amid the Pakhli mountains (1831). The movement survived +him, and some adherents are still found in the mountains of the +north-west frontier.</p> + +<div class="condensed"> +<p>Ismail’s book <i>Taqouaīyat el Imān</i> was published in Hindustani +and translated in the <i>Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society</i>, xiii. 1852.</p> +</div> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ISMAILIA,<a name="ar37" id="ar37"></a></span> a town of Lower Egypt, the central station on the +Suez Canal, on the N.W. shore of Lake Timsa, about 50 m. +from the Mediterranean and the Red Sea, and 93 m. N.E. of +Cairo by rail. Pop. (1907) 10,373. It was laid out in 1863, +in connexion with the construction of the canal, and is named +after the khedive Ismail. It is divided into two quarters by the +road leading from the landing-place to the railway station, and +has numerous public offices, warehouses and other buildings, +including a palace of the khedive, used as a hospital during the +British military operations in 1882, but subsequently allowed +to fall into a dilapidated condition. The broad macadamized +streets and regular squares bordered with trees give the town an +attractive appearance; and it has the advantage, a rare one +in Egypt, of being surrounded on three sides by flourishing +gardens. The Quai Mehemet Ali, which lies along the canal for +upwards of a mile, contains the châlet occupied by Ferdinand +de Lesseps during the building of the canal. At the end of +the quay are the works for supplying Port Said with water. +On the other side of the lake are the so-called Quarries of the +Hyenas, from which the building material for the town was +obtained.</p> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ISMAY, THOMAS HENRY<a name="ar38" id="ar38"></a></span> (1837-1899), British shipowner, +was born at Maryport, Cumberland, on the 7th of January 1837. +He received his education at Croft House School, Carlisle, and +at the age of sixteen was apprenticed to Messrs Imrie & Tomlinson, +shipowners and brokers, of Liverpool. He then travelled for +a time, visiting the ports of South America, and on returning +to Liverpool started in business for himself. In 1867 he took +over the White Star line of Australian clippers, and in 1868, +perceiving the great future which was open to steam navigation, +established, in conjunction with William Imrie, the Oceanic +Steam Navigation Company, which has since become famous +as the White Star Line. While continuing the Australian service, +the firm determined to engage in the American trade, and to +that end ordered from Messrs Harland & Wolff, of Belfast, the +first <i>Oceanic</i> (3807 tons), which was launched in 1870. This +vessel may fairly be said to have marked an era in North Atlantic +travel. The same is true of the successive types of steamer which +Ismay, with the co-operation of the Belfast shipbuilding firm, +subsequently provided for the American trade. To Ismay is +mainly due the credit of the arrangement by which some of the +fastest ships of the British mercantile marine are held at the +disposal of the government in case of war. The origin of this +plan dates from the Russo-Turkish war, when there seemed +a likelihood of England being involved in hostilities with Russia, +and when, therefore, Ismay offered the admiralty the use of the +White Star fleet. In 1892 he retired from partnership in the +firm of Ismay, Imrie and Co., though he retained the chairmanship +of the White Star Company. He served on several important +committees and was a member of the royal commission in 1888 +on army and navy administration. He was always most generous +in his contributions to charities for the relief of sailors, and +in 1887 he contributed £20,000 towards a pension fund for +Liverpool sailors. He died at Birkenhead on the 23rd of +November 1899.</p> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ISMID,<a name="ar39" id="ar39"></a></span> or <b>ISNIKMID</b> (anc. <i>Nicomedia</i>), the chief town of the +Khoja Ili sanjak of Constantinople, in Asia Minor, situated on +rising ground near the head of the gulf of Ismid. The sanjak +has an area of 4650 sq. m. and a population of 225,000 (Moslems +131,000). It is an agricultural district, producing cocoons and +tobacco, and there are large forests of oak, beech and fir. Near +Yalova there are hot mineral springs, much frequented in +summer. The town is connected by the lines of the Anatolian +railway company with Haidar Pasha, the western terminus, and +with Angora, Konia and Smyrna. It contains a fine 16th-century +mosque, built by the celebrated architect Sinan. Pop. +20,000 (Moslems 9500, Christians 8000, Jews, 2500). As the +seat of a mutessarif, a Greek metropolitan and an Armenian +archbishop, Ismid retains somewhat of its ancient dignity, +but the material condition of the town is little in keeping with +its rank. The head of the gulf of Ismid is gradually silting up. +The dockyard was closed in 1879, and the port of Ismid is +now at Darinje, 3¾ m. distant, where the Anatolian Railway +Company have established their workshops and have built docks +and a quay.</p> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ISNARD, MAXIMIN<a name="ar40" id="ar40"></a></span> (1758-1825), French revolutionist, was a +dealer in perfumery at Draguignan when he was elected deputy +for the department of the Var to the Legislative Assembly, +where he joined the Girondists. Attacking the court, and the +“Austrian committee” in the Tuileries, he demanded the +disbandment of the king’s bodyguard, and reproached Louis +XVI. for infidelity to the constitution. But on the 20th of June +1792, when the crowd invaded the palace, he was one of the +deputies who went to place themselves beside the king to protect +him. After the 10th of August 1792 he was sent to the army of +the North to justify the insurrection. Re-elected to the Convention, +he voted the death of Louis XVI. and was a member of +the Committee of General Defence when it was organized on +the 4th of January 1793. The committee, consisting of 25 +members, proved unwieldy, and on the 4th of April Isnard +presented, on behalf of the Girondist majority, the report +recommending a smaller committee of nine, which two days +later was established as the Committee of Public Safety. On +the 25th of May, Isnard was presiding at the Convention when +a deputation of the commune of Paris came to demand that +J. R. Hébert should be set at liberty, and he made the famous +reply: “If by these insurrections, continually renewed, it +should happen that the principle of national representation +should suffer, I declare to you in the name of France that soon +people will search the banks of the Seine to see if Paris has ever +existed.” On the 2nd of June 1793 he offered his resignation +as representative of the people, but was not comprised in the +decree by which the Convention determined upon the arrest of +twenty-nine Girondists. On the 3rd of October, however, +his arrest was decreed along with that of several other Girondist +deputies who had left the Convention and were fomenting civil +war in the departments. He escaped, and on the 8th of March +1795 was recalled to the Convention, where he supported all the +measures of reaction. He was elected deputy for the Var to +the Council of Five Hundred, where he played a very insignificant +rôle. In 1797 he retired to Draguignan. In 1800 he published +a pamphlet <i>De l’immortalité de l’âme</i>, in which he praised +Catholicism; in 1804 <i>Réflexions relatives au senatus-consulte +du 28 floréal an XII.</i>, which is an enthusiastic apology for the +Empire. Upon the restoration he professed such royalist sentiments +that he was not disturbed, in spite of the law of 1816 +proscribing regicide ex-members of the Convention.</p> + +<div class="condensed"> +<p>See F. A. Aulard, <i>Les Orateurs de la Législative et de la Convention</i> +(Paris, 2nd ed., 1906).</p> +</div> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ISOBAR<a name="ar41" id="ar41"></a></span> (from Gr. <span class="grk" title="isos">ἴσος</span>, equal, and <span class="grk" title="baros">βάρος</span>, weight), a line upon +a meteorological map or pressure chart connecting points where +the atmospheric pressure is the same at sea-level, or upon the +earth’s surface. A general pressure map will indicate, by these +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page877" id="page877"></a>877</span> +lines, the average pressure for any month or season over large +areas. The daily weather charts for more confined regions +indicate the presence of a cyclonic or anticyclonic system by +means of lines, which connect all places having the same barometric +pressure at the same time. It is to be noted that isobaric +lines are the intersections of inclined isobaric surfaces with the +surface of the earth.</p> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ISOCLINIC LINES<a name="ar42" id="ar42"></a></span> (Gr. <span class="grk" title="isos">ἴσος</span>, equal, and <span class="grk" title="klinein">κλίνειν</span>, to bend), +lines connecting those parts of the earth’s surface where the +magnetic inclination is the same in amount. (See <span class="sc"><a href="#artlinks">Magnetism, +Terrestrial</a></span>.)</p> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ISOCRATES<a name="ar43" id="ar43"></a></span> (436-338 <span class="scs">B.C.</span>), Attic orator, was the son of Theodorus, +an Athenian citizen of the deme of Erchia—the same in +which, about 431 <span class="scs">B.C.</span>, Xenophon was born—who was sufficiently +wealthy to have served the state as choregus. The fact that he +possessed slaves skilled in the trade of flute-making perhaps +lends point to a passage in which his son is mentioned by the +comic poet Strattis.<a name="fa1h" id="fa1h" href="#ft1h"><span class="sp">1</span></a> Several popular “sophists” are named +as teachers of the young Isocrates. Like other sons of prosperous +parents, he may have been trained in such grammatical subtleties +as were taught by Protagoras or Prodicus, and initiated by +Theramenes into the florid rhetoric of Gorgias, with whom at +a later time (about 390 <span class="scs">B.C.</span>) he was in personal intercourse. +He tells us that his father had been careful to provide for him +the best education which Athens could afford. A fact of greater +interest is disclosed by Plato’s <i>Phaedrus</i> (278 E). “Isocrates is +still young, Phaedrus,” says the Socrates of that dialogue, “but +I do not mind telling you what I prophesy of him.... It +would not surprise me if, as years go on, he should make all his +predecessors seem like children in the kind of oratory to which +he is now addressing himself, or if—supposing this should not +content him—some divine impulse should lead him to greater +things. My dear Phaedrus, a certain philosophy is inborn in +him.” This conversation is dramatically supposed to take place +about 410 <span class="scs">B.C.</span> It is unnecessary to discuss here the date at +which the <i>Phaedrus</i> was actually composed. From the passage +just cited it is at least clear that there had been a time—while +Isocrates could still be called “young”—at which Plato had +formed a high estimate of his powers.</p> + +<p>Isocrates took no active part in the public life of Athens; +he was not fitted, as he tells us, for the contests of the popular +assembly or of the law-courts. He lacked strength of voice—a +fatal defect in the ecclesia, when an audience of many thousands +was to be addressed in the open air; he was also deficient in +“boldness.” He was, in short, the physical opposite of the +successful Athenian demagogue in the generation after that of +Pericles; by temperament as well as taste he was more in +sympathy with the sedate decorum of an older school. Two +ancient biographers have, however, preserved a story which, if +true, would show that this lack of voice and nerve did not involve +any want of moral courage. During the rule of the Thirty +Tyrants, Critias denounced Theramenes, who sprang for safety +to the sacred hearth of the council chamber. Isocrates alone, it is +said, dared at that moment to plead for the life of his friend.<a name="fa2h" id="fa2h" href="#ft2h"><span class="sp">2</span></a> +Whatever may be the worth of the story, it would scarcely have +connected itself with the name of a man to whose traditional +character it was repugnant. While the Thirty were still in +power, Isocrates withdrew from Athens to Chios.<a name="fa3h" id="fa3h" href="#ft3h"><span class="sp">3</span></a> He has +mentioned that, in the course of the Peloponnesian War—doubtless +in the troubles which attended on its close—he lost +the whole of that private fortune which had enabled his father +to serve the state, and that he then adopted the profession of a +teacher. The proscription of the “art of words” by the Thirty +would thus have given him a special motive for withdrawing +from Athens. He returned thither, apparently, either soon +before or soon after the restoration of the democracy in 403 <span class="scs">B.C.</span></p> + +<p>For ten years from this date he was occupied—at least +occasionally—as a writer of speeches for the Athenian law-courts. +Six of these speeches are extant. The earliest (<i>Or.</i> +xxi.) may be referred to 403 <span class="scs">B.C.</span>; the latest (<i>Or.</i> xix.) to 394-393 +<span class="scs">B.C.</span> This was a department of his own work which Isocrates +afterwards preferred to ignore. Nowhere, indeed, does he say +that he had not written forensic speeches. But he frequently +uses a tone from which that inference might be drawn. He +loves to contrast such petty concerns as engage the forensic +writer with those larger and nobler themes which are treated +by the politician. This helps to explain how it could be asserted—by +his adopted son, Aphareus—that he had written nothing +for the law-courts. Whether the assertion was due to false +shame or merely to ignorance, Dionysius of Halicarnassus +decisively disposes of it. Aristotle had, indeed, he says, exaggerated +the number of forensic speeches written by Isocrates; +but some of those which bore his name were unquestionably +genuine, as was attested by one of the orator’s own pupils, +Cephisodorus. The real vocation of Isocrates was discovered +from the moment that he devoted himself to the work of teaching +and writing. The instruction which Isocrates undertook to +impart was based on rhetorical composition, but it was by +no means merely rhetorical. That “inborn philosophy,” +of which Plato recognized the germ, still shows itself. In +many of his works—notably in the <i>Panegyricus</i>—we see a +really remarkable power of grasping a complex subject, of +articulating it distinctly, of treating it, not merely with effect +but luminously, at once in its widest bearings and in its most +intricate details. Young men could learn more from Isocrates +than the graces of style; nor would his success have been +what it was if his skill had been confined to the art of expression.</p> + +<p>It was about 392 <span class="scs">B.C.</span>—when he was forty-four—that he +opened his school at Athens near the Lyceum. In 339 <span class="scs">B.C.</span> +he describes himself as revising the <i>Panathenaicus</i> with some +of his pupils; he was then ninety-seven. The celebrity enjoyed +by the school of Isocrates is strikingly attested by ancient +writers. Cicero describes it as that school in which the eloquence +of all Greece was trained and perfected: its disciples were +“brilliant in pageant or in battle,”<a name="fa4h" id="fa4h" href="#ft4h"><span class="sp">4</span></a> foremost among the +accomplished writers or powerful debaters of their time. The +phrase of Cicero is neither vague nor exaggerated. Among +the literary pupils of Isocrates might be named the historians +Ephorus and Theopompus, the Attic archaelogist Androtion, +and Isocrates of Apollonia, who succeeded his master in the +school. Among the practical orators we have, in the forensic +kind, Isaeus; in the political, Leodamas of Acharnae, Lycurgus +and Hypereides. Hermippus of Smyrna (mentioned by Athenaeus) +wrote a monograph on the “Disciples of Isocrates.” +And scanty as are now the sources for such a catalogue, a modern +scholar<a name="fa5h" id="fa5h" href="#ft5h"><span class="sp">5</span></a> has still been able to recover forty-one names. At +the time when the school of Isocrates was in the zenith of its +fame it drew disciples, not only from the shores and islands +of the Aegean, but from the cities of Sicily and the distant +colonies of the Euxine. As became the image of its master’s +spirit, it was truly Panhellenic. When Mausolus, prince of Caria, +died in 351 <span class="scs">B.C.</span>, his widow Artemisia instituted a contest of +panegyrical eloquence in honour of his memory. Among all +the competitors there was not one—if tradition may be trusted—who +had not been the pupil of Isocrates.</p> + +<p>Meanwhile the teacher who had won this great reputation +had also been active as a public writer. The most interesting +and most characteristic works of Isocrates are those in which +he deals with the public questions of his own day. The influence +which he thus exercised throughout Hellas might be compared +to that of an earnest political essayist gifted with a popular +and attractive style. And Isocrates had a dominant idea which +gained strength with his years, until its realization had become, +we might say, the main purpose of his life. This idea was +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page878" id="page878"></a>878</span> +the invasion of Asia by the united forces of Greece. The Greek +cities were at feud with each other, and were severally torn +by intestine faction. Political morality was become a rare +and a somewhat despised distinction. Men who were notoriously +ready to sell their cities for their private gain were, as Demosthenes +says, rather admired than otherwise.<a name="fa6h" id="fa6h" href="#ft6h"><span class="sp">6</span></a> The social condition +of Greece was becoming very unhappy. The wealth of the +country had ceased to grow; the gulf between rich and poor +was becoming wider; party strife was constantly adding to +the number of homeless paupers; and Greece was full of men +who were ready to take service with any captain of mercenaries, +or, failing that, with any leader of desperadoes. Isocrates +draws a vivid and terrible picture of these evils. The cure for +them, he firmly believed, was to unite the Greeks in a cause +which would excite a generous enthusiasm. Now was the time, +he thought, for that enterprise in which Xenophon’s comrades +had virtually succeeded, when the headlong rashness of young +Cyrus threw away their reward with his own life.<a name="fa7h" id="fa7h" href="#ft7h"><span class="sp">7</span></a> The Persian +empire was unsound to the core—witness the retreat of the +Ten Thousand: let united Greece attack it and it must go down +at the first onset. Then new wealth would flow into Greece; +and the hungry pariahs of Greek society would be drafted into +fertile homes beyond the Aegean.</p> + +<p>A bright vision; but where was the power whose spell was +first to unite discordant Greece, and, having united it, to direct +its strength against Asia? That was the problem. The first +attempt of Isocrates to solve it is set forth in his splendid +<i>Panegyricus</i> (380 <span class="scs">B.C.</span>). Let Athens and Sparta lay aside +their jealousies. Let them assume, jointly, a leadership which +might be difficult for either, but which would be assured to +both. That eloquent pleading failed. The next hope was +to find some one man equal to the task. Jason of Pherae, +Dionysius I. of Syracuse, Archidamus III., son of Agesilaus—each +in turn rose as a possible leader of Greece before the imagination +of the old man who was still young in his enthusiastic +hope, and one after another they failed him. But now a greater +than any of these was appearing on the Hellenic horizon, and to +this new luminary the eyes of Isocrates were turned with eager +anticipation. Who could lead united Greece against Asia so +fitly as the veritable representative of the Heracleidae, the +royal descendant of the Argive line—a king of half-barbarians +it is true, but by race, as in spirit, a pure Hellene—Philip of +Macedon? We can still read the words in which this fond faith +clothed itself; the ardent appeal of Isocrates to Philip is extant; +and another letter shows that the belief of Isocrates in Philip +lasted at any rate down to the eve of Chaeronea.<a name="fa8h" id="fa8h" href="#ft8h"><span class="sp">8</span></a> Whether +it survived that event is a doubtful point. The popular account +of the orator’s death ascribed it to the mental shock which he +received from the news of Philip’s victory. He was at Athens, +in the palaestra of Hippocrates, when the tidings came. He +repeated three verses in which Euripides names three foreign +Conquerors of Greece—Danaus, Pelops, Cadmus—and four +days later he died of voluntary starvation. Milton (perhaps +thinking of Eli) seems to conceive the death of Isocrates as +instantaneous:—</p> + +<table class="reg f90" summary="poem"><tr><td> <div class="poemr"> +<p class="i2">“As that dishonest victory</p> +<p>At Chaeronea, fatal to liberty,</p> +<p>Killed with report that old man eloquent.”</p> +</div> </td></tr></table> + +<p>Now the third of the letters which bears the name of Isocrates +is addressed to Philip, and appears to congratulate him on his +victory at Chaeronea, as being an event which will enable him +to assume the leadership of Greece in a war against Persia. +Is the letter genuine? There is no evidence, external or internal, +against its authenticity, except its supposed inconsistency with +the views of Isocrates and with the tradition of his suicide. As +to his views, those who have studied them in his own writings +will be disposed to question whether he would have regarded +Philip’s victory at Chaeronea as an irreparable disaster for +Greece. Undoubtedly he would have deplored the conflict +between Philip and Athens; but he would have divided the +blame between the combatants. And, with his old belief in +Philip, he would probably have hoped, even after Chaeronea, +that the new position won by Philip would eventually prove +compatible with the independence of the Greek cities, while +it would certainly promote the project on which, as he was +profoundly convinced, the ultimate welfare of Greece depended,—a +Panhellenic expedition against Persia. As to the tradition +of his suicide, the only rational mode of reconciling it with that +letter is to suppose that Isocrates destroyed himself, not because +Philip had conquered, but because, after that event, he saw +Athens still resolved to resist. We should be rather disposed +to ask how much weight is to be given to the tradition. The +earliest authority for it—Dionysius of Halicarnassus in the age +of Augustus—may have had older sources; granting, however, +that these may have remounted even to the end of the 4th century +<span class="scs">B.C.</span>, that would not prove much. Suppose that Isocrates—being +then ninety-eight and an invalid—had happened to die +from natural causes a few days after the battle of Chaeronea. +Nothing could have originated more easily than a story that he +killed himself from intense chagrin. Every one knew that +Isocrates had believed in Philip; and most people would have +thought that Chaeronea was a crushing refutation of that belief. +Once started, the legend would have been sure to live, not merely +because it was picturesque, but also because it served to accentuate +the contrast between the false prophet and the true—between +Isocrates and Demosthenes; and Demosthenes was very justly +the national idol of the age which followed the loss of Greek +independence.<a name="fa9h" id="fa9h" href="#ft9h"><span class="sp">9</span></a></p> + +<p>Isocrates is said to have taught his Athenian pupils gratuitously, +and to have taken money only from aliens; but, as might have +been expected, the fame of his school exposed him to attacks +on the ground of his gains, which his enemies studiously exaggerated. +After the financial reform of 378 <span class="scs">B.C.</span> he was one +of those 1200 richest citizens who constituted the twenty unions +(<span class="grk" title="symmoriai">συμμορίαι</span>) for the assessment of the war-tax (<span class="grk" title="eisphora">εἰσφορά</span>). He had +discharged several public services (<span class="grk" title="leitourgiai">λειτουργίαι</span>); in particular, +he had thrice served as trierarch. He married Plathane, the +widow of the “sophist” Hippias of Elis, and then adopted her +son Aphareus, afterwards eminent as a rhetorician and a tragic +poet. In 355 <span class="scs">B.C.</span> he had his first and only lawsuit. A certain +Megaclides (introduced into the speech under the fictitious name +of Lysimachus) challenged him to undertake the trierarchy or +exchange properties. This was the lawsuit which suggested +the form of the discourse which he calls the <i>Antidosis</i> (“exchange +of properties”—353 <span class="scs">B.C.</span>)—his defence of his professional life.</p> + +<p>He was buried on a rising ground near the Cynosarges—a +temenos of Heracles, with a gymnasion, on the east side of +Athens, outside the Diomeian gate. His tomb was surmounted +by a column some 45 ft. high, crowned with the figure of a siren, +the symbol of persuasion and of death. A tablet of stone, near +the column, represented a group of which Gorgias was the centre; +his pupil Isocrates stood at his side. Aphareus erected a statue +to his adopted father near the Olympieum. Timotheus, the +illustrious son of Conon, dedicated another in the temple of +Eleusis.</p> + +<p>It was a wonderful century which the life of one man had thus +all but spanned. Isocrates had reached early manhood when +the long struggle of the Peloponnesian War—begun in his childhood—ended +with the overthrow of Athens. The middle period +of his career was passed under the supremacy of Sparta. His +more advanced age saw that brief ascendancy which the genius +of Epameinondas secured to Thebes. And he lived to urge on +Philip of Macedon a greater enterprise than any which the Hellenic +world could offer. His early promise had won a glowing tribute +from Plato, and the rhetoric of his maturity furnished matter +to the analysis of Aristotle; he had composed his imaginary +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page879" id="page879"></a>879</span> +picture of that Hellenic host which should move through Asia +in a pageant of sacred triumph, just as Xenophon was publishing +his plain narrative of the retreat of the Ten Thousand; and, +in the next generation, his literary eloquence was still demonstrating +the weakness of Persia when Demosthenes was striving to +make men feel the deadly peril of Greece. This long life has an +element of pathos not unlike that of Greek tragedy; a power +above man was compelling events in a direction which Isocrates +could not see; but his own agency was the ally of that power, +though in a sense which he knew not; his vision was of Greece +triumphant over Asia, while he was the unconscious prophet +of an age in which Asia should be transformed by the diffusion +of Hellenism.<a name="fa10h" id="fa10h" href="#ft10h"><span class="sp">10</span></a></p> + +<div class="condensed"> +<p>His character should be viewed in both its main aspects—the +political and the literary.</p> + +<p>With regard to the first, two questions have to be asked: (1) How +far were the political views of Isocrates peculiar to himself, and +different from those of the clearest minds contemporary with him? +(2) How far were those views falsified by the event?</p> + +<p>1. The whole tone of Greek thought in that age had taken a bent +towards monarchy in some form. This tendency may be traced alike +in the practical common sense of Xenophon and in the lofty idealism +of Plato. There could be no better instance of it than a well-known +passage in the <i>Politics</i> of Aristotle. He is speaking of the gifts which +meet in the Greek race—a race warlike, like the Europeans, but more +subtle—keen, like the Asiatics, but braver. Here, he says, is a race +which “might rule all men, if it were brought under a single government.”<a name="fa11h" id="fa11h" href="#ft11h"><span class="sp">11</span></a> +It is unnecessary to suppose a special allusion to Alexander; +but it is probable that Aristotle had in his mind a possible union +of the Greek cities under a strong constitutional monarchy. His +advice to Alexander (as reported by Plutarch) was to treat the Greeks +in the spirit of a leader (<span class="grk" title="hêgemonikôs">ἡγεμονικῶς</span>) and the barbarians in the spirit +of a master (<span class="grk" title="despotikôs">δεσποτικῶς</span>).<a name="fa12h" id="fa12h" href="#ft12h"><span class="sp">12</span></a> Aristotle conceived the central power as +political and permanent; Isocrates conceived it as, in the first place, +military, having for its immediate aim the conduct of an expedition +against Asia. The general views of Isocrates as to the +largest good possible for the Greek race were thus in accord with the +prevailing tendency of the best Greek thought in that age.</p> + +<p>2. The vision of the Greek race “brought under one polity” was +not, indeed, fulfilled in the sense of Aristotle or of Isocrates. But the +invasion of Asia by Alexander, as captain-general of Greece, became +the event which actually opened new and larger destinies to the +Greek race. The old political life of the Greek cities was worn out; in +the new fields which were now opened, the empire of Greek civilization +entered on a career of world-wide conquest, until Greece became +to East and West more than all that Athens had been to Greece. +Athens, Sparta, Thebes, ceased indeed to be the chief centres of +Greek life; but the mission of the Greek mind could scarcely have +been accomplished with such expansive and penetrating power if its +influence had not radiated over the East from Pergamum, Antioch +and Alexandria.</p> + +<p>Panhellenic politics had the foremost interest for Isocrates. But +in two of his works—the oration <i>On the Peace</i> and the <i>Areopagiticus</i> +(both of 355 <span class="scs">B.C.</span>)—he deals specially with the politics of Athens. +The speech <i>On the Peace</i> relates chiefly to foreign affairs. It is an +eloquent appeal to his fellow-citizens to abandon the dream of +supremacy, and to treat their allies as equals, not as subjects. The +fervid orator personifies that empire, that false mistress which has +lured Athens, then Sparta, then Athens once more, to the verge of +destruction. “Is she not worthy of detestation?” Leadership +passes into empire; empire begets insolence; insolence brings ruin. +The <i>Areopagiticus</i> breathes a kindred spirit in regard to home policy. +Athenian life had lost its old tone. Apathy to public interests, +dissolute frivolity, tawdry display and real poverty—these are the +features on which Isocrates dwells. With this picture he contrasts +the elder democracy of Solon and Cleisthenes, and, as a first step +towards reform, would restore to the Areopagus its general censorship +of morals. It is here, and here alone—in his comments on +Athenian affairs at home and abroad—that we can distinctly recognize +the man to whom the Athens of Pericles was something more +than a tradition. We are carried back to the age in which his long +life began. We find it difficult to realize that the voice to which we +listen is the same which we hear in the letter to Philip.</p> + +<p>Turning from the political to the literary aspect of his work, +we are at once upon ground where the question of his merits will +now provoke comparatively little controversy. Perhaps the most +serious prejudice with which his reputation has had to contend in +modern times has been due to an accident of verbal usage. He +repeatedly describes that art which he professed to teach as his +<span class="grk" title="philosophia">φιλοσοφία</span>. His use of this word—joined to the fact that in a few +passages he appears to allude slightingly to Plato or to the Socratics—has +exposed him to a groundless imputation. It cannot be too +distinctly understood that, when Isocrates speaks of his <span class="grk" title="philosophia">φιλοσοφία</span>, +he means simply his theory or method of “culture”—to use the +only modern term which is really equivalent in latitude to the Greek +word as then current.<a name="fa13h" id="fa13h" href="#ft13h"><span class="sp">13</span></a></p> + +<p>The <span class="grk" title="philosophia">φιλοσοφία</span>, or practical culture, of Isocrates was not in conflict, +because it had nothing in common, with the Socratic or Platonic +philosophy. The personal influence of Socrates may, indeed, be +traced in his work. He constantly desires to make his teaching +bear on the practical life. His maxims of homely moral wisdom +frequently recall Xenophon’s <i>Memorabilia</i>. But there the relation +ends. Plato alludes to Isocrates in perhaps three places. The +glowing prophecy in the <i>Phaedrus</i> has been quoted; in the <i>Gorgias</i> +a phrase of Isocrates is wittily parodied; and in the <i>Euthydemus</i> +Isocrates is probably meant by the person who dwells “on the +borderland between philosophy and statesmanship.”<a name="fa14h" id="fa14h" href="#ft14h"><span class="sp">14</span></a> The writings +of Isocrates contain a few more or less distinct allusions to Plato’s +doctrines or works, to the general effect that they are barren of +practical result.<a name="fa15h" id="fa15h" href="#ft15h"><span class="sp">15</span></a> But Isocrates nowhere assails Plato’s philosophy +as such. When he declares “knowledge” (<span class="grk" title="epistêmê">ἐπιστήμη</span>) to be unattainable, +he means an exact “knowledge” of the contingencies +which may arise in practical life. “Since it is impossible for human +nature to acquire any science (<span class="grk" title="epistêmên">ἐπιστήμην</span>) by which we should know +what to do or to say, in the next resort I deem those wise who, as +a rule, can hit what is best by their opinions” (<span class="grk" title="doxas">δόξας</span>).<a name="fa16h" id="fa16h" href="#ft16h"><span class="sp">16</span></a></p> + +<p>Isocrates should be compared with the practical teachers of his +day. In his essay <i>Against the Sophists</i>, and in his speech on the +<i>Antidosis</i>, which belong respectively to the beginning and the close +of his professional career, he has clearly marked the points which +distinguish him from “the sophists of the herd” (<span class="grk" title="agelaioi sophistai">ἀγελαῖοι σοφισταί</span>). +First, then, he claims, and justly, greater breadth of view. The +ordinary teacher confined himself to the narrow scope of local interests—training +the young citizen to plead in the Athenian law +courts, or to speak on Athenian affairs in the ecclesia. Isocrates +sought to enlarge the mental horizon of his disciples by accustoming +them to deal with subjects which were not merely Athenian, but, +in his own phrase, Hellenic. Secondly, though he did not claim to +have found a philosophical basis for morals, it has been well said of +him that “he reflects the human spirit always on its nobler side,”<a name="fa17h" id="fa17h" href="#ft17h"><span class="sp">17</span></a> +and that, in an age of corrupt and impudent selfishness, he always +strove to raise the minds of his hearers into a higher and purer air. +Thirdly, his method of teaching was thorough. Technical exposition +came first. The learner was then required to apply the rules in +actual composition, which the master revised. The ordinary +teachers of rhetoric (as Aristotle says) employed their pupils in +committing model pieces to memory, but neglected to train the +learner’s own faculty through his own efforts. Lastly, Isocrates +stands apart from most writers of that day in his steady effort +to produce results of permanent value. While rhetorical skill was +largely engaged in the intermittent journalism of political pamphlets, +Isocrates set a higher ambition before his school. His own essays +on contemporary questions received that finished form which has +preserved them to this day. The impulse to solid and lasting work, +communicated by the example of the master, was seen in such +monuments as the <i>Atthis</i> of Androtion, the <i>Hellenics</i> of Theopompus +and the <i>Philippica</i> of Ephorus.</p> + +<p>In one of his letters to Atticus, Cicero says that he has used “all +the fragrant essences of Isocrates, and all the little stores of his +disciples.”<a name="fa18h" id="fa18h" href="#ft18h"><span class="sp">18</span></a> The phrase has a point of which the writer himself +was perhaps scarcely conscious: the style of Isocrates had come +to Cicero through the school of Rhodes; and the Rhodian imitators +had more of Asiatic splendour than of Attic elegance. But, with this +allowance made, the passage may serve to indicate the real place of +Isocrates in the history of literary style. The old Greek critics +consider him as representing what they call the “smooth” or +“florid” mode of composition (<span class="grk" title="glaphyra, anthêra harmonia">γλαφυρά, ἀνθηρὰ ἀρμονία</span>) as +distinguished from the “harsh” (<span class="grk" title="austêra">αὐστηρά</span>) style of Antiphon and +the perfect “mean” (<span class="grk" title="mesê">μέση</span>) of Demosthenes. Tried by a modern +standard, the language of Isocrates is certainly not “florid.” The +only sense in which he merits the epithet is that (especially in his +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page880" id="page880"></a>880</span> +earlier work) he delights in elaborate antitheses. Isocrates is an +“orator” in the larger sense of the Greek word <i>rhetor</i>; but his real +distinction consists in the fact that he was the first Greek who gave +an artistic finish to literary rhetoric. The practical oratory of the +day had already two clearly separated branches—the forensic, +represented by Isaeus, and the deliberative, in which Callistratus +was the forerunner of Demosthenes. Meanwhile Isocrates was giving +form and rhythm to a standard literary prose. Through the influence +of his school, this normal prose style was transmitted—with the +addition of some florid embellishments—to the first generation of +Romans who studied rhetoric in the Greek schools. The distinctive +feature in the composition of Isocrates is his structure of the periodic +sentence. This, with him, is no longer rigid or monotonous, as with +Antiphon—no longer terse and compact, as with Lysias—but ample, +luxuriant, unfolding itself (to use a Greek critic’s image) like +the soft beauties of a winding river. Isocrates was the first Greek +who worked out the idea of a prose rhythm. He saw clearly both its +powers and its limits; poetry has its strict rhythms and precise +metres; prose has its metres and rhythms, not bound by a rigid +framework, yet capable of being brought under certain general laws +which a good ear can recognize, and which a speaker or writer may +apply in the most various combinations. This fundamental idea +of prose rhythm, or number, is that which the style of Isocrates has +imparted to the style of Cicero. When Quintilian (x. 1. 108) says, +somewhat hyperbolically, that Cicero has artistically reproduced +(<i>effinxisse</i>) “the force of Demosthenes, the wealth of Plato, the +charm of Isocrates,” he means principally this smooth and harmonious +rhythm. Cicero himself expressly recognizes this original +and distinctive merit of Isocrates.<a name="fa19h" id="fa19h" href="#ft19h"><span class="sp">19</span></a> Thus, through Rome, and +especially through Cicero, the influence of Isocrates, as the founder +of a literary prose, has passed into the literatures of modern Europe. +It is to the eloquence of the preacher that we may perhaps look for +the nearest modern analogue of that kind in which Isocrates excelled—especially, +perhaps, to that of the great French preachers. Isocrates +was one of the three Greek authors, Demosthenes and Plato being +the others, who contributed most to form the style of Bossuet.</p> + +<p><span class="sc">Works.</span>—The extant works of Isocrates consist of twenty-one +speeches or discourses and nine letters.<a name="fa20h" id="fa20h" href="#ft20h"><span class="sp">20</span></a> Among these, the six +forensic speeches represent the first period of his literary life—belonging +to the years 403-393 <span class="scs">B.C.</span> All six concern private causes. +They may be classed as follows: 1. <i>Action for Assault</i> (<span class="grk" title="dikê aikias">δίκη αἰκίας</span>), +Or. xx., <i>Against Lochites</i>, 394 <span class="scs">B.C.</span> 2. <i>Claim to an Inheritance</i> +(<span class="grk" title="epidikasia">ἐπιδικασία</span>), Or. xix., <i>Aegineticus</i>, end of 394 or early in 393 <span class="scs">B.C.</span> +3. <i>Actions to Recover a Deposit</i>: (1) Or. xxi., <i>Against Euthynus</i>, +403 <span class="scs">B.C.</span>; (2) Or. xvii., <i>Trapeziticus</i>, end of 394 or early in 393 <span class="scs">B.C.</span> +4. <i>Action for Damage</i> (<span class="grk" title="dikê blabês">δίκη βλάβης</span>), Or. xvi., <i>Concerning the +Team of Horses</i>, 397 <span class="scs">B.C.</span> 5. <i>Special Plea</i> (<span class="grk" title="paragraphê">παραγραφή</span>), Or. xviii., +<i>Against Callimachus</i>, 402 <span class="scs">B.C.</span> Two of these have been regarded +as spurious by G. E. Benseler, viz. Or. xxi., on account of the frequent +hiatus and the short compact periods, and Or. xvii., on the +first of these grounds. But we are not warranted in applying to the +early work of Isocrates those canons which his mature style observed. +The genuineness of the speech against Euthynus is recognized by +Philostratus; while the <i>Trapeziticus</i>—thrice named without suspicion +by Harpocration—is treated by Dionysius, not only as +authentic, but as the typical forensic work of its author. The speech +against Lochites—where “a man of the people” (<span class="grk" title="tou plêthous eis">τοῦ πλήθους εἶς</span>) is +the speaker—exhibits much rhetorical skill. The speech <span class="grk" title="Peri tou +zeugous">Περὶ τοῦ ζεύγους</span> (“concerning the team of horses”) has a curious interest. +An Athenian citizen had complained that Alcibiades had robbed him +of a team of four horses, and sues the statesman’s son and namesake +(who is the speaker) for their value. This is not the only place in +which Isocrates has marked his admiration for the genius of Alcibiades; +it appears also in the <i>Philippus</i> and in the <i>Busiris</i>. But, among +the forensic speeches, we must, on the whole, give the palm to the +<i>Aegineticus</i>—a graphic picture of ordinary Greek life in the islands +of the Aegean. Here—especially in the narrative—Isocrates makes +a near approach to the best manner of Lysias.</p> + +<p>The remaining fifteen orations or discourses do not easily lend +themselves to the ordinary classification under the heads of “deliberative” +and “epideictic.” Both terms must be strained; and neither +is strictly applicable to all the pieces which it is required to cover. +The work of Isocrates travelled out of the grooves in which the +rhetorical industry of the age had hitherto moved. His position +among contemporary writers was determined by ideas peculiar to +himself; and his compositions, besides having a style of their own, +are in several instances of a new kind. The only adequate principle +of classification is one which considers them in respect to their subject-matter. +Thus viewed, they form two clearly separated groups—the +scholastic and the political.</p> + +<p><i>Scholastic Writings.</i>—Under this head we have, first, three letters +or essays of a hortatory character. (1) The letter to the young +Demonicus<a name="fa21h" id="fa21h" href="#ft21h"><span class="sp">21</span></a>—once a favourite subject in the schools—contains +a series of precepts neither below nor much above the average +practical morality of Greece. (2) The letter to Nicocles—the young +king of the Cyprian Salamis—sets forth the duty of a monarch to +his subjects. (3) In the third piece, it is Nicocles who speaks, and +impresses on the Salaminians their duty to their king—a piece remarkable +as containing a popular plea for monarchy, composed by +a citizen of Athens. These three letters may be referred to the +years 374-372 <span class="scs">B.C.</span></p> + +<p>Next may be placed four pieces which are “displays” (<span class="grk" title="epideixeis">ἐπιδείξεις</span>) +in the proper Greek sense. The <i>Busiris</i> (Or. xi., 390-391 <span class="scs">B.C.</span>) +is an attempt to show how the ill-famed king of Egypt might +be praised. The <i>Encomium on Helen</i> (Or. x., 370 <span class="scs">B.C.</span>), a piece +greatly superior to the last, contains the celebrated passage on +the power of beauty. These two compositions serve to illustrate +their author’s view that “encomia” of the hackneyed type might +be elevated by combining the mythical matter with some topic +of practical interest—as, in the case of <i>Busiris</i>, with the institutions +of Egypt, or, in that of Helen, with the reforms of Theseus. The +<i>Evagoras</i> (Or. ix., 365 <span class="scs">B.C.</span>?), the earliest known biography, is a +laudatory epitaph on a really able man—the Greek king of the +Cyprian Salamis. A passage of singular interest describes how, +under his rule, the influences of Hellenic civilization had prevailed +over the surrounding barbarism. The <i>Panathenaicus</i> (Or. xii.), +intended for the great Panathenaea of 342 <span class="scs">B.C.</span>, but not completed till +339 <span class="scs">B.C.</span>, contains a recital of the services rendered by Athens to +Greece, but digresses into personal defence against critics; his last +work, written in extreme old age, it bears the plainest marks of +failing powers.</p> + +<p>The third subdivision of the scholastic writings is formed by two +most interesting essays on education—that entitled <i>Against the +Sophists</i> (Or. xiii., 391-390 <span class="scs">B.C.</span>), and the <i>Antidosis</i> (Or. xv., +353 <span class="scs">B.C.</span>). The first of these is a manifesto put forth by Isocrates at +the outset of his professional career of teaching, in which he seeks +to distinguish his aims from those of other “sophists.” These +“sophists” are (1) the “eristics” (<span class="grk" title="hoi peri tas eridas">οἱ περὶ τὰς ἔριδας</span>), by whom he +seems to intend the minor Socratics, especially Euclides; (2) the +teachers of practical rhetoric, who had made exaggerated claims for +the efficacy of mere instruction, independently of natural faculty or +experience; (3) the writers of “arts” of rhetoric, who virtually +devoted themselves (as Aristotle also complains) to the lowest, or +forensic, branch of their subject (see also E. Holzner, <i>Platos Phaedrus +und die Sophistenrede des Isokrates</i>, Prague, 1894). As this piece is +the prelude to his career, its epilogue is the speech on the “Antidosis”—so +called because it has the form of a speech made in court in answer +to a challenge to undertake the burden of the trierarchy, or else +exchange properties with the challenger. The discourse “Against +the Sophists” had stated what his art was not; this speech defines +what it is. His own account of his <span class="grk" title="philosophia">φιλοσοφία</span>—“the discipline of +discourse” (<span class="grk" title="hê tôn logôn paideia">ἡ τῶν λόγων παιδεία</span>)—has been embodied in the sketch +of it given above.</p> + +<p><i>Political Writings.</i>—These, again, fall into two classes—those +which concern (1) the relations of Greece with Persia, (2) the internal +affairs of Greece. The first class consist of the <i>Panegyricus</i> (Or. iv., +380 <span class="scs">B.C.</span>) and the <i>Philippus</i> (Or. v., 346 <span class="scs">B.C.</span>). The <i>Panegyricus</i> +takes its name from the fact that it was given to the Greek public +at the time of the Olympic festivals—probably by means of copies +circulated there. The orator urges that Athens and Sparta should +unite in leading the Greeks against Persia. The feeling of antiquity +that this noble discourse is a masterpiece of careful work finds expression +in the tradition that it had occupied its author for more +than ten years. Its excellence is not merely that of language, but +also—and perhaps even more conspicuously—that of lucid arrangement. +The <i>Philippus</i> is an appeal to the king of Macedon to assume +that initiative in the war on Persia which Isocrates had ceased to +expect from any Greek city. In the view of Demosthenes, Philip +was the representative barbarian; in that of Isocrates, he is the first +of Hellenes, and the natural champion of their cause.</p> + +<p>Of those discourses which concern the internal affairs of Greece, +two have already been noticed,—that <i>On the Peace</i> (Or. viii.), and the +<i>Areopagiticus</i> (Or. vii.)—both of 355 <span class="scs">B.C.</span>—as dealing respectively +with the foreign and the home affairs of Athens. The <i>Plataicus</i> +(Or. xiv.) is supposed to be spoken by a Plataean before the Athenian +ecclesia in 373 <span class="scs">B.C.</span> In that year Plataea had for the second time +in its history been destroyed by Thebes. The oration—an appeal +to Athens to restore the unhappy town—is remarkable both for the +power with which Theban cruelty is denounced, and for the genuine +pathos of the peroration. The <i>Archidamus</i> (Or. vi.) is a speech purporting +to be delivered by Archidamus III., son of Agesilaus, in a +debate at Sparta on conditions of peace offered by Thebes in 366 +<span class="scs">B.C.</span> It was demanded that Sparta should recognize the independence +of Messene, which had lately been restored by Epameinondas +(370 <span class="scs">B.C.</span>). The oration gives brilliant expression to the feeling +which such a demand was calculated to excite in Spartans who knew +the history of their own city. Xenophon witnesses that the attitude +of Sparta on this occasion was actually such as the <i>Archidamus</i> +assumes (<i>Hellen.</i> vii. 4. 8-11).</p> + +<p><i>Letters.</i>—The first letter—to Dionysius I.—is fragmentary; but +a passage in the <i>Philippus</i> leaves no doubt as to its object. Isocrates +was anxious that the ruler of Syracuse should undertake the command +of Greece against Persia. The date is probably 368 <span class="scs">B.C.</span> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page881" id="page881"></a>881</span> +Next in chronological order stands the letter “To the Children +of Jason” (vi.). Jason, tyrant of Pherae, had been assassinated in +370 <span class="scs">B.C.</span>; and no fewer than three of his successors had shared the +same fate. Isocrates now urges Thebe, the daughter of Jason, and +her half-brothers to set up a popular government. The date is +359 <span class="scs">B.C.</span><a name="fa22h" id="fa22h" href="#ft22h"><span class="sp">22</span></a> The letter to Archidamus III. (ix.)—the same person +who is the imaginary speaker of Oration vi.—urges him to execute +the writer’s favourite idea,—“to deliver the Greeks from their +feuds, and to crush barbarian insolence.” It is remarkable for a +vivid picture of the state of Greece; the date is about 356 <span class="scs">B.C.</span> The +letter to Timotheus (vii., 345 <span class="scs">B.C.</span>), ruler of Heraclea on the Euxine, +introduces an Athenian friend who is going thither, and at the same +time offers some good counsels to the benevolent despot. The letter +“to the government of Mytilene” (viii., 350 <span class="scs">B.C.</span>) is a petition to a +newly established oligarchy, begging them to permit the return of +a democratic exile, a distinguished musician named Agenor. The +first of the two letters to Philip of Macedon (ii.) remonstrates with +him on the personal danger to which he had recklessly exposed +himself, and alludes to his beneficent intervention in the affairs of +Thessaly; the date is probably the end of 342 <span class="scs">B.C.</span> The letter to +Alexander (v.), then a boy of fourteen, is a brief greeting sent along +with the last, and congratulates him on preferring “practical” to +“eristic” studies—a distinction which is explained by the sketch of +the author’s <span class="grk" title="philosophia">φιλοσοφία</span>, and of his essay “Against the Sophists,” +given above. It was just at this time, probably, that Alexander +was beginning to receive the lessons of Aristotle (342 <span class="scs">B.C.</span>). The +letter to Antipater (iv.) introduces a friend who wished to enter +the military service of Philip. Antipater was then acting as regent +in Macedonia during Philip’s absence in Thrace (340-339 <span class="scs">B.C.</span>). +The later of the two letters to Philip (iii.) appears to be written +shortly after the battle of Chaeronea in 338 <span class="scs">B.C.</span> The questions +raised by it have already been discussed.</p> + +<p>No lost work of Isocrates is known from a definite quotation, +except an “Art of Rhetoric,” from which some scattered precepts +are cited. Quintilian, indeed, and Photius, who had seen this “Art,” +felt a doubt as to whether it was genuine. Only twenty-five discourses—out +of an ascriptive total of some sixty—were admitted as +authentic by Dionysius; Photius (<i>circ.</i> <span class="scs">A.D.</span> 850) knew only the +number now extant—twenty-one.</p> + +<p>With the exception of defects at the end of Or. xiii., at the beginning +of Or. xvi., and probably at the end of Letters i., vi., ix., the +existing text is free from serious mutilations. It is also unusually +pure. The smooth and clear style of Isocrates gave few opportunities +for the mistakes of copyists. On the other hand, he was a favourite +author of the schools. Numerous glosses crept into his text through +the comments or conjectures of rhetoricians. This was already the +case before the 6th century, as is attested by the citations of Priscian +and Stobaeus. Jerome Wolf and Koraes successively accomplished +much for the text. But a more decided advance was made by +Immanuel Bekker. He used five MSS., viz. (1) Codex Urbinas III., +Γ (this, the best, was his principal guide); (2) Vaticanus 936, Δ; +(3) Laurentianus 87, 14, Θ (13th century); (4) Vaticanus 65, Λ; +and (5) Marcianus 415, Ξ. The first three, of the same family, have +Or. xv. entire; the last two are from the same original, and have +Or. xv. incomplete.</p> + +<p>J. G. Baiter and H. Sauppe in their edition (1850) follow Γ “even +more constantly than Bekker.” Their apparatus is enriched, +however, by a MS. to which he had not access—Ambrosianus O. +144, Ε, which in some cases, as they recognize, has alone preserved +the true reading. The readings of this MS. were given in full by +G. E. Benseler in his second edition (1854-1855). The distinctive +characteristic of Benseler’s textual criticism was a tendency to +correct the text against even the best MS., where the MS. conflicted +with the usage of Isocrates as inferred from his recorded precepts +or from the statements of ancient writers. Thus, on the strength +of the rule ascribed to Isocrates—<span class="grk" title="phônêenta mê sympiptein">φωνήεντα μὴ συμπίπτειν</span>—Benseler +would remove from the text every example of hiatus (on the MSS. +of Isocrates, see H. Bürmann, <i>Die handschriftliche Überlieferung des +Isocrates</i>, Berlin, 1885-1886, and E. Drerup, in <i>Leipziger Studien</i>, +xvii., 1895).</p> +<div class="author">(R. C. J.)</div> + +<p><span class="sc">Editions.</span>—In <i>Oratores Attici</i>, ed. Imm. Bekker (1823, 1828); +W. S. Dobson (1828); J. G. Baiter and Hermann Sauppe (1850). +Separately <i>Ausgewählte Reden, Panegyrikos und Areopagitikos</i>, by +Rudolf Rauchenstein, 6th ed., Karl Münscher (1908); in Teubner’s +series, by G. E. Benseler (new ed., by F. Blass, 1886-1895) and +by E. Drerup (1906-  ); <i>Ad Demonicum et Panegyricus</i>, ed. J. E. +Sandys (1868); <i>Evagoras</i>, ed. H. Clarke (1885). Extracts from +Orations iii., iv., vi., vii., viii., ix., xiii., xiv., xv., xix., and Letters +iii., v., edited with revised text and commentary, in <i>Selections from +the Attic Orators</i>, by R. C. Jebb (1880); vol. i. of an English prose +translation, with introduction and notes by J. H. Freese, has been +published in Bohn’s <i>Classical Library</i> (1894). See generally Jebb’s +<i>Attic Orators</i> (where a list of authorities is given) and F. Blass, Die +attische Beredsamkeit (2nd ed., 1887-1898), and the latter’s <i>Die +Rhythmen der attischen Kunstprosa</i> (1901). There is a special lexicon +by S. Preuss (1904). On the philosophy of Isocrates and his relation +to the Socratic schools, see Thompson’s ed. of Plato’s <i>Phaedrus</i>, +Appendix 2.</p> +</div> + +<hr class="foot" /> <div class="note"> + +<p><a name="ft1h" id="ft1h" href="#fa1h"><span class="fn">1</span></a> <span class="grk" title="Hatalantê">Ἀταλάντη</span>, fr. 1, Meineke, Poëtarum comicorum Graecorum frag. +(1855), p. 292.</p> + +<p><a name="ft2h" id="ft2h" href="#fa2h"><span class="fn">2</span></a> [Plut.] <i>Vita Isocr.</i>, and the anonymous biographer. Dionysius +does not mention the story, though he makes Isocrates a pupil of +Theramenes.</p> + +<p><a name="ft3h" id="ft3h" href="#fa3h"><span class="fn">3</span></a> Some would refer the sojourn of Isocrates at Chios to the years +398-395 <span class="scs">B.C.</span>, others to 393-388 <span class="scs">B.C.</span> The reasons which support the +view given in the text will be found in Jebb’s <i>Attic Orators</i>, vol. ii. +(1893), p. 6, note 2.</p> + +<p><a name="ft4h" id="ft4h" href="#fa4h"><span class="fn">4</span></a> Partim in pompa, partim in acie illustres (<i>De orat.</i> ii. 24).</p> + +<p><a name="ft5h" id="ft5h" href="#fa5h"><span class="fn">5</span></a> P. Sanneg, <i>De schola Isocratea</i> (Halle, 1867).</p> + +<p><a name="ft6h" id="ft6h" href="#fa6h"><span class="fn">6</span></a> <i>De falsa legat.</i> p. 426 <span class="grk" title="ouch opôs ôrgizonto ê kolazein êxioun tous +tauta poiountas, all’ apeblepon, ezêloun, etimôn, andras hêgounto.">οὐχ ὅπως ὠργίζοντο ἢ κολάζειν τοὺς +ταῦτα ποιοῦντας, ἀλλ᾽ ἀπέβλεπον, ἐζήλουν, ἐτίμων, ἅνδρας ἡγοῦντο</span>.</p> + +<p><a name="ft7h" id="ft7h" href="#fa7h"><span class="fn">7</span></a> <span class="grk" title="ekeinous gar homologeitai ... êdê egkrateis dokountas einai tôn +pragmatôn dia tên Kyrou propeteian atychêsai">ἐκείνους γὰρ ὁμολογεῖται ... ἤδη ἐγκρατεῖς δοκοῦντας εἶναι τῶν +πραγμάτων διὰ τὴν Κύρου προπέτειαν ἀτυχῆσαι</span> (<i>Philippus</i>, 90; cp. +<i>Panegyr.</i> 149).</p> + +<p><a name="ft8h" id="ft8h" href="#fa8h"><span class="fn">8</span></a> <i>Philippus</i>, 346 <span class="scs">B.C.</span>; <i>Epist.</i> ii. end of 342 <span class="scs">B.C.</span> (?).</p> + +<p><a name="ft9h" id="ft9h" href="#fa9h"><span class="fn">9</span></a> The views of several modern critics on the tradition of the +suicide are brought together in the <i>Attic Orators</i>, ii. (1893) p. 31, +note 1.</p> + +<p><a name="ft10h" id="ft10h" href="#fa10h"><span class="fn">10</span></a> Isocrates, a loyal and genuine Hellene, can yet conceive of +Hellenic culture as shared by men not of Hellenic blood (<i>Panegyr.</i> +50). He is thus, as Ernst Curtius has ably shown, a forerunner of +Hellenism—analogous, in the literary province, to Epameinondas and +Timotheus in the political (<i>History of Greece</i>, v. 116, 204, tr. Ward).</p> + +<p><a name="ft11h" id="ft11h" href="#fa11h"><span class="fn">11</span></a> <span class="grk" title="to tôn Hellênôn genos ... dunamenon archein pantôn, mias tugchanon +politeias">τὸ τῶν Ἑλλήνων γένος ... δυνάμενον ἄρχειν, μιᾶς τυγχάνον πολιτείας</span> (<i>Polit.</i> iv. [vii.] 6, 7).</p> + +<p><a name="ft12h" id="ft12h" href="#fa12h"><span class="fn">12</span></a> <i>De Alex. virt.</i> i. 6.</p> + +<p><a name="ft13h" id="ft13h" href="#fa13h"><span class="fn">13</span></a> The word <span class="grk" title="philosophia">φιλοσοφία</span> seems to have come into Athenian use not +much before the time of Socrates; and, till long after the time of +Isocrates, it was commonly used, not in the sense of “philosophy,” +but in that of “literary taste and study—culture generally” (see +Thompson on <i>Phaedrus</i>, 278 D). Aristeides, ii. 407 <span class="grk" title="philokalia tis kai +diatribê peri logous, kai ouch ho nun tropos houtos, alla paideia koinôs">φιλοκαλία τις καὶ διατριβὴ περὶ λόγους, καὶ οὐχ ὁ νῦν τρόπος οὗτος, ἀλλὰ παιδεία κοινῶς</span>. +And so writers of the 4th century <span class="scs">B.C.</span> use <span class="grk" title="philosopheîn">φιλοσοφεῖν</span> as simply = “to +study”; as <i>e.g.</i> an invalid “studies” the means of relief +from pain, Lys. <i>Or.</i> xxiv. 10; cf. Isocr. <i>Or.</i> iv. 6, &c.</p> + +<p><a name="ft14h" id="ft14h" href="#fa14h"><span class="fn">14</span></a> Plato, <i>Gorg.</i> p. 463; <i>Euthyd.</i> 304-306.</p> + +<p><a name="ft15h" id="ft15h" href="#fa15h"><span class="fn">15</span></a> These allusions are discussed in the <i>Attic Orators</i>, vol. ii. ch. 13.</p> + +<p><a name="ft16h" id="ft16h" href="#fa16h"><span class="fn">16</span></a> Isocr. <i>Or.</i> xv. 271.</p> + +<p><a name="ft17h" id="ft17h" href="#fa17h"><span class="fn">17</span></a> A. Cartelier, <i>Le Discours d’Isocrate sur lui-même</i>, p. lxii. (1862).</p> + +<p><a name="ft18h" id="ft18h" href="#fa18h"><span class="fn">18</span></a> Totum Isocratis <span class="grk" title="myrothêkion">μυροθήκιον</span> atque omnes ejus discipulorum +arculas (<i>Ad Att.</i> ii. 1).</p> + +<p><a name="ft19h" id="ft19h" href="#fa19h"><span class="fn">19</span></a> Idque princeps Isocrates instituisse fertur, ... ut inconditam +antiquorum dicendi consuetudinem ... numeris astringeret (<i>De or.</i> +iii. 44, 173).</p> + +<p><a name="ft20h" id="ft20h" href="#fa20h"><span class="fn">20</span></a> The dates here given differ to some extent from those in F. +Blass, <i>Die attische Beredsamkeit</i> (2nd ed., 1887-1898).</p> + +<p><a name="ft21h" id="ft21h" href="#fa21h"><span class="fn">21</span></a> Some authorities consider the <i>Ad Demonicum</i> spurious.</p> + +<p><a name="ft22h" id="ft22h" href="#fa22h"><span class="fn">22</span></a> This was shown by R. C. Jebb in a paper on “The Sixth Letter +of Isocrates,” <i>Journal of Philology</i>, v. 266 (1874). The fact that +Thebe, widow of Alexander of Pherae, was the daughter of Jason is +incidentally noticed by Plutarch in his life of Pelopidas, c. 28. It +is this fact which gives the clue to the occasion of the letter; cf. +Diod. Sic. xvi. 14.</p> +</div> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ISODYNAMIC LINES<a name="ar44" id="ar44"></a></span> (Gr. <span class="grk" title="isodynamos">ἰσοδύναμος</span>, equal in power), lines +connecting those parts of the earth’s surface where the magnetic +force has the same intensity (see <span class="sc"><a href="#artlinks">Magnetism, Terrestrial</a></span>).</p> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ISOGONIC LINES<a name="ar45" id="ar45"></a></span> (Gr. <span class="grk" title="isogônios">ἰσογώνιος</span>, equiangular), lines connecting +those parts of the earth’s surface where the magnetic declination +is the same in amount (see <span class="sc"><a href="#artlinks">Magnetism, Terrestrial</a></span>).</p> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ISOLA DEL LIRI,<a name="ar46" id="ar46"></a></span> a town of Campania, in the province of +Caserta, Italy, 15 m. by rail N.N.W. of Roccasecca, which is +on the main line from Rome to Naples, 10 m. N.W. of Cassino. +Pop. (1901), town, 2384; commune, 8244. The town consists +of two parts, Isola Superiore and Isola Inferiore; as its name +implies it is situated between two arms of the Liri. The many +waterfalls of this river and of the Fibreno afford motive power +for several important paper-mills. Two of the falls, 80 ft. in +height, are especially fine. About 1 m. to the N. is the church +of San Domenico, erected in the 12th century, which probably +marks the site of the villa of Cicero (see <span class="sc"><a href="#artlinks">Arpino</a></span>).</p> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ISOMERISM,<a name="ar47" id="ar47"></a></span> in chemistry. When Wöhler, in 1825, analysed +his cyanic acid, and Liebig his quite different fulminic acid in +1824, the composition of both compounds proved to be absolutely +the same, containing each in round numbers 28% of carbon, +33% of nitrogen, 37% of oxygen and 2% of hydrogen. This +fact, inconsistent with the then dominating conception that +difference in qualities was due to difference in chemical composition, +was soon corroborated by others of analogous nature, +and so Berzelius introduced the term <i>isomerism</i> (Gr. <span class="grk" title="isomerês">ἰσομερής</span>, +composed of equal parts) to denominate the existence of the +property of substances having different qualities, in chemical +behaviour as well as physical, notwithstanding identity in +chemical composition. These phenomena were quite in accordance +with the atomic conception of matter, since a compound +containing the same number of atoms of carbon, nitrogen, +oxygen and hydrogen as another in the same weight might +differ in internal structure by different arrangements of those +atoms. Even in the time of Berzelius the newly introduced +conception proved to include two different groups of facts. The +one group included those isomers where the identity in composition +was accompanied by identity in molecular weight, <i>i.e.</i> the +vapour densities of the isomers were the same, as in butylene and +isobutylene, to take the most simple case; here the molecular +conception admits that the isolated groups in which the +atoms are united, <i>i.e.</i> the molecules, are identical, and so the +molecule of both butylene and isobutylene is indicated by the +same chemical symbol C<span class="su">4</span>H<span class="su">8</span>, expressing that each molecule +contains, in both cases, four atoms of carbon (C) and eight of +hydrogen (H). This group of isomers was denominated metamers +by Berzelius, and now often “isomers” (in the restricted sense), +whereas the term <i>polymerism</i> (Gr. <span class="grk" title="polys">πολύς</span>, many) was chosen +for compounds like butylene, C<span class="su">4</span>H<span class="su">8</span>, and ethylene, C<span class="su">2</span>H<span class="su">4</span>, corresponding +to the same composition in weight but differing +in molecular formula, and having different densities in gas +or vapour, a litre of butylene and isobutylene weighing, for +instance, under ordinary temperature and pressure, about +2.5 gr., ethylene only one-half as much, since density is proportional +to molecular weight.</p> + +<p>A further distinction is necessary to a survey of the subdivisions +of isomerism regarded in its widest sense. There are +subtle and more subtle differences causing isomerism. In the +case of metamerism we can imagine that the atoms are differently +linked, say in the case of butylene that the atoms of carbon +are joined together as a continuous chain, expressed by +—C—C—C—C—, <i>normally</i> as it is called, whereas in isobutylene +the fourth atom of carbon is not attached to the third but to the +second carbon atom, <i>i.e.</i> <img style="width:112px; height:40px; vertical-align: middle;" src="images/img881.jpg" alt="" /> Now there are cases +in which analogy of internal structure goes so far as to exclude +even that difference in linking, the only remaining possibility +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page882" id="page882"></a>882</span> +then being the difference in relative position. This kind of +isomerism has been denominated <i>stereoisomerism</i> (<i>q.v.</i>) often +stereomerism. But there is a last group belonging here in which +identity of structure goes farthest. There are substances such +as sulphur, showing difference of modification in crystalline +state—the ordinary rhombic form in which sulphur occurs as a +mineral, while, after melting and cooling, long needles appear +which belong to the monosymmetric system. These differences, +which go hand in hand with those in other properties, <i>e.g.</i> +specific heat and specific gravity, are absolutely confined to +the crystalline state, disappearing with it when both modifications +of sulphur are melted, or dissolved in carbon disulphide +or evaporated. So it is natural to admit that here we have +to deal with identical molecules, but that only the internal +arrangement differs from case to case as identical balls may be +grouped in different ways. This case of difference in properties +combined with identical composition is therefore called <i>polymorphism</i>.</p> + +<p>To summarize, we have to deal with polymerism, metamerism, +stereoisomerism, polymorphism; whereas phenomena denominated +tautomerism, pseudomerism and desmotropism form +different particular features of metamerism, as well as the +phenomena of allotropy, which is merely the difference of +properties which an element may show, and can be due to polymerism, +as in oxygen, where by the side of the ordinary form +with molecules O<span class="su">2</span> we have the more active ozone with O<span class="su">3</span>. Polymorphism +in the case of an element is illustrated in the case of +sulphur, whereas metamerism in the case of elements has so +far as yet not been observed; and is hardly probable, as most +elements are built up, like the metals, from molecules containing +only one atom per molecule; here metamerism is absolutely +excluded, and a considerable number of the rest, having diatomic +molecules, are about in the same condition. It is only in cases +like sulphur with octatomic molecules, where a difference of +internal structure might play a part.</p> + +<p>Before entering into detail it may be useful to consider the +nature of isomerism from a general standpoint. It is probable +that the whole phenomenon of isomerism is due to the possibility +that compounds or systems which in reality are unstable yet +persist, or so slowly change that practically one can speak of +their stability; for instance, such systems as explosives and +a mixture of hydrogen and oxygen, where the stable form is +water, and in which, according to some, a slow but until now +undetected change takes place even at ordinary temperatures. +Consequently, of each pair of isomers we may establish beforehand +which is the more stable; either in particular circumstances, +a direct change taking place, as, for instance, with maleic acid, +which when exposed to sunlight in presence of a trace of bromine, +yields the isomeric fumaric acid almost at once, or, indirectly, +one may conclude that the isomer which forms under greater +heat-development is the more stable, at least at lower temperatures. +Now, whether a real, though undetected, change occurs +is a question to be determined from case to case; it is certain, +however, that a substance like aragonite (a mineral form of +calcium carbonate) has sensibly persisted in geological periods, +though the polymorphous calcite is the more stable form. +Nevertheless, the theoretical possibility, and its realization in +many cases, has brought considerations to the front which have +recently become of predominant interest; consequently the +possible transformations of isomers and polymers will be considered +later under the denomination of reversible or dynamical +isomerisms.</p> + +<p>Especially prominent is the fact that polymerism and metamerism +are mainly reserved to the domain of organic chemistry, +or the chemistry of carbon, both being discovered there; and, +more especially, the phenomenon of metamerism in organic +chemistry has largely developed our notions concerning the +structure of matter. That this particular feature belongs to +carbon compounds is due to a property of carbon which characterizes +the whole of organic chemistry, <i>i.e.</i> that atoms attached +to carbon, to express it in the atomic style, cling more intensely +to it than, for instance, when combined with oxygen. This +explains a good deal of the possible instability; and, from a +practical point of view, it coincides with the fact that such a +large amount of energy can be stored in our most intense explosives +such as dynamite, the explanation being that hydrogen is +attached to carbon distant from oxygen in the same molecule, +and that only the characteristic resistance of the carbon linkage +prevents the hydrogen from burning, which is the main occurrence +in the explosion of dynamite. The possession of this peculiar +property by carbon seems to be related to its high valency, +amounting to four; and, generally, when we consider the most +primitive expression of isomerism, viz. the allotropy of elements, +we meet this increasing resistance with increasing valency. +The monovalent iodine, for instance, is transformed by heating +into an allotropic form, corresponding to the formula I, whereas +ordinary iodine answers to I<span class="su">2</span>. Now these modifications show +hardly any tendency to persist, the one stable at high temperatures +being formed at elevated temperatures, but changing in +the reverse sense on cooling. In the divalent oxygen we meet +with the modification called ozone, which, although unstable, +changes but slowly into oxygen. Similarly the trivalent phosphorus +in the ordinary white form shows such resistance +as if it were practically stable; on the other hand the red +modification is in reality also stable, being formed, for +instance, under the influence of light. In the case of the +quadrivalent carbon, diamond seems to be the stable form at +ordinary temperatures, but one may wait long before it is +formed from graphite.</p> + +<p>This connexion of isomerism with resistant linking, and of +this with high valency, explains, in considerable measure, why +inorganic compounds afforded, as a rule, no phenomena of this +kind until the systematic investigation of metallic compounds +by Werner brought to light many instances of isomerism in +inorganic compounds. Whereas carbon renders isomerism +possible in organic compounds, cobalt and platinum are the +determining elements in inorganic chemistry, the phenomena +being exhibited especially by complex ammoniacal derivatives. +The constitution of these inorganic isomers is still somewhat +questionable; and in addition it seems that polymerism, +metamerism and stereoisomerism play a part here, but the +general feature is that cobalt and platinum act in them with +high valency, probably exceeding four. The most simple case +is presented by the two platinum compounds PtCl<span class="su">2</span>(NH<span class="su">3</span>)<span class="su">2</span>, the +platosemidiammine chloride of Peyrone, and the platosammine +chloride of Jules Reiset, the first formed according to the equation +PtCl<span class="su">4</span>K<span class="su">2</span> + 2NH<span class="su">3</span> = PtCl<span class="su">2</span>(NH<span class="su">3</span>)<span class="su">2</span> + 2KCl, the second according to +Pt(NH<span class="su">3</span>)<span class="su">4</span>Cl<span class="su">2</span> = PtCl<span class="su">2</span>(NH<span class="su">3</span>)<span class="su">2</span> + 2NH<span class="su">3</span>, these compounds differing +in solubility, the one dissolving in 33, the other in 160 parts of +boiling water. With cobalt the most simple case was discovered +in 1892 by S. Jörgensen in the second dinitrotetramminecobalt +chloride, [Co(NO<span class="su">2</span>)<span class="su">2</span>(NH<span class="su">3</span>)<span class="su">4</span>]Cl, designated as flavo—whereas the +older isomer of Gibbs was distinguished as croceo-salt. An +interesting lecture on the subject was delivered by A. Werner +before the German chemical society (<i>Ber.</i>, 1907, 40, p. 15). (See +<span class="sc"><a href="#artlinks">Cobalt</a></span>; <span class="sc"><a href="#artlinks">Platinum</a></span>.)</p> + +<p>Dealing with organic compounds, it is metamerism that +deserves chief attention, as it has largely developed our notions +as to molecular structure. Polymerism required no particular +explanation, since this was given by the difference in molecular +magnitude. One general remark, however, may be made here. +There are polymers which have hardly any inter-relations other +than identity in composition; on the other hand, there are +others which are related by the possibility of mutual transformation; +examples of this kind are cyanic acid (CNOH) +and cyanuric acid (CNOH)<span class="su">3</span>, the latter being a solid which +readily transforms into the former on heating as an easily +condensable vapour; the reverse transformation may also +be realized; and the polymers methylene oxide (CH<span class="su">2</span>O) and +trioxymethylene (CH<span class="su">2</span>O)<span class="su">3</span>. In the first group we may mention +the homologous series of hydrocarbons derived from ethylene, +given by the general formula C<span class="su">n</span>H<span class="su">2n</span>, and the two compounds +methylene-oxide and honey-sugar C<span class="su">6</span>H<span class="su">12</span>O<span class="su">6</span>. The cases of +mutual transformation are generally characterized by the fact +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page883" id="page883"></a>883</span> +that in the compound of higher molecular weight no new links +of carbon with carbon are introduced, the trioxymethylene +being probably <img style="width:157px; height:36px; vertical-align: middle;" src="images/img883a.jpg" alt="" /> whereas honey-sugar corresponds +to CH<span class="su">2</span>OH·CHOH·CHOH·CHOH·CHOH·CHO, each +point representing a linking of the carbon atom to the next. +This observation is closely related to the above-mentioned +resistivity of the carbon-link, and corroborates it in a special +case. As carbon tends to hold the atom attached to it, one +may presume that this property expresses itself in a predominant +way where the other element is carbon also, and so +the linkage represented by —C—C— is one of the most difficult +to loosen.</p> + +<p>The conception of metamerism, or isomerism in restricted +sense, has been of the highest value for the development of +our notions concerning molecular structure, <i>i.e.</i> the conception +as to the order in which the atoms composing a molecule are +linked together. In this article we shall confine ourselves to the +fatty compounds, from which the fundamental notions were +first obtained; reference may be made to the article <span class="sc"><a href="#artlinks">Chemistry</a></span>: +<i>Organic</i>, for the general structural relations of organic compounds, +both fatty and aromatic.</p> + +<p>A general philosophical interest is attached to the phenomena +of isomerism. By Wilhelm Ostwald especially, attempts have +been made to substitute the notion of atoms and molecular +structure by less hypothetical conceptions; these ideas may +some day receive thorough confirmation, and when this occurs +science will receive a striking impetus. The phenomenon of +isomerism will probably supply the crucial test, at least for +the chemist, and the question will be whether the Ostwaldian +conception, while substituting the Daltonian hypothesis, will +also explain isomerism. An early step accomplished by Ostwald +in this direction is to define ozone in its relation to oxygen, +considering the former as differing from the latter by an excess +of energy, measurable as heat of transformation, instead of +defining the difference as diatomic molecules in oxygen, and +triatomic in ozone. Now, in this case, the first definition +expresses much better the whole chemical behaviour of ozone, +which is that of “energetic” oxygen, while the second only +includes the fact of higher vapour-density; but in applying +the first definition to organic compounds and calling +isobutylene “butylene with somewhat more energy” hardly +anything is indicated, and all the advantages of the atomic +conception—the possibility of exactly predicting how many +isomers a given formula includes and how you may get them—are +lost.</p> + +<p>To Kekulé is due the credit of taking the decisive step in +introducing the notion of tetravalent carbon in a clear way, +<i>i.e.</i> in the property of carbon to combine with four different +monatomic elements at once, whereas nitrogen can only hold +three (or in some cases five), oxygen two (in some cases four), +hydrogen one. This conception has rendered possible a clear +idea of the linking or internal structure of the molecule, for +example, in the most simple case, methane, CH<span class="su">4</span>, is expressed by</p> + +<div class="center pt2"><img style="width:81px; height:83px; vertical-align: middle;" src="images/img883b.jpg" alt="" /></div> + +<p class="pt2 noind">It is by this conception that possible and impossible compounds +are at once fixed. Considering the hydrocarbons given +by the general formula C<span class="su">x</span>H<span class="su">y</span>, the internal linkages of the carbon +atoms need at least x − 1 bonds, using up 2(x − 1) valencies +of the 4x to be accounted for, and thus leaving no more than +2(x + 1) for binding hydrogen: a compound C<span class="su">3</span>H<span class="su">9</span> is therefore +impossible, and indeed has never been met. The second prediction +is the possibility of metamerism, and the number of +metamers, in a given case among compounds, which are realizable. +Considering the predicted series of compounds C<span class="su">n</span>H<span class="su">2n+2</span>, +which is the well-known homologous series of methane, the +first member, the possible of isomerism lies in that of a different +linking of the carbon atoms. This first presents itself when +four are present, <i>i.e.</i> in the difference between C—C—C—C +and <img style="width:65px; height:54px; vertical-align: middle;" src="images/img883c.jpg" alt="" /> With this compound C<span class="su">4</span>H<span class="su">10</span>, named butane, +isomerism is actually observed, being limited to a pair, whereas +the former members ethane, C<span class="su">2</span>H<span class="su">6</span>, and propane, C<span class="su">3</span>H<span class="su">8</span>, showed +no isomerism. Similarly, pentane, C<span class="su">5</span>H<span class="su">12</span>, and hexane, C<span class="su">6</span>H<span class="su">14</span>, +may exist in three and five theoretically isomeric forms respectively; +confirmation of this theory is supplied by the fact that +all these compounds have been obtained, but no more. The +third most valuable indication which molecular structure gives +about these isomers is how to prepare them, for instance, that +normal hexane, represented by CH<span class="su">3</span>·CH<span class="su">2</span>·CH<span class="su">2</span>·CH<span class="su">2</span>·CH<span class="su">2</span>·CH<span class="su">3</span>, +may be obtained by action of sodium on propyl iodide, +CH<span class="su">3</span>·CH<span class="su">2</span>·CH<span class="su">2</span>I, the atoms of iodine being removed from two +molecules of propyl iodide, with the resulting fusion of the +two systems of three carbon atoms into a chain of six carbon +atoms. But it is not only the formation of different isomers +which is included in their constitution, but also the different +ways in which they will decompose or give other products. +As an example another series of organic compounds may be taken, +viz. that of the alcohols, which only differ from the hydrocarbons +by having a group OH, called hydroxyl, instead of H, hydrogen; +these compounds, when derived from the above methane series of +hydrocarbons, are expressed by the general formula C<span class="su">n</span>H<span class="su">2n+1</span>OH. +In this case it is readily seen that isomerism introduces itself +in the three carbon atom derivative: the propyl alcohols, +expressed by the formulae CH<span class="su">3</span>·CH<span class="su">2</span>·CH<span class="su">2</span>OH and CH<span class="su">3</span>·CHOH·CH<span class="su">3</span>, +are known as propyl and isopropyl alcohol respectively. Now +in oxidizing, or introducing more oxygen, for instance, by +means of a mixture of sulphuric acid and potassium bichromate, +and admitting that oxygen acts on both compounds in analogous +ways, the two alcohols may give (as they lose two atoms of +hydrogen) CH<span class="su">3</span>·CH<span class="su">2</span>·COH and CH<span class="su">3</span>CO·CH<span class="su">3</span>. The first compound, +containing a group COH, or more explicitly O = C—H, is +an <i>aldehyde</i>, having a pronounced reducing power, producing +silver from the oxide, and is therefore called propylaldehyde; +the second compound containing the group —C·CO·C— behaves +differently but just as characteristically, and is a <i>ketone</i>, it is +therefore denominated propylketone (also acetone or dimethyl +ketone). And so, as a rule, from isomeric alcohols, those containing +a group —CH<span class="su">2</span>·OH, yield by oxidation aldehydes and +are distinguished by the name primary; whereas those containing +CH·OH, called secondary, produce ketones. (Compare +<span class="sc"><a href="#artlinks">Chemistry</a></span>: <i>Organic</i>.)</p> + +<p>The above examples may illustrate how, in a general way, +chemical properties of isomers, their formation as well as transformation, +may be read in the structure formula. It is different, +however, with physical properties, density, &c.; at present +we have no fixed rules which enable us to predict quantitatively +the differences in physical properties corresponding to a given +difference in structure, the only general rule being that those +differences are not large.</p> + +<div class="condensed"> +<p>Perhaps a satisfactory point of view may be here obtained by +applying the van der Waals’ equation A(P + <i>a</i>/V²)(V − <i>b</i>) = 2T, +which connects volume V, pressure P and temperature T (see +<span class="sc"><a href="#artlinks">Condensation of Gases</a></span>). In this equation <i>a</i> relates to molecular +attraction; and it is not improbable that in isomeric molecules, +containing in sum the same amount of the same atoms, those mutual +attractions are approximately the same, whereas the chief difference +lies in the value of <i>b</i>, that is, the volume occupied by the molecule +itself. For what reason this volume may differ from case to case +lies close at hand; in connexion with the notion of negative and +positive atoms, like chlorine and hydrogen, experience tends to +show that the former, as well as the latter, have a mutual repulsive +power, but the former acts on the latter in the opposite sense; +the necessary consequence is that, when those negative and positive +groups are distributed in the molecule, its volume will be smaller +than if the negative elements are heaped together. An example +may prove this, but before quoting it, the question of determining b +must be decided; this results immediately from the above quotation, +b being the volume V at the absolute zero (T = 0); so the volume of +isomers ought to be compared at the absolute zero. Since this has +not been done we must adopt the approximate rule that the volume +at absolute zero is proportional to that at the boiling-point. Now +taking the isomers H<span class="su">3</span>C·CCl<span class="su">3</span>(M<span class="su">v</span> = 108) and ClH<span class="su">2</span>·CHCl<span class="su">2</span>(M<span class="su">v</span> = 103), +we see the negative chlorine atoms heaped up in the left hand +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page884" id="page884"></a>884</span> +formula, but distributed in the second; the former therefore may be +presumed to occupy a larger space, the molecular volume, that is, +the volume in cubic centimetres occupied by the molecular weight +in grams, actually being 108 in the former, and 103 in the latter +case (compare <span class="sc"><a href="#artlinks">Chemistry</a></span>: <i>Physical</i>). An analogous remark applies +to the boiling-point of isomers. According to the above formula +the critical temperature is given by 8<i>a</i>A/54<i>b</i>, and as the critical +temperature is approximately proportional to the boiling-point, both +being estimated on the absolute scale of temperature, we may conclude +that the larger value of <i>b</i> corresponds to the lower boiling-point, +and indeed the isomer corresponding to the left-hand formula +boils at 74°, the other at 114°. Other physical properties might be +considered; as a general rule they depend upon the distribution +of negative and positive elements in the molecule.</p> +</div> + +<p><i>Reversible</i> (<i>dynamical</i>) <i>Isomerism.</i>—Certain investigations on +isomerism which have become especially prominent in recent +times bear on the possibility of the mutual transformation of +isomers. As soon as this reversibility is introduced, general +laws related to thermodynamics are applicable (see <span class="sc"><a href="#artlinks">Chemical +Action</a></span>; <span class="sc"><a href="#artlinks">Energetics</a></span>). These laws have the advantage of +being applicable to the mutual transformations of isomers, +whatever be the nature of the deeper origin, and so bring +polymerism, metamerism and polymorphism together. As +they are pursued furthest in the last case, this may be used as +an example. The study of polymorphism has been especially +pursued by Otto Lehmann, who proved that it is an almost +general property; the variety of forms which a given substance +may show is often great, ammonium nitrate, for instance, showing +at least four of them before melting. The general rule which +correlates this polymorphic change is that its direction changes +at a given temperature. For example, sulphur is stable in the +rhombic form till 95.4°, from then upwards it tends to change +over into the prismatic form. The phenomenon absolutely +corresponds to that of fusion and solidification, only that it +generally takes place less quickly; consequently we may have +prismatic sulphur at ordinary temperature for some time, as +well as rhombic sulphur at 100°. This may be expressed in +the chosen case by a symbol; “rhombic sulphur 95.4° ⇄ prismatic +sulphur,” indicating that there is equilibrium at the so-called +“transition-point,” 95.4°, and opposite change below and above.</p> + +<p>This comparison with fusion introduces a second notion, +that of the “triple-point,” this being in the melting-phenomenon +the only temperature at which solid, liquid and vapour are in +equilibrium, in other words, where three phases of one substance +are co-existent. This temperature is somewhat different from +the ordinary melting-point, the latter corresponding to atmospheric +pressure, the former to the maximum vapour-pressure; +and so we come to a third relation for polymorphism. Just as +the melting-point changes with pressure, the transition-point +also changes; even the same quantitative relation holds for +both, as L. J. Reicher proved with sulphur: <i>a</i>T/<i>a</i>P = A<i>v</i>T/<i>q</i>, <i>v</i> +being the change in volume which accompanies the change +from rhombic to prismatic sulphur, and <i>q</i> the heat absorbed. +Both formula and experiment proved that an increase of pressure +of one atmosphere elevated the transition point for about 0.04°. +The same laws apply to cases of more complicated nature, and +one of them, which deserves to be pursued further, is the mutual +transformation of cyanuric acid, C<span class="su">3</span>H<span class="su">3</span>N<span class="su">3</span>O<span class="su">3</span>, cyanic acid, CHNO, +and cyamelide (CHNO)<span class="su">x</span>; the first corresponding to prismatic +sulphur, stable at higher temperatures, the last to rhombic, +the equilibrium-symbol being: cyamelide 150° ⇄ cyanuric acid; +the cyanic acid corresponds to sulphur vapour, being in equilibrium +with either cyamelide or cyanuric acid at a maximum +pressure, definite for each temperature.</p> + +<p>A second law for these mutual transformations is that when +they take place without loss of homogeneity, for example, in +the liquid state, the definite transition point disappears and the +change is gradual. This seems to be the case with molten sulphur, +which, when heated, becomes dark-coloured and plastic; and also +in the case of metals, which obtain or lose magnetic properties +without loss of continuous structure. At the same time, however, +the transition point sometimes reappears even in the liquid +state; in such cases two layers are formed, as has been recently +observed with sulphur, and by F. M. Jäger in complicated organic +compounds. Thus the introduction of heterogeneity, or the +appearance of a new phase, demands the existence of a fixed +temperature of transformation.</p> + +<p>On the basis of the relation between physical phenomena +and thermodynamical laws, properties of the polymorphous +compounds may be predicted. The chief consideration here is +that the stable form must have the lower vapour pressure, +otherwise, by distillation, it would transform in opposite sense. +From this it follows that the stable form must have the higher +melting-point, since at the melting-point the vapour of the solid +and of the liquid have the same pressure. Thus prismatic +sulphur has a higher melting-point (120°) than the rhombic +form (116°), and it is even possible to calculate the difference +theoretically from the thermodynamic relations. A third +consequence is that the stable form must have the smaller +solubility: J. Meyer and J. N. Brönstedt found that at 25°, +10 c.c. of benzene dissolved 0.25 and 0.18 gr. of prismatic and +rhombic sulphur respectively. It can be easily seen that this +ratio, according to Henry’s law, must correspond to that of +vapour-pressures, and so be independent of the solvent; in +fact, in alcohol the figures are 0.0066 and 0.0052. Recently +Hermann Walther Nernst has been able to deduce the transition-point +in the case of sulphur from the specific heat and the heat +developed in the transition only. This best studied case shows +that a number of mutual relations are to be found between the +properties of two modifications when once the phenomenon +of mutual transformation is accessible.</p> + +<p>In ordinary isomers indications of mutual transformation +often occur; and among these the predominant fact is that +denoted as tautomerism or pseudomerism. It exhibits itself +in the peculiar behaviour of some organic compounds containing +the group —C·CO·C—, <i>e.g.</i> CH<span class="su">3</span>CO·CHX·CO<span class="su">2</span>C<span class="su">2</span>H<span class="su">5</span>, derivatives +of acetoacetic ester. These compounds generally behave as +ketones; but at the same time they may act as alcohols, <i>i.e.</i> +as if containing the OH group; this leads to the formula +H<span class="su">3</span>C·C(OH):CX·CO<span class="su">2</span>C<span class="su">2</span>H<span class="su">5</span>. In reality such tautomeric compounds +are apparently a mixture of two isomers in equilibrium, +and indeed in some cases both forms have been isolated; then +one speaks of <i>desmotropy</i> (Gr. <span class="grk" title="desmos">δεσμός</span>, a bond or link, and <span class="grk" title="tropê">τροπή</span>, +a turn or change). Nevertheless, the relations obtained in +reversible cases such as sulphur have not yet found application +in the highly interesting cases of ordinary irreversible +isomerism.</p> + +<p>A further step in this direction has been effected by the introduction +of reversibility into a non-reversible case by means of a +catalytic agent. The substance investigated was acetaldehyde, +C<span class="su">2</span>H<span class="su">4</span>O, in its relation to paraldehyde, a polymeric modification. +The phenomena were first observed without mutual transformation, +aldehyde melting at −118°, paraldehyde at 13°, the only +mutual influence being a lowering of melting-point, with a +minimum at -120° in the eutectic point. When a catalytic agent, +such as sulphurous acid, is added, which produces a mutual +change, the whole behaviour is different; only one melting-point, +viz. 7°, is observed for all mixtures; this has been called +the “natural melting-point.” It corresponds to one of the melting-points +in the series without catalytic agents, viz. in that +mixture which contains 88% of paraldehyde and 12% of acetaldehyde, +which the catalytic agent leaves unaffected. Such an +introduction of reversibility is also possible by allowing sufficient +time to permit the transformation to be produced by itself. +By R. Rothe and Alexander Smith’s interesting observations on +sulphur, results have been obtained which tend to prove that the +melting-point, as well as the appearance of two layers in the liquid +state, correspond to unstable conditions.</p> +<div class="author">(J. H. van’t H.)</div> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ISOTHERM<a name="ar48" id="ar48"></a></span> (Gr. <span class="grk" title="isos">ἴσος</span>, equal, and <span class="grk" title="thermê">θέρμη</span>, heat), a line upon a +map connecting places where the temperature is the same at +sea-level on the earth’s surface. These isothermal lines will be +found to vary from month to month over the two hemispheres, +or over local areas, during summer and winter, and their position +is modified by continental or oceanic conditions.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page885" id="page885"></a>885</span></p> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ISOXAZOLES,<a name="ar49" id="ar49"></a></span> monazole chemical compounds corresponding to +furfurane, in which the ≡CH group adjacent to the oxygen +atom is replaced by a nitrogen atom, and therefore they contain +the ring system <img style="width:110px; height:50px; vertical-align: middle;" src="images/img885a.jpg" alt="" /> They may be prepared +by the elimination of water from the monoximes of β-diketones, +β-ketone aldehydes or oxymethylene ketones (L. Claisen, <i>Ber.</i>, +1891, 24, p. 3906), the general reaction proceeding according to +the equation</p> + +<div class="center pt2"><img style="width:395px; height:55px; vertical-align: middle;" src="images/img885b.jpg" alt="" /></div> + +<p class="pt2 noind">W. Dunstan and T. S. Dymond (<i>Jour. Chem. Soc.</i>, 1891, 49, +p. 410) have also prepared isoxazoles by the action of alkalis +on nitroparaffins, but have not been able to obtain the parent +substance. Those isoxazoles in which the carbon atom adjacent +to nitrogen is substituted are stable compounds, but if this is +not the case, rearrangement of the molecule takes place and +nitriles are formed. The isoxazoles are feebly basic.</p> + +<div class="condensed"> +<p>The <i>isoxazolones</i> are the keto derivatives of the as yet unknown +dihydroisoxazole, and are compounds of strongly acid nature, +decomposing the carbonates of the alkaline earth metals and forming +salts with metals and with ammonia. Their constitution is not yet +definitely fixed and they may be regarded as derived from one of +the three types</p> + +<div class="center pt2"><img style="width:404px; height:51px; vertical-align: middle;" src="images/img885c.jpg" alt="" /></div> + +<p class="pt2 noind">By the action of nitrous acid on the oxime of <i>o</i>-aminobenzophenone +as α-phenyl indoxazene, <img style="width:141px; height:52px; vertical-align: middle;" src="images/img885d.jpg" alt="" /> is obtained; this is a derivative +of benzisoxazole.</p> +</div> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ISRAEL<a name="ar50" id="ar50"></a></span> (Hebrew for “God strives” or “rules”; see Gen. +xxxii. 28; and the allusion in Hosea xii. 4), the national designation +of the Jews. Israel was a name borne by their ancestor +Jacob the father of the twelve tribes. For some centuries the +term was applied to the northern kingdom, as distinct from +Judah, although the feeling of national unity extended it so as +to include both. It emphasizes more particularly the position +of the Hebrews as a religious community, bound together by +common aims and by their covenant-relation with the national +God, Yahweh.</p> + +<div class="condensed"> +<p>See further <span class="sc"><a href="#artlinks">Jacob</a></span>, <span class="sc"><a href="#artlinks">Hebrew Language</a></span>, <span class="sc"><a href="#artlinks">Hebrew Religion</a></span>, +<span class="sc"><a href="#artlinks">Jews</a></span>: <i>History</i> and <i>Palestine</i>.</p> +</div> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ISRAELI, ISAAC BEN SOLOMON<a name="ar51" id="ar51"></a></span> (9th-10th centuries), Jewish +physician and philosopher. A contemporary of Seadiah (<i>q.v.</i>), +he was born and passed his life in North Africa. He died <i>c.</i> 950. +At Kairawan, Israeli was court physician; he wrote several +medical works in Arabic, and these were afterwards translated +into Latin. Similarly his philosophical writings were +translated, but his chief renown was in the circle of Moslem +authors.</p> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ISRAËLS, JOSEF<a name="ar52" id="ar52"></a></span> (1824-  ), Dutch painter, was born at +Groningen, of Hebrew parents, on the 27th of January 1824. +His father intended him to be a man of business, and it was only +after a determined struggle that he was allowed to enter on an +artistic career. However, the attempts he made under the guidance +of two second-rate painters in his native town—Buÿs and +van Wicheren—while still working under his father as a stockbroker’s +clerk, led to his being sent to Amsterdam, where he +became a pupil of Jan Kruseman and attended the drawing +class at the academy. He then spent two years in Paris, working +in Picot’s studio, and returned to Amsterdam. There he remained +till 1870, when he moved to The Hague for good. Israëls is +justly regarded as one of the greatest of Dutch painters. He +has often been compared to J. F. Millet. As artists, even more +than as painters in the strict sense of the word, they both, in +fact, saw in the life of the poor and humble a motive for expressing +with peculiar intensity their wide human sympathy; but Millet +was the poet of placid rural life, while in almost all Israëls’ +pictures we find some piercing note of woe. Duranty said +of them that “they were painted with gloom and suffering.” +He began with historical and dramatic subjects in the +romantic style of the day. By chance, after an illness, he +went to recruit his strength at the fishing-town of Zandvoort +near Haarlem, and there he was struck by the daily tragedy of +life. Thenceforth he was possessed by a new vein of artistic +expression, sincerely realistic, full of emotion and pity. Among +his more important subsequent works are “The Zandvoort +Fisherman” (in the Amsterdam gallery), “The Silent House” +(which gained a gold medal at the Brussels Salon, 1858) and +“Village Poor” (a prize at Manchester). In 1862 he achieved +great success in London with his “Shipwrecked,” purchased by +Mr Young, and “The Cradle,” two pictures of which the +<i>Athenaeum</i> spoke as “the most touching pictures of the exhibition.” +We may also mention among his maturer works “The +Widower” (in the Mesdag collection), “When we grow Old” +and “Alone in the World” (Amsterdam gallery), “An Interior” +(Dordrecht gallery), “A Frugal Meal” (Glasgow museum), +“Toilers of the Sea,” “A Speechless Dialogue,” “Between the +Fields and the Seashore,” “The Bric-à-brac Seller” (which +gained medals of honour at the great Paris Exhibition of 1900). +“David Singing before Saul,” one of his latest works, seems to +hint at a return on the part of the venerable artist to the +Rembrandtesque note of his youth. As a water-colour painter +and etcher he produced a vast number of works, which, like his +oil paintings, are full of deep feeling. They are generally treated +in broad masses of light and shade, which give prominence to +the principal subject without any neglect of detail.</p> + +<div class="condensed"> +<p>See Jan Veth, <i>Mannen of Beteckenis: Jozef Israëls</i>; Chesneau, +<i>Peintres français et étrangers</i>; Ph. Zilcken, <i>Peintres hollandais +modernes</i> (1893); Dumas, <i>Illustrated Biographies of Modern Artists</i> +(1882-1884); J. de Meester, in Max Rooses’ <i>Dutch Painters of the +Nineteenth Century</i> (1898); Jozef Israëls, <i>Spain: the Story of a +Journey</i> (1900).</p> +</div> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ISSACHAR<a name="ar53" id="ar53"></a></span> (a Hebrew name meaning apparently “there is +a hire,” or “reward”), Jacob’s ninth “son,” his fifth by Leah; +also the name of a tribe of Israel. Slightly differing explanations +of the reference in the name are given in Gen. xxx. 16 (J) and +v. 18 (E).<a name="fa1i" id="fa1i" href="#ft1i"><span class="sp">1</span></a> The territory of the tribe (Joshua xix. 17-23) lay to +the south of that allotted to Zebulun, Naphtali, Asher and Dan, +and included the whole of the great plain of Esdraelon, and the +hills to the east of it, the boundary in that direction extending +from Tabor to the Jordan, apparently along the deep gorge of +Wadi el Bīreh. In the rich territory of Issachar, traversed by +the great commercial highway from the Mediterranean and +Egypt to Bethshean and the Jordan, were several important +towns which remained in the hands of the Canaanites for some +time (Judges i. 27), separating the tribe from Manasseh. Although +Issachar is mentioned as having taken some part in the war +of freedom under Deborah (Judges v. 15), it is impossible to +misunderstand the reference to its tributary condition in the +blessing of Jacob (Gen. xlix. 14 seq.), or the fact that the name +of this tribe is omitted from the list given in Judges i. of those +who bestirred themselves against the earlier inhabitants of the +country. In the “blessing upon Zebulun and Issachar” in +Deut. xxxiii. 18 seq., reference is made to its agricultural life +in terms suggesting that along with its younger, but more +successful “brother,” it was the guardian of a sacred mountain +(Carmel, Tabor?) visited periodically for sacrificial feasts.</p> + +<hr class="foot" /> <div class="note"> + +<p><a name="ft1i" id="ft1i" href="#fa1i"><span class="fn">1</span></a> On the origin of the name, see the article by H. W. Hogg, +<i>Ency. Bib.</i> col. 2290; E. Meyer, <i>Israeliten</i>, p. 536 seq.</p> +</div> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ISSEDONES,<a name="ar54" id="ar54"></a></span> an ancient people of Central Asia at the end of +the trade route leading north-east from Scythia (<i>q.v.</i>), described +by Herodotus (iv. 26). The position of their country is fixed +as the Tarym basin by the more precise indications of Ptolemy, +who tells how a Syrian merchant penetrated as far as Issedon. +They had their wives in common and were accustomed to slay +the old people, eat their flesh and make cups of their skulls. +Such usages survived among Tibetan tribes and make it +likely that the Issedones were of Tibetan race. Some of the +Issedones seem to have invaded the country of the Massagetae +to the west, and similar customs are assigned to a +section of these.</p> +<div class="author">(E. H. M.)</div> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page886" id="page886"></a>886</span></p> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ISSERLEIN, ISRAEL<a name="ar55" id="ar55"></a></span> (d. 1460), German Talmudist. His +fame attracted many students to Neustadt, and his profound +learning did much to revive the study of the original Rabbinic +authorities. After the publication of the Code of Joseph Qaro +(<i>q.v.</i>) the decisions of Isserlein in legal matters were added in +notes to that code by Moses Isserles. His chief works were +<i>Terumath ha-Deshēn</i> (354 decisions) and <i>Peasqim u-kethaḥim</i> +(267 decisions) largely on points of the marriage law.</p> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ISSERLES, MOSES BEN ISRAEL<a name="ar56" id="ar56"></a></span> (<i>c.</i> 1520-1572), known as +<span class="sc">Remā</span>, was born at Cracow and died there in 1572. He wrote +commentaries on the <i>Zohar</i>, the “Bible of the Kabbalists,” +but is best known as the critic and expander of the <i>Shulḥan +Aruch</i> of Joseph Qaro (Caro)(<i>q.v.</i>). His chief halakhic (legal) +works were <i>Darke Moshē</i> and <i>Mappāh</i>. Qaro, a Sephardic +(Spanish) Jew, in his Code neglected Ashkenazic (German) +customs. These deficiencies Isserles supplied, and the notes of +Remā are now included in all editions of Qaro’s Code.</p> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ISSOIRE,<a name="ar57" id="ar57"></a></span> a town of central France, capital of an arrondissement +in the department of Puy-de-Dôme, on the Couze, near its +junction with the Allier, 22 m. S.S.E. of Clermont-Ferrand on +the Paris-Lyon-Méditerranée railway to Nîmes. Pop. (1906) +5274. Issoire is situated in the fertile plain of Limagne. The +streets in the older part of the town are narrow and crooked, +but in the newer part there are several fine tree-shaded promenades, +while a handsome boulevard encircles the town. The +church of St Paul or St Austremoine built on the site of an older +chapel raised over the tomb of St Austremoine (Stremonius) +affords an excellent specimen of the Romanesque architecture +of Auvergne. Issoire is the seat of a sub-prefect; its public +institutions include tribunals of first instance and commerce +and a communal college. Brewing, wool-carding and the +manufacture of passementerie, candles, straw hats and woollen +goods are carried on. There is trade in lentils and other agricultural +products, in fruit and in wine.</p> + +<p>Issoire (<i>Iciodurum</i>) is said to have been founded by the +Arverni, and in Roman times rose to some reputation for its +schools. In the 5th century the Christian community established +there by Stremonius in the 3rd century was overthrown by the +fury of the Vandals. During the religious wars of the Reformation, +Issoire suffered very severely. Merle, the leader of +the Protestants, captured the town in 1574, and treated the +inhabitants with great cruelty. The Roman Catholics retook +it in 1577, and the ferocity of their retaliation may be inferred +from the inscription “<i>Ici fut Issoire</i>” carved on a pillar which +was raised on the site of the town. In the contest between the +Leaguers and Henry IV., Issoire sustained further sieges, and +never wholly regained its early prosperity.</p> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ISSOUDUN,<a name="ar58" id="ar58"></a></span> a town of central France, capital of an arrondissement +in the department of Indre, on the right bank of the Théols, +17 m. N.E. of Châteauroux by rail. Pop. (1906) 10,566. Among +the interesting buildings are the church of St Cyr, combining +various architectural styles, with a fine porch and window, and +the chapel of the Hôtel Dieu of the early 16th century. Of the +fortifications with which the town was formerly surrounded, +a town-gate of the 16th century and the White Tower, a lofty +cylindrical building of the reign of Philip Augustus, survive. +Issoudun is the seat of a sub-prefecture, and has tribunals of +first instance and of commerce, a chamber of arts and manufactures +and a communal college. The industries, of which the +most important is leather-dressing, also include malting and +brewing and the manufacture of bristles for brushes and parchment. +Trade is in grain, live-stock, leather and wine.</p> + +<p>Issoudun, in Latin <i>Exoldunum</i> or <i>Uxellodunum</i>, existed in +and before Roman times. In 1195 it was stoutly and successfully +defended by the partizans of Richard Cœur-de-Lion against +Philip Augustus, king of France. It has suffered severely from +fires. A very destructive one in 1651 was the result of an attack +on the town in the war of Fronde; Louis XIV. rewarded its +fidelity to him during that struggle by the grant of several +privileges.</p> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ISSYK-KUL,<a name="ar59" id="ar59"></a></span> also called <span class="sc">Tuz-Kul</span>, and by the Mongols +<i>Temurtu-nor</i>, a lake of Central Asia, lying in a deep basin (5400 ft. +above sea-level), between the Kunghei Ala-tau and the Terskei +Ala-tau, westward continuations of the Tian-shan mountains, +and extending from 76° 10′ to 78° 20′ E. The length from W.S.W. +to E.N.E. is 115 m. and the breadth 38 m., the area being +estimated at 2230 sq. m. The name is Kirghiz for “warm lake,” +and, like the Chinese synonym She-hai, has reference to the +fact that the lake is never entirely frozen over. On the south +the Terskei Ala-tau do not come down so close to the shore as +the mountains on the north, but leave a strip 5 to 13 m. broad. +The margins of the lake are overgrown with reeds. The water +is brackish. Fish are remarkably abundant, the principal +species being carp.</p> + +<p>It was by the route beside this lake that the tribes (<i>e.g.</i> Yue-chi) +driven from China by the Huns found their way into the Aralo-Caspian +basin in the end of the 2nd century. The Ussuns or +Uzuns settled on the lake and built the town of Chi-gu, which +still existed in the 5th century. It is to Hsüan-tsang, the Chinese +Buddhist pilgrim, that we are indebted for the first account of +Issyk-kul based on personal observation. In the beginning of +the 14th century Nestorian Christians reached the lake and +founded a monastery on the northern shore, indicated on the +Catalan map of 1374. It was not till 1856 that the Russians +made acquaintance with the district.</p> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ISTAHBANÁT,<a name="ar60" id="ar60"></a></span> a town and district of Persia in the province +of Fars. The district, which is very fertile, extends for nearly +50 m. east and west along the southern shore of the Bakhtegán +lake and produces much grain, cotton, good tobacco and excellent +fruit, particularly pomegranates and grapes, walnuts and figs. +The town is situated in the midst of a plain 12 m. from the +eastern corner of the lake and about 100 m. S.E. of Shiraz, and +has a population of about 10,000. It occupies the site of the +ancient city of Ij, the capital of the old province of Shabánkáreh, +which was captured and partly destroyed by Mubariz ed-din, +the founder of the Muzaffarid dynasty, in 1355. When rebuilt +it became known by its present name. Of the old period a ruined +mosque and two colleges remain; other mosques and colleges +are of recent construction. At the entrance of the town stands a +noble chinar (oriental plane), measuring 45 ft. in circumference +at 2 ft. from the ground.</p> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ISTHMUS<a name="ar61" id="ar61"></a></span> (Gr. <span class="grk" title="isthmos">ἰσθμός</span>, neck), a narrow neck of land connecting +two larger portions of land that are otherwise separated by the +sea.</p> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ISTRIA<a name="ar62" id="ar62"></a></span> (Ger. <i>Istrien</i>), a margraviate and crownland of Austria, +bounded N. by the Triestine territory, Görz and Gradisca, and +Carniola, E. by Croatia and S. and W. by the Adriatic; area +1908 sq. m. It comprises the peninsula of the same name +(area 1545 sq. m.), which stretches into the Adriatic Sea between +the Gulf of Trieste and the Gulf of Quarnero, and the islands of +Veglia, Cherso, Lussino and others. The coast line of Istria +extends for 267 m., including Trieste, and presents many good +bays and harbours. Besides the great Gulf of Trieste, the coast +is indented on the W. by the bays of Muggia, Capodistria, +Pirano, Porto Quieto and Pola, and on the E. by those of Medolino, +Arsa, Fianona and Volosca. A great portion of Istria +belongs to the Karst region, and is occupied by the so-called +Istrian plateau, flanked on the north and east by high mountains, +which attain in the Monte Maggiore an altitude of 4573 ft. In +the south and west the surface gradually slopes down in undulating +terraces towards the Adriatic. The Quieto in the west and +the Arsa in the east, neither navigable, are the principal streams. +The climate of Istria, although it varies with the varieties of +surface, is on the whole warm and dry. The coasts are exposed +to the prevailing winds, namely the <i>Sirocco</i> from the south-south-east, +and the <i>Bora</i> from the north-east. Of the total area +33.21% is occupied by forests, 32.09% by pastures, 11.2% by +arable land, 9.5% by vineyards, 7.21% by meadows and 3.26% +by gardens. The principal agricultural products are wheat, +maize, rye, oats and fruit, namely olives, figs and melons. +Viticulture is well developed, and the best sorts of wine are +produced near Capodistria, Muggia, Isola, Parenzo and Dignano, +while well-known red wines are made near Refosco and Terrano. +The oil of Istria was already famous in Roman times. Cattle-breeding +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page887" id="page887"></a>887</span> +is another great source of revenue, and the exploitation +of the forests gives beech and oak timber (good for shipbuilding), +gall-nuts, oak-bark and cork. Fishing, the recovery of salt from +the sea-water, and shipbuilding constitute the other principal +occupations of the population. Istria had in 1900 a population of +344,173, equivalent to 180 inhabitants per square mile. Two-thirds +of the population were Slavs and the remainder Italians, +while nearly the whole of the inhabitants (99.6%) were Roman +Catholics, under the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of three bishops. +The local Diet, which meets at Parenzo, and of which the three +bishops are members <i>ex-officio</i>, is composed of 33 members, and +Istria sends 5 deputies to the Reichsrat at Vienna. For administrative +purposes the province is divided into 6 districts and +an autonomous municipality, Rovigno (pop. 10,205). Other +important places are Pola (45,052), Capodistria (10,711), Pinguente +(15,827), Albona (10,968), Isola (7500), Parenzo (9962), +Dignano (9684), Castua (17,988), Pirano (13,339) and Mitterburg +(16,056).</p> + +<p>The modern Istria occupies the same position as the ancient +Istria or Histria, known to the Romans as the abode of a fierce +tribe of Illyrian pirates. It owed its name to an old belief that +the Danube (Ister, in Greek) discharged some of its water by an +arm entering the Adriatic in that region. The Istrians, protected +by the difficult navigation of their rocky coasts, were only subdued +by the Romans in 177 <span class="scs">B.C.</span> after two wars. Under Augustus +the greater part of the peninsula was added to Italy, and, when +the seat of empire was removed to Ravenna, Istria reaped many +benefits from the proximity of the capital. After the fall of the +Western empire it was pillaged by the Longobardi and the Goths; +it was annexed to the Frankish kingdom by Pippin in 789; and +about the middle of the 10th century it fell into the hands of the +dukes of Carinthia. Fortune after that, however, led it successively +through the hands of the dukes of Meran, the duke of +Bavaria and the patriarch of Aquileia, to the republic of Venice. +Under this rule it remained till the peace of Campo Formio in +1797, when Austria acquired it, and added it to the north-eastern +part which had fallen to her share so early as 1374. By the peace +of Pressburg, Austria was in 1805 compelled to cede Istria to +France, and the department of Istria was formed; but in 1813 +Austria again seized it, and has retained it ever since.</p> + +<div class="condensed"> +<p>See T. G. Jackson, <i>Dalmatia, the Quarnero and Istria</i> (Oxford, +1887).</p> +</div> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ISYLLUS,<a name="ar63" id="ar63"></a></span> a Greek poet, whose name was rediscovered in the +course of excavations on the site of the temple of Asclepius +at Epidaurus. An inscription was found engraved on stone, +consisting of 72 lines of verse (trochaic tetrameters, hexameters, +ionics), mainly in the Doric dialect. It is preceded by two lines +of prose stating that the author was Isyllus, an Epidaurian, and +that it was dedicated to Asclepius and Apollo of Malea. It +contains a few political remarks, showing general sympathy with +an aristocratic form of government; a self-congratulatory notice +of the resolution, passed at the poet’s instigation, to arrange a +solemn procession in honour of the two gods; a paean (no doubt +for use in the procession), chiefly occupied with the genealogical +relations of Apollo and Asclepius; a poem of thanks for the +assistance rendered to Sparta by Asclepius against Philip, when +he led an army against Sparta to put down the monarchy. The +offer of assistance was made by the god himself to the youthful +poet, who had entered the Asclepieum to pray for recovery from +illness, and communicated the good news to the Spartans. The +Philip referred to is identified with (<i>a</i>) Philip II. of Macedon, who +invaded Peloponnesus after the battle of Chaeronea in 338, +or (<i>b</i>) with Philip III., who undertook a similar campaign in 218.</p> + +<div class="condensed"> +<p>Wilamowitz-Möllendorff, who characterizes Isyllus as a “poetaster +without talent and a farcical politician,” has written an elaborate +treatise on him (Kiessling and Möllendorff, <i>Philosophische Untersuchungen</i>, +Heft 9, 1886), containing the text with notes, and essays +on the political condition of Peloponnesus and the cult of Asclepius. +The inscription was first edited by P. Kavvadias (1885), and by +J. F. Baunack in <i>Studien auf dem Gebiete der griechischen und der +arischen Sprachen</i> (1886).</p> +</div> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ITACOLUMITE,<a name="ar64" id="ar64"></a></span> the name given to a variety of porous yellow +sandstone or quartzose schist, which occurs at Itacolumi, in the +southern portion of Minas Geraes, Brazil. This rock is of interest +for two reasons; it is believed to be the source of the diamonds +which are found in great numbers in the district, and it is the +best and most widely known example of a flexible sandstone. +Itacolumite is yellow or pale-brown, and splits readily into thin +flat slabs. It is a member of a metamorphic series, being accompanied +by clay-slate, mica schist, hornblende schist and various +types of ferriferous schists. In many places itacolumite is really a +coarse grit or fine conglomerate. Other quartzites occur in the +district, and there is some doubt whether the diamantiferous +sandstones are always itacolumites and also as to the exact +manner in which the presence of diamond in these rocks is to be +accounted for. Some authorities hold that the diamond has been +formed in certain quartz veins which traverse the itacolumite. +It is clear, however, that the diamonds are found only in those +streams which contain the detritus of this rock.</p> + +<div class="condensed"> +<p>On the split faces of the slabs, scales of greenish mica are visible, +but in other respects the rock seems to be remarkably pure. If a +piece which is a foot or two long and half an inch thick be supported +at its ends it will gradually bend by its own weight. If it +then be turned over it will straighten and bend in the opposite +direction. Flakes a millimetre or two thick can be bent between +the fingers and are said to give out a creaking sound. It should +be noted that specimens showing this property form only a small +part of the whole mass of the rock. Flexible rocks have also been +reported and described from North and South Carolina, Georgia, +Delhi, and from the north of England (Durham). They are mostly +sandstones or quartzites, but the Durham rock is a variety of the +magnesian limestone of that district.</p> + +<p>Some discussion has taken place regarding the cause of the flexibility. +At one time it was ascribed to the presence of thin scales +of mica which were believed to permit a certain amount of motion +between adjacent grains of quartz. More probably, however it is +due to the porous character of the rock together with the interlocking +junctions between the sand grains. The porosity allows +interstitial movement, while the hinge-like joints by which the +particles are connected hold them together in spite of the displacement. +These features are dependent to some extent on weathering, +as the rocks contain perishable constituents which are removed and +leave open cavities in their place, while at the same time additional +silica may have been deposited on the quartz grains fitting their +irregular surfaces more perfectly together. Most of the known +flexible rocks are also fine-grained; in some cases they are said to +lose their flexibility after being dried for some time, probably +because of the hardening of some interstitial substance, but many +specimens kept in a dry atmosphere for years retain this property +in a high degree.</p> +</div> +<div class="author">(J. S. F.)</div> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ITAGAKI, TAISUKE,<a name="ar65" id="ar65"></a></span> <span class="sc">Count</span> (1837-  ), Japanese statesman, +was born in Tosa in 1837. He distinguished himself originally as +one of the soldier politicians who contributed so much to the +overthrow of feudalism and the restoration of the administrative +power to the throne. After taking a prominent part in subduing +the resistance offered by a section of the <i>shogun’s</i> feudatories to +those changes, he received cabinet rank in the newly organized +system. But in 1873 he resigned his portfolio as a protest against +the ministry’s resolve to refrain from warlike action against +Korea. This incident inspired Itagaki with an apprehension +that the country was about to pass under the yoke of a bureaucratic +government. He became thenceforth a warm advocate of +constitutional systems, though at the outset he does not seem to +have contemplated anything like a popular assembly in the English +sense of the term, his ideas being limited to the enfranchisement +of the <i>samurai</i> class. Failing to obtain currency for his +radical propaganda, he retired to his native province, and there +established a school (the <i>Risshi-sha</i>) for teaching the principles of +government by the people, thus earning for himself the epithet +of “the Rousseau of Japan.” His example found imitators. +Not only did pupils flock to Tosa from many quarters, attracted +alike by the novelty of Itagaki’s doctrines, by his eloquence and +by his transparent sincerity, but also similar schools sprang up +among the former vassals of other fiefs, who saw themselves +excluded from the government. In 1875 no less than seven of +these schools sent deputies to hold a convention in Osaka, and for +a moment an appeal to force seemed possible. But the statesmen +in power were not less favourable to constitutional institutions +than the members of the <i>Aikoku Kō-tō</i> (public party of +patriots), as Itagaki and his followers called themselves. A conference +attended by Kido, Okubo, Inouye, Ito, Itagaki and others +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page888" id="page888"></a>888</span> +entered into an agreement by which they pledged themselves to +the principle of a constitutional monarchy and a legislative +assembly. Itagaki now accepted office once more. Finding, +however, that his colleagues in the administration favoured a +much more leisurely rate of progress than he himself advocated, +he once more retired into private life (1876) and renewed his +liberal propagandism. It is in the nature of such movements to +develop violent phases, and the leaders of the <i>Aikoku-sha</i> +(patriotic association), as the agitators now called themselves, +not infrequently showed disregard for the preservation of peace +and order. Itagaki made the mistake of memorializing the +government at the moment when its very existence was imperilled +by the Satsuma rebellion (1877), and this evident disposition +to take advantage of a great public peril went far to alienate +the sympathies of the cabinet. Recourse was had to legislation +in restraint of free speech and public meeting. But repression +served only to provoke opposition. Throughout 1879 and 1880 +Itagaki’s followers evinced no little skill in employing the weapons +of local association, public meetings and platform tours, and in +November 1881 the first genuine political party was formed in +Japan under the name of <i>Jiyū-tō</i>, with Itagaki for declared +leader. A year later the emperor announced that a parliamentary +system should be inaugurated in 1891, and Itagaki’s task might be +said to have been accomplished. Thenceforth he devoted himself +to consolidating his party. In the spring of 1882, he was stabbed +by a fanatic during the reception given in the public park at Gifu. +The words he addressed to his would-be assassin were: “Itagaki +may perish, but liberty will survive.” Once afterwards (1898) he +held office as minister of home affairs, and in 1900 he stepped +down from the leadership of the <i>Jiyū-tō</i> in order that the latter +might form the nucleus of the <i>Seiyū-kai</i> organized by Count Ito. +Itagaki was raised to the nobility with the title of “count” in +1887. From the year 1900 he retired into private life, devoting +himself to the solution of socialistic problems. His countrymen +justly ascribe to him the fame of having been the first to organize +and lead a political party in Japan.</p> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ITALIAN LANGUAGE.<a name="ar66" id="ar66"></a></span><a name="fa1j" id="fa1j" href="#ft1j"><span class="sp">1</span></a> The Italian language is the language +of culture in the whole of the present kingdom of Italy, in some +parts of Switzerland (the canton of Ticino and part of the Grisons), +in some parts of the Austrian territory (the districts of Trent and +Görz, Istria along with Trieste, and the Dalmatian coast), and +in the islands of Corsica<a name="fa2j" id="fa2j" href="#ft2j"><span class="sp">2</span></a> and Malta. In the Ionian Islands, +likewise, in the maritime cities of the Levant, in Egypt, and +more particularly in Tunis, this literary language is extensively +maintained through the numerous Italian colonies and the ancient +traditions of trade.</p> + +<p>The Italian language has its native seat and living source in +Middle Italy, or more precisely Tuscany and indeed Florence. +For real linguistic unity is far from existing in Italy; in some +respects the variety is less, in others more observable than in +other countries which equally boast a political and literary unity. +Thus, for example, Italy affords no linguistic contrast so violent +as that presented by Great Britain with its English dialects +alongside of the Celtic dialects of Ireland, Scotland and Wales, +or by France with the French dialects alongside of the Celtic +dialects of Brittany, not to speak of the Basque of the Pyrenees +and other heterogeneous elements. The presence of not a few +Slavs stretching into the district of Udine (Friuli), of Albanian, +Greek and Slav settlers in the southern provinces, with the +Catalans of Alghero (Sardinia, v. <i>Arch. glott.</i> ix. 261 et seq.), a +few Germans at Monte Rosa and in some corners of Venetia, +and a remnant or two of other comparatively modern immigrations +is not sufficient to produce any such strong contrast in the +conditions of the national speech. But, on the other hand, the +Neo-Latin dialects which live on side by side in Italy differ from +each other much more markedly than, for example, the English +dialects or the Spanish; and it must be added that, in Upper +Italy especially, the familiar use of the dialects is tenaciously +retained even by the most cultivated classes of the population.</p> + +<p>In the present rapid sketch of the forms of speech which occur +in modern Italy, before considering the Tuscan or Italian <i>par +excellence</i>, the language which has come to be the noble organ of +modern national culture, it will be convenient to discuss (A) +dialects connected in a greater or less degree with Neo-Latin +systems that are not peculiar to Italy;<a name="fa3j" id="fa3j" href="#ft3j"><span class="sp">3</span></a> (B) dialects which are +detached from the true and proper Italian system, but form no +integral part of any foreign Neo-Latin system; and (C) dialects +which diverge more or less from the true Italian and Tuscan type, +but which at the same time can be conjoined with the Tuscan +as forming part of a special system of Neo-Latin dialects.</p> + +<p>A. <i>Dialects which depend in a greater or less degree on Neo-Latin +systems not peculiar to Italy.</i></p> + +<div class="condensed"> +<p>1. <i>Franco-Provençal and Provençal Dialects.</i>—(<i>a</i>) <i>Franco-Provençal</i> +(see Ascoli, <i>Arch. glott.</i> iii. 61-120; Suchier, in <i>Grundriss der romanischen +Philologie</i>, 2nd ed., i. 755, &c.; Nigra, <i>Arch. glott.</i> iii. 1 sqq.; +Salvioni, <i>Rendic. istit. lomb.</i>, s. ii. vol. xxxvii. 1043 sqq.; Cerlogne, +<i>Dictionnaire du patois valdôtain</i> (Aosta, 1907). These occupy at +the present time very limited areas at the extreme north-west of +the kingdom of Italy. The system stretches from the borders of +Savoy and Valais into the upper basin of the Dora Baltea and into +the head-valleys of the Orco, of the northern Stura, and of the Dora +Riparia. As this portion is cut off by the Alps from the rest of the +system, the type is badly preserved; in the valleys of the Stura +and the Dora Riparia, indeed, it is passing away and everywhere +yielding to the Piedmontese. The most salient characteristic of the +Franco-Provençal is the phonetic phenomenon by which the Latin +<i>a</i>, whether as an accented or as an unaccented final, is reduced to a +thin vowel (<i>ḛ</i>, <i>i</i>) when it follows a sound which is or has been palatal, +but on the contrary is kept intact when it follows a sound of another +sort. The following are examples from the Italian side of these Alps: +<span class="sc">Aosta</span>: <i>travaljí</i>, Fr. travailler; <i>zarźí</i>, Fr. charger; <i>enteruźí</i>, Fr. +interroger; <i>zḛvra</i>, Fr. chèvre; <i>zir</i>, Fr. cher; <i>gljáçḛ</i>, Fr. glace; +<i>vázze</i>, Fr. vache; alongside of <i>sa</i>, Fr. sel; <i>maṅ</i>, Fr. main; <i>epóusa</i>, +Fr. épouse; <i>erba</i>, Fr. herbe. <span class="sc">Val. Soana</span>: <i>taljér</i>, Fr. tailler; +<i>coćí-sse</i>, Fr. se coucher; <i>ćiṅ</i>, Fr. chien; <i>ćívra</i>, Fr. chèvre; <i>vaćći</i>, Fr. +vache; <i>mánģi</i>, Fr. manche; alongside of <i>alár</i>, Fr. aller; <i>porta</i>, +Fr. porté; <i>amára</i>, Fr. amère; <i>néva</i>, Fr. neuve. <span class="sc">Chiamorio</span> (Val di +Lanzo): <i>la spranssi dla vendeta</i>, sperantia de illa vindicta. <span class="sc">Viù</span>: +<i>pansci</i>, pancia. <span class="sc">Usseglio</span>: <i>la müragli</i>, muraille. A morphological +characteristic is the preservation of that paradigm which is legitimately +traced back to the Latin pluperfect indicative, although +possibly it may arise from a fusion of this pluperfect with the imperfect +subjunctive (amaram, amarem, alongside of habueram, +haberem), having in Franco-Provençal as well as in Provençal +and in the continental Italian dialects in which it will be met with +further on (C. 3, <i>b</i>; cf. B. 2) the function of the conditional. <span class="sc">Val +Soana</span>: <i>portáro</i>, <i>portáre</i>, <i>portáret</i>; <i>portáront</i>; <span class="sc">Aosta</span>: <i>ávre</i> = Prov. <i>agra</i>, +haberet (see <i>Arch.</i> iii. 31 <i>n</i>). The final <i>t</i> in the third persons of this +paradigm in the Val Soana dialect is, or was, constant in the whole +conjugation, and becomes in its turn a particular characteristic in +this section of the Franco-Provençal. <span class="sc">Val Soana</span>: <i>éret</i>, Lat. erat; +<i>sejt</i>, sit; <i>pórtet</i>, <i>portávet</i>; <i>portǫnt</i>, <i>portávǫnt</i>; <span class="sc">Chiamorio</span>: <i>jéret</i>, +erat; <i>ant dit</i>, habent dictum; <i>èjssount fêt</i>, habuissent factum; +<span class="sc">Viu</span>: <i>che s’mínget</i>, Ital. che si mangi: <span class="sc">Gravere</span> (Val di Susa): +<i>at pensá</i>, ha pensato; <i>avát</i>, habebat; <span class="sc">Giaglione</span> (sources of the +Dora Riparia); <i>maciávont</i>, mangiavano.—From the valleys, where, +as has just been said, the type is disappearing, a few examples of what +is still genuine Franco-Provençal may be subjoined: <i>Ćivreri</i> (the +name of a mountain between the Stura and the Dora Riparia), which, +according to the regular course of evolution, presupposes a Latin +<i>Capraria</i> (cf. <i>maneri</i>, maniera, even in the Chiamorio dialect); +<i>ćarastí</i> (<i>ciarastì</i>), carestia, in the Viu dialect; and <i>ćintá</i>, cantare, +in that of Usseglio. From <span class="sc">Chiamorio</span>, <i>li téns</i>, i tempi, and <i>chejches +birbes</i>, alcune (qualche) birbe, are worthy of mention on account of the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page889" id="page889"></a>889</span> +final <i>s</i>. [In this connexion should also be mentioned the Franco-Provençal +colonies of Transalpine origin, Faeto and Celle, in Apulia +(<i>v.</i> Morosi, <i>Archivio glottologico</i>, xii. 33-75), the linguistic relations of +which are clearly shown by such examples as <i>talíj</i>, Ital. tagliare; +<i>bañíj</i>, Ital. bagnare; side by side with <i>ćantǡ</i>, Ital. cantare; <i>luǡ</i>, +Ital. levare.]</p> + +<p>(<i>b</i>) <i>Provençal</i> (see <i>La Lettura</i> i. 716-717, <i>Romanische Forschungen</i> +xxiii. 525-539).—Farther south, but still in the same western +extremity of Piedmont, phenomena continuous with those of the +Maritime Alps supply the means of passing from the Franco-Provençal +to the Provençal proper, precisely as the same transition takes place +beyond the Cottian Alps in Dauphiné almost in the same latitude. +On the Italian side of the Cottian and the Maritime Alps the Franco-Provençal +and the Provençal are connected with each other by the +continuity of the phenomenon <i>ć</i> (a pure explosive) from the Latin +<i>c</i> before <i>a</i>. At <span class="sc">Oulx</span> (sources of the Dora Riparia), which seems, +however, to have a rather mixed dialect, there also occurs the +important Franco-Provençal phenomenon of the surd interdental +(English <i>th</i> in <i>thief</i>) instead of the surd sibilant (for example <i>ithí</i> = Fr. +ici). At the same time <i>agü</i> = avuto, takes us to the Provençal. [If, +in addition to the Provençal characteristic of which <i>agǘ</i> is an example, +we consider those characteristics also Provençal, such as the +<i>o</i> for <i>a</i> final unaccented, the preservation of the Latin diphthong <i>au</i>, +<i>p</i> between vowels preserved as <i>b</i>, we shall find that they occur, +together or separately, in all the Alpine varieties of Piedmont, from +the upper valleys of the Dora Riparia and Clusone to the Colle di +Tenda. Thus at <span class="sc">Fenestrelle</span> (upper valley of the Clusone): +<i>agü</i>, <i>vengü</i>, Ital. venuto; <i>pauc</i>, Lat. <i>paucu</i>, Ital. poco; <i>aribá</i> (Lat. +<i>rīpa)</i>, Ital. arrivare; <i>trubá</i>, Ital. trovare; <i>ciabrin</i>, Ital. capretto; +at <span class="sc">Oulx</span> (source of the Dora Riparia): <i>agü</i>, <i>vengü</i>; <i>üno gran famino +è venüo</i>, Ital. una gran fame è venuta; at <span class="sc">Giaglione</span>: <i>auvou</i>, Ital. +odo (Lat. <i>audio</i>); <i>arribá</i>, <i>resebü</i>, Ital. ricevuto (Lat. <i>recipere</i>); at +<span class="sc">Oncino</span> (source of the Po): <i>agü</i>, <i>vengü</i>; <i>ero en campagno</i>, Ital. +“era in campagna”; <i>donavo</i>, Ital. dava; <i>paure</i>, Lat. <i>pauper</i>, +Ital. povero; <i>trubá</i>, <i>ciabrí</i>; at <span class="sc">Sanpeyre</span> (valley of the Varaita): +<i>agü</i>, <i>volgü</i>, Ital. voluto; <i>pressioso</i>, Ital. preziosa; <i>fasio</i>, Ital. +faceva; <i>trobar</i>; at <span class="sc">Acceglio</span> (valley of the Macra): <i>venghess</i>, +Ital. venisse; <i>virro</i>, Ital. ghiera; <i>chesto allegrio</i>, Ital. questa allegria; +<i>ero</i>, Ital. era; <i>trobá</i>; at <span class="sc">Castelmagno</span> (valley of the Grana): <i>gü</i>, +<i>vengü</i>; <i>rabbio</i>, Ital. rabbia; <i>trubar</i>; at <span class="sc">Vinadio</span> (valley of the +southern Stura); <i>agü</i>, <i>beigü</i>, Ital. bevuto; <i>cadëno</i>, Ital. catena; +<i>mangģo</i>, Ital. manica; <i>ćanto</i>, Ital. canta; <i>pau</i>, <i>auvì</i>, Ital. udito; +<i>šabe</i>, Ital. sapete; <i>trobar</i>; at <span class="sc">Valdieri</span> and <span class="sc">Roaschia</span> (valley of the +Gesso): <i>purgü</i>, Ital. potuto; <i>pjagü</i>, Ital. piaciuto; <i>corrogǘ</i>, Ital. +corso; <i>pau</i>; <i>arribá</i>, <i>ciabri</i>; at <span class="sc">Limone</span> (Colle di Tenda): <i>agü</i>, +<i>vengü</i>; <i>saber</i>, Ital. sapere; <i>arübá</i>, <i>trubava</i>. Provençal also, though +of a character rather Transalpine (like that of Dauphiné) than native, +are the dialects of the Vaudois population above Pinerolo (<i>v.</i> Morosi, +<i>Arch. glott.</i> xi. 309-416), and their colonies of Guardia in Calabria +(<i>ib.</i> xi. 381-393) and of Neu-Hengstett and Pinache-Serres in +Württemberg (<i>ib.</i> xi. 393-398). The Vaudois literary language, in +which is written the <i>Nobla Leyczon</i>, has, however, no direct connexion +with any of the spoken dialects; it is a literary language, +and is connected with literary Provençal, the language of the <i>troubadours</i>; +see W. Foerster, <i>Göttingische gelehrte Anzeigen</i> (1888) +Nos. 20-21.]</p> + +<p>2. <i>Ladin Dialects</i> (Ascoli, <i>Arch. glott.</i> i., iv. 342 sqq., vii. 406 sqq.; +Gartner, <i>Rätoromanische Grammatik</i> (Heilbronn, 1883), and in +<i>Grundriss der romanischen Philologie</i>, 2nd ed., i. 608 sqq.; Salvioni, +<i>Arch. glott.</i> xvi. 219 sqq.).—The purest of the Ladin dialects occur +on the northern versant of the Alps in the Grisons (Switzerland), +and they form the western section of the system. To this section +also belongs both politically and in the matter of dialect the valley +of Münster (Monastero); it sends its waters to the Adige, and might +indeed consequently be geographically considered Italian, but it +slopes towards the north. In the central section of the Ladin zone +there are two other valleys which likewise drain into tributaries of +the Adige, but are also turned towards the north,—the valleys of +the Gardena and Gadera, in which occurs the purest Ladin now +extant in the central section. The valleys of Münster, the Gardena +and the Gadera may thus be regarded as inter-Alpine, and the question +may be left open whether or not they should be included even +geographically in Italy. There remain, however, within what are +strictly Italian limits, the valleys of the Noce, the Avisio, the Cordevole, +and the Boite, and the upper basin of the Piave (Comelico), +in which are preserved Ladin dialects, more or less pure, belonging +to the central section of the Ladin zone or belt. To Italy belongs, +further, the whole eastern section of the zone composed of the Friulian +territories. It is by far the most populous, containing about 500,000 +inhabitants. The Friulian region is bounded on the north by the +Carnic Alps, south by the Adriatic, and west by the eastern rim of the +upper basin of the Piave and the Livenza; while on the east it +stretches into the eastern versant of the basin of the Isonzo, and, +further the ancient dialect of Trieste was itself Ladin (<i>Arch. glott.</i> +x. 447 et seq.). The Ladin element is further found in greater or less +degree throughout an altogether Cis-Alpine “amphizone,” which +begins at the western slopes of Monte Rosa, and is to be noticed +more particularly in the upper valley of the Ticino and the upper +valley of the Liro and of the Mera on the Lombardy versant, and +in the Val Fiorentina and central Cadore on the Venetian versant. +The Ladin element is clearly observable in the most ancient examples +of the dialects of the Venetian estuary (<i>Arch.</i> i. 448-473). The main +characteristics by which the Ladin type is determined may be +summarized as follows: (1) the guttural of the formulae <i>c</i> + <i>a</i> and +<i>g</i> + <i>a</i> passes into a palatal; (2) the <i>l</i> of the formulae <i>pl</i>, <i>cl</i>, &c., is +preserved; (3) the <i>s</i> of the ancient terminations is preserved; (4) +the accented <i>e</i> in position breaks into a diphthong; (5) the accented +<i>o</i> in position breaks into a diphthong; (6) the form of the diphthong +which comes from short accented <i>o</i> or from the <i>o</i> of position is <i>ue</i> +(whence <i>üe</i>, <i>ö</i>); (7) long accented <i>e</i> and short accented <i>i</i> break into a +diphthong, the purest form of which is sounded <i>ei</i>; (8) the accented +<i>a</i> tends, within certain limits, to change into <i>e</i>, especially if preceded +by a palatal sound; (9) the long accented <i>u</i> is represented by <i>ü</i>. +These characteristics are all foreign to true and genuine Italian. +<i>Ćárn</i>, carne; <i>spelunća</i>, spelunca; <i>clefs</i>, claves; <i>fuormas</i>, formae; +<i>infiern</i>, infernu; <i>ördi</i>, hordeu; <i>möd</i>, modu; <i>plain</i>, plenu; <i>pail</i>, +pilu; <i>quael</i>, quale; <i>pür</i>, puru—may be taken as examples from the +Upper Engadine (western section of the zone). The following are +examples from the central and eastern sections on the Italian +versant:—</p> + +<p><i>a. Central Section</i>.—<span class="sc">Basin of the Noce</span>: examples of the dialect +of Fondo: <i>ćavél</i>, capillu; <i>pesćadór</i>, piscatore; <i>pluévia</i>, pluvia +(plovia); <i>pluma</i> (dial. of Val de Rumo: <i>plövia</i>, <i>plümo</i>); <i>vécla</i>, +vetula; <i>ćántes</i>, cantas. The dialects of this basin are disappearing.—<span class="sc">Basin +of the Avisio</span>: examples of the dialect of the Val di Fassa: +<i>ćarn</i>, carne; <i>ćéžer</i>, cadere (cad-jere); <i>váća</i>, vacca; <i>fórća</i>, furca; +<i>gléžia</i> (<i>géžia</i>), ecclesia; <i>oeglje</i> (<i>oeje</i>), oculi; <i>ćans</i>, canes; <i>rámes</i>, rami; +<i>teila</i>, tela; <i>néif</i>, nive; <i>coessa</i>, coxa. The dialects of this basin +which are farther west than Fassa are gradually being merged in the +Veneto-Tridentine dialects.—<span class="sc">Basin of the Cordevole</span>: here the +district of Livinal-Lungo (Buchenstein) is Austrian politically, and +that of Rocca d’ Agordo and Laste is Italian. Examples of the dialect +of Livinal-Lungo: <i>ćarié</i>, Ital. caricare; <i>ćanté</i>, cantatus; <i>ógle</i>, +oculu; <i>ćans</i>, canes; <i>ćavéis</i>, capilli; <i>viérm</i>, verme; <i>fŭóc</i>, focu; <i>avéĭ</i>, +habere; <i>néi</i>, nive.—<span class="sc">Basin of the Boite</span>: here the district of +Ampezzo (Heiden) is politically Austrian, that of Oltrechiusa +Italian. Examples of the dialect of Ampezzo are <i>ćasa</i>, casa; <i>ćandéra</i>, +candela; <i>fórćes</i>, furcae, pl.; <i>séntes</i>, sentis. It is a decadent form.—<span class="sc">Upper +Basin of the Piave</span>: dialect of the Comelico: <i>ćésa</i>, casa; +<i>ćen</i> (can), cane; <i>ćaljé</i>, caligariu; <i>bos</i>, boves; <i>noevo</i>, novu; <i>loego</i>, +locu.</p> + +<p><i>b. Eastern Section or Friulian Region</i>.—Here there still exists a +flourishing “Ladinity,” but at the same time it tends towards +Italian, particularly in the want both of the <i>e</i> from <i>á</i> and of the <i>ü</i> +(and consequently of the <i>ö</i>). Examples of the Udine variety: <i>ćarr</i>, +carro; <i>ćavál</i>, caballu; <i>ćastiél</i>, castellu; <i>fórće</i>, furca; <i>clar</i>, claru; +<i>glaç</i>, glacie; <i>plan</i>, planu; <i>colors</i>, colores; <i>lungs</i>, longi, pl.; <i>dévis</i>, +debes; <i>vidiél</i>, vitello; <i>fiéste</i>, festa; <i>puéss</i>, possum; <i>cuétt</i>, coctu; +<i>uárdi</i>, hordeu.—The most ancient specimens of the Friulian dialect +belong to the 14th century (see <i>Arch.</i> iv. 188 sqq.).</p> +</div> + +<p>B. <i>Dialects which are detached from the true and proper Italian +system, but form no integral part of any foreign Neo-Latin system.</i></p> + +<div class="condensed"> +<p>1. Here first of all is the extensive system of the dialects usually +called <i>Gallo-Italian</i>, although that designation cannot be considered +sufficiently distinctive, since it would be equally applicable to the +Franco-Provençal (A. 1) and the Ladin (A. 2). The system is subdivided +into four great groups—(<i>a</i>) the <i>Ligurian</i>, (<i>b</i>) the <i>Piedmontese</i>, +(<i>c</i>) the <i>Lombard</i> and (<i>d</i>) the <i>Emilian</i>—the name furnishing +on the whole sufficient indication of the localization and limits.—These +groups, considered more particularly in their more pronounced +varieties, differ greatly from each other; and, in regard to the +Ligurian, it was even denied that it belongs to this system at all +(see <i>Arch.</i> ii. III sqq.).—Characteristic of the Piedmontese, the +Lombard and the Emilian is the continual elision of the unaccented +final vowels except <i>a</i> (<i>e.g.</i> Turinese <i>öj</i>, oculu; Milanese <i>vǫç</i>, voce; +Bolognese <i>vîd</i>, Ital. vite), but the Ligurian does not keep them +company (<i>e.g.</i> Genoese <i>öģģu</i>, oculu; <i>vǫže</i>, voce). In the Piedmontese +and Emilian there is further a tendency to eliminate the protonic +vowels—a tendency much more pronounced in the second of these +groups than in the first (<i>e.g.</i> Pied, <i>dné</i>, danaro; <i>vśin</i>, vicino; <i>fnôć</i>, +finocchio; Bolognese <i>ćprà</i>, disperato). This phenomenon involves +in large measure that of the prothesis of <i>a</i>; as, <i>e.g.</i> in Piedmontese and +Emilian <i>armor</i>, rumore; Emilian <i>alvär</i>, levare, &c. U for the long +accented Latin <i>u</i> and <i>ö</i> for the short accented Latin <i>o</i> (and even +within certain limits the short Latin <i>ó</i> of position) are common to +the Piedmontese, the Ligurian, the Lombard and the northernmost +section of the Emilian: <i>e.g.</i>, Turinese, Milanese and Piacentine <i>dür</i>, +and Genoese <i>düu</i>, duro; Turinese and Genoese <i>möve</i>, Parmigiane +<i>möver</i>, and Milanese <i>möf</i>, muovere; Piedmontese <i>dörm</i>, dorme; +Milanese <i>völta</i>, volta. <i>Ei</i> for the long accented Latin <i>e</i> and for +the short accented Latin <i>i</i> is common to the Piedmontese and the +Ligurian, and even extends over a large part of Emilia: <i>e.g.</i> Turinese +and Genoese <i>avéi</i>, habere, Bolognese <i>avéir</i>; Turinese and Genoese +<i>beive</i>, bibere, Bolognese <i>neiv</i>, neve. In Emilia and part of Piedmont +<i>ei</i> occurs also in the formulae <i>ĕn</i>, <i>ent</i>, <i>emp</i>; <i>e.g.</i> Bolognese and +Modenese <i>beiṅ</i>, <i>solaméint</i>. In connexion with these examples, there +is also the Bolognese <i>feiṅ</i>, Ital. fine, representing the series in which +<i>e</i> is derived from an <i>í</i> followed by <i>n</i>, a phenomenon which occurs, +to a greater or less extent throughout the Emilian dialects; in them +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page890" id="page890"></a>890</span> +also is found, parallel with the <i>ḛi</i> from <i>ḛ</i>, the <i>ou</i> from <i>ǫ</i>: Bolognese +<i>udóur</i>, Ital. odore; <i>famóus</i>, Ital. famoso; <i>lóuv</i>, lŭpu. The system +shows a repugnance throughout to <i>ie</i> for the short accented Latin <i>e</i> +(as it occurs in Italian <i>piede</i>, &c.); in other words, this diphthong +has died out, but in various fashions; Piedmontese and Lombard +<i>deç</i>, dieci; Genoese <i>dēže</i> (in some corners of Liguria, however, +occurs <i>dieže</i>); Bolognese <i>diç</i>, old Bolognese, <i>diese</i>. The greater part +of the phenomena indicated above have “Gallic” counterparts too +evident to require to be specially pointed out. One of the most +important traces of Gallic or Celtic reaction is the reduction of the +Latin accented <i>a</i> into <i>e</i> (<i>ä</i>, &c.), of which phenomenon, however, no +certain indications have as yet been found in the Ligurian group. +On the other hand it remains, in the case of very many of the Piedmontese +dialects, in the <i>é</i> of the infinitives of the first conjugation: +<i>porté</i>, portare, &c.; and numerous vestiges of it are still found in +Lombardy (<i>e.g.</i> in Bassa Brianza: <i>andae</i>, andato; <i>guardae</i>, guardato; +<i>sae</i>, sale; see <i>Arch.</i> i. 296-298, 536). Emilia also preserves it in +very extensive use: Modenese <i>andér</i>, andare; <i>arivéda</i>, arrivata; +<i>peç</i>, pace; Faenzan <i>parlé</i>, parlare and parlato; <i>parléda</i>, parlata; +<i>ches</i>, caso; &c. The phenomenon, in company with other Gallo-Italian +and more specially Emilian characteristics extends to the +valley of the Metauro, and even passes to the opposite side of the +Apennines, spreading on both banks of the head stream of the Tiber +and through the valley of the Chiane: hence the types <i>artrovér</i>, +ritrovare, <i>portéto</i>, portato, &c., of the Perugian and Aretine dialects +(see <i>infra</i> C. 3, <i>b</i>). In the phenomenon of <i>á</i> passing into <i>e</i> (as indeed, +the Gallo-Italic evolution of other Latin vowels) special distinctions +would require to be drawn between bases in which a (not standing +in position) precedes a non-nasal consonant (<i>e.g.</i> <i>amáto</i>), and those +which have a before a nasal: and in the latter case there would be +a non-positional subdivision (<i>e.g.</i> <i>fáme, páne</i>) and a positional one +(<i>e.g.</i> <i>quánto, amándo, cámpo</i>); see <i>Arch.</i> i. 293 sqq. This leads us to +the nasals, a category of sounds comprising other Gallo-Italic +characteristics. There occurs more or less widely, throughout +all the sections of the system, and in different gradations, that +“velar” nasal in the end of a syllable (<i>paṅ, maṅ; ćáṅta, moṅt</i>)<a name="fa4j" id="fa4j" href="#ft4j"><span class="sp">4</span></a> +which may be weakened into a simple nasalizing of a vowel (<i>pā</i>, &c.) +or even grow completely inaudible (Bergamese <i>pa</i>, pane; <i>padrú</i>, +padrone; <i>tep</i>, tempo; <i>met</i>, mente; <i>mut</i>, monte; <i>pût</i>, ponte; +<i>púća</i>, punta, <i>i.e.</i> “puncta”), where Celtic and especially Irish +analogies and even the frequent use of <i>t</i> for <i>nt</i>, &c., in ancient Umbrian +orthography occur to the mind. Then we have the faucal n +by which the Ligurian and the Piedmontese (<i>la<span class="un">ṅ</span>a lü<span class="un">ṅ</span>a</i>, &c.) are connected +with the group which we call Franco-Provençal (A. 1).—We +pass on to the “Gallic” resolution of the nexus ct (<i>e.g.</i> <i>facto</i>, +fajto, fajtjo. <i>fait, fać; tecto</i>, tejto, tejtjo, <i>teit, teć</i>) which invariably +occurs in the Piedmontese, the Ligurian and the Lombard: Pied, <i>fáit</i>, +Lig. <i>fajtu, faetu</i>, Lombard <i>fac</i>; Pied. <i>téit</i>, Lig. <i>téitu</i>, Lom. <i>tec</i>; &c. +Here it is to be observed that besides the Celtic analogy the Umbrian +also helps us (<i>adveitu</i> = ad-vecto; &c.). The Piedmontese and +Ligurian come close to each other, more especially by a curious +resolution of the secondary hiatus (Gen. <i>réiže</i>, Piedm. <i>r<span class="un">é</span>js</i> = <i>*ra-íce</i>, +Ital. radice) by the regular dropping of the d both primary and +secondary, a phenomenon common in French (as Piedmontese and +Ligurian <i>ríe</i>, ridere; Piedmontese <i>pué</i>, potare; Genoese <i>naeghe</i> = +náighe. nátiche, &c.). The Lombard type, or more correctly the +type which has become the dominant one in Lombardy (<i>Arch.</i> i. +305-306, 310-311), is more sparing in this respect; and still more so +is the Emilian. In the Piedmontese and in the Alpine dialects of +Lombardy is also found that other purely Gallic resolution of the +guttural between two vowels by which we have the types <i>brája</i>, +<i>mánia</i>, over against the Ligurian <i>brága, mánega</i>, braca, manica. +Among the phonetic phenomena peculiar to the Ligurian is a continual +reduction (as also in Lombardy and part of Piedmont) of <i>l</i> +between vowels into <i>r</i> and the subsequent dropping of this <i>r</i> at the +end of words in the modern Genoese; just as happens also with the +primary <i>r</i>: thus <i>dū</i> = durúr = dolore, &c. Characteristic of the +Ligurian, but not without analogies in Upper Italy even (<i>Arch.</i>, ii. +157-158, ix. 209, 255), is the resolution of <i>pj, bj, fj</i> into <i>ć, ģ, š: ćü</i>, +più, plus; <i>raģģa</i>, rabbia, rabies; <i>š</i>û, fiore. Finally, the sounds <i>š</i> +and <i>ž</i> have a very wide range in Ligurian (<i>Arch.</i> ii. 158-159), but are, +however, etymologically, of different origin from the sounds <i>š</i> and <i>ž</i> +in Lombard. The reduction of <i>s</i> into <i>h</i> occurs in the Bergamo +dialects: <i>hira</i>, sera; <i>groh</i>, grosso; <i>cahtél</i>, castello (see also B.2).—A +general phenomenon in Gallo-Italic phonetics which also comes +to have an inflexional importance is that by which the unaccented +final <i>i</i> has an influence on the accented vowel. This enters into a +series of phenomena which even extends into southern Italy; but +in the Gallo-Italic there are particular resolutions which agree well +with the general connexions of this system. [We may briefly recall +the following forms in the plural and 2nd person singular: old +Piedmontese <i>drayp</i> pl. of <i>drap</i>, Ital. drappo; <i>man, meyn</i>, Ital. +mano, -i; <i>long, loyng</i>, Ital. lungo, -ghi; Genoese, <i>káṅ, kḛṅ</i>, Ital. +cane, -i; <i>buṅ, buíṅ</i>, Ital. buono, -i; Bolognese, <i>fär, fîr</i>, Ital. ferro, +-i; <i>peir, pîr</i>, Ital. pero, -i. <i>zôp, zûp</i>, Ital. zoppo, -i; <i>louv, lûv</i>, +Ital. lupo, -i; <i>vedd, vî</i>, Ital. io vedo, tu vedi; <i>vojj, vû</i>, Ital. io +voglio, tu vuoi; Milanese <i>quȩst, quist</i>, Ital. questo, -i, and, in the +Alps of Lombardy, <i>pal, pȩl</i>, Ital. palo, -i; <i>rȩd, rid</i>, Ital. rete, -i; +<i>c<span class="un">o</span>r, cör</i>, Ital. cuore, -i; <i>ǫrs, ürs</i>, Ital. orso, -i; <i>law, lȩw</i>, Ital. io lavo, +tu lavi; <i>mȩt, mit</i>, Ital. io metto, tu metti; <i>m<span class="un">o</span>w möw</i>, Ital. io muovo, +tu muovi; <i>cǫr, cür</i>, Ital. io corro, tu corri. [Vicentine <i>pomo, pumi</i>, +Ital. pomo, -i; <i>pero, piéri = *píri</i>, Ital. pero, -i; v. <i>Arch.</i> i. 540-541; +ix. 235 et seq., xiv. 329-330].—Among morphological peculiarities +the first place may be given to the Bolognese <i>sipa</i> (<i>seppa</i>), because, +thanks to Dante and others, it has acquired great literary celebrity. +It really signifies “sia” (sim, sit), and is an analogical form fashioned +on <i>aepa</i>, a legitimate continuation of the corresponding forms of the +other auxiliary (habeam, habeat), which is still heard in <i>ch’me aepa +purtae, ch’lu aepa purtae</i>, ch’io abbia portato, ch’egli abbia portato. +Next may be noted the 3rd person singular in <i>-p</i> of the perfect of +<i>esse</i> and of the first conjugation in the Forlì dialect (<i>fop</i>, fu; <i>mandép</i>, +mandò; &c.). This also must be analogical, and due to a +legitimate <i>ep</i>, ebbe (see <i>Arch.</i> ii. 401; and compare <i>fobbe</i>, fu, in +the dialect of Camerino, in the province of Macerata, as well as the +Spanish analogy of <i>tuve estuve</i> formed after <i>hube</i>). Characteristic of +the Lombard dialect is the ending <i>-i</i> in the 1st person sing. pres. +indic. (<i>mi a p<span class="un">o</span>rti</i>, Ital. io porto); and of Piedmontese, the <i>-éjça</i>, as +indicating the subjunctive imperfect (<i>portȩjça</i>, Ital. portassi) the origin +of which is to be sought in imperfects of the type <i>staésse, faésse</i> +reduced normally to <i>st<span class="un">é</span>jç-, f<span class="un">é</span>jç-</i>. Lastly, in the domain of syntax, +may be added the tendency to repeat the pronoun (<i>e.g.</i> <i>ti te cántet</i> +of the Milanese, which really is <i>tu tu cántas-tu</i>, equivalent merely to +“cantas”), a tendency at work in the Emilian and Lombard, but +more particularly pronounced in the Piedmontese. With this the +corresponding tendency of the Celtic languages has been more than +once and with justice compared; here it may be added that the +Milanese <i>nün</i>, apparently a single form for “noi,” is really a compound +or reduplication in the manner of the <i>ni-ni</i>, its exact counterpart +in the Celtic tongues. [From Lombardy, or more precisely, +from the Lombardo-Alpine region extending from the western slopes +of Monte Rosa to the St Gotthard, are derived the Gallo-Italian +dialects, now largely, though not all to the same extent, Sicilianized, +from the Sicilian communes of Sanfratello, Piazza-Armerina, +Nicosia, Aidone, Novara and Sperlinga (v. <i>Arch. glott.</i> viii. 304-316, +406-422, xiv. 436-452; <i>Romania</i>, xxviii. 409-420; <i>Memorie dell’ Istituto +lombardo</i>, xxi. 255 et seq.). The dialects of Gombitelli and +Sillano in the Tuscan Apennines are connected with Emilia (<i>Arch. +glott.</i> xii. 309-354). And from Liguria come those of Carloforte in +Sardinia, as also those of Monaco, and of Mons, Escragnolles and +Biot in the French departments of Var and Alpes Maritimes (<i>Revue +de linguistique</i>, xiii. 308)]. The literary records for this group go +back as far as the 12th century, if we are right in considering as +Piedmontese the Gallo-Italian Sermons published and annotated by +Foerster (<i>Romanische Studien</i>, iv. 1-92). But the documents +published by A. Gaudenzi (<i>Dial. di Bologna</i>, 168-172) are certainly +Piedmontese, or more precisely Canavese, and seem to belong to the +13th century. The Chieri texts date from 1321 (<i>Miscellanea di filol. e +linguistica</i>, 345-355), and to the 14th century also belongs the +<i>Grisostomo</i> (<i>Arch. glott.</i> vii. 1-120), which represents the old Piedmontese +dialect of Pavia (<i>Bollett. della Soc. pav. di Storia Patria</i>, +ii. 193 et seq.). The oldest Ligurian texts, if we except the “contrasto” +in two languages of Rambaud de Vaqueiras (12th century +<i>v.</i> Crescini, <i>Manualetto provenzale</i>, 2nd ed., 287-291), belong to the +first decades of the 14th century (<i>Arch. glott.</i> xiv. 22 et seq., ii. +161-312, x. 109-140, viii. 1-97). Emilia has manuscripts going back +to the first or second half of the 13th century, the <i>Parlamenti</i> of +Guido Fava (see Gaudenzi, <i>op. cit.</i> 127-160) and the <i>Regola dei +servi</i> published by G. Ferraro (Leghorn, 1875). An important +Emilian text, published only in part, is the Mantuan version of the +<i>De proprietatibus rerum</i> of Bartol. Anglico, made by Vivaldo Belcalzer +in the early years of the 14th century (<i>v.</i> Cian. <i>Giorn. stor. della +letteratura italiana</i>, supplement, No. 5, and cf. <i>Rendiconti Istituto +Lombardo</i>, series ii. vol. xxxv. p. 957 et seq.). For Modena also +there are numerous documents, starting from 1327. For western +Lombardy the most ancient texts (13th century, second half) are +the poetical compositions of Bonvesin de la Riva and Pietro da +Bescapè, which have reached us only in the 14th-century +copies. For eastern Lombardy we have, preserved in Venetian +or Tuscan versions, and in MSS. of a later date, the works of Gerardo +Patecchio, who lived at Cremona in the first half of the 13th century. +Bergamasc literature is plentiful, but not before the 14th century +(<i>v. Studi medievali</i>, i. 281-292; <i>Giorn. stor. della lett. ital.</i> xlvi. +351 et seq.).</p> + +<p>2. <i>Sardinian Dialects.</i><a name="fa5j" id="fa5j" href="#ft5j"><span class="sp">5</span></a>—These are three—the Logudorese or +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page891" id="page891"></a>891</span> +central, the Campidanese or southern and the Gallurese or northern. +The third certainly indicates a Sardinian basis, but is strangely +disturbed by the intrusion of other elements, among which the +Southern Corsican (Sartene) is by far the most copious. The other +two are homogeneous, and have great affinity with each other; the +Logudorese comes more particularly under consideration here.—The +pure Sardinian vocalism has this peculiarity that each accented +vowel of the Latin appears to be retained without alteration. Consequently +there are no diphthongs representing simple Latin +vowels; nor does the rule hold good which is true for so great a +proportion of the Romance languages, that the representatives of +the <i>ḗ</i> and the <i>í</i> on the one hand and those of the <i>ṓ</i> and the <i>ṹ</i> on +the other are normally coincident. Hence <i>plenu</i> (<i>ē</i>); <i>deghe</i>, decem +(<i>ĕ</i>); <i>binu</i>, vino (<i>ī</i>); <i>pilu</i> (<i>ĭ</i>); <i>flore</i> (<i>ō</i>); <i>roda</i>, rota +(<i>ŏ</i>); <i>duru</i> (<i>ū</i>); <i>nughe</i>, +nuce (<i>ŭ</i>). The unaccented vowels keep their ground well, as has +already been seen in the case of the finals by the examples adduced.—The +<i>s</i> and <i>t</i> of the ancient termination are preserved, though not +constantly: <i>tres</i>, <i>onus</i>, <i>passados annos</i>, <i>plantas</i>, <i>faghes</i>, facis, <i>tenemus</i>; +<i>mulghet</i>, <i>mulghent</i>.—The formulae <i>ce</i>, <i>ci</i>, <i>ge</i>, <i>gi</i> may be represented by +<i>che</i> (<i>ke</i>), &c.; but this appearance of special antiquity is really +illusory (see <i>Arch.</i> ii. 143-144). The nexus <i>cl</i>, &c., may be maintained +in the beginning of words (<i>claru</i>, <i>plus</i>); but if they are in the body +of the word they usually undergo resolutions which, closely related +though they be to those of Italian, sometimes bring about very +singular results (<i>e.g.</i> <i>ušare</i>, which by the intermediate forms <i>uscare</i>, +<i>usjare</i> leads back to <i>usclare</i> = <i>ustlare</i> = <i>ustulare</i>). <i>Nź</i> is the representative +of <i>nj</i> (<i>testimónźu</i>, &c.); and <i>lj</i> is reduced to <i>ź</i> alone (<i>e.g.</i> +<i>méźus</i>, melius; Campidanese <i>mellus</i>). For <i>ll</i> a frequent substitute +is <i>ḍḍ</i>: <i>massīḍḍa</i>, maxilla, &c. Quite characteristic is the continual +labialization of the formulae <i>qua</i>, <i>gua</i>, <i>cu</i>, <i>gu</i>, &c.; <i>e.g.</i> <i>ebba</i>, equa; +<i>sambene</i>, sanguine (see <i>Arch.</i> ii. 143). The dropping of the primary +<i>d</i> (<i>roere</i>, rodere, &c.) but not of the secondary (<i>finidu</i>, <i>sanidade</i>, +<i>maduru</i>) is frequent. Characteristic also is the Logudorese prothesis +of <i>i</i> before the initial <i>s</i> followed by a consonant (<i>iscamnu</i>, <i>istella</i>, +<i>ispada</i>), like the prothesis of <i>e</i> in Spain and in France (see <i>Arch.</i> iii. +447 sqq.).—In the order of the present discussion it is in connexion +with this territory that we are for the first time led to consider those +phonetic changes in words of which the cause is merely syntactical +of transitory, and chiefly those passing accidents which occur to the +initial consonant through the historically legitimate or the merely +analogical action of the final sound that precedes it. The general +explanation of such phenomena reduces itself to this, that, given the +intimate syntactic relation of two words, the initial consonant of the +second retains or modifies its character as it would retain or modify +it if the two words were one. The Celtic languages are especially +distinguished by this peculiarity; and among the dialects of Upper +Italy the Bergamasc offers a clear example. This dialect is accustomed +to drop the <i>v</i>, whether primary or secondary, between vowels +in the individual vocables (<i>caá</i>, cavare; <i>fáa</i>, fava, &c.), but to preserve +it if it is preceded by a consonant (<i>serva</i>, &c.).—And similarly +in syntactic combination we have, for example, <i>de i</i>, di vino; but +<i>ol vi</i>, il vino. Insular, southern and central Italy furnish a large +number of such phenomena; for Sardinia we shall simply cite a +single class, which is at once obvious and easily explained, viz. +that represented by <i>su oe</i>, il bove, alongside of <i>sos boes</i>, i. buoi (cf. +<i>bíere</i>, bibere; <i>erba</i>).—The article is derived from <i>ipse</i> instead of +from <i>ille</i>: <i>su sos</i>, <i>sa sas</i>,—again a geographical anticipation of +Spain, which in the Catalan of the Balearic islands still preserves the +article from <i>ipse</i>.—A special connexion with Spain exists besides in +the <i>nomine</i> type of inflexion, which is constant among the Sardinians +(Span. <i>nomne</i>, &c., whence <i>nombre</i>, &c.), <i>nomen</i>, <i>nomene</i>, <i>rámine</i>, aeramine, +<i>legumene</i>, &c. (see <i>Arch.</i> ii. 429 sqq.).—Especially noteworthy +in the conjugation of the verb is the paradigm <i>cantére</i>, <i>cantéres</i>, &c., +<i>timére</i>, <i>timéres</i>, &c., precisely in the sense of the imperfect subjunctive +(cf. A. 1; cf. C. 3 <i>b</i>). Next comes the analogical and almost corrupt +diffusion of the -<i>si</i> of the ancient strong perfects (such as <i>posi</i>, <i>rosi</i>) +by which <i>cantesi</i>, <i>timesi</i> (cantavi, timui), <i>dolfesi</i>, dolui, are reached. +Proof of the use and even the abuse of the strong perfects is afforded, +however, by the participles and the infinitives of the category to +which belong the following examples: <i>ténnidu</i>, tenuto; <i>párfidu</i>, +parso; <i>bálfidu</i>, valso; <i>ténnere</i>, <i>bálere</i>, &c. (<i>Arch.</i> ii. 432-433). +The future, finally, shows the unagglutinated periphrasis: <i>hapo a +mandigare</i> (ho a mangiare = manger-ó); as indeed the unagglutinated +forms of the future and the conditional occur in ancient vernacular +texts of other Italian districts. [The Campidanese manuscript, in +Greek characters, published by Blancard and Wescher (<i>Bibliothèque +de l’École des Chartes</i>, xxxv. 256-257), goes back as far as the last +years of the 11th century. Next come the Cagliari MSS. published by +Solmi (<i>Le Carte volgari dell’ Archivio arcivescovile di Cagliari</i>, Florence, +1905; cf. Guarnerio in <i>Studi romanzi</i>, fascicolo iv. 189 et seq.), +the most ancient of which in its original form dates from 1114-1120. +For Logoduro, the <i>Condaghe di S. Pietro di Silchi</i> (§§ xii.-xiii.), +published by G. Bonazzi (Sassari-Cagliari, 1900; cf. Meyer-Lübke, +<i>Zur Kenntnis des Altlogudoresischen</i>, Vienna, 1902), is of the highest +importance.]</p> + +<p>[3. <i>Vegliote</i> (<i>Veglioto</i>).—Perhaps we may not be considered to be +departing from Ascoli’s original plan if we insert here as a third +member of the group <i>B</i> the neo-Latin dialect which found its last +refuge in the island of Veglia (Gulf of Quarnero), where it came +definitively to an end in 1898. The Vegliote dialect is the last remnant +of a language which some long time ago extended from thence along +the Dalmatian coast, whence it gained the name of <i>Dalmatico</i>, a +language which should be carefully distinguished from the Venetian +dialect spoken to this day in the towns of the Dalmatian littoral. +Its character reminds us in many ways of Rumanian, and of that +type of Romano-Balkan dialect which is represented by the Latin +elements of Albanian, but to a certain extent also, and especially +with regard to the vowel sounds, of the south-eastern dialects of +Italy, while it has also affinities with Friuli, Istria and Venetia. +These characteristics taken altogether seem to suggest that <i>Dalmatico</i> +differs as much as does Sardinian from the purely Italian type. It +rejects the -s, it is true, retaining instead the nominative form in +the plural; but here these facts are no longer a criterion, since in +this point Italian and Rumanian are in agreement. A tendency +which we have already noted, and shall have further cause to note +hereafter, and which connects in a striking way the Vegliote and +Abruzzo-Apulian dialects, consists in reducing the accented vowels +to diphthongs: examples of this are: spuota, Ital. spada; <i>buarka</i>, +Ital. barca; <i>fiar</i>, Ital. fȩrro; <i>nuat</i>, Ital. n<span class="un">o</span>tte; <i>kataina</i>, Ital. +catḛna; <i>paira</i>, Ital. pḛro; Lat. <i>pĭru</i>; <i>jaura</i>, Ital. ǫra; <i>nauk</i>, +Ital. noce; Lat. <i>nŭce</i>; <i>ortaika</i>, Ital. ortica; <i>joiva</i>, Ital. uova. +Other vowel phenomena should also be noted, for example those +exemplified in <i>prut</i>, Ital. prato; <i>dik</i>, Ital. dieci, Lat. <i>dĕcem</i>; <i>luk</i>, +Ital. luogo, Lat. <i>lŏcu</i>; <i>krask</i>, Ital. crḛscere; <i>cenk</i>, Ital. cinque, Lat. +<i>quīnque</i>; <i>buka</i>, Ital. bocca, Lat. <i>bčca</i>. With regard to the consonants, +we should first notice the invariable persistence of the +explosive surds (as in Rumanian and the southern dialects) for +which several of the words just cited will serve as examples, with +the addition of <i>kuosa</i>, Ital. casa; <i>praiza</i>, Ital. presa; <i>struota</i>, Ital. +strada; <i>rosuota</i>, Ital. rugiada; <i>latri</i>, Ital. ladro; <i>raipa</i>, Ital. riva. +The <i>c</i> in the formula <i>ce</i>, whether primary or secondary, is represented +by <i>k</i>: <i>kaina</i>, Ital. cena; <i>kanaisa</i>, Ital. cinigia; <i>akait</i>, Ital. +aceto; <i>plakár</i>, Ital. piacere; <i>dik</i>, Ital. dieci; <i>mukna</i>, Ital. macina; +<i>dotko</i>, Ital. dodici; and similarly the <i>g</i> in the formula <i>ge</i> is represented +by the corresponding guttural: <i>ghelút</i>, Ital. gelato; <i>jongár</i>, +Ital. giungere; <i>plungre</i>, Ital. piangere, &c. On the contrary, the +guttural of the primitive formula <i>cū</i> becomes <i>ć</i> (<i>ćol</i>, Ital. culo); this +phenomenon is also noteworthy as seeming to justify the inference +that the <i>ū</i> was pronounced <i>ü</i>. <i>Pt</i> is preserved, as in Rumanian +(<i>sapto</i>, Lat. <i>septem</i>), and often, again as in Rumanian, <i>ct</i> is also +reduced to <i>pt</i> (<i>guapto</i>, Lat. <i>octo</i>). As to morphology, a characteristic +point is the preservation of the Lat. <i>cantavero</i>, Ital. avrò cantato, +in the function of a simple future. <i>Cantaverum</i> also occurs as a +conditional. For Vegliote and Dalmatico in general, see M. G. +Bartoli’s fundamental work, <i>Das Dalmatische</i> (2 vols., Vienna, +1906), and <i>Zeitschrift für roman. Philologie</i>, xxxii. 1 sqq.; Merlo, +<i>Rivista di filologia e d’istruzione class</i>, xxxv. 472 sqq. A short +document written about 1280 in the Dalmatic dialect of Ragusa +is to be found in <i>Archeografo Triestino</i>, new series, vol. i. +pp. 85-86.]</p> +</div> + +<p>C. <i>Dialects which diverge more or less from the genuine Italian +or Tuscan type, but which at the same time can be conjoined with +the Tuscan as forming part of a special system of Neo-Latin +dialects</i>.</p> + +<div class="condensed"> +<p>1. <i>Venetian.</i>—Between “Venetian” and “Venetic” several +distinctions must be drawn (<i>Arch.</i> i. 391 sqq.). At the present +day the population of the Venetian cities is “Venetian” in language, +but the country districts are in various ways Venetic.<a name="fa6j" id="fa6j" href="#ft6j"><span class="sp">6</span></a> The ancient +language of Venice itself and of its estuary was not a little different +from that of the present time; and the Ladin vein was particularly +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page892" id="page892"></a>892</span> +evident (see A. 2). A more purely Italian vein—the historical +explanation of which presents an attractive problem—has ultimately +gained the mastery and determined the “Venetian” type which +has since diffused itself so vigorously.—In the Venetian, then, we +do not find the most distinctive characteristics of the dialects of +Upper Italy comprised under the denomination Gallo-Italic (see +B. 1),—neither the <i>ü</i> nor the <i>ö</i>, nor the velar<a name="fa7j" id="fa7j" href="#ft7j"><span class="sp">7</span></a> and faucal nasals, +nor the Gallic resolution of the <i>ct</i>, nor the frequent elision of unaccented +vowels, nor the great redundancy of pronouns. On the +contrary, the pure Italian diphthong of <i>ṍ</i> (<i>e.g.</i> <i>cuór</i>) is heard, and the +diphthong of <i>ế</i> is in full currency (<i>diéśe</i>, dieci, &c.). Nevertheless +the Venetian approaches the type of Northern Italy, or diverges +notably from that of Central Italy, by the following phonetic +phenomena: the ready elision of primary or secondary <i>d</i> (<i>crúo</i>, +crudo; <i>séa</i>, seta, &c.); the regular reduction of the surd into the +sonant guttural (<i>e.g.</i> <i>cuogo</i>, Ital. cuoco, coquus); the pure <i>ć</i> in the +resolution of <i>cl</i> (<i>e.g.</i> <i>ćave</i>, clave; <i>oréća</i>, auricula); the <i>ś</i> for <i>ģ</i> (<i>śóvene</i>, +Ital. giovane); <i>ç</i> for <i>š</i> and <i>ć</i> (<i>péçe</i>, Ital. pesce; <i>çiél</i>, Ital. cielo). +<i>Lj</i> preceded by any vowel, primary or secondary, except <i>i</i>, gives <i>ģ</i>: +<i>faméga</i>, familia. No Italian dialect is more averse than the Venetian +to the doubling of consonants.—In the morphology the use of the +3rd singular for the 3rd plural also, the analogical participle in <i>esto</i> +(<i>taśesto</i>, Ital. taciuto, &c.; see <i>Arch.</i> iv. 393, sqq.) and <i>śe</i>, Lat. <i>est</i>, are +particularly noteworthy. A curious double relic of Ladin influence +is the interrogative type represented by the example <i>crédis-tu</i>, +credis tu,—where apart from the interrogation <i>ti credi</i> would be +used. For other ancient sources relating to Venice, the estuary of +Venice, Verona and Padua, see <i>Arch.</i> i. 448, 465, 421-422; iii. +245-247. [Closely akin to Venetian, though differing from it in +about the same degree that the various Gallo-Italian dialects differ +among one another, is the indigenous dialect of <span class="sc">Istria</span>, now almost +entirely ousted by Venetian, and found in a few localities only +(Rovigno, Dignano). The most salient characteristics of Istrian +can be recognized in the treatment of the accented vowels, and are +of a character which recalls, to a certain extent at least, the Vegliote +dialect. Thus we have in Istrian <i>i</i> for <i>ệ</i> (<i>bivi</i>, Ital. bevi, Lat. <i>bĭbis</i>; +<i>tila</i>, Ital. tḛla; <i>viro</i>, Ital. vero and vetro, Lat. <i>vēru</i>, <i>vĭtru</i>; <i>nito</i>, +Ital. netto, Lat. <i>nĭtĭdu</i>, &c.) and analogously <i>u</i> for <i>ǫ</i> (<i>fiur</i>, Ital. +fiore, Lat. <i>flōre</i>; <i>bus</i>, Ital. voce, Lat. <i>vōce</i>, &c.); <i>ei</i> and <i>ou</i> from the +Lat. <i>ī</i> and <i>ū</i> respectively (<i>ameigo</i>, Lat. <i>amicu</i>, <i>feil</i>, Lat. <i>fīlu</i>, &c.; +<i>mour</i>, Lat. <i>mūru</i>; <i>noudu</i>, Lat. <i>nūdu</i>; <i>frouto</i>, Ital. frutto, Lat. +<i>frūctu</i>, &c.); <i>ie</i> and <i>uo</i> from <i>ĕ</i> and <i>ŏ</i> respectively in position (<i>piel</i>, +Lat. <i>pĕlle</i>, <i>mierlo</i>, Ital. merlo, Lat. <i>mĕrula</i>; <i>kuorno</i>, Lat. <i>cŏrnu</i>; +<i>puorta</i>, Lat. <i>pŏrta</i>), a phenomenon in which Istrian resembles not +only Vegliote but also Friulian. The resemblance with Verona, in +the reduction of final unaccented -<i>e</i> to <i>o</i> should also be noted (<i>nuoto</i>, +Ital. notte, &c., <i>bivo</i>, Ital. <i>beve</i>; <i>malamȩntro</i>, Ital. malamente, &c.), +and that with Belluno and Treviso in the treatment of -<i>óni</i>, -<i>áni</i> +(<i>barbói</i>, -<i>oin</i>, Ital. barboni), though it is peculiar to Istrian that -<i>ain</i> +should give -<i>ȩṅ</i> (<i>kaṅ</i>, <i>kȩṅ</i>, Ital. cane -i). With regard to consonants, +we should point out the <i>n</i> for <i>gn</i> (<i>líno</i>, Ital. legno); and as to +morphology, we should note certain survivals of the inflexional +type, <i>amita</i>, -<i>ánis</i> (sing. <i>sía</i>, Ital. zia, pl. <i>siaṅne</i>).] The most ancient +Venetian documents take us back to the first half of the 13th century +(<i>v.</i> E. Bertanza and V. Lazzarini, <i>Il Dialetto veneziano fino alla morte +di Dante Alighieri</i>, Venice, 1891), and to the second half of the +same century seems to belong the Saibante MS. For Verona we +have also documents of the 13th century (<i>v.</i> Cipolla, in <i>Archivio +storico italiano</i>, 1881 and 1882); and to the end of the same century +perhaps belongs the MS. which has preserved for us the writings of +Giacomino da Verona. See also <i>Archivio glottologico</i>, i. 448, 465, +421-422, iii. 245-247.</p> + +<p>2. <i>Corsican</i><a name="fa8j" id="fa8j" href="#ft8j"><span class="sp">8</span></a>—If the “Venetian,” in spite of its peculiar +“Italianity,” has naturally special points of contact with the other +dialects of Upper Italy (B. 1), the Corsican in like manner, particularly +in its southern varieties, has special points of contact with +Sardinian proper (B. 2). In general, it is in the southern section of +the island, which, geographically even, is farthest removed from +Tuscany, that the most characteristic forms of speech are found. +The unaccented vowels are undisturbed; but <i>u</i> for the Tuscan <i>o</i> is +common to almost all the island,—an insular phenomenon <i>par +excellence</i> which connects Corsica with Sardinia and with Sicily, +and indeed with Liguria also. So also -<i>i</i> for the Tuscan -<i>e</i> (<i>latti</i>, +latte; <i>li cateni</i>, le catene), which prevails chiefly in the southern +section, is also found in Northern and Southern Sardinian, and is +common to Sicily. It is needless to add that this tendency to <i>u</i> and +<i>i</i> manifests itself, more or less decidedly, also within the words. +Corsican, too, avoids the diphthongs of <i>ế</i> and <i>ṍ</i> (<i>pe</i>, <i>eri</i>; <i>cori</i>, <i>fora</i>): +but, unlike Sardinian, it treats <i>ḯ</i> and <i>ṹ</i> in the Italian fashion: <i>beju</i>, +bibo; <i>péveru</i>, piper; <i>pesci</i>; <i>noci</i>, nuces.<a name="fa9j" id="fa9j" href="#ft9j"><span class="sp">9</span></a>—It is one of its characteristics +to reduce a to e in the formula <i>ar</i> + a consonant (<i>chérne</i>, <i>bérba</i>, +&c.), which should be compared particularly with the Piedmontese +examples of the same phenomenon (<i>Arch.</i> ii. 133, 144-150). But +the gerund in <i>-endu</i> of the first conjugation (<i>turnendu</i>, <i>lagrimendu</i>, +&c.) must on the contrary be considered as a phenomenon of analogy, +as it is especially recognized in the Sardinian dialects, to all of which +it is common (see <i>Arch.</i> ii. 133). And the same is most probably +the case with forms of the present participle like <i>merchente</i>, mercante, +in spite of <i>enzi</i> and <i>innenzi</i> (anzi, innanzi), in which latter forms +there may probably be traced the effect of the Neo-Latin <i>i</i> which +availed to reduce the <i>t</i> of the Latin <i>ante</i>; alongside of them we find +also <i>anzi</i> and <i>nantu</i>. But cf. also, <i>grȩndi</i>, Ital. grande. In Southern +Corsican <i>dr</i> for <i>ll</i> is conspicuous—a phenomenon which also connects +Corsica with Sardinia, Sicily and a good part of Southern Italy +(see C. 2; and <i>Arch.</i> ii. 135, &c.), also with the northern coast of +Tuscany, since examples such as <i>beḍḍu</i> belong also to Carrara and +Montignoso. In the Ultramontane variety occur besides, the +phenomena of <i>rn</i> changed to <i>r</i> (= <i>rr</i>) and of <i>nd</i> becoming <i>nn</i> (<i>furu</i>, +Ital. forno; <i>koru</i>, Ital. corno; <i>kuannu</i>, Ital. quando; <i>vidennu</i>, Ital. +vedendo). The former of these would connect Corsican with Sardinian +(<i>corru</i>, cornu; <i>carre</i>, carne, &c.); the latter more especially with +Sicily, &c. A particular connexion with the central dialects is given +by the change of <i>ld</i> into <i>ll</i> (<i>kallu</i>, Ital. caldo).—As to phonetic phenomena +connected with syntax, already noticed in B. 2, space admits +the following examples only: Cors, <i>na vella</i>, una bella, <i>e bella</i> (<i>ebbélla</i>, +et bella); <i>lu jallu</i>, lo gallo, <i>gran ghiallu</i>; cf. <i>Arch.</i> ii. 136 (135, 150), +xiv. 185. As Tommaseo has already noted, <i>-one</i> is for the Corsicans +not less than for the Sicilians, Calabrians and the French a termination +of diminution: <i>e.g.</i> <i>fratedronu</i>, fratellino.—In the first person +of the conditional the <i>b</i> is maintained (<i>e.g.</i> <i>farebe</i>, farei), as even at +Rome and elsewhere. Lastly, the series of Corsican verbs of the +derivative order which run alongside of the Italian series of the +original order, and may be represented by the example <i>dissipeghja</i>, +dissipa (Falcucci), is to be compared with the Sicilian series represented +by <i>cuadiari</i>, riscaldare, <i>curpiári</i>, colpire (<i>Arch.</i> ii. 151).</p> + +<p>3. <i>Dialects of Sicily and of the Neapolitan Provinces.</i>—Here the +territories on both sides of the Strait of Messina will first be treated +together, chiefly with the view of noting their common linguistic +peculiarities.—Characteristic then of these parts, as compared with +Upper Italy and even with Sardinia, is, generally speaking, the +tenacity of the explosive elements of the Latin bases (cf. <i>Arch.</i> ii. +154, &c.). Not that these consonants are constantly preserved +uninjured; their degradations, and especially the Neapolitan +degradation of the surd into the sonant, are even more frequent +than is shown by the dialect as written, but their disappearance +is comparatively rather rare; and even the degradations, whether +regard be had to the conjunctures in which they occur or to their +specific quality, are very different from those of the dialects of Upper +Italy. Thus, the t between vowels ordinarily remains intact in +Sicilian and Neapolitan (<i>e.g.</i> Sicil. <i>sita</i>, Neap. <i>seta</i>, seta, where in +the dialects of Upper Italy we should have <i>seda</i>, <i>sea</i>); and in the +Neapolitan dialects it is reduced to <i>d</i> when it is preceded by <i>n</i> or <i>r</i> +(<i>e.g.</i> <i>viendę</i>, vento), which is precisely a collocation in which the <i>t</i> +would be maintained intact in Upper Italy. The <i>d</i>, on the other +hand, is not resolved by elision, but by its reduction to <i>r</i> (<i>e.g.</i> Sicil. +<i>víriri</i>, Neap. dialects <i>veré</i>, vedere), a phenomenon which has been +frequently compared, perhaps with too little caution, with the <i>d</i> +passing into <i>rs</i> (<i>ḍ</i>) in the Umbrian inscriptions. The Neapolitan +reduction of <i>nt</i> into <i>nd</i> has its analogies in the reduction of <i>nc</i> (<i>nk</i>) +into <i>ng</i>, and of <i>mp</i> into <i>mb</i>, which is also a feature of the Neapolitan +dialects, and in that of <i>ns</i> into <i>nź</i>; and here and there we even find +a reduction of <i>nf</i> into <i>mb</i> (<i>nf</i>, <i>nv</i>, <i>nb</i>, <i>mb</i>), both in Sicilian and Neapolitan +(<i>e.g.</i> at Casteltermini in Sicily <i>’mbiernu</i>, inferno, and in the +Abruzzi <i>cumbonn’</i>, <i>’mbonn’</i>, confondere, infondere). Here we find +ourselves in a series of phenomena to which it may seem that some +special contributions were furnished by Oscan and Umbrian (<i>nt</i>, <i>mp</i>, +<i>nc</i> into <i>nd</i>, &c.), but for which more secure and general, and so to say +“isothermal,” analogies are found in modern Greek and Albanian. +The Sicilian does not appear to fit in here as far as the formulae <i>nt</i> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page893" id="page893"></a>893</span> +and <i>mp</i> are concerned; and it may even be said to go counter to +this tendency by reducing <i>nģ</i> and <i>nź</i> to <i>nć</i>, <i>nz</i> (<i>e.g.</i> <i>púnćiri</i>, pungere; +<i>menzu</i>, Ital. meźźo; <i>sponza</i>, Ital. spugna, Ven. <i>sponźa</i>).<a name="fa10j" id="fa10j" href="#ft10j"><span class="sp">10</span></a> Nay, +even in the passing of the sonant into the surd, the Neapolitan dialects +would yield special and important contributions (nor is even +the Sicilian limited to the case just specified), among which we will +only mention the change of <i>d</i> between vowels into <i>t</i> in the last +syllable of proparoxytones (<i>e.g.</i> <i>úmmeto</i>, Sicil. <i>úmitu</i>, umido), and +in the formula <i>dr</i> (Sicil. and Neap. <i>quatro</i>, Ital. quadro, &c.). From +these series of sonants changing into surds comes a peculiar feature +of the southern dialects.—A pretty common characteristic is the +regular progressive assimilation by which <i>nd</i> is reduced to <i>nn</i>, <i>ṅg</i> +to <i>ṅṅ</i>, <i>mb</i> to <i>mm</i>, and even <i>nv</i> also to <i>mm</i> (<i>nv</i>, <i>nb</i>, <i>mb</i>, <i>mm</i>), <i>e.g.</i> +Sicil. <i>šínniri</i>, Neap. <i>šénnere</i>, scendere; Sicil. <i>chiummu</i>, Neap. +<i>chiummę</i>, piombo; Sicil. and Neap. <i>’mmidia</i>, invidia; Sicil. <i>sáṅṅu</i>, +sangue. As belonging to this class of phenomena the Palaeo-Italic +analogy (<i>nd</i> into <i>nn</i>, <i>n</i>), of which the Umbrian furnishes special +evidence, readily suggests itself. Another important common +characteristic is the reduction of secondary <i>pj</i> <i>fj</i> into <i>kj</i> (<i>chianu</i> -<i>ę</i>, +Sicil., Neap., &c., Ital. piano), <i>š</i> (Sicil. <i>šúmi</i>, Neap. <i>šúmmę</i>, fiume), +of secondary <i>bj</i> to <i>j</i> (which may be strengthened to <i>ghj</i>) if initial +(Sicil. <i>jancu</i>, Neap. <i>janchę</i>, bianco; Sicil. <i>agghianchiari</i>, imbiancare), +to <i>l</i> if between vowels (Neap. <i>neglia</i>, nebbia, Sicil. <i>nigliu</i>, nibbio); +of primary <i>pj</i> and <i>bj</i> into <i>ć</i> (Sicil. <i>síćća</i>, Neap. <i>séćća</i>, seppia) or <i>ģ</i> +respectively (Sicil. <i>raģģa</i>, Neap. <i>arraģģa</i>, rabbia), for which phenomena +see also Genoese (B. 1). Further is to be noted the tendency +to the sibilation of <i>cj</i>, for which Sicil. <i>jazzu</i>, ghiaccio, may serve +as an example (<i>Arch.</i> ii. 149),—a tendency more particularly +betrayed in Upper Italy, but Abruzzan departs from it (cf. Abr. +<i>jacce</i>, ghiaccio, <i>vracce</i>, braccio, &c.). There is a common inclination +also to elide the initial unaccented palatal vowel, and to prefix <i>a</i>, +especially before <i>r</i> (this second tendency is found likewise in Southern +Sardinian, &c.; see <i>Arch.</i> ii. 138); <i>e.g.</i> Sicil. <i>’nténniri</i>, Neap. +<i>’ndénnere</i>, intendere; Sicil. <i>arriccamári</i>, Neap. <i>arragamare</i>, ricamare +(see <i>Arch.</i> ii. 150). Throughout the whole district, and the adjacent +territories in Central Italy, a tendency also prevails towards resolving +certain combinations of consonants by the insertion of a vowel; +thus combinations in which occur <i>r</i> or <i>l</i>, <i>w</i> or <i>j</i> (Sicil. <i>kiruci</i>, Ital. +croce, <i>filágutu</i>, Ital. flauto, <i>salivari</i>, salvare, <i>váriva</i>, Ital. barba; +Abr. <i>cálechene</i>, Ital. ganghero, <i>Salevèštre</i>, Silvestro, <i>fęulęmenándę</i>, +fulminante, <i>jèreve</i>, Ital. erba, &c.; Avellinese <i>garamegna</i>, gramigna; +Neap. <i>ávotro</i> = *<i>áwtro</i>, Ital. áltro, <i>cèvoza</i> = *<i>céwza</i>, Ital. gelso, <i>ajetá</i> +side by side with <i>ajtá</i>, Ital. età, <i>ódejo</i> = <i>ódjo</i>, Ital. odio, &c.; Abr. +<i>’nnívęję</i>, indiva, <i>nệbbęję</i>, nebbia, &c.); <i>cattájeve</i> = <i>cattájve</i>, cattivo, +<i>goúele</i> = *<i>gowle</i>, gola, &c. &c., are examples from Molfetta, where is +also normal the resolution of <i>šk</i> by <i>šek</i> (<i>méšekere</i>, maschera, <i>šekátele</i>, +scatola, &c.); cf. <i>seddegno</i>, sdegno, in some dialects of the province +of Avellino. In complete contrast to the tendency to get rid of +double consonants which has been particularly noted in Venetian +(C. 1), we here come to the great division of Italy where the tendency +grows strong to gemination (or the doubling of consonants), especially +in proparoxytones; and the Neapolitan in this respect goes +farther than the Sicilian (<i>e.g.</i> Sicil. <i>sóggiru</i>, suocero, <i>cínniri</i>, cenere, +<i>doppu</i>, dopo; <i>’nsemmula</i>, insieme, in-simul; Neap. <i>dellecato</i>, +dilicato; <i>úmmeto</i>, umido; <i>débbole</i>).—As to the phonetic phenomena +connected with the syntax (see B. 2), it is sufficient to cite such +Sicilian examples as <i>nišuna ronna</i>, nesuna donna, alongside of <i>c’ é +donni</i>, c’ è donne; <i>ćincu jorna</i>, cinque giorni, alongside of <i>chiú +ghiorna</i>, più giorni; and the Neapolitan <i>la vocca</i>, la bocca, alongside +of <i>a bocca</i>, ad buccam, &c.</p> + +<p>We now proceed to the special consideration, first, of the Sicilian +and, secondly, of the dialects of the mainland.</p> + +<p>(<i>a</i>) <i>Sicilian.</i>—The Sicilian vocalism is conspicuously etymological. +Though differing in colour from the Tuscan, it is not less noble, +and between the two there are remarkable points of contact. The +dominant variety, represented in the literary dialect, ignores the +diphthongs of <i>ḗ</i> and of <i>ŏ</i>, as it has been seen that they are ignored +in Sardinia (B. 2), and here also the <i>ĭ</i> and the <i>ŭ</i> appear intact; but +the <i>ḗ</i> and the <i>ṓ</i> are fittingly represented by <i>i</i> and <i>u</i>; and with equal +symmetry unaccented <i>e</i> and <i>o</i> are reproduced by <i>i</i> and <i>u</i>. Examples: +<i>téni</i>, tiene; <i>nóvu</i>, nuovo; <i>pilu</i>, pelo; <i>miṅnitta</i>, Ital. vendḛtta; +<i>jugu</i>, giogo; <i>agustu</i>, Ital. agǫsto; <i>crídiri</i>, credere; <i>vínniri</i>, Ital. +vēndere; <i>sira</i>, sera; <i>vina</i>, vena; <i>suli</i>, Ital. sole; <i>ura</i>, ora; <i>furma</i>, +Ital. fǫrma. In the evolution of the consonants it is enough to add +here the change of <i>lj</i> into <i>ghj</i> (<i>e.g.</i> <i>fígghiu</i>, Ital. figlio) and of <i>ll</i> into +<i>ḍḍ</i> (<i>e.g.</i> <i>gaḍḍu</i>, Ital. gallo). As to morphology, we will confine ourselves +to pointing out the masculine plurals of neuter form (<i>li +pastura</i>, <i>li marinara</i>). For the Sicilian dialect we have a few fragments +going back to the 13th century, but the documents are +scanty until we come to the 14th century.</p> + +<p>(<i>b</i>) <i>Dialects of the Neapolitan Mainland.</i>—The Calabrian (by which +is to be understood more particularly the vernacular group of the +two Further Calabrias) may be fairly considered as a continuation +of the Sicilian type, as is seen from the following examples:—<i>cori</i>, +cuore; <i>petra</i>; <i>fímmina</i>, femina; <i>vuce</i>, voce; <i>unure</i>, onore; <i>figghiu</i>, +figlio; <i>spadde</i>, spalle; <i>trizza</i>, treccia. Both Sicilian and Calabrian +is the reducing of <i>rl</i> to <i>rr</i> (Sicil. <i>parrari</i>, Cal. <i>parrare</i>, parlare, &c.). +The final vowel -<i>e</i> is reduced to -<i>i</i>, but is preserved in the more +southern part, as is seen from the above examples. Even the <i>ḣ</i> for +<i>š</i> = <i>fj</i>, as in <i>ḣuri</i> (Sicil. <i>šuri</i>, fiore), which is characteristic in Calabrian, +has its forerunners in the island (see <i>Arch.</i> ii. 456). And, in the +same way, though the dominant varieties of Calabria seem to cling +to the <i>mb</i> (it sometimes happens that <i>mm</i> takes the form of <i>mb</i>: +<i>imbiscare</i> = Sicil. ’<i>mmiscari</i> ’immischiare’, &c.) and <i>nd</i>, as opposed +to the <i>mm</i>, <i>nn</i>, of the whole of Southern Italy and Sicily, we must +remember, firstly, that certain other varieties have, <i>e.g.</i> <i>granne</i>, +Ital. grande, and <i>chiummu</i>, Ital. piombo; and secondly, that even +in Sicily (at Milazzo, Barcelona, and as far as Messina) districts are +to be found in which <i>nd</i> is used. Along the coast of the extreme +south of Italy, when once we have passed the interruptions caused +by the Basilisco type (so called from the Basilicata), the Sicilian +vocalism again presents itself in the Otrantine, especially in the +seaboard of Capo di Leuca. In the Lecce variety of the Otrantine +the vocalism which has just been described as Sicilian also keeps +its ground in the main (cf. Morosi, <i>Arch.</i> iv.): <i>sira</i>, sera; <i>leítu</i>, +oliveto; <i>pilu</i>; <i>ura</i>, ora; <i>dulure</i>. Nay more, the Sicilian phenomenon +of <i>lj</i> into <i>ghj</i> (<i>figghiu</i>, figlio, &c.) is well marked in Terra +d’ Otranto and also in Terra di Bari, and even extends through the +Capitanata and the Basilicata (cf. D’ Ovidio, <i>Arch.</i> iv. 159-160). +As strongly marked in the Terra d’Otranto is the insular phenomenon +of <i>ll</i> into <i>ḍḍ</i> (<i>ḍr</i>), which is also very widely distributed through the +Neapolitan territories on the eastern side of the Apennines, sending +outshoots even to the Abruzzo. But in Terra d’Otranto we are +already in the midst of the diphthongs of <i>ế</i> and of <i>ṍ</i>, both non-positional +and positional, the development or permanence of which +is determined by the quality of the unaccented final vowel,—as +generally happens in the dialects of the south. The diphthongs of +<i>ế</i> and <i>ṍ</i>, determined by final -<i>i</i> and -<i>u</i>, are also characteristic of +central and northern Calabria (<i>viecchiu</i> -<i>i</i>, vecchio -a, <i>vecchia</i> -<i>e</i>, +vecchia -e; <i>buonu</i> -<i>i</i>, <i>bona</i> -<i>e</i>, &c. &c.). Thus there comes to be a +treatment of the vowels, peculiar to the two peninsulas of Calabria +and Salent. The diphthongal product of the <i>o</i> is here <i>ue</i>. The +following are examples from the Lecce variety of the dialect: <i>core</i>, +pl. <i>cueri</i>; <i>metu</i>, <i>mieti</i>, <i>mete</i>, mieto, mieti, miete (Lat. mĕtere); +<i>sentu</i>, <i>sienti</i>, <i>sente</i>; <i>olu</i>, <i>uéli</i>, <i>ola</i>, volo, voli, vola; <i>mordu</i>, <i>muerdi</i>, +<i>morde</i>. The <i>ue</i> recalls the fundamental reduction which belongs to +the Gallic (not to speak of the Spanish) regions, and stretches +through the north of the Terra di Bari, where there are other diphthongs +curiously suggestive of the Gallic: <i>e.g.</i> at Bitonto alongside +of <i>luechę</i>, luogo, <i>suęnnę</i>, sonno, we have the <i>oi</i> and the <i>ai</i> from <i>i</i> or <i>ę</i> +of the previous phase (<i>vęćoinę</i>, vicino), and the <i>au</i> from <i>o</i> of the +previous phase (<i>anaurę</i>, onore), besides a diphthongal disturbance +of the <i>á</i>. Here also occurs the change of <i>á</i> into an <i>e</i> more or less +pure (thus, at Cisternino, <i>scunsulête</i>, sconsolata; at Canosa di +Puglia, <i>arruête</i>, arrivata; <i>n-ghèpe</i>, “in capa,” that is, in capo); to +which may be added the continual weakening or elision of the +unaccented vowels not only at the end but in the body of the word +(thus, at Bitonto, <i>vęndett</i>, <i>spranz</i>). A similar type meets us as we +cross into Capitanata (Cerignola: <i>graitę</i> and <i>grēi</i>-, creta (but also +<i>pęitę</i>, piede, &c.), <i>coutę</i>, coda (but also <i>fourę</i>, fuorí, &c.); <i>vǫinę</i>, +vino, and similarly <i>pǫilę</i>, pelo (Neap. <i>pilo</i>), &c.; <i>fuękę</i>, fuoco; +<i>carętätę</i>, carità, <i>parlä</i>, parlare, &c.); such forms being apparently +the outposts of the Abruzzan, which, however, is only reached +through the Molise—a district not very populous even now, and +still more thinly peopled in bygone days—whose prevailing forms +of speech in some measure interrupt the historical continuity of the +dialects of the Adriatic versant, presenting, as it were, an irruption +from the other side of the Apennines. In the head valley of the +Molise, at Agnone, the legitimate precursors of the Abruzzan +vernaculars reappear (<i>feáfa</i>, fava, <i>stufeáte</i> and -<i>uote</i>, stufo, annojato, +<i>feá</i>, fare; <i>chiezza</i>, piazza, <i>chiegne</i>, piangere, <i>cuene</i>, cane; <i>puole</i>, +palo, <i>pruote</i>, prato, <i>cuone</i>, cane; <i>veire</i> and <i>vaire</i>, vero, <i>moile</i>, melo, +and similarly voive and veive, vivo; <i>deune</i>, dono, <i>deuva</i>, doga; +<i>minaure</i>, minore; <i>cuerpe</i>, corpo, but <i>cuolle</i>). The following are pure +Abruzzan examples. (1) From Bucchianico (Abruzzo Citeriore): +<i>veivę</i>, vivo; <i>rraję</i>, re; <i>allaure</i>, allora; <i>craune</i>, corona; <i>circhê</i>, +cercare; <i>mêlę</i>, male; <i>grênnę</i>, grande; <i>quênnę</i>; but <i>’nsultate</i>, +insultata; <i>strade</i>, strada (where again it is seen that the reduction +of the <i>á</i> depends on the quality of the final unaccented vowel, and +that it is not produced exclusively by <i>i</i>, which would give rise to a +further reduction: <i>scillarite</i>, scellerati; <i>ampire</i>, impári). (2) From +Pratola Peligna (Abruzzo Ulteriore II.); <i>maję</i>, mia; <i>’naure</i>, onore; +<i>’njuriéte</i>, inguriata; <i>desperéte</i>, disperata ( alongside of <i>vennecá</i>, vendicare). +It almost appears that a continuity with Emilian<a name="fa11j" id="fa11j" href="#ft11j"><span class="sp">11</span></a> ought to be +established across the Marches (where another irruption of greater +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page894" id="page894"></a>894</span> +“Italianity” has taken place; a third of more dubious origin has +been indicated for Venice, C. 1); see <i>Arch.</i> ii., 445. A negative +characteristic for Abruzzan is the absence of the change in the +third syllable of the combinations <i>pl</i>, <i>bl</i>, <i>fl</i> (into <i>kj</i>, <i>j-</i>, <i>š</i>) and the +reason seems evident. Here the <i>pj</i>, <i>bj</i> and <i>fj</i> themselves appear to +be modern or of recent reduction—the ancient formulae sometimes +occurring intact (as in the Bergamasc for Upper Italy), <i>e.g.</i> <i>plánje</i> +and <i>pránje</i> alongside of <i>piánje</i>, piagnere, <i>branghe</i> alongside of +<i>bianghe</i>, bianco (Fr. <i>blanc</i>), <i>flume</i> and <i>frume</i> alongside <i>fiume</i>, fiume. +To the south of the Abruzzi begins and in the Abruzzi grows prominent +that contrast in regard to the formulae <i>alt</i> <i>ald</i> (resolved in +the Neapolitan and Sicilian into <i>aut</i>, &c., just as in the Piedmontese, +&c.), by which the types <i>aldare</i>, altare, and <i>callę</i>, caldo, are reached.<a name="fa12j" id="fa12j" href="#ft12j"><span class="sp">12</span></a> +For the rest, when the condition and connexions of the vowel system +still retained by so large a proportion of the dialects of the eastern +versant of the Neapolitan Apennines, and the difference which +exists in regard to the preservation of the unaccented vowels between +the Ligurian and the Gallo-Italic forms of speech on the other +versant of the northern Apennines, are considered, one cannot fail +to see how much justice there is in the longitudinal or Apenninian +partition of the Italian dialects indicated by Dante.—But, to continue, +in the Basilicata, which drains into the Gulf of Taranto, and +may be said to lie within the Apennines, not only is the elision of +final unaccented vowels a prevailing characteristic; there are also +frequent elisions of the unaccented vowels within the word. Thus +at Matera: <i>sintenn la femn chessa côs</i>, sentendo la femina questa +cosa; <i>disprât</i>, disperata; at Saponara di Grumento: <i>uomnn’ +scilrati</i>, uomini scellerati; <i>mnetta</i>, vendetta.—But even if we return +to the Mediterranean versant and, leaving the Sicilian type of the +Calabrias, retrace our steps till we pass into the Neapolitan pure +and simple, we find that even in Naples the unaccented final vowels +behave badly, the labial turning to <i>ę</i> (<i>biellę</i>, bello) and even the <i>a</i> +(<i>bellă</i>) being greatly weakened. And here occurs a Palaeo-Italic +instance which is worth mention: while Latin was accustomed to +drop the u of its nominative only in presence of <i>r</i> (<i>gener</i> from *gener-u-s, +<i>vir</i> from *vir-u-s; cf. the Tuscan or Italian apocopated forms +<i>véner</i> = vénere, <i>venner</i> = vennero, &c.), Oscan and Umbrian go much +farther: Oscan, hurz = *hort-u-s, Lat. hortus; Umbr. <i>pihaz</i>, piatus; +<i>emps</i>, emptus, &c. In Umbrian inscriptions we find <i>u</i> alternating +with the <i>a</i> of the nom. sing. fem. and plur. neut. In complete +contrast with the Sicilian vocalism is the Neapolitan <i>e</i> for unaccented +and particularly final <i>i</i> of the Latin and Neo-Latin or Italian phases +(<i>e.g.</i> <i>viene</i>, vieni; cf. <i>infra</i>), to say nothing further of the regular +diphthongization, within certain limits, of accented <i>e</i> or <i>o</i> in position +(<i>apiertę</i>, aperto, fem. <i>aperta</i>; <i>muortę</i>, morto, fem. <i>morta</i>, &c.).—In +the quasi-morphological domain it is to be noted how the Siculo-Calabrian +<i>u</i> for the ancient <i>ṓ</i> and <i>ŭ</i>, and the Siculo-Calabrian <i>i</i> for +the ancient <i>ḗ</i>, <i>ḯ</i>, are also still found in the Neapolitan, and, in particular, +that they alternate with <i>o</i> and <i>e</i> in a manner that is determined +by the difference of termination. Thus <i>cosetore</i>, cucitore, pl. <i>coseture</i> +(<i>i.e.</i> <i>coseturi</i>, the <i>-i</i> passing into <i>e</i> in keeping with the Neapolitan +characteristic already mentioned); <i>russę</i>, Ital. rosso, <i>-i</i>; <i>rossa</i> <i>-ę</i>, +Ital. rossa -e; <i>noće</i>, <i>noce</i>, pl. <i>nuce</i>; <i>credę</i>, io credo; <i>cride</i> (*cridi), +tu credi; <i>crede</i>, egli crede; <i>nigrę</i>, but <i>negra</i>.</p> + +<p>Passing now to a cursory mention of purely morphological phenomena, +we begin with that form which is referred to the Latin pluperfect +(see A. 1, B. 2), but which here too performs the functions of +the conditional. Examples from the living dialects of (1) Calabria +Citeriore are <i>faceru</i>, farei (Castrovillari); <i>tu te la collerre</i>, tu te +l’acolleresti (Cosenza); <i>l’aććettéra</i>, l’accetterebbe (Grimaldi); and +from those of (2) the Abruzzi, <i>vulér’</i>, vorrei (Castelli); <i>dére</i>, darei +(Atessa); <i>candére</i>, canterei. For the dialects of the Abruzzi, we +can check our observations by examples from the oldest chronicle +of Aquila, as <i>non habéra lassato</i>, non avrebbe lasciato (str. 180) +(cf. <i>negara</i>, Ital. negherei, in old MS. of the Marches). There are +some interesting remains (more or less corrupted both in form and +usage) of ancient consonantal terminations which have not yet +been sufficiently studied: <i>s’ incaricaviti</i>, s’ incaricava, -abat (Basilicata, +Senise); ebbiti, ebbe (<i>ib.</i>); <i>avíadi</i>, aveva (Calabria, Grimaldi); +<i>arrivaudi</i>, arrivò (<i>ib.</i>). The last example also gives the <i>-au</i> of +the 3rd pers. sing. perf. of the first conjugation, which still occurs in +Sicily and between the horns of the Neapolitan mainland. In the +Abruzzi (and in the Ascolan district) the 3rd person of the plural +is in process of disappearing (the <i>-no</i> having fallen away and the +preceding vowel being obscured), and its function is assumed by +the 3rd person singular; cf. C. 1.<a name="fa13j" id="fa13j" href="#ft13j"><span class="sp">13</span></a> The explanation of the Neapolitan +forms <i>songhḛ</i>, io sono, essi sono, <i>donghḛ</i>, io do, stonghḛ, io sto, +as also of the enclitic of the 2nd person plural which exists, <i>e.g.</i> in +the Sicil. <i>avíssivu</i>, Neap. <i>avístevę</i>, aveste, has been correctly given +more than once. It may be remarked in conclusion that this Neo-Latin +region keeps company with the Rumanian in maintaining in +large use the -ora derived from the ancient neuter plurals of the +type <i>tempora</i>; Sicil. <i>jócura</i>, giuochi; Calabr. <i>nídura</i>, Abruzz. +<i>nídḛre</i>, nidi, Neap. <i>órtola</i> (= -<i>ra</i>), orti, Capitanata <i>ácurḛ</i>, aghi, Apulian +<i>acéddere</i> (Tarantine <i>acéddiri</i>), uccelli, &c. It is in this region, and +more particularly in Capua, that we can trace the first appearance +of what can definitely be called Italian, as shown in a Latin legal +document of the year 960 (<i>sao co kelle terre per kelle fini qui ki contene +trenta anni le possette parte Sancti Benedicti</i>, Ital. “so che quelle terre +per quei confini che qui contiene trent ’anni le possedette la parte +di S. Benedetto”), and belongs more precisely to Capua. The +so-called <i>Carta Rossanese</i> (Calabria), written in a mixture of Latin +and vulgar tongue, belongs to the first decades of the 12th century; +while a document of Fondi (Campania) in the vulgar tongue goes +back to the last decades of the same century. Neapolitan documents +do not become abundant till the 14th century. The same +is true of the Abruzzi and of Apulia; in the case of the latter the +date should perhaps be put even later.</p> + +<p>4. <i>Dialects of Umbria, the Marches and the Province of Rome.</i>—The +phenomena characteristic of the Gallo-Italian dialects can be +traced in the northern Marches in the dialects not only of the provinces +of Pesaro and Urbino (<i>Arch. glott.</i> ii. 444), where we note +also the constant dropping of the final vowels, strong elisions of +accented and unaccented vowels, the suffix -<i>ariu</i> becoming -<i>ér</i>, &c., +but also as far as Ancona and beyond. As in Ancona, the double +consonants are reduced to single ones; there are strong elisions +(<i>breta</i>, Ital. berretta; <i>blin</i>, Ital. bellino; <i>figurte</i>, Ital. “figúrati”; +<i>vermne</i>, Ital. verme, “vermine,” &c.); the -<i>k</i>- becomes <i>g</i>; the <i>s</i>, <i>š</i>. +At Jesi -<i>t</i>- and -<i>k</i>- become <i>d</i> and <i>g</i>, and the <i>g</i> is also found at Fabriano, +though here it is modified in the Southern fashion (<i>spia</i> = <i>spiga</i>, +Ital. spica). Examples are also found of the dropping of -<i>d</i>- primary +between vowels: Pesaran <i>ráica</i>, Ital. radica; Fabr. <i>peo</i>; Ital. piede, +which are noteworthy in that they indicate an isolated Gallo-Italian +phenomenon, which is further traceable in Umbria (<i>peacchia</i> = +ped-, Ital. orma; <i>ráica</i> and <i>raíce</i>, Ital. radice; <i>trúbio</i>, Ital. torbido; +<i>frácio</i>, Ital. fracido; at Rieti also the dropping of the -<i>d</i>- is normal: +<i>veo</i>, Ital. vedo; <i>fiátu</i>, Ital. fidato, &c.; and here too is found the +dropping of initial <i>d</i> for syntactical reasons: <i>ènte</i>, Ital. dente, from +<i>lu</i> [<i>d</i>]<i>ènte)</i>. According to some scholars of the Marches, the <i>é</i> for <i>a</i> +also extends as far as Ancona; and it is certainly continued from +the north, though it is precisely in the territory of the Marches that +Gallo-Italian and Abruzzan come into contact. The southern +part of the Marches (the basin of the Tronto), after all, is Abruzzan +in character. But the Abruzzan or Southern phenomena in general +are widely diffused throughout the whole of the region comprising +the Marches, Umbria, Latium and Aquila (for the territory of +Aquila, belonging as it does both geographically and politically +to the Abruzzi, is also attached linguistically to this group), which +with regard to certain phenomena includes also that part of Tuscany +lying to the south of the southern Ombrone. Further, the Tuscan +dialect strictly so called sends into the Marches a few of its characteristics, +and thus at Arcevia we have the pronunciation of -<i>ć</i>- +between vowels as <i>š</i> (<i>fórmesce</i>, Ital. forbici),<a name="fa14j" id="fa14j" href="#ft14j"><span class="sp">14</span></a> and Ancona has no +changes of tonic vowels determined by the final vowel. Again, +Umbria and the Sabine territory, and some parts of the Roman +territory, are connected with Tuscany by the phenomenon of -<i>ajo</i> for +-<i>ariu</i> (<i>molinajo</i>, Ital. mugnaio, &c.). But, to come to the Abruzzan +Southern phenomena, we should note that the Abruzzan <i>ll</i> for <i>ld</i> +extends into the central region (Norcia: <i>callu</i>, caldo; Rome: +<i>ariscalla</i>, riscalda; the phenomenon, however, occurs also in Corsica); +and the assimilation of <i>nd</i> into <i>nn</i>, and of <i>mb</i> into <i>mm</i> stretches +through Umbria, the Marches and Rome, and even crosses from +the Roman province into southern Tuscany (Rieti: <i>quanno</i>, quando; +Spoleto: <i>comannava</i>, comandava; Assisi: <i>piagnenno</i>, piangendo; +Sanseverino Marches: <i>piagnenne</i>, ’<i>mmece</i>, invece (imbece); Fabriano: +<i>vennecasse</i>, vendicarsi; Osimo: <i>monno</i>, mondo; Rome: +<i>fronna</i>, fronda; <i>piommo</i>, piombo; Pitigliano (Tuscany): <i>quanno</i>, +<i>piagnenno</i>). It is curious to note, side by side with this phenomenon, +in the same districts, that of <i>nd</i> for <i>nn</i>, which we still find and which +was more common in the past (<i>affando</i>, affanno, &c., see <i>Zeitschrift +für roman. Philol.</i> xxii. 510). Even the diphthongs of the <i>e</i> and the +<i>o</i> in position are largely represented. Examples are—at Norcia, +<i>tiempi</i>, <i>uocchi</i>, <i>stuortu</i>; Assisi and Fabriano: <i>tiempo</i>; Orvieto: +<i>tiempo</i>, <i>tierra</i>, <i>le tuorte</i>, li torti, and even <i>duonna</i>. The change of +preconsonantal <i>l</i> into <i>r</i>, so frequent throughout this region, and +particularly characteristic of Rome, is a phenomenon common to +the Aquilan dialect. Similar facts might be adduced in abundance. +And it is to be noted that the features common to Umbro-Roman +and the Neapolitan dialects must have been more numerous in the +past, as this was the region where the Tuscan current met the +southern, and by reason of its superior culture gradually gained the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page895" id="page895"></a>895</span> +ascendancy.<a name="fa15j" id="fa15j" href="#ft15j"><span class="sp">15</span></a> Typical for the whole district (except the Marches) +is the reduction to <i>t</i> (and later to <i>j</i>) of <i>ll</i> and of <i>l</i> initial, when followed +by <i>i</i> or <i>u</i> (Velletri, <i>tuna</i>, <i>tuce</i>; Sora, <i>juna</i>, Ital. luna, <i>jima</i>, Ital. +lima; melica. Ital. mollica, <i>bétḛ</i>, Ital. belli, bello, in vulgar Latin +<i>bellu</i>; but <i>bella</i>, bella, &c.). The phonological connexions between +the Northern Umbrian, the Aretine, and the Gallo-Italic type have +already been indicated (B. 2). In what relates to morphology, the +-<i>orno</i> of the 3rd pers. plur. of the perfect of the first conjugation has +been pointed out as an essential peculiarity of the Umbro-Roman +territory; but even this it shares with the Aquila vernaculars, +which, moreover, extend it to the other conjugations (<i>amórno</i>, +<i>timórono</i>, &c.), exactly like the -<i>ó</i> of the 3rd person singular. Further, +this termination is found also in the Tuscan dialects.</p> + +<p>Throughout almost the whole district should be noted the distinction +between the masculine and neuter substantive, expressed by means of +the article, the distinction being that the neuter substantive has an +abstract and indeterminate signification; <i>e.g.</i> at S. Ginesio, in the +Marches, <i>lu pesce</i>, but <i>lo pesce</i>, of fish in general, as food, &c.; at Sora +<i>te wétre</i>, the sheet of glass, but <i>lḛ wétrḛ</i>, glass, the material, original +substance.<a name="fa16j" id="fa16j" href="#ft16j"><span class="sp">16</span></a> As to the inflection of verbs, there is in the ancient texts +of the region a notable prevalence of perfect form in the formation +of the imperfect conjunctive; <i>tolzesse</i>, Ital. togliesse; <i>sostenesse</i>, Ital. +sostenesse; <i>conubbessero</i>, Ital. conoscessero, &c. In the northern +Marches, we should note the preposition sa, Ital. con (<i>sa lia</i>, Ital. con +lei), going back to a type similar to that of the Ital. “con-esso.”</p> + +<p>In a large part of Umbria an <i>m</i> or <i>t</i> is prefixed to the sign +of the dative: <i>t-a lu</i>, a lui; <i>m-al re</i>, al re;<a name="fa17j" id="fa17j" href="#ft17j"><span class="sp">17</span></a> which must be the +remains of the auxiliary prepositions <i>int(us)</i>, <i>a(m)pud</i>, cf. Prov. +<i>amb</i>, <i>am</i> (cf. <i>Arch.</i> ii. 444-446). By means of the series of +Perugine texts this group of dialects may be traced back with +confidence to the 13th century; and to this region should also +belong a “Confession,” half Latin half vernacular, dating from +about the 11th century, edited and annotated by Flechia (<i>Arch.</i> +vii. 121 sqq.). The “chronicle” of Monaldeschi has been already +mentioned. The MSS. of the Marches go back to the beginning of +the 13th century and perhaps still further back. For Roman (see +Monaci, <i>Rendic. dell’ Accad. dei Lincei</i>, xvi. 103 sqq.) there is a short +inscription of the 11th century. To the 13th century belongs the +<i>Liber historiarum Romanorum</i> (Monaci, <i>Archivio della Società rom. +di storia patria</i>, xii.; and also, <i>Rendic. dei Lincei</i>, i. 94 sqq.), and +to the first half of the same century the <i>Formole volgari</i> of Raineri +da Perugia (Monaci, <i>ib.</i>, xiv. 268 sqq.). There are more abundant +texts for all parts of this district in the 14th century, to which also +belongs the <i>Cronica Aquilana</i> of Buccio di Ranallo, republished by +De Bartholomaeis (Rome, 1907).</p> +</div> + +<p>D. <i>Tuscan, and the Literary Language of the Italians.</i></p> + +<p>We have now only to deal with the Tuscan territory. It is +bounded on the W. by the sea. To the north it terminates with +the Apennines; for Romagna Toscana, the strip of country on +the Adriatic versant which belongs to it administratively, is +assigned to Emilia as regards dialect. In the north-west also +the Emilian presses on the Tuscan, extending as it does down the +Mediterranean slope of the Apennines in Lunigiana and Garfagnana. +Intrusions which may be called Emilian have also been +noted to the west of the Apennines in the district where the +Arno and the Tiber take their rise (Aretine dialects); and it has +been seen how thence to the sea the Umbrian and Roman +dialects surround the Tuscan. Such are the narrow limits of the +“promised land” of the language which has succeeded and was +worthy to succeed Latin in the history of Italian culture and +civilization,—the land which comprises Florence, Siena, Lucca +and Pisa. The Tuscan type may be best described by the +negative method. There do not exist in it, on the one hand, any +of those phenomena by which the other dialectal types of Italy +mainly differ from the Latin base (such as <i>ü</i> = <i>ṹ</i>; frequent +elision of unaccented vowels; <i>ba = gua</i>; <i>š = fl</i>; <i>nn = nd</i>, &c.), +nor, on the other hand, is there any series of alterations of the +Latin base peculiar to the Tuscan. This twofold negative +description may further serve for the Tuscan or literary Italian +as contrasted with all the other Neo-Latin languages; indeed, +even where the Tuscan has a tendency to alterations common to +other types of the family, it shows itself more sober and self-denying—as +may be seen in the reduction of the <i>t</i> between +vowels into <i>d</i> or of <i>c</i> (<i>k</i>) between vowels into <i>g</i>, which in Italian +affects only a small part of the lexical series, while in Provençal +or Spanish it may be said to pervade the whole (<i>e.g.</i> Prov. and +Span. <i>mudar</i>, Ital. <i>mutare</i>; Prov. <i>segur</i>, Span. <i>seguro</i>, Ital. +<i>sicuro</i>). It may consequently be affirmed without any partiality +that, in respect to historical nobility, the Italian not only holds +the first rank among Neo-Latin languages, but almost constitutes +an intermediate grade between the ancient or Latin and the +modern or Romance. What has just been said about the Tuscan, +as compared with the other dialectal types of Italy, does not, +however, preclude the fact that in the various Tuscan veins, +and especially in the plebeian forms of speech, there occur +particular instances of phonetic decay; but these must of +necessity be ignored in so brief a sketch as the present. We +shall confine ourselves to noting—what has a wide territorial +diffusion—the reduction of <i>c</i> (<i>k</i>) between vowels to a mere +breathing (<i>e.g.</i> <i>fŭóho</i>, fuoco, but <i>porco</i>), or even its complete +elision; the same phenomenon occurs also between word and +word (<i>e.g.</i> <i>la hasa</i>, but <i>in casa</i>), thus illustrating anew that +syntactic class of phonetic alterations, either qualitative or +quantitative, conspicuous in this region, also, which has been +already discussed for insular and southern Italy (B. 2; C. 2, 3), +and could be exemplified for the Roman region as well (C. 4). +As regards one or two individual phenomena, it must also be +confessed that the Tuscan or literary Italian is not so well +preserved as some other Neo-Latin tongues. Thus, French +always keeps in the beginning of words the Latin formulae <i>cl</i>, +<i>pl</i>, <i>fl</i> (<i>clef</i>, <i>plaisir</i>, <i>fleur</i>, in contrast with the Italian <i>chiave</i>, +<i>piacere</i>, <i>fiore</i>); but the Italian makes up for this by the greater +vigour with which it is wont to resolve the same formula within +the words, and by the greater symmetry thus produced between +the two series (in opposition to the French <i>clef</i>, clave, we have, +for example, the French <i>œil</i>, oclo; whereas, in the Italian, +<i>chiave</i> and <i>occhio</i> correspond to each other). The Italian as +well as the Rumanian has lost the ancient sibilant at the end +(-<i>s</i> of the plurals, of the nominative singular, of the 2nd persons, +&c.), which throughout the rest of the Romance area has been +preserved more or less tenaciously; and consequently it stands +lower than old Provençal and old French, as far as true declension +or, more precisely, the functional distinction between the forms +of the <i>casus rectus</i> and the <i>casus obliquus</i> is concerned. But +even in this respect the superiority of French and Provençal +has proved merely transitory, and in their modern condition +all the Neo-Latin forms of speech are generally surpassed by +Italian even as regards the pure grammatical consistency of the +noun. In conjugation Tuscan has lost that tense which for the +sake of brevity we shall continue to call the pluperfect indicative; +though it still survives outside of Italy and in other dialectal +types of Italy itself (C. 3<i>b</i>; cf. B. 2). It has also lost the <i>futurum +exactum</i>, or perfect subjunctive, which is found in Spanish and +Rumanian. But no one would on that account maintain that +the Italian conjugation is less truly Latin than the Spanish, +the Rumanian, or that of any other Neo-Latin language. It +is, on the contrary, by far the most distinctively Latin as regards +the tradition both of form and function, although many effects +of the principle of analogy are to be observed, sometimes common +to Italian with the other Neo-Latin languages and sometimes +peculiar to itself.</p> + +<p>Those who find it hard to believe in the ethnological explanation +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page896" id="page896"></a>896</span> +of linguistic varieties ought to be convinced by any example +so clear as that which Italy presents in the difference between +the Tuscan or purely Italian type on the one side and the Gallo-Italic +on the other. The names in this instance correspond +exactly to the facts of the case. For the Gallo-Italic on either +side of the Alps is evidently nothing else than a modification—varying +in degree, but always very great—of the vulgar Latin, +due to the reaction of the language or rather the oral tendencies +of the Celts who succumbed to the Roman civilization. In +other words, the case is one of new ethnic individualities arising +from the fusion of two national entities, one of which, numerically +more or less weak, is so far victorious that its speech is adopted, +while the other succeeds in adapting that speech to its own habits +of utterance. Genuine Italian, on the other hand, is not the +result of the combination or conflict of the vulgar Latin with other +tongues, but is the pure development of this alone. In other +words, the case is that of an ancient national fusion in which +vulgar Latin itself originated. Here that is native which in the +other case was intrusive. This greater purity of constitution +gives the language a persistency which approaches permanent +stability. There is no Old Italian to oppose to Modern Italian +in the same sense as we have an Old French to oppose to a +Modern French. It is true that in the old French writers, and +even in the writers who used the dialects of Upper Italy, there +was a tendency to bring back the popular forms to their ancient +dignity; and it is true also that the Tuscan or literary Italian +has suffered from the changes of centuries; but nevertheless it +remains undoubted that in the former cases we have to deal with +general transformations between old and new, while in the latter +it is evident that the language of Dante continues to be the +Italian of modern speech and literature. This character of +invariability has thus been in direct proportion to the purity of +its Latin origin, while, on the contrary, where popular Latin has +been adopted by peoples of foreign speech, the elaboration which +it has undergone along the lines of their oral tendencies becomes +always the greater the farther we get away from the point at +which the Latin reached them,—in proportion, that is, to the +time and space through which it has been transmitted in these +foreign mouths.<a name="fa18j" id="fa18j" href="#ft18j"><span class="sp">18</span></a></p> + +<p>As for the primitive seat of the literary language of Italy, not +only must it be regarded as confined within the limits of that +narrower Tuscany already described; strictly speaking, it must +be identified with the city of Florence alone. Leaving out of +account, therefore, a small number of words borrowed from other +Italian dialects, as a certain number have naturally been borrowed +from foreign tongues, it may be said that all that was not Tuscan +was eliminated from the literary form of speech. If we go back +to the time of Dante, we find, throughout almost all the dialects of +the mainland with the exception of Tuscan, the change of vowels +between singular and plural seen in <i>paese</i>, <i>paisi</i>; <i>quello</i>, <i>quilli</i>; +<i>amore</i>, <i>amuri</i> (see B. 1; C. 3<i>b</i>); but the literary language +knows nothing at all of such a phenomenon, because it was +unknown to the Tuscan region. But in Tuscan itself there were +differences between Florentine and non-Florentine; in Florentine, +<i>e.g.</i> it was and is usual to say <i>unto</i>, <i>giunto</i>, <i>punto</i>, while the non-Florentine +had it <i>onto</i>, <i>gionto</i>, <i>ponto</i>, (Lat. <i>unctu</i>, &c.); at +Florence they say <i>piazza</i>, <i>meźźo</i>, while elsewhere (at Lucca, Pisa) +they say or used to say, <i>piassa</i>, <i>meśśo</i>. Now, it is precisely the +Florentine forms which alone have currency in the literary +language.</p> + +<p>In the ancient compositions in the vulgar tongue, especially in +poetry, non-Tuscan authors on the one hand accommodated +their own dialect to the analogy of that which they felt to be the +purest representative of the language of ancient Roman culture, +while the Tuscan authors in their turn did not refuse to adopt +the forms which had received the rights of citizenship from the +literary celebrities of other parts of Italy. It was this state of +matters which gave rise in past times to the numerous disputes +about the true fatherland and origin of the literary language of +the Italians. But these have been deprived of all right to exist by +the scientific investigation of the history of that language. If +the older Italian poetry assumed or maintained forms alien to +Tuscan speech, these forms were afterwards gradually eliminated, +and the field was left to those which were purely Tuscan and +indeed purely Florentine. And thus it remains absolutely true +that, so far as phonetics, morphology, rudimental syntax, and in +short the whole character and material of words and sentences +are concerned, there is no literary language of Europe that is +more thoroughly characterized by homogeneity and oneness, as +if it had come forth in a single cast from the furnace, than the +Italian.</p> + +<p>But on the other hand it remains equally true that, so far as +concerns a living confidence and uniformity in the use and style +of the literary language—that is, of this Tuscan or Florentine +material called to nourish the civilization and culture of all the +Italians—the case is not a little altered, and the Italian nation +appears to enjoy less fortunate conditions than other nations of +Europe. Modern Italy had no glowing centre for the life of the +whole nation into which and out of which the collective thought +and language could be poured in ceaseless current for all and by +all. Florence has not been Paris. Territorial contiguity and the +little difference of the local dialect facilitated in the modern +Rome the elevation of the language of conversation to a level +with the literary language that came from Tuscany. A form of +speech was thus produced which, though certainly destitute of +the grace and the abundant flexibility of the Florentine, gives +a good idea of what the dialect of a city becomes when it makes +itself the language of a nation that is ripening its civilization in +many and dissimilar centres. In such a case the dialect loses its +slang and petty localisms, and at the same time also somewhat +of its freshness; but it learns to express with more conscious +sobriety and with more assured dignity the thought and the +feeling of the various peoples which are fused in one national +life. But what took place readily in Rome could not with equal +ease happen in districts whose dialects were far removed from +the Tuscan. In Piedmont, for example, or in Lombardy, the +language of conversation did not correspond with the language of +books, and the latter accordingly became artificial and laboured. +Poetry was least affected by these unfortunate conditions; for +poetry may work well with a multiform language, where the need +and the stimulus of the author’s individuality assert themselves +more strongly. But prose suffered immensely, and the Italians +had good cause to envy the spontaneity and confidence of foreign +literatures—of the French more particularly. In this reasonable +envy lay the justification and the strength of the Manzoni +school, which aimed at that absolute naturalness of the +literary language, that absolute identity between the language +of conversation and that of books, which the bulk of the +Italians could reach and maintain only by naturalizing themselves +in the living speech of modern Florence. The revolt of +Manzoni against artificiality and mannerism in language and +style was worthy of his genius, and has been largely fruitful. +But the historical difference between the case of France (with the +colloquial language of Paris) and that of Italy (with the colloquial +language of Florence) implies more than one difficulty of +principle; in the latter case there is sought to be produced by +deliberate effort of the <i>literati</i> what in the former has been and +remains the necessary and spontaneous product of the entire +civilization. Manzoni’s theories too easily lent themselves to +deplorable exaggerations; men fell into a new artificiality, a +manner of writing which might be called vulgar and almost slangy. +The remedy for this must lie in the regulating power of the labour +of the now regenerate Italian intellect,—a labour ever growing +wider in its scope, more assiduous and more thoroughly united.</p> + +<p>The most ancient document in the Tuscan dialect is a very +short fragment of a jongleur’s song (12th century; see Monaci, +<i>Crestomazia</i>, 9-10). After that there is nothing till the 13th +century. P. Santini has published the important and fairly +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page897" id="page897"></a>897</span> +numerous fragments of a book of notes of some Florentine +bankers, of the year 1211. About the middle of the century, our +attention is arrested by the <i>Memoriali</i> of the Sienese Matasala di +Spinello. To 1278 belongs the MS. in which is preserved the +Pistojan version of the <i>Trattati morali</i> of Albertano, which we +owe to Sofredi del Grathia. The Riccardian <i>Tristano</i>, published +and annotated by E. G. Parodi, seems to belong to the end of the +13th and beginning of the 14th centuries. For other 13th-century +writings see Monaci, <i>op. cit.</i> 31-32, 40, and Parodi, +<i>Giornale storico della letteratura italiana</i>, x. 178-179. For the +question concerning language, see Ascoli, <i>Arch. glott.</i> i. v. et +seq.; D’ Ovidio, <i>Le Correzioni ai Promessi Sposi e la questione +della lingua</i>, 4th ed. Naples, 1895.</p> + +<div class="condensed"> +<p><i>Literature.</i>—K. L. Fernow in the third volume of his <i>Römische +Studien</i> (Zurich, 1806-1808) gave a good survey of the dialects of +Italy. The dawn of rigorously scientific methods had not then +appeared; but Fernow’s view is wide and genial. Similar praise +is due to Biondelli’s work <i>Sui dialetti gallo-italici</i> (Milan, 1853), +which, however, is still ignorant of Diez. August Fuchs, between +Fernow and Biondelli, had made himself so far acquainted with the +new methods; but his exploration (<i>Über die sogenannten unregelmässigen +Zeitwörter in den romanischen Sprachen, nebst Andeutungen +über die wichtigsten romanischen Mundarten</i>, Berlin, 1840), though +certainly of utility, was not very successful. Nor can the rapid +survey of the Italian dialects given by Friedrich Diez be ranked +among the happiest portions of his great masterpiece. Among the +followers of Diez who distinguished themselves in this department +the first outside of Italy were certainly Mussafia, a cautious and clear +continuator of the master, and the singularly acute Hugo Schuchardt. +Next came the <i>Archivio glottologico italiano</i> (Turin, 1873 and onwards. +Up to 1897 there were published 16 vols.), the lead in which was taken +by Ascoli and G. Flechia (d. 1892), who, together with the Dalmatian +Adolf Mussafia (d. 1906), may be looked upon as the founders of +the study of Italian dialects, and who have applied to their writings +a rigidly methodical procedure and a historical and comparative +standard, which have borne the best fruit. For historical studies +dealing specially with the literary language, Nannucci, with his +good judgment and breadth of view, led the way; we need only +mention here his <i>Analisi critica dei verbi italiani</i> (Florence, 1844). +But the new method was to show how much more it was to and +did effect. When this movement on the part of the scholars mentioned +above became known, other enthusiasts soon joined them, +and the <i>Arch. glottologico</i> developed into a school, which began to +produce many prominent works on language [among the first in +order of date and merit may be mentioned “Gli Allotropi italiani,” +by U. A. Canello (1887), <i>Arch. glott.</i> iii. 285-419; and <i>Le Origini +della lingua poetica italiana</i>, by N. Caix (d. 1882), (Florence, 1880)], +and studies on the dialects. We shall here enumerate those of +them which appear for one reason or another to have been the most +notable. But, so far as works of a more general nature are concerned, +we should first state that there have been other theories as +to the classification of the Italian dialects (see also above the various +notes on B. 1, 2 and C. 2) put forward by W. Meyer-Lübke (<i>Einführung +in das Studium der romanischen Sprachwissenschaft</i>, Heidelberg, +1901; pp. 21-22), and M. Bartoli (<i>Altitalienische Chrestomathie, +von P. Savj-Lopez und M. Bartoli</i>, Strassburg, 1903, pp. 171 et seq. +193 et seq., and the table at the end of the volume). W. Meyer-Lübke +afterwards filled in details of the system which he had sketched +in Gröber’s <i>Grundriss der romanischen Philologie</i>, i., 2nd ed. (1904), +pp. 696 et seq. And from the same author comes that masterly +work, the <i>Italienische Grammatik</i> (Leipzig, 1890), where the language +and its dialects are set out in one organic whole, just as they are +placed together in the concise chapter devoted to Italian in the +above-mentioned <i>Grundriss</i> (pp. 637 et seq.). We will now give the +list, from which we omit, however, the works quoted incidentally +throughout the text: B. 1 <i>a</i>: Parodi, <i>Arch. glott.</i> xiv. 1 sqq., +xv. 1 sqq., xvi. 105 sqq. 333 sqq.; <i>Poesie in dial. tabbiese del sec. +XVII. illustrate da E. G. Parodi</i> (Spezia, 1904); Schädel, <i>Die Mundart +von Ormea</i> (Halle, 1903); Parodi, <i>Studj romanzi</i>, fascic. v.; b: +Giacomino, <i>Arch. glott.</i> xv. 403 sqq.; Toppino, ib. xvi. 517 sqq.; +Flechia, ib. xiv. 111 sqq.; Nigra, <i>Miscell. Ascoli</i> (Turin, 1901), +247 sqq.; Renier, <i>Il Gelindo</i> (Turin, 1896); Salvioni, <i>Rendiconti +Istituto lombardo</i>, s. ii., vol. xxxvii. 522, sqq.; c: Salvioni, <i>Fonetica +del dialetto di Milano</i> (Turin, 1884); <i>Studi di filol. romanza</i>, viii. +1 sqq.; <i>Arch. glott.</i> ix. 188 sqq. xiii. 355 sqq.; <i>Rendic. Ist. lomb.</i> +s. ii., vol. xxxv. 905 sqq.; xxxix. 477 sqq.; 505 sqq. 569 sqq. +603 sqq., xl. 719 sqq.; <i>Bollettino storico della Svizzera italiana</i>, +xvii. and xviii.; Michael, <i>Der Dialekt des Poschiavotals</i> (Halle, +1905); v. Ettmayer, <i>Bergamaskische Alpenmundarten</i> (Leipzig, +1903); <i>Romanische Forschungen</i>, xiii. 321 sqq.; <i>d</i>: Mussafia, +<i>Darstellung der romagnolischen Mundart</i> (Vienna, 1871); Gaudenzi, +<i>I Suoni ecc. della città di Bologna</i> (Turin, 1889); Ungarelli, <i>Vocab. +del dial. bologn. con una introduzione di A. Trauzzi sulla fonetica e +sulla morfologia del dialetto</i> (Bologna, 1901); Bertoni, <i>Il Dialetto di +Modena</i> (Turin, 1905); Pullé, “Schizzo dei dialetti del Frignano” +in <i>L’ Apennino modenese</i>. 673 sqq. (Rocca S. Casciano, 1895); +Piagnoli, <i>Fonetica parmigiana</i> (Turin, 1904); Restori, <i>Note fonetiche +sui parlari dell’ alta valle di Macra</i> (Leghorn, 1892); Gorra, <i>Zeitschrift +für romanische Philologie</i>, xvi. 372 sqq.; xiv. 133 sqq.; +Nicoli, <i>Studi di filologia romanza</i>, viii. 197 sqq. B. 2: Hofmann, +<i>Die logudoresische und campidanesische Mundart</i> (Marburg, 1885); +Wagner, <i>Lautlehre der südsardischen Mundarten</i> (Malle a. S., 1907); +Campus, <i>Fonetica del dialetto logudorese</i> (Turin, 1901); Guarnerio, +<i>Arch. glott.</i> xiii. 125 sqq., xiv. 131 sqq., 385 sqq. C. 1: Rossi, <i>Le +Lettere di Messer Andrea Calmo</i> (Turin, 1888); Wendriner, <i>Die +paduanische Mundart bei Ruzante</i> (Breslau, 1889); <i>Le Rime di +Bartolomeo Cavassico notaio bellunese della prima metà del sec. xvi. +con illustraz. e note di v. Cian, e con illustrazioni linguistiche e lessico +a cura di C. Salvioni</i> (2 vols., Bologna, 1893-1894); Gartner, +<i>Zeitschr. für roman. Philol.</i> xvi. 183 sqq., 306 sqq.; Salvioni, <i>Arch. +glott.</i> xvi. 245 sqq.; Vidossich, <i>Studi sul dialetto triestino</i> (Triest, +1901); <i>Zeitschr. für rom. Phil.</i> xxvii. 749 sqq.; Ascoli, <i>Arch. glott.</i> +xiv. 325 sqq.; Schneller, <i>Die romanischen Volksmundarten in +Südtirol</i>, i. (Gera, 1870); von Slop, <i>Die tridentinische Mundart</i> +(Klagenfurt, 1888); Ive, <i>I Dialetti ladino-veneti dell’ Istria</i> (Strassburg, +1900). C. 2: Guarnerio, <i>Arch. glott.</i> xiii. 125 sqq., xiv. 131 +sqq., 385 sqq. C. 3 <i>a</i>: Wentrup-Pitré, in Pitré, <i>Fiabe, novelle e +racconti popolari siciliani</i>, vol. i., pp. cxviii. sqq.; Schneegans, +<i>Laute und Lautentwickelung des sicil. Dialektes</i> (Strassburg, 1888); +De Gregorio, <i>Saggio di fonetica siciliana</i> (Palermo, 1890); Pirandello, +<i>Laute und Lautentwickelung der Mundart von Girgenti</i> (Halle, 1891); +Cremona, <i>Fonetica del Caltagironese</i> (Acireale, 1895); Santangelo, +Arch. glott. xvi. 479 sqq.; La Rosa, <i>Saggi di morfologia siciliana</i>, i. +<i>Sostantivi</i> (Noto, 1901); Salvioni, <i>Rendic. Ist. lomb.</i> s. ii., vol. xl. +1046 sqq., 1106 sqq., 1145 sqq.; <i>b</i>: Scerbo, <i>Sul dialetto calabro</i> +(Florence, 1886); Accattati’s, <i>Vocabolario del dial. calabrese</i> (Castrovillari, +1895); Gentili, <i>Fonetica del dialetto cosentino</i> (Milan, 1897); +Wentrup, <i>Beiträge zur Kenntniss der neapolitanischen Mundart</i> +(Wittenberg, 1855); Subak, <i>Die Konjugation im Neapolitanischen</i> +(Vienna, 1897); Morosi, <i>Arch. glott.</i> iv. 117 sqq.; De Noto, <i>Appunti +di fonetica sul dial. di Taranto</i> (Trani, 1897); Subak, <i>Das Zeitwort +in der Mundart von Tarent</i> (Brünn, 1897); Panareo, <i>Fonetica del +dial. di Maglie d’ Otranto</i> (Milan, 1903); Nitti di Vito, <i>Il Dial. di +Bari</i>, part 1, “Vocalismo moderno” (Milan, 1896); Abbatescianni, +<i>Fonologia del dial. barese</i> (Avellino, 1896); Zingarelli, <i>Arch. glott.</i> +xv. 83 sqq., 226 sqq.; Ziccardi, <i>Studi glottologici</i>, iv. 171 sqq.; +D’ Ovidio, <i>Arch. glott.</i> iv. 145 sqq., 403 sqq.; Finamore, <i>Vocabolario +dell’ uso abruzzese</i> (2nd ed., Città di Castello, 1893); Rollin, <i>Mitteilung +XIV. der Gesellschaft zur Förderung deutscher Wissenschaft, +Kunst und Literatur in Böhmen</i> (Prague, 1901); De Lollis, <i>Arch. +glott.</i> xii. 1 sqq., 187 sqq.; <i>Miscell. Ascoli</i>, 275 sqq.; Savini, <i>La +Grammatica e il lessico del dial. teramano</i> (Turin, 1881). C. 4: Merlo, +<i>Zeitschr. f. roman. Phil.</i>, xxx. 11 sqq., 438 sqq., xxxi. 157 sqq.; +E. Monaci (notes on old Roman), <i>Rendic. dei Lincei</i>, Feb. 21st, 1892, +p. 94 sqq.; Rossi-Casè, <i>Bollett. di stor. patria degli Abruzzi</i>, vi.; +Crocioni, <i>Miscell. Monaci</i>, pp. 429 sqq.; Ceci, <i>Arch. glott.</i> x. 167 +sqq.; Parodi, <i>ib.</i> xiii. 299 sqq.; Campanelli, <i>Fonetica del dial. +reatino</i> (Turin, 1896); Verga, <i>Sonetti e altre poesie di R. Torelli in +dial. perugino</i> (Milan, 1895); Bianchi, <i>Il Dialetto e la etnografia di +Città di Castello</i> (Città di Castello, 1888); Neumann-Spallart, +<i>Zeitschrift für roman. Phil.</i> xxviii. 273 sqq., 450 sqq.; <i>Weitere +Beiträge zur Charakteristik des Dialektes der Marche</i> (Halle a. S., +1907); Crocioni, <i>Studi di fil. rom.</i>, ix. 617 sqq.; <i>Studi romanzi</i>, +fasc. 3°, 113 sqq., <i>Il Dial. di Arcevia</i> (Rome, 1906); Lindsstrom, +<i>Studi romanzi</i>, fasc. 5°, 237 sqq.; Crocioni, ib. 27 sqq. D.: Parodi, +<i>Romania</i>, xviii.; Schwenke, <i>De dialecto quae carminibus popularibus +tuscanicis a Tigrio editis continetur</i> (Leipzig, 1872); Pieri, <i>Arch. +glott.</i> xii. 107 sqq., 141 sqq., 161 sqq.; <i>Miscell. Caix-Canello</i>, 305 +sqq.; <i>Note sul dialetto aretino</i> (Pisa, 1886); <i>Zeitschr. für rom. +Philol.</i> xxviii. 161 sqq.; Salvioni, <i>Arch. glott.</i> xvi. 395 sqq.; Hirsch, +<i>Zeitschrift f. rom. Philol.</i> ix. 513 sqq., x. 56 sqq., 411 sqq. For researches +on the etymology of all the Italian dialects, but chiefly of +those of Northern Italy, the <i>Beitrag zur Kunde der norditalienischen +Mundarten im XV. Jahrhundert</i> of Ad. Mussafia (Vienna, 1873) and +the <i>Postille etimologiche</i> of Giov. Flechia (<i>Arch. glott.</i> ii., iii.) are of +the greatest importance. Biondelli’s book is of no small service also +for the numerous translations which it contains of the Prodigal +Son into Lombard, Piedmontese and Emilian dialects. A dialogue +translated into the vernaculars of all parts of Italy will be found in +Zuccagni Orlandini’s <i>Raccolta di dialetti italiani con illustrazioni +etnologiche</i> (Florence, 1864). And every dialectal division is abundantly +represented in a series of versions of a short novel of Boccaccio, +which Papanti has published under the title <i>I Parlari +italiani in Certaldo</i>, &c. (Leghorn, 1875).</p> + +<p>[A very valuable and rich collection of dialectal essays on the +most ancient documents for all parts of Italy is to be found in the +<i>Crestomazia italiana dei primi secoli</i> of E. Monaci (Città di Castello, +1889-1897); see also in the <i>Altitalienische Chrestomathie</i> of P. Savj-Lopez +and M. Bartoli (Strassburg, 1903).]</p> +</div> +<div class="author">(G. I. A.; C. S.*)</div> + +<hr class="foot" /> <div class="note"> + +<p><a name="ft1j" id="ft1j" href="#fa1j"><span class="fn">1</span></a> The article by G. I. Ascoli in the 9th edition of the <i>Encyclopaedia +Britannica</i>, which has been recognized as a classic account of the +Italian language, was reproduced by him, with slight modifications, +in <i>Arch. glott.</i> viii. 98-128. The author proposed to revise his article +for the present edition of the <i>Encyclopaedia</i>, but his death on the +21st of January 1907 prevented his carrying out this work, and the +task was undertaken by Professor C. Salvioni. In the circumstances +it was considered best to confine the revision to bringing +Ascoli’s article up to date, while preserving its form and main ideas, +together with the addition of bibliographical notes, and occasional +corrections and substitutions, in order that the results of more recent +research might be embodied. The new matter is principally in the +form of notes or insertions within square brackets.</p> + +<p><a name="ft2j" id="ft2j" href="#fa2j"><span class="fn">2</span></a> [In Corsica the present position of Italian as a language of culture +is as follows. Italian is only used for preaching in the country +churches. In all the other relations of public and civil life (schools, +law courts, meetings, newspapers, correspondence, &c.), its place is +taken by French. As the elementary schools no longer teach Italian +but French, an educated Corsican nowadays knows only his own +dialect for everyday use, and French for public occasions.]</p> + +<p><a name="ft3j" id="ft3j" href="#fa3j"><span class="fn">3</span></a> [It may be asked whether we ought not to include under this +section the Vegliote dialect (Veglioto), since under this form the +Dalmatian dialect (Dalmatico) is spoken in Italy. But it should be +remembered that in the present generation the Dalmatian dialect +has only been heard as a living language at Veglia.]</p> + +<p><a name="ft4j" id="ft4j" href="#fa4j"><span class="fn">4</span></a> As a matter of fact the “velar” at the end of a word, when +preceded by an accented vowel, is found also in Venetia and Istria. +This fact, together with others (v. <i>Kritischer Jahresbericht über die +Fortschritte der roman. Philol.</i> vii. part i. 130), suggests that we +ought to assume an earlier group in which Venetian and Gallo-Italian +formed part of one and the same group. In this connexion +too should be noted the atonic pronoun <i>ghe</i> (Ital. <i>ci</i>-a lui, a lei, a +loro), which is found in Venetian, Lombard, North-Emilian and +Ligurian.</p> + +<p><a name="ft5j" id="ft5j" href="#fa5j"><span class="fn">5</span></a> [The latest authorities for the Sardinian dialects are W. Meyer-Lübke +and M. Bartoli, in the passages quoted by Guarnerio in his +“Il sardo e il côrso in una nuova classificazione delle lingue romanze” +(<i>Arch. glott.</i> xvi. 491-516). These scholars entirely dissociate +Sardinian from the Italian system, considering it as forming in itself +a Romance language, independent of the others; a view in which +they are correct. The chief discriminating criterion is supplied by +the treatment of the Latin -<i>s</i>, which is preserved in Sardinian, the +Latin accusative form prevailing in the declension of the plural, as +opposed to the nominative, which prevails in the Italian system. +In this respect the Gallo-Italian dialects adhere to the latter system, +rejecting the -<i>s</i> and retaining the nominative form. On the other +hand, these facts form an important link between Sardinian and +the Western Romance dialects, such as the Iberian, Gallic and +Ladin; it is not, however, to be identified with any of them, but is +distinguished from them by many strongly-marked characteristics +peculiar to itself, chief among which is the treatment of the Latin +accented vowels, for which see Ascoli in the text. As to the internal +classification of the Sardinian dialects, Guarnerio assumes four +types, the Campidanese, Logudorese, Gallurese and Sassarese. The +separate individuality of the last of these is indicated chiefly by the +treatment of the accented vowels (<i>dḛźi</i>, Ital. dieci; <i>tḛla</i>, Ital. tela; +<i>pȩlu</i>, Ital. pelo; <i>nǫbu</i>, Ital. nuovo; <i>fi<span class="un">o</span>ri</i>, Ital. fiore; <i>n<span class="un">o</span>źi</i>, Ital. +noce, as compared, <i>e.g.</i> with Gallurese <i>dḛci</i>, <i>tḛla</i>, <i>pilu</i>, <i>nou</i>, <i>fiǫri</i>, +<i>nući</i>). Both Gallura and Sassari, however, reject the -<i>s</i>, and adopt +the nominative form in the plural, thus proving that they are not +entirely distinct from the Italian system.]</p> + +<p><a name="ft6j" id="ft6j" href="#fa6j"><span class="fn">6</span></a> On this point see the chapter, “La terra ferma veneta considerata +in ispecie ne’ suoi rapporti con la sezione centrale della zona ladina,” +in <i>Arch.</i> i. 406-447.</p> + +<p><a name="ft7j" id="ft7j" href="#fa7j"><span class="fn">7</span></a> [There are also examples of Istrian variants, such as <i>laṅna</i>, Ital. +lana; <i>kadeṅna</i>, Ital. catena.]</p> + +<p><a name="ft8j" id="ft8j" href="#fa8j"><span class="fn">8</span></a> [There have been of late years many different opinions concerning +the classification of Corsican. Meyer-Lübke dissociates it from +Italian, and connects it with Sardinian, making of the languages +of the two islands a unit independent of the Romance system. But +even he (in Gröber’s <i>Grundriss</i>, 2nd ed., vol. i. p. 698) recognized that +there were a number of characteristics, among them the participle +in -<i>utu</i> and the article <i>illu</i>, closely connecting Sassari and Corsica +with the mainland. The matter has since then been put in its true +light by Guarnerio (<i>Arch. glott.</i> xvi. 510 et seq.), who points out that +there are two varieties of language in Corsica, the <i>Ultramontane</i> +or southern, and the <i>Cismontane</i>, by far the most widely spread, in +the rest of the island. The former is, it is true, connected with +Sardinian, but with that variety, precisely, which, as we have already +seen, ought to be separated from the general Sardinian type. Here +we might legitimately assume a North-Sardinian and South-Corsican +type, having practically the same relation to Italian as have the +Gallo-Italian dialects. As to the Cismontane, it has the Tuscan +accented vowel-system, does not alter <i>ll</i> or <i>rn</i>, turns <i>lj</i> into <i>ĩ</i> (Ital. <i>gli</i>), +and shares with Tuscan the peculiar pronunciation of <i>ć</i> between +vowels, while, together with many of the Tuscan and central dialects, +it reduces <i>rr</i> to a single consonant. For these reasons, Guarnerio is +right in placing the Cismontane, as Ascoli does for all the Corsican +dialects, on the same plane as Umbrian, &c.]</p> + +<p><a name="ft9j" id="ft9j" href="#fa9j"><span class="fn">9</span></a> The Ultramontane variety has, however, <i>tela</i>, <i>pilu</i>, <i>iḍḍu</i>, <i>boći</i>, +<i>gula</i>, <i>furu</i>, corresponding exactly to the Gallurese <i>tela</i>, <i>pilu</i>, Ital. +<i>pelo</i>, <i>iḍḍu</i>; Ital. “ello,” Lat. <i>illu</i>; <i>bǫci</i>, Ital. voce; <i>gula</i>, Ital. gole.</p> + +<p><a name="ft10j" id="ft10j" href="#fa10j"><span class="fn">10</span></a> [Traces are not lacking on the mainland of <i>nģ</i> becoming <i>nć</i>, +not only in Calabria, where at Cosenza are found, <i>e.g.</i> <i>chiáncere</i>, +Ital. piangere, <i>manciare</i>, but also in Sannio and Apulia: <i>chiance</i>, +<i>monce</i>, Ital. mungere, in the province of Avellino, <i>púnci</i>, Ital. (tu) +pungi, at Brindisi. In Sicily, on the other hand, can be traced +examples of <i>nć</i> <i>nk</i> <i>nt</i> <i>mp</i> becoming <i>nģ</i> <i>ng</i> <i>nd</i> <i>mb</i>.]</p> + +<p><a name="ft11j" id="ft11j" href="#fa11j"><span class="fn">11</span></a> It should, however, be noticed that there seem to be examples +of the é from á in the southern dialects on the Tyrrhenian side; +texts of Serrara d’Ischia give: <i>mancete</i>, mangiata, <i>maretete</i>, maritata, +<i>manneto</i>, mandato; also <i>tenno</i> = Neap. <i>tanno</i>, allora. As to +the diphthongs, we should not omit to mention that some of them +are obviously of comparatively recent formation. Thus, examples +from Cerignola, such as <i>lęvǫitę</i>, oliveto, come from <i>*olivítu</i> (cf. Lecc. +<i>leítu</i>, &c.), that is to say, they are posterior to the phenomenon of +vowel change by which the formula <i>ę-u</i> became <i>í-u</i>. And, still in +the same dialect, in an example like <i>gr<span class="un">é</span>jtę</i>, creta, the <i>ej</i> seems perhaps +to be recent, for the reason that another <i>é</i>, derived from an original +<i>é</i> (Lat. <i>ĕ</i>), is treated in the same way (<i>péjte</i>, piede, &c.). As to +examples from Agṇone like <i>puole</i>, palo, there still exists a plural +<i>pjéle</i> which points to the phase <i>*palo</i>.</p> + +<p><a name="ft12j" id="ft12j" href="#fa12j"><span class="fn">12</span></a> We should here mention that <i>callu</i> is also found in the <i>Vocabolario +Siciliano</i>, and further occurs in Capitanata.</p> + +<p><a name="ft13j" id="ft13j" href="#fa13j"><span class="fn">13</span></a> This is derived in reality from the Latin termination <i>-unt</i>, +which is reduced phonetically to <i>-u</i>, a phenomenon not confined to +the Abruzzi; cf. <i>facciu</i>, Ital. fanno, Lat. <i>faciunt</i>, at Norcia; <i>crisciu</i>, +Ital. crescono, Lat. <i>crescunt</i>, &c., at Rieti. And examples are also +to be found in ancient Tuscan.</p> + +<p><a name="ft14j" id="ft14j" href="#fa14j"><span class="fn">14</span></a> [This resolution of -<i>ć</i>- by <i>š</i>, or by a sound very near to <i>š</i>, is, however, +a Roman phenomenon, found in some parts of Apulia (Molfettese +<i>lausce</i>, luce, &c.), and also heard in parts of Sicily.]</p> + +<p><a name="ft15j" id="ft15j" href="#fa15j"><span class="fn">15</span></a> There is therefore nothing surprising in the fact that, for +example, the chronicle of Monaldeschi of Orvieto (14th century) +should indicate a form of speech of which Muratori remarks: +“Romanis tunc familiaris, nimirum quae in nonnullis accedabat ad +Neapolitanam seu vocibus seu pronuntiatione.” The <i>alt</i> into <i>ait</i>, +&c. (<i>aitro</i>, <i>moito</i>), which occur in the well-known <i>Vita di Cola di +Rienzo</i>, examples of which can also be found in some corners of the +Marches, and of which there are also a few traces in Latium, also +shows Abruzzan affinity. The phenomenon occurs also, however, +in Emilian and Tuscan.</p> + +<p><a name="ft16j" id="ft16j" href="#fa16j"><span class="fn">16</span></a> A distinction between the masculine and the neuter article can +also be noticed at Naples and elsewhere in the southern region, +where it sometimes occurs that the initial consonant of the substantive +is differently determined according as the substantive itself +is conceived as masculine or neuter; thus at Naples, neut. <i>lo bero</i>, +masc. <i>lo vero</i>, “il vero,” &c.; at Cerignola (Capitanata), <i>u mmȩgghiḛ</i>, +“il meglio,” side by side with <i>u mǫisḛ</i> “il mese.” The difference is +evidently to be explained by the fact that the neuter article originally +ended in a consonant (-<i>d</i> or -<i>c</i>?; see Merlo, <i>Zeitschrift für roman. +Philol.</i> xxx. 449), which was then assimilated to the initial letter +of the substantive, while the masculine article ended in a vowel.</p> + +<p><a name="ft17j" id="ft17j" href="#fa17j"><span class="fn">17</span></a> This second prefix is common to the opposite valley of the +Metauro, and appears farther south in the form of <i>me</i>,—Camerino: +<i>me lu pettu</i>, nel petto, <i>me lu Seppurgru</i>, al Sepolcro.</p> + +<p><a name="ft18j" id="ft18j" href="#fa18j"><span class="fn">18</span></a> A complete analogy is afforded by the history of the Aryan or +Sanskrit language in India, which in space and time shows always +more and more strongly the reaction of the oral tendencies of the +aboriginal races on whom it has been imposed. Thus the Pali presents +the ancient Aryan organism in a condition analogous to that of +the oldest French, and the Prakrit of the Dramas, on the other hand, +in a condition like that of modern French.</p> +</div> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ITALIAN LITERATURE.<a name="ar67" id="ar67"></a></span> 1. <i>Origins.</i>—One characteristic fact +distinguishes the Italy of the middle ages with regard to its intellectual +conditions—the tenacity with which the Latin tradition +clung to life (see <span class="sc"><a href="#artlinks">Latin</a></span>). At the end of the 5th century the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page898" id="page898"></a>898</span> +northern conquerors invaded Italy. The Roman world crumbled +to pieces. A new kingdom arose at Ravenna under Theodoric, +and there learning was not extinguished. The liberal arts +flourished, the very Gothic kings surrounded themselves with +masters of rhetoric and of grammar. The names of Cassiodorus, +of Boetius, of Symmachus, are enough to show how Latin thought +maintained its power amidst the political effacement of the +Roman empire. And this thought held its ground throughout +the subsequent ages and events. Thus, while elsewhere all +culture had died out, there still remained in Italy some schools +of laymen,<a name="fa1k" id="fa1k" href="#ft1k"><span class="sp">1</span></a> and some really extraordinary men were educated +in them, such as Ennodius, a poet more pagan than Christian, +Arator, Fortunatus, Venantius Jovannicius, Felix the grammarian, +Peter of Pisa, Paulinus of Aquileia and many others, +in all of whom we notice a contrast between the barbarous age +they lived in and their aspiration towards a culture that should +reunite them to the classical literature of Rome. The Italians +never had much love for theological studies, and those who were +addicted to them preferred Paris to Italy. It was something +more practical, more positive, that had attraction for the Italians, +and especially the study of Roman law. This zeal for the study +of jurisprudence furthered the establishment of the medieval +universities of Bologna, Padua, Vicenza, Naples, Salerno, Modena +and Parma; and these, in their turn, helped to spread culture, +and to prepare the ground in which the new vernacular literature +was afterwards to be developed. The tenacity of classical +traditions, the affection for the memories of Rome, the preoccupation +with political interests, particularly shown in the +wars of the Lombard communes against the empire of the +Hohenstaufens, a spirit more naturally inclined to practice +than to theory—all this had a powerful influence on the fate of +Italian literature. Italy was wanting in that combination of +conditions from which the spontaneous life of a people springs. +This was chiefly owing to the fact that the history of the Italians +never underwent interruption,—no foreign nation having come +in to change them and make them young again. That childlike +state of mind and heart, which in other Latin races, as well as +in the Germanic, was such a deep source of poetic inspiration, +was almost utterly wanting in the Italians, who were always +much drawn to history and very little to nature; so, while +legends, tales, epic poems, satires, were appearing and spreading +on all sides, Italy was either quite a stranger to this movement +or took a peculiar part in it. We know, for example, what the +Trojan traditions were in the middle ages; and we should have +thought that in Italy—in the country of Rome, retaining the +memory of Aeneas and Virgil—they would have been specially +developed, for it was from Virgil that the medieval sympathy +for the conquered of Troy was derived. In fact, however, it +was not so. A strange book made its appearance in Europe, +no one quite knows when, the <i>Historia de excidio Trojae</i>, which +purported to have been written by a certain Dares the Phrygian, +an eye-witness of the Trojan war. In the middle ages this book +was the basis of many literary labours. Benoît de Sainte-More +composed an interminable French poem founded on it, which +afterwards in its turn became a source for other poets to draw +from, such as Herbort of Fritzlar and Conrad of Würzburg. +Now for the curious phenomenon displayed by Italy. Whilst +Benoît de Sainte-More wrote his poem in French, taking his +material from a Latin history, whilst the two German writers, +from a French source, made an almost original work in their own +language—an Italian, on the other hand, taking Benoît for +his model, composed in Latin the <i>Historia destructionis Trojae</i>; +and this Italian was Guido delle Colonne of Messina, one of the +vernacular poets of the Sicilian school, who must accordingly +have known well how to use his own language. Guido was an +imitator of the Provençals; he understood French, and yet wrote +his own book in Latin, nay, changed the romance of the Troubadour +into serious history. Much the same thing occurred with +the other great legends. That of Alexander the Great (<i>q.v.</i>) gave +rise to many French, German and Spanish poems,—in Italy, +only to the Latin distichs of Qualichino of Arezzo. The whole +of Europe was full of the legend of Arthur (<i>q.v.</i>). The Italians +contented themselves with translating and with abridging the +French romances, without adding anything of their own. The +Italian writer could neither appropriate the legend nor colour it +with his own tints. Even religious legend, so widely spread in +the middle ages, and springing up so naturally as it did from the +heart of that society, only put out a few roots in Italy. Jacopo +di Voragine, while collecting his lives of the saints, remained +only an historian, a man of learning, almost a critic who seemed +doubtful about the things he related. Italy had none of those +books in which the middle age, whether in its ascetic or its +chivalrous character, is so strangely depicted. The intellectual +life of Italy showed itself in an altogether special, positive, +almost scientific, form, in the study of Roman law, in the +chronicles of Farfa, of Marsicano and of many others, in translations +from Aristotle, in the precepts of the school of Salerno, in +the travels of Marco Polo—in short, in a long series of facts +which seem to detach themselves from the surroundings of the +middle age, and to be united on the one side with classical Rome +and on the other with the Renaissance.</p> + +<p>The necessary consequence of all this was that the Latin +language was most tenacious in Italy, and that the elaboration +of the new vulgar tongue was very slow,—being in fact +preceded by two periods of Italian literature in foreign +<span class="sidenote">Provençal and French preparatory periods.</span> +languages. That is to say, there were many Italians +who wrote Provençal poems, such as the Marchese +Alberto Malaspina (12th century), Maestro Ferrari of +Ferrara, Cigala of Genoa, Zorzi of Venice, Sordello of Mantua, +Buvarello of Bologna, Nicoletto of Turin and others, who sang +of love and of war, who haunted the courts, or lived in the midst +of the people, accustoming them to new sounds and new harmonies. +At the same time there was other poetry of an epic +kind, written in a mixed language, of which French was the basis, +but in which forms and words belonging to the Italian dialects +were continually mingling. We find in it hybrid words exhibiting +a treatment of sounds according to the rules of both languages,—French +words with Italian terminations, a system of vocalization +within the words approaching the Italo-Latin usage,—in short, +something belonging at once to both tongues, as it were an +attempt at interpenetration, at fusion. Such were the <i>Chansons +de Geste</i>, <i>Macaire</i>, the <i>Entrée en Espagne</i> written by Niccola of +Padua, the <i>Prise de Pampelune</i> and some others. All this +preceded the appearance of a purely Italian literature.</p> + +<p>In the Franco-Italian poems there was, as it were, a clashing, +a struggle between the two languages, the French, however, +gaining the upper hand. This supremacy became +gradually less and less. As the struggle continued +<span class="sidenote">Dialect.</span> +between French and Italian, the former by degrees lost as much +as the latter gained. The hybridism recurred, but it no longer +predominated. In the <i>Bovo d’ Antona</i> and the <i>Rainardo e +Lesengrino</i> the Venetian dialect makes itself clearly felt, although +the language is influenced by French forms. Thus these writings, +which G. I. Ascoli has called “miste” (mixed), immediately +preceded the appearance of purely Italian works.</p> + +<p>It is now an established historical fact that there existed no +writing in Italian before the 13th century. It was in the course +of that century, and especially from 1250 onwards, +that the new literature largely unfolded and developed +<span class="sidenote">North Italy.</span> +itself. This development was simultaneous in the +whole peninsula, only there was a difference in the subject-matter +of the art. In the north, the poems of Giacomino of Verona and +Bonvecino of Riva were specially religious, and were intended +to be recited to the people. They were written in a dialect +partaking of the Milanese and the Venetian; and in their style +they strongly bore the mark of the influence of French narrative +poetry. They may be considered as belonging to the popular +kind of poetry, taking the word, however, in a broad sense. +Perhaps this sort of composition was encouraged by the old +custom in the north of Italy of listening in the piazzas and on +the highways to the songs of the jongleurs. To the very same +crowds who had been delighted with the stories of romance, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page899" id="page899"></a>899</span> +and who had listened to the story of the wickedness of <i>Macaire</i> +and the misfortunes of <i>Blanciflor</i>, another jongleur would sing +of the terrors of the <i>Babilonia Infernale</i> and the blessedness of +the <i>Gerusalemme celeste</i>, and the singers of religious poetry vied +with those of the <i>Chansons de Geste</i>.</p> + +<p>In the south of Italy, on the other hand, the love-song prevailed, +of which we have an interesting specimen in the Contrasto +attributed to Ciullo d’ Alcamo, about which modern +Italian critics have much exercised themselves. This +<span class="sidenote">South Italy.</span> +“contrasto” (dispute) between a man and a woman +in Sicilian dialect certainly must not be considered as the most +ancient or as the only southern poem of a popular kind. It +belongs without doubt to the time of the emperor Frederick II., +and is important as a proof that there existed a popular poetry +independent of literary poetry. The <i>Contrasto</i> of Ciullo d’Alcamo +is the most remarkable relic of a kind of poetry that has perished +or which perhaps was smothered by the ancient Sicilian literature. +Its distinguishing point was its possessing all the opposite +qualities to the poetry of the rhymers of what we shall call the +Sicilian school. Vigorous in the expression of feelings, it seems +to come from a real sentiment. The conceits, which are sometimes +most bold and very coarse, show that it proceeded from +the lowest grades of society. Everything is original in Ciullo’s +<i>Contrasto</i>. Conventionality has no place in it. It is marked +by the sensuality characteristic of the people of the South.</p> + +<p>The reverse of all this happened in the Siculo-Provençal +school, at the head of which was Frederick II. Imitation was +the fundamental characteristic of this school, to which +belonged Enzio, king of Sardinia, Pier delle Vigne, +<span class="sidenote">Siculo-Provençal School.</span> +Inghilfredi, Guido and Odo delle Colonne, Jacopo +d’ Aquino, Rugieri Pugliese, Giacomo da Lentino, +Arrigo Testa and others. These rhymers never moved a step +beyond the ideas of chivalry; they had no originality; they +did not sing of what they felt in their heart; they abhorred +the true and the real. They only aimed at copying as closely +as they could the poetry of the Provençal troubadours.<a name="fa2k" id="fa2k" href="#ft2k"><span class="sp">2</span></a> The +art of the Siculo-Provençal school was born decrepit, and there +were many reasons for this—first, because the chivalrous spirit, +from which the poetry of the troubadours was derived, was now +old and on its death-bed; next, because the Provençal art itself, +which the Sicilians took as their model, was in its decadence. +It may seem strange, but it is true, that when the emperor +Frederick II., a philosopher, a statesman, a very original legislator, +took to writing poetry, he could only copy and amuse himself +with absolute puerilities. His art, like that of all the other poets +of his court, was wholly conventional, mechanical, affected. It +was completely wanting in what constitutes poetry—ideality, +feeling, sentiment, inspiration. The Italians have had great +disputes among themselves about the original form of the poems +of the Sicilian school, that is to say, whether they were written +in Sicilian dialect, or in that language which Dante called +“volgare, illustre, aulico, cortigiano.” But the critics of most +authority hold that the primitive form of these poems was the +Sicilian dialect, modified for literary purposes with the help of +Provençal and Latin; the theory of the “lingua illustre” has +been almost entirely rejected, since we cannot say on what rules +it could have been founded, when literature was in its infancy +trying its feet, and lisping its first words. The Sicilian certainly, +in accordance with a tendency common to all dialects, in passing +from the spoken to the written form, must have gained in dignity; +but this was not enough to create the so-called “lingua illustre,” +which was upheld by Perticari and others on grounds rather +political than literary.</p> + +<p>In the 13th century a mighty religious movement took place +in Italy, of which the rise of the two great orders of Saint Francis +and Saint Dominic was at once the cause and the +effect. Around Francis of Assisi a legend has grown +<span class="sidenote">Religious lyric poetry in Umbria.</span> +up in which naturally the imaginative element prevails. +Yet from some points in it we seem to be able to infer +that its hero had a strong feeling for nature, and a heart open +to the most lively impressions. Many poems are attributed +to him. The legend relates that in the eighteenth year of his +penance, when almost rapt in ecstasy, he dictated the <i>Cantico +del Sole</i>. Even if this hymn be really his, it cannot be considered +as a poetical work, being written in a kind of prose simply +marked by assonances. As for the other poems, which for a long +time were believed to be by Saint Francis, their spuriousness +is now generally recognized. The true poet who represented +in all its strength and breadth the religious feeling that had +made special progress in Umbria was Jacopo dei Benedetti of +Todi, known as Jacopone. The story is that sorrow at the sudden +death of his wife had disordered his mind, and that, having sold +all he possessed and given it to the poor, he covered himself with +rags, and took pleasure in being laughed at, and followed by a +crowd of people who mocked him and called after him “Jacopone, +Jacopone.” We do not know whether this be true. What we +do know is that a vehement passion must have stirred his heart +and maintained a despotic hold over him, the passion of divine +love. Under its influence Jacopone went on raving for years and +years, subjecting himself to the severest sufferings, and giving +vent to his religious intoxication in his poems. There is no art +in him, there is not the slightest indication of deliberate effort; +there is only feeling, a feeling that absorbed him, fascinated +him, penetrated him through and through. His poetry was all +inside him, and burst out, not so much in words as in sighs, in +groans, in cries that often seem really to come from a monomaniac. +But Jacopone was a mystic, who from his hermit’s +cell looked out into the world and specially watched the papacy, +scourging with his words Celestine V. and Boniface VIII. He +was put in prison and laden with chains, but his spirit lifted +itself up to God, and that was enough for him. The same feeling +that prompted him to pour out in song ecstasies of divine love, +and to despise and trample on himself, moved him to reprove +those who forsook the heavenly road, whether they were popes, +prelates or monks. In Jacopone there was a strong originality, +and in the period of the origins of Italian literature he was one +of the most characteristic writers.</p> + +<p>The religious movement in Umbria was followed by another +literary phenomenon, that of the religious drama. In 1258 an +old hermit, Raniero Fasani, leaving the cavern in +which he had lived for many years, suddenly appeared +<span class="sidenote">The religious drama.</span> +at Perugia. These were very sad times for Italy. The +quarrels in the cities, the factions of the Ghibellines and +the Guelphs, the interdicts and excommunications issued by +the popes, the reprisals of the imperial party, the cruelty and +tyranny of the nobles, the plagues and famines, kept the people +in constant agitation, and spread abroad mysterious fears. +The commotion was increased in Perugia by Fasani, who represented +himself as sent by God to disclose mysterious visions, +and to announce to the world terrible visitations. Under the +influence of fear there were formed “Compagnie di Disciplinanti,” +who, for a penance, scourged themselves till they drew blood, and +sang “Laudi” in dialogue in their confraternities. These +“Laudi,” closely connected with the liturgy, were the first +example of the drama in the vulgar tongue of Italy. They +were written in the Umbrian dialect, in verses of eight syllables, +and of course they have not any artistic value. Their development, +however, was rapid. As early as the end of the same +13th century we have the <i>Devozioni del Giovedì e Venerdì Santo</i>, +which have some dramatic elements in them, though they are +still connected with the liturgical office. Then we have the +representation <i>di un Monaco che andò al servizio di Dio</i> (“of a +monk who entered the service of God”), in which there is already +an approach to the definite form which this kind of literary +work assumed in the following centuries.</p> + +<p>In the 13th century Tuscany was peculiarly circumstanced +both as regards its literary condition and its political life. The +Tuscans spoke a dialect which most closely resembled +the mother-tongue, Latin—one which afterwards +<span class="sidenote">Tuscan poetry.</span> +became almost exclusively the language of literature, +and which was already regarded at the end of the 13th century +as surpassing the others; “Lingua Tusca magis apta est ad +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page900" id="page900"></a>900</span> +literam sive literaturam”: thus writes Antonio da Tempo of +Padua, born about 1275. Being very little or not at all affected +by the Germanic invasion, Tuscany was never subjected to the +feudal system. It had fierce internal struggles, but they did +not weaken its life; on the contrary, they rather gave it fresh +vigour and strengthened it, and (especially after the final fall +of the Hohenstaufens at the battle of Benevento in 1266) made +it the first province of Italy. From 1266 onwards Florence +was in a position to begin that movement of political reform +which in 1282 resulted in the appointment of the Priori delle +Arti, and the establishment of the Arti Minori. This was afterwards +copied by Siena with the Magistrato dei Nove, by Lucca, +by Pistoia, and by other Guelph cities in Tuscany with similar +popular institutions. In this way the gilds had taken the government +into their hands, and it was a time of both social and political +prosperity. It was no wonder that literature also rose to an +unlooked-for height. In Tuscany, too, there was some popular +love poetry; there was a school of imitators of the Sicilians, +their chief being Dante of Majano; but its literary originality +took another line—that of humorous and satirical poetry. +The entirely democratic form of government created a style of +poetry which stood in the strongest antithesis to the medieval +mystic and chivalrous style. Devout invocation of God or of a +lady came from the cloister and the castle; in the streets of the +cities everything that had gone before was treated with ridicule +or biting sarcasm. Folgore of San Gimignano laughs when in +his sonnets he tells a party of Sienese youths what are the +occupations of every month in the year, or when he teaches a +party of Florentine lads the pleasures of every day in the week. +Cene della Chitarra laughs when he parodies Folgore’s sonnets. +The sonnets of Rustico di Filippo are half fun and half satire; +laughing and crying, joking and satire, are all to be found in +Cecco Angiolieri of Siena, the oldest “humorist” we know, a +far-off precursor of Rabelais, of Montaigne, of Jean Paul Richter, +of Sydney Smith. But another kind of poetry also began in +Tuscany. Guittone d’ Arezzo made art quit chivalrous for +national motives, Provençal forms for Latin. He attempted +political poetry, and, although his work is full of the strangest +obscurities, he prepared the way for the Bolognese school. In +the 13th century Bologna was the city of science, and philosophical +poetry appeared there. Guido Guinicelli was the +poet after the new fashion of the art. In him the ideas of chivalry +are changed and enlarged; he sings of love and, together with it, +of the nobility of the mind. The reigning thought in Guinicelli’s +Canzoni is nothing external to his own subjectivity. His speculative +mind, accustomed to wandering in the field of philosophy, +transfuses its lucubrations into his art. Guinicelli’s poetry +has some of the faults of the school of Guittone d’Arezzo: he +reasons too much; he is wanting in imagination; his poetry +is a product of the intellect rather than of the fancy and the +heart. Nevertheless he marks a great development in the +history of Italian art, especially because of his close connexion +with Dante’s lyric poetry.</p> + +<p>But before we come to Dante, certain other facts, not, however, +unconnected with his history, must be noticed. In the 13th +century, there were several poems in the allegorical +style. One of these is by Brunetto Latini, who, it +<span class="sidenote">Allegorical poetry.</span> +is well known, was attached by ties of strong affection +to Alighieri. His <i>Tesoretto</i> is a short poem, in seven-syllable +verses, rhyming in couplets, in which the author professes +to be lost in a wilderness and to meet with a lady, who is Nature, +from whom he receives much instruction. We see here the vision, +the allegory, the instruction with a moral object—three elements +which we shall find again in the <i>Divina Commedia</i>. Francesco +da Barberino, a learned lawyer who was secretary to bishops, +a judge, a notary, wrote two little allegorical poems—the +<i>Documenti d’ amore</i> and <i>Del reggimento e dei costumi delle +donne</i>. Like the <i>Tesoretto</i>, these poems are of no value as works +of art, but are, on the other hand, of importance in the history +of manners. A fourth allegorical work was the <i>Intelligenza</i>, +by some attributed to Dino Compagni, but probably not his, +and only a version of French poems.</p> + +<p>While the production of Italian poetry in the 13th century +was abundant and varied, that of prose was scanty. The oldest +specimen dates from 1231, and consists of short +notices of entries and expenses by Mattasalà di +<span class="sidenote">Prose in 13th century.</span> +Spinello dei Lambertini of Siena. In 1253 and 1260 +there are some commercial letters of other Sienese. +But there is no sign of literary prose. Before we come to any, +we meet with a phenomenon like that we noticed in regard to +poetry. Here again we find a period of Italian literature in +French. Halfway on in the century a certain Aldobrando or +Aldobrandino (it is not known whether he was of Florence or +of Siena) wrote a book for Beatrice of Savoy, countess of Provence, +called <i>Le Régime du corps</i>. In 1267 Martino da Canale wrote +in the same “langue d’oil” a chronicle of Venice. Rusticiano of +Pisa, who was for a long while at the court of Edward I. of +England, composed many chivalrous romances, derived from +the Arthurian cycle, and subsequently wrote the travels of Marco +Polo, which may perhaps have been dictated by the great +traveller himself. And finally Brunetto Latini wrote his <i>Tesoro</i> +in French.</p> + +<p>Next in order to the original compositions in the langue d’oil +come the translations or adaptations from the same. There +are some moral narratives taken from religious legends; a +romance of Julius Caesar; some short histories of ancient +knights; the <i>Tavola rotonda</i>; translations of the <i>Viaggi</i> of +Marco Polo and of the <i>Tesoro</i> of Latini. At the same time there +appeared translations from Latin of moral and ascetic works, +of histories and of treatises on rhetoric and oratory. Up to +very recent times it was still possible to reckon as the most +ancient works in Italian prose the <i>Cronaca</i> of Matteo Spinello +da Giovenazzo, and the <i>Cronaca</i> of Ricordano Malespini. But +now both of them have been shown to be forgeries of a much +later time. Therefore the oldest prose writing is a scientific +book—the <i>Composizione del mondo</i> by Ristoro d’ Arezzo, who +lived about the middle of the 13th century. This work is a +copious treatise on astronomy and geography. Ristoro was +superior to the other writers of the time on these subjects, +because he seems to have been a careful observer of natural +phenomena, and consequently many of the things he relates +were the result of his personal investigations. There is also +another short treatise, <i>De regimine rectoris</i>, by Fra Paolino, +a Minorite friar of Venice, who was probably bishop of Pozzuoli, +and who also wrote a Latin chronicle. His treatise stands in +close relation to that of Egidio Colonna, <i>De regimine principum</i>. +It is written in the Venetian dialect.</p> + +<p>The 13th century was very rich in tales. There is a collection +called the <i>Cento Novelle antiche</i>, which contains stories drawn +from Oriental, Greek and Trojan traditions, from ancient and +medieval history, from the legends of Brittany, Provence and +Italy, and from the Bible, from the local tradition of Italy as +well as from histories of animals and old mythology. This book +has a distant resemblance to the Spanish collection known as +<i>El Conde Lucanor</i>. The peculiarity of the Italian book is that +the stories are very short, and that they seem to be mere outlines +to be filled in by the narrator as he goes along. Other prose +novels were inserted by Francesco Barberino in his work <i>Del +reggimento e dei costumi delle donne</i>, but they are of much less +importance than the others. On the whole the Italian novels +of the 13th century have little originality, and are only a faint +reflection of the very rich legendary literature of France. Some +attention should be paid to the <i>Lettere</i> of Fra Guittone d’Arezzo, +who wrote many poems and also some letters in prose, the subjects +of which are moral and religious. Love of antiquity, of the +traditions of Rome and of its language, was so strong in Guittone +that he tried to write Italian in a Latin style, and it turned out +obscure, involved and altogether barbarous. He took as his +special model Seneca, and hence his prose assumed a bombastic +style, which, according to his views, was very artistic, but which +in fact was alien to the true spirit of art, and resulted in the +extravagant and grotesque.</p> + +<p>2. <i>The Spontaneous Development of Italian Literature.</i>—In the +year 1282, the year in which the new Florentine constitution +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page901" id="page901"></a>901</span> +of the “Arti minori” was completed, a period of literature +<span class="sidenote">New Tuscan School of lyric poetry.</span> +began that does not belong to the age of first beginnings, +but to that of development. With the school +of Lapo Gianni, of Guido Cavalcanti, of Cino da +Pistoia and Dante Alighieri, lyric poetry became exclusively +Tuscan. The whole novelty and poetic power +of this school, which really was the beginning of Italian art, +consist in what Dante expresses so happily—</p> + +<table class="reg f90" summary="poem"><tr><td> <div class="poemr"> + <p class="i10">“Quando</p> +<p>Amore spira, noto, ed a quel modo</p> +<p>Ch’ ei detta dentro, vo significando”—</p> +</div> </td></tr></table> + +<p class="noind">that is to say, in a power of expressing the feelings of the soul +in the way in which love inspires them, in an appropriate and +graceful manner, fitting form to matter, and by art fusing one +with the other. The Tuscan lyric poetry, the first true Italian +art, is pre-eminent in this artistic fusion, in the spontaneous +and at the same time deliberate action of the mind. In Lapo +Gianni the new style is not free from some admixture of the old +associations of the Siculo-Provençal school. He wavered as it +were between two manners. The empty and involved phraseology +of the Sicilians is absent, but the poet does not always rid +himself of their influence. Sometimes, however, he draws +freely from his own heart, and then the subtleties and obscurities +disappear, and his verse becomes clear, flowing and elegant.</p> + +<p>Guido Cavalcanti was a learned man with a high conception +of his art. He felt the value of it, and adapted his learning to it. +Cavalcanti was already a good deal out of sympathy +with the medieval spirit; he reflected deeply on his +<span class="sidenote">Guido Cavalcanti.</span> +own work, and from this reflection he derived his +poetical conception. His poems may be divided into +two classes—those which portray the philosopher, “il sottilissimo +dialettico,” as Lorenzo the Magnificent called him, and those +which are more directly the product of his poetic nature imbued +with mysticism and metaphysics. To the first set belongs the +famous poem <i>Sulla natura d’amore</i>, which in fact is a treatise +on amorous metaphysics, and was annotated later in a learned +way by the most renowned Platonic philosophers of the 15th +century, such as Marsilius Ficinus and others. In other poems +of Cavalcanti’s besides this we see a tendency to subtilize and +to stifle the poetic imagery under a dead weight of philosophy. +But there are many of his sonnets in which the truth of the +images and the elegance and simplicity of the style are admirable, +and make us feel that we are in quite a new period of art. This +is particularly felt in Cavalcanti’s <i>Ballate</i>, for in them he pours +himself out ingenuously and without affectation, but with an +invariable and profound consciousness of his art. Far above all +the others for the reality of the sorrow and the love displayed, +for the melancholy longing expressed for the distant home, for +the calm and solemn yearning of his heart for the lady of his love, +for a deep subjectivity which is never troubled by metaphysical +subtleties, is the ballata composed by Cavalcanti when he was +banished from Florence with the party of the Bianchi in 1300, +and took refuge at Sarzana.</p> + +<p>The third poet among the followers of the new school was +Cino da Pistoia, of the family of the Sinibuldi. His love poems +<span class="sidenote">Cino da Pistoia.</span> +are so sweet, so mellow and so musical that they are +only surpassed by Dante. The pains of love are +described by him with vigorous touches; it is easy +to see that they are not feigned but real. The psychology of +love and of sorrow nearly reaches perfection.</p> + +<p>As the author of the <i>Vita nuova</i>, the greatest of all Italian +poets, Dante also belongs to the same lyric school. In the lyrics +of the <i>Vita nuova</i> (so called by its author to indicate +that his first meeting with Beatrice was the beginning +<span class="sidenote">Dante (1265-1321).</span> +for him of a life entirely different from that he had +hitherto led) there is a high idealization of love. It +seems as if there were in it nothing earthly or human, and that +the poet had his eyes constantly fixed on heaven while singing +of his lady. Everything is supersensual, aerial, heavenly, and +the real Beatrice is always gradually melting more and more into +the symbolical one—passing out of her human nature and into +the divine. Several of the lyrics of the <i>Canzoniere</i> deal with the +theme of the “new life”; but all the love poems do not refer +to Beatrice, while other pieces are philosophical and bridge +over to the <i>Convito</i>.</p> + +<p>The work which made Dante immortal, and raised him above +all other men of genius in Italy, was his <i>Divina Commedia</i>. An +allegorical meaning is hidden under the literal one of this great +epic. Dante travelling through Hell, Purgatory and Paradise, +is a symbol of mankind aiming at the double object of temporal +and eternal happiness. By the forest in which the poet loses +himself is meant the civil and religious confusion of society, +deprived of its two guides, the emperor and the pope. The +mountain illuminated by the sun is universal monarchy. The +three beasts are the three vices and the three powers which +offered the greatest obstacles to Dante’s designs: envy is +Florence, light, fickle and divided by the Bianchi and Neri; +pride is the house of France; avarice is the papal court; Virgil +represents reason and the empire. Beatrice is the symbol of the +supernatural aid without which man cannot attain the supreme +end, which is God.</p> + +<p>But the merit of the poem does not lie in the allegory, which +still connects it with medieval literature. What is new in it is +the individual art of the poet, the classic art transfused for the +first time into a Romance form. Dante is above all a great +artist. Whether he describes nature, analyzes passions, curses +the vices or sings hymns to the virtues, he is always wonderful +for the grandeur and delicacy of his art. Out of the rude medieval +vision he has made the greatest work of art of modern times. +He took the materials for his poem from theology, from philosophy, +from history, from mythology—but more especially from +his own passions, from hatred and love; and he has breathed +the breath of genius into all these materials. Under the pen of +the poet, the dead come to life again; they become men again, +and speak the language of their time, of their passions. Farinata +degli Uberti, Boniface VIII., Count Ugolino, Manfred, Sordello, +Hugh Capet, St Thomas Aquinas, Cacciaguida, St Benedict, St +Peter, are all so many objective creations; they stand before +us in all the life of their characters, their feelings, their habits.</p> + +<p>Yet this world of fancy in which the poet moves is not only +made living by the power of his genius, but it is changed by his +consciousness. The real chastizer of the sins, the rewarder of +the virtues, is Dante himself. The personal interest which he +brings to bear on the historical representation of the three worlds +is what most interests us and stirs us. Dante remakes history +after his own passions. Thus the <i>Divina Commedia</i> can fairly +be called, not only the most life-like drama of the thoughts and +feelings that moved men at that time, but also the most clear +and spontaneous reflection of the individual feelings of the poet, +from the indignation of the citizen and the exile to the faith of the +believer and the ardour of the philosopher. The <i>Divina Commedia</i> +fixed and clearly defined the destiny of Italian literature, +to give artistic lustre, and hence immortality, to all the forms of +literature which the middle ages had produced. Dante begins +the great era of the Renaissance.</p> + +<p>Two facts characterize the literary life of Petrarch—classical +research and the new human feeling introduced into his lyric +poetry. Nor are these two facts separate; rather is +the one the result of the other. The Petrarch who +<span class="sidenote">Petrarch (1304-1374).</span> +travelled about unearthing the works of the great +Latin writers helps us to understand the Petrarch who, +having completely detached himself from the middle ages, loved +a real lady with a human love, and celebrated her in her life +and after her death in poems full of studied elegance. Petrarch +was the first humanist, and he was at the same time the first lyric +poet of the modern school. His career was long and tempestuous. +He lived for many years at Avignon, cursing the corruption of +the papal court; he travelled through nearly the whole of +Europe; he corresponded with emperors and popes; he was +considered the first man of letters of his time; he had honours +and riches; and he always bore about within him discontent, +melancholy and incapacity for satisfaction—three characteristics +of the modern man.</p> + +<p>His <i>Canzoniere</i> is divided into three parts—the first containing +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page902" id="page902"></a>902</span> +the poems written during Laura’s lifetime, the second the poems +written after her death, the third the <i>Trionfi</i>. The one and only +subject of these poems is love; but the treatment is full of variety +in conception, in imagery and in sentiment, derived from the +most varied impressions of nature. Petrarch’s love is real and +deep, and to this is due the merit of his lyric verse, which is +quite different, not only from that of the Provençal troubadours +and of the Italian poets before him, but also from the lyrics +of Dante. Petrarch is a psychological poet, who dives down +into his own soul, examines all his feelings, and knows how to +render them with an art of exquisite sweetness. The lyrics of +Petrarch are no longer transcendental like Dante’s, but on the +contrary keep entirely within human limits. In struggles, in +doubts, in fears, in disappointments, in griefs, in joys, in fact in +everything, the poet finds material for his poetry. The second +part of the <i>Canzoniere</i> is the more passionate. The <i>Trionfi</i> +are inferior; it is clear that in them Petrarch tried to imitate +the <i>Divina Commedia</i>, but never came near it. The <i>Canzoniere</i> +includes also a few political poems—a canzone to Italy, one +supposed to be addressed to Cola di Rienzi and several sonnets +against the court of Avignon. These are remarkable for their +vigour of feeling, and also for showing that Petrarch had formed +the idea of <i>Italianità</i> better even than Alighieri. The Italy which +he wooed was different from any conceived by the men of the +middle ages, and in this also he was a precursor of modern +times and of modern aspirations. Petrarch had no decided +political idea. He exalted Cola di Rienzi, invoked the emperor +Charles IV., praised the Visconti; in fact, his politics were affected +more by impressions than by principles; but above all this +reigned constantly the love of Italy, his ancient and glorious +country, which in his mind is reunited with Rome, the great +city of his heroes Cicero and Scipio.</p> + +<p>Boccaccio had the same enthusiastic love of antiquity and the +same worship for the new Italian literature as Petrarch. He +was the first, with the help of a Greek born in Calabria, +to put together a Latin translation of the <i>Iliad</i> and +<span class="sidenote">Boccaccio (1313-1375).</span> +the <i>Odyssey</i>. His vast classical learning was shown +specially in the work <i>De genealogia deorum</i>, in which +he enumerates the gods according to genealogical trees constructed +on the authority of the various authors who wrote +about the pagan divinities. This work marked an era in studies +preparatory to the revival of classical learning. And at the +same time it opened the way for the modern criticism, because +Boccaccio in his researches, and in his own judgment was +always independent of the authors whom he most esteemed. +The <i>Genealogia deorum</i> is, as A. H. Heeren said, an encyclopaedia +of mythological knowledge; and it was the precursor of the +great humanistic movement which was developed in the 15th +century. Boccaccio was also the first historian of women in +his <i>De claris mulieribus</i>, and the first to undertake to tell the +story of the great unfortunate in his <i>De casibus virorum +illustrium</i>. He continued and perfected former geographical +investigations in his interesting book <i>De montibus, silvis, +fontibus, lacubus, fluminibus, stagnis, et paludibus, et de nominibus +maris</i>, for which he made use of Vibius Sequester, but which +contains also many new and valuable observations. Of +his Italian works his lyrics do not come anywhere near to +the perfection of Petrarch’s. His sonnets, mostly about love, +are quite mediocre. His narrative poetry is better. Although +now he can no longer claim the distinction long conceded to +him of having invented the octave stanza (which afterwards +became the metre of the poems of Boiardo, of Ariosto and of +Tasso), yet he was certainly the first to use it in a work of some +length and written with artistic skill, such as is his <i>Teseide</i>, +the oldest Italian romantic poem. The <i>Filostrato</i> relates the +loves of Troiolo and Griseida (Troilus and Cressida). It may be +that Boccaccio knew the French poem of the Trojan war by +Benoît de Sainte-More; but the interest of the Italian work +lies in the analysis of the passion of love, which is treated with +a masterly hand. The <i>Ninfale fiesolano</i> tells the love story of +the nymph Mesola and the shepherd Africo. The <i>Amorosa +Visione</i>, a poem in triplets, doubtless owed its origin to the +<i>Divina Commedia</i>. The <i>Ameto</i> is a mixture of prose and poetry, +and is the first Italian pastoral romance.</p> + +<p>The <i>Filocopo</i> takes the earliest place among prose romances. +In it Boccaccio tells in a laborious style, and in the most prolix +way, the loves of Florio and Biancafiore. Probably for this +work he drew materials from a popular source or from a Byzantine +romance, which Leonzio Pilato may have mentioned to him. +In the <i>Filocopo</i> there is a remarkable exuberance in the mythological +part, which damages the romance as an artistic work, +but which contributes to the history of Boccaccio’s mind. The +<i>Fiammetta</i> is another romance, about the loves of Boccaccio +and Maria d’Aquino, a supposed natural daughter of King +Robert, whom he always called by this name of Fiammetta.</p> + +<p>The Italian work which principally made Boccaccio famous +was the <i>Decamerone</i>, a collection of a hundred novels, related by +a party of men and women, who had retired to a villa near +Florence to escape from the plague in 1348. Novel-writing, +so abundant in the preceding centuries, especially in France, +now for the first time assumed an artistic shape. The style of +Boccaccio tends to the imitation of Latin, but in him prose first +took the form of elaborated art. The rudeness of the old <i>fabliaux</i> +gives place to the careful and conscientious work of a mind +that has a feeling for what is beautiful, that has studied the +classic authors, and that strives to imitate them as much as +possible. Over and above this, in the <i>Decamerone</i>, Boccaccio is +a delineator of character and an observer of passions. In this +lies his novelty. Much has been written about the sources of +the novels of the <i>Decamerone</i>. Probably Boccaccio made use +both of written and of oral sources. Popular tradition must +have furnished him with the materials of many stories, as, for +example, that of Griselda.</p> + +<p>Unlike Petrarch, who was always discontented, preoccupied, +wearied with life, disturbed by disappointments, we find +Boccaccio calm, serene, satisfied with himself and with his +surroundings. Notwithstanding these fundamental differences +in their characters, the two great authors were old and warm +friends. But their affection for Dante was not equal. Petrarch, +who says that he saw him once in his childhood, did not preserve +a pleasant recollection of him, and it would be useless to deny +that he was jealous of his renown. The <i>Divina Commedia</i> was +sent him by Boccaccio, when he was an old man, and he confessed +that he never read it. On the other hand, Boccaccio +felt for Dante something more than love—enthusiasm. He +wrote a biography of him, of which the accuracy is now unfairly +depreciated by some critics, and he gave public critical lectures +on the poem in Santa Maria del Fiore at Florence.</p> + +<p>Fazio degli Uberti and Federigo Frezzi were imitators of the +<i>Divina Commedia</i>, but only in its external form. The former +wrote the <i>Dittamondo</i>, a long poem, in which the +author supposes that he was taken by the geographer +<span class="sidenote">Imitators of the Commedia.</span> +Solinus into different parts of the world, and that his +guide related the history of them. The legends of +the rise of the different Italian cities have some importance +historically. Frezzi, bishop of his native town Foligno, wrote +the <i>Quadriregio</i>, a poem of the four kingdoms—Love, Satan, +the Vices and the Virtues. This poem has many points of +resemblance with the <i>Divina Commedia</i>. Frezzi pictures the +condition of man who rises from a state of vice to one of virtue, +and describes hell, the limbo, purgatory and heaven. The +poet has Pallas for a companion.</p> + +<p>Ser Giovanni Fiorentino wrote, under the title of <i>Pecorone</i>, +a collection of tales, which are supposed to have been related +by a monk and a nun in the parlour of the monastery +of Forlì. He closely imitated Boccaccio, and drew +<span class="sidenote">Novelists.</span> +on Villani’s chronicle for his historical stories. Franco Sacchetti +wrote tales too, for the most part on subjects taken from +Florentine history. His book gives a life-like picture of Florentine +society at the end of the 14th century. The subjects are almost +always improper; but it is evident that Sacchetti collected all +these anecdotes in order to draw from them his own conclusions +and moral reflections, which are to be found at the end of every +story. From this point of view Sacchetti’s work comes near to +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page903" id="page903"></a>903</span> +the <i>Monalisationes</i> of the middle ages. A third novelist was +Giovanni Sercambi of Lucca, who after 1374 wrote a book, +in imitation of Boccaccio, about a party of people who were +supposed to fly from a plague and to go travelling about in +different Italian cities, stopping here and there telling stories. +Later, but important, names are those of Massuccio Salernitano +(Tommaso Guardato), who wrote the <i>Novellino</i>, and Antonio +Cornazzano whose <i>Proverbii</i> became extremely popular.</p> + +<p>It has already been said that the Chronicles formerly believed +to have been of the 13th century are now regarded as forgeries +of later times. At the end of the 13th century, however, +we find a <i>chronicle</i> by Dino Compagni, which, notwithstanding +<span class="sidenote">The chroniclers.</span> +the unfavourable opinion of it entertained +especially by some German writers, is in all probability +authentic. Little is known about the life of Compagni. Noble +by birth, he was democratic in feeling, and was a supporter +of the new ordinances of Giano della Bella. As prior and gonfalonier +of justice he always had the public welfare at heart. +When Charles of Valois, the nominee of Boniface VIII., was +expected in Florence, Compagni, foreseeing the evils of civil +discord, assembled a number of citizens in the church of San +Giovanni, and tried to quiet their excited spirits. His chronicle +relates the events that came under his own notice from 1280 to +1312. It bears the stamp of a strong subjectivity. The narrative +is constantly personal. It often rises to the finest dramatic +style. A strong patriotic feeling and an exalted desire for what is +right pervade the book. Compagni is more an historian than +a chronicler, because he looks for the reasons of events, and +makes profound reflections on them. According to our judgment +he is one of the most important authorities for that period of +Florentine history, notwithstanding the not insignificant mistakes +in fact which are to be found in his writings. On the contrary, +Giovanni Villani, born in 1300, was more of a chronicler than an +historian. He relates the events up to 1347. The journeys +that he made in Italy and France, and the information thus +acquired, account for the fact that his chronicle, called by him +<i>Istorie fiorentine</i>, comprises events that occurred all over Europe. +What specially distinguishes the work of Villani is that he speaks +at length, not only of events in politics and war, but also of the +stipends of public officials, of the sums of money used for paying +soldiers and for public festivals, and of many other things of +which the knowledge is very valuable. With such an abundance +of information it is not to be wondered at that Villani’s narrative +is often encumbered with fables and errors, particularly when +he speaks of things that happened before his own time. Matteo +was the brother of Giovanni Villani, and continued the chronicle +up to 1363. It was again continued by Filippo Villani. Gino +Capponi, author of the <i>Commentari dell’ acquisto di Pisa</i> and +of the narration of the <i>Tumulto dei ciompi</i>, belonged to both +the 14th and the 15th centuries.</p> + +<p>The <i>Divina Commedia</i> is ascetic in its conception, and in a +good many points of its execution. To a large extent similar +is the genius of Petrarch; yet neither Petrarch nor +Dante could be classified among the pure ascetics of +<span class="sidenote">Ascetic writers.</span> +their time. But many other writers come under this +head. St Catherine of Siena’s mysticism was political. She was +a really extraordinary woman, who aspired to bring back the +Church of Rome to evangelical virtue, and who has left a +collection of letters written in a high and lofty tone to all kinds +of people, including popes. She joins hands on the one side with +Jacopone of Todi, on the other with Savonarola. Hers is the +strongest, clearest, most exalted religious utterance that made +itself heard in Italy in the 14th century. It is not to be thought +that precise ideas of reformation entered into her head, but the +want of a great moral reform was felt in her heart. And she +spoke indeed <i>ex abundantia cordis</i>. Anyhow the daughter of +Jacopo Benincasa must take her place among those who from +afar off prepared the way for the religious movement which took +effect, especially in Germany and England, in the 16th century.</p> + +<p>Another Sienese, Giovanni Colombini, founder of the order +of Jesuati, preached poverty by precept and example, going +back to the religious idea of St Francis of Assisi. His letters +are among the most remarkable in the category of ascetic works +in the 14th century. Passavanti, in his <i>Specchio della vera +penitenza</i>, attached instruction to narrative. Cavalca translated +from the Latin the <i>Vite dei santi padri</i>. Rivalta left behind +him many sermons, and Franco Sacchetti (the famous novelist) +many discourses. On the whole, there is no doubt that one of +the most important productions of the Italian spirit of the 14th +century was the religious literature.</p> + +<p>In direct antithesis with this is a kind of literature which has +a strong popular element. Humorous poetry, the poetry of +laughter and jest, which as we saw was largely developed +in the 13th century, was carried on in the 14th by +<span class="sidenote">Comic poetry.</span> +Bindo Bonichi, Arrigo di Castruccio, Cecco Nuccoli, +Andrea Orgagna, Filippo de’ Bardi, Adriano de’ Rossi, Antonio +Pucci and other lesser writers. Orgagna was specially comic; +Bonichi was comic with a satirical and moral purpose. Antonio +Pucci was superior to all of them for the variety of his production. +He put into triplets the <i>chronicle</i> of Giovanni Villani (<i>Centiloquio</i>), +and wrote many historical poems called <i>Serventesi</i>, many comic +poems, and not a few epico-popular compositions on various +subjects. A little poem of his in seven cantos treats of the war +between the Florentines and the Pisans from 1362 to 1365. +Other poems drawn from a legendary source celebrate the <i>Reina +d’ Oriente</i>, <i>Apollonio di Tiro</i>, the <i>Bel Gherardino</i>, &c. These +poems, meant to be recited to the people, are the remote ancestors +of the romantic epic, which was developed in the 16th century, +and the first representatives of which were Boiardo and Ariosto.</p> + +<p>Many poets of the 14th century have left us political works. +Of these Fazio degli Uberti, the author of <i>Dittamondo</i>, who +wrote a <i>Serventese</i> to the lords and people of Italy, a +poem on Rome, a fierce invective against Charles IV. +<span class="sidenote">Political and amatory poetry.</span> +of Luxemburg, deserves notice, and Francesco di +Vannozzo, Frate Stoppa and Matteo Frescobaldi. It +may be said in general that following the example of Petrarch +many writers devoted themselves to patriotic poetry. From +this period also dates that literary phenomenon known under +the name of Petrarchism. The Petrarchists, or those who sang +of love, imitating Petrarch’s manner, were found already in the +14th century. But others treated the same subject with more +originality, in a manner that might be called semi-popular. +Such were the <i>Ballate</i> of Ser Giovanni Fiorentino, of Franco +Sacchetti, of Niccolò Soldanieri, of Guido and Bindo Donati. +<span class="sidenote">Histories in verse.</span> +Ballate were poems sung to dancing, and we have +very many songs for music of the 14th century. We +have already stated that Antonio Pucci versified +Villani’s <i>Chronicle</i>. This instance of versified history is not +unique, and it is evidently connected with the precisely similar +phenomenon offered by the “vulgar Latin” literature. It is +enough to notice a chronicle of Arezzo in terza rima by Gorello +de’ Sinigardi, and the history, also in terza rima, of the journey +of Pope Alexander III. to Venice by Pier de’ Natali. Besides +this, every kind of subject, whether history, tragedy or husbandry, +was treated in verse. Neri di Landocio wrote a life of +St Catherine; Jacopo Gradenigo put the gospels into triplets; +Paganino Bonafede in the <i>Tesoro dei rustici</i> gave many precepts +in agriculture, beginning that kind of Georgic poetry which was +fully developed later by Alamanni in his <i>Coltivazione</i>, by Girolamo +Baruffaldi in the <i>Canapajo</i>, by Rucellai in the <i>Api</i>, by Bartolommeo +Lorenzi in the <i>Coltivazione dei monti</i>, by Giambattista +Spolverini in the <i>Coltivazione del riso</i>, &c.</p> + +<p>There cannot have been an entire absence of dramatic literature +in Italy in the 14th century, but traces of it are wanting, +although we find them again in great abundance in the +15th century. The 14th century had, however, one +<span class="sidenote">Drama.</span> +drama unique of its kind. In the sixty years (1250 to 1310) which +ran from the death of the emperor Frederick II. to the expedition +of Henry VII., no emperor had come into Italy. In the north of +Italy, Ezzelino da Romano, with the title of imperial vicar, had +taken possession of almost the whole of the March of Treviso, +and threatened Lombardy. The popes proclaimed a crusade +against him, and, crushed by it, the Ezzelini fell. Padua then +began to breathe again, and took to extending its dominion. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page904" id="page904"></a>904</span> +There was living at Padua Albertino Mussato, born in 1261, a +year after the catastrophe of the Ezzelini; he grew up among the +survivors of a generation that hated the name of the tyrant. +After having written in Latin a history of Henry VII. he devoted +himself to a dramatic work on Ezzelino, and wrote it also in +Latin. The <i>Eccerinus</i>, which was probably never represented +on the stage, has been by some critics compared to the great +tragic works of Greece. It would probably be nearer the truth +to say that it has nothing in common with the works of Aeschylus; +but certainly the dramatic strength, the delineation of certain +situations, and the narration of certain events are very original. +Mussato’s work stands alone in the history of Italian dramatic +literature. Perhaps this would not have been the case if he had +written it in Italian.</p> + +<p>In the last years of the 14th century we find the struggle that +was soon to break out between the indigenous literary tradition +and the reviving classicism already alive in spirit. As representatives +of this struggle, of this antagonism, we may consider +Luigi Marsilio and Coluccio Salutati, both learned men who +spoke and wrote Latin, who aspired to be humanists, but who +meanwhile also loved Dante, Petrarch and Boccaccio, and felt +and celebrated in their writings the beauty of Italian literature.</p> + +<p>3. <i>The Renaissance.</i>—A great intellectual movement, which +had been gathering for a long time, made itself felt in Italy in +the 15th century. A number of men arose, all learned, +laborious, indefatigable, and all intent on one great +<span class="sidenote">Graeco-Latin learning.</span> +work. Such were Niccolò Niccoli, Giannozzo Manetti, +Palla Strozzi, Leonardo Bruni, Francesco Filelfo, +Poggio Bracciolini, Carlo d’Arezzo, Lorenzo Valla. Manetti +buried himself in his books, slept only for a few hours in the +night, never went out of doors, and spent his time in translating +from Greek, studying Hebrew, and commenting on Aristotle. +Palla Strozzi sent into Greece at his own expense to search for +ancient books, and had Plutarch and Plato brought for him. +Poggio Bracciolini went to the Council of Constance, and found +in a monastery in the dust-hole Cicero’s <i>Orations</i>. He copied +Quintilian with his own hand, discovered Lucretius, Plautus, +Pliny and many other Latin authors. Guarino went through the +East in search of codices. Giovanni Aurispa returned to Venice +with many hundreds of manuscripts. What was the passion that +excited all these men? What did they search after? What did +they look to? These Italians were but handing on the solemn +tradition which, although partly latent, was the informing +principle of Italian medieval history, and now at length came +out triumphant. This tradition was that same tenacious and +sacred memory of Rome, that same worship of its language and +institutions, which at one time had retarded the development of +Italian literature, and now grafted the old Latin branch of +ancient classicism on the flourishing stock of Italian literature. +All this is but the continuation of a phenomenon that has existed +for ages. It is the thought of Rome that always dominates +Italians, the thought that keeps appearing from Boetius to +Dante Alighieri, from Arnold of Brescia to Cola di Rienzi, which +gathers strength with Petrarch and Boccaccio, and finally becomes +triumphant in literature and life—in life, because the +modern spirit is fed on the works of the ancients. Men come +to have a more just idea of nature: the world is no longer +cursed or despised; truth and beauty join hands; man is born +again; and human reason resumes its rights. Everything, the +individual and society, are changed under the influence of new +facts.</p> + +<p>First of all there was formed a human individuality, which was +wanting in the middle ages. As J. Burckhardt has said, the man +was changed into the individual. He began to feel and +assert his own personality, which was constantly +<span class="sidenote">New social conditions.</span> +attaining a fuller realization. As a consequence of +this, the idea of fame and the desire for it arose. A +really cultured class was formed, in the modern meaning of the +word, and the conception was arrived at (completely unknown +in former times) that the worth of a man did not depend at all on +his birth but on his personal qualities. Poggio in his dialogue +<i>De nobilitate</i> declares that he entirely agreed with his interlocutors +Niccolò Niccoli and Lorenzo de’ Medici in the opinion +that there is no other nobility but that of personal merit. External +life was growing more refined in all particulars; the man of society +was created; rules for civilized life were made; there was an +increasing desire for sumptuous and artistic entertainments. +The medieval idea of existence was turned upside down; men +who had hitherto turned their thoughts exclusively to heavenly +things, and believed exclusively in the divine right, now began +to think of beautifying their earthly existence, of making it +happy and gay, and returned to a belief in their human rights. +This was a great advance, but one which carried with it the +seeds of many dangers. The conception of morality became +gradually weaker. The “fay ce que vouldras” of Rabelais +became the first principle of life. Religious feeling was blunted, +was weakened, was changed, became pagan again. Finally +the Italian of the Renaissance, in his qualities and his passions, +became the most remarkable representative of the heights and +depths, of the virtues and faults, of humanity. Corruption was +associated with all that is most ideal in life; a profound scepticism +took hold of people’s minds; indifference to good and evil +reached its highest point.</p> + +<p>Besides this, a great literary danger was hanging over Italy. +Humanism threatened to submerge its youthful national literature. +There were authors who laboriously tried to +<span class="sidenote">Literary dangers of Latinism.</span> +give Italian Latin forms, to do again, after Dante’s +time, what Guittone d’Arezzo had so unhappily done +in the 13th century. Provincial dialects tried to +reassert themselves in literature. The great authors of the 14th +century, Dante, Petrarch, Boccaccio, were by many people +forgotten or despised.</p> + +<p>It was Florence that saved literature by reconciling the +classical models to modern feeling, Florence that succeeded in +assimilating classical forms to the “vulgar” art. +Still gathering vigour and elegance from classicism, +<span class="sidenote">Influence of Florence.</span> +still drawing from the ancient fountains all that they +could supply of good and useful, it was able to preserve +its real life, to keep its national traditions, and to guide literature +along the way that had been opened to it by the writers of the +preceding century. At Florence the most celebrated humanists +wrote also in the vulgar tongue, and commented on Dante and +Petrarch, and defended them from their enemies. Leone Battista +Alberti, the learned Greek and Latin scholar, wrote in the +vernacular, and Vespasiano da Bisticci, whilst he was constantly +absorbed in Greek and Latin manuscripts, wrote the <i>Vite di +uomini illustri</i>, valuable for their historical contents, and +rivalling the best works of the 14th century in their candour and +simplicity. Andrea da Barberino wrote the beautiful prose of +the <i>Reali di Francia</i>, giving a colouring of “romanità” to the +chivalrous romances. Belcari and Benivieni carry us back to +the mystic idealism of earlier times.</p> + +<p>But it is in Lorenzo de’ Medici that the influence of Florence +on the Renaissance is particularly seen. His mind was formed +by the ancients: he attended the class of the Greek +Argyropulos, sat at Platonic banquets, took pains to +<span class="sidenote">Lorenzo de’ Medici.</span> +collect codices, sculptures, vases, pictures, gems and +drawings to ornament the gardens of San Marco and to form the +library afterwards called by his name. In the saloons of his +Florentine palace, in his villas at Careggi, Fiesole and Ambra, +stood the wonderful chests painted by Dello with stories from +Ovid, the Hercules of Pollajuolo, the Pallas of Botticelli, the +works of Filippino and Verrocchio. Lorenzo de’ Medici lived +entirely in the classical world; and yet if we read his poems +we only see the man of his time, the admirer of Dante and of the +old Tuscan poets, who takes inspiration from the popular muse, +and who succeeds in giving to his poetry the colours of the most +pronounced realism as well as of the loftiest idealism, who +passes from the Platonic sonnet to the impassioned triplets of +the <i>Amori di Venere</i>, from the grandiosity of the <i>Salve</i> to <i>Nencia</i> +and to <i>Beoni</i>, from the <i>Canto carnascialesco</i> to the <i>Lauda</i>. The +feeling of nature is strong in him—at one time sweet and melancholy, +at another vigorous and deep, as if an echo of the feelings, +the sorrows, the ambitions of that deeply agitated life. He +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page905" id="page905"></a>905</span> +liked to look into his own heart with a severe eye, but he was +also able to pour himself out with tumultuous fulness. He +described with the art of a sculptor; he satirized, laughed, +prayed, sighed, always elegant, always a Florentine, but a +Florentine who read Anacreon, Ovid and Tibullus, who wished +to enjoy life, but also to taste of the refinements of art.</p> + +<p>Next to Lorenzo comes Poliziano, who also united, and with +greater art, the ancient and the modern, the popular and the +classical style. In his <i>Rispetti</i> and in his <i>Ballate</i> the +<span class="sidenote">Poliziano.</span> +freshness of imagery and the plasticity of form are +inimitable. He, a great Greek scholar, wrote Italian verses with +dazzling colours; the purest elegance of the Greek sources +pervaded his art in all its varieties, in the <i>Orfeo</i> as well as the +<i>Stanze per la giostra</i>.</p> + +<p>As a consequence of the intellectual movement towards the +Renaissance, there arose in Italy in the 15th century three +academies, those of Florence, of Naples and of Rome. +The Florentine academy was founded by Cosmo I. +<span class="sidenote">The Academies.</span> +de’ Medici. Having heard the praises of Platonic +philosophy sung by Gemistus Pletho, who in 1439 was at the +council of Florence, he took such a liking for those opinions that +he soon made a plan for a literary congress which was especially +to discuss them. Marsilius Ficinus has described the occupations +and the entertainments of these academicians. Here, he said, +the young men learnt, by way of pastime, precepts of conduct +and the practice of eloquence; here grown-up men studied the +government of the republic and the family; here the aged +consoled themselves with the belief in a future world. The +academy was divided into three classes: that of patrons, who +were members of the Medici family; that of hearers, among +whom sat the most famous men of that age, such as Pico della +Mirandola, Angelo Poliziano, Leon Battista Alberti; that of +disciples, who were youths anxious to distinguish themselves in +philosophical pursuits. It is known that the Platonic academy +endeavoured to promote, with regard to art, a second and a +more exalted revival of antiquity. The Roman academy was +founded by Giulio Pomponio Leto, with the object of promoting +the discovery and the investigation of ancient monuments and +books. It was a sort of religion of classicism, mixed with +learning and philosophy. Platina, the celebrated author of the +lives of the first hundred popes, belonged to it. At Naples, the +academy known as the Pontaniana was instituted. The founder +of it was Antonio Beccadelli, surnamed Il Panormita, and after +his death the head was Il Pontano, who gave his name to it, +and whose mind animated it.</p> + +<p>Romantic poems were the product of the moral scepticism +and the artistic taste of the 15th century. Italy never had any +true epic poetry in its period of literary birth. Still +less could it have any in the Renaissance. It had, +<span class="sidenote">Romantic poetry.</span> +however, many poems called <i>Cantari</i>, because they +contained stories that were sung to the people; and besides there +were romantic poems, such as the <i>Buovo d’ Antona</i>, the <i>Regina +Ancroja</i> and others. But the first to introduce elegance and a +new life into this style was Luigi Pulci, who grew up in the house +of the Medici, and who wrote the <i>Morgante Maggiore</i> at the +request of Lucrezia Tornabuoni, mother of Lorenzo the Magnificent. +The material of the <i>Morgante</i> is almost completely taken +from an obscure chivalrous poem of the 15th century recently +discovered by Professor Pio Rajna. On this foundation Pulci +erected a structure of his own, often turning the subject into +ridicule, burlesquing the characters, introducing many digressions, +now capricious, now scientific, now theological. Pulci’s +merit consists in having been the first to raise the romantic epic +which had been for two centuries in the hands of story-tellers +into a work of art, and in having united the serious and the +comic, thus happily depicting the manners and feelings of the +time. With a more serious intention Matteo Boiardo, count of +Scandiano, wrote his <i>Orlando innamorato</i>, in which he seems to +have aspired to embrace the whole range of Carlovingian legends; +but he did not complete his task. We find here too a large vein +of humour and burlesque. Still the Ferrarese poet is drawn to +the world of romance by a profound sympathy for chivalrous +manners and feelings—that is to say, for love, courtesy, valour +and generosity. A third romantic poem of the 15th century was +the <i>Mambriano</i> by Francesco Bello (Cieco of Ferrara). He drew +from the Carlovingian cycle, from the romances of the Round +Table, from classical antiquity. He was a poet of no common +genius, and of ready imagination. He showed the influence of +Boiardo, especially in something of the fantastic which he +introduced into his work.</p> + +<p>The development of the drama in the 15th century was very +great. This kind of semi-popular literature was born in Florence, +and attached itself to certain popular festivities that +were usually held in honour of St John the Baptist, +<span class="sidenote">Drama.</span> +patron saint of the city. The <i>Sacra Rappresentazione</i> is in +substance nothing more than the development of the medieval +<i>Mistero</i> (“mystery-play”). Although it belonged to popular +poetry, some of its authors were literary men of much renown. +It is enough to notice Lorenzo de’ Medici, who wrote <i>San Giovanni +e Paolo</i>, and Feo Belcari, author of the <i>San Panunzio</i>, the +<i>Abramo ed Isac</i>, &c. From the 15th century, some element of +the comic-profane found its way into the <i>Sacra Rappresentazione</i>. +From its Biblical and legendary conventionalism Poliziano +emancipated himself in his <i>Orfeo</i>, which, although in its exterior +form belonging to the sacred representations, yet substantially +detaches itself from them in its contents and in the artistic +element introduced.</p> + +<p>From Petrarch onwards the eclogue was a kind of literature +that much pleased the Italians. In it, however, the pastoral +element is only apparent, for there is nothing really +rural in it. Such is the <i>Arcadia</i> of Jacopo Sannazzaro +<span class="sidenote">Pastoral poetry.</span> +of Naples, author of a wearisome Latin poem <i>De Partu +Virginis</i>, and of some piscatorial eclogues. The <i>Arcadia</i> is +divided into ten eclogues, in which the festivities, the games, +the sacrifices, the manners of a colony of shepherds are described. +They are written in elegant verses, but it would be vain to look +in them for the remotest feeling of country life. On the other +hand, even in this style, Lorenzo de’ Medici was superior. His +<i>Nencia da Barberino</i>, as a modern writer says, is as it were the +new and clear reproduction of the popular songs of the environs +of Florence, melted into one majestic wave of octave stanzas. +Lorenzo threw himself into the spirit of the bare realism of +country life. There is a marked contrast between this work and +the conventional bucolic of Sannazzaro and other writers. A +rival of the Medici in this style, but always inferior to him, was +Luigi Pulci in his <i>Beca da Dicomano</i>.</p> + +<p>The lyric love poetry of this century was unimportant. In +its stead we see a completely new style arise, the <i>Canto carnascialesco</i>. +These were a kind of choral songs, which +were accompanied with symbolical masquerades, +<span class="sidenote">Lyric poetry.</span> +common in Florence at the carnival. They were +written in a metre like that of the ballate; and for the most +part they were put into the mouth of a party of workmen and +tradesmen, who, with not very chaste allusions, sang the praises +of their art. These triumphs and masquerades were directed +by Lorenzo himself. At eventide there set out into the city +large companies on horseback, playing and singing these songs. +There are some by Lorenzo himself, which surpass all the others +in their mastery of art. That entitled <i>Bacco ed Arianna</i> is the +most famous.</p> + +<p>Girolamo Savonarola, who came to Florence in 1489, arose +to fight against the literary and social movement of the Renaissance. +Some have tried to make out that Savonarola +was an apostle of liberty, others that he was a precursor +<span class="sidenote">Religious reaction. Savonarola.</span> +of the Reformation. In truth, however, he was neither +the one nor the other. In his struggle with Lorenzo +de’ Medici, he directed his attack against the promoter of classical +studies, the patron of pagan literature, rather than against the +political tyrant. Animated by mystic zeal, he took the line of a +prophet, preaching against reading voluptuous authors, against +the tyranny of the Medici, and calling for popular government. +This, however, was not done from a desire for civil liberty, but +because Savonarola saw in Lorenzo and his court the greatest +obstacle to that return to Catholic doctrine which was his heart’s +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page906" id="page906"></a>906</span> +desire; while he thought this return would be easily accomplished +if, on the fall of the Medici, the Florentine republic should +come into the hands of his supporters. There may be more +justice in looking on Savonarola as the forerunner of the Reformation. +If he was so, it was more than he intended. The friar of +Ferrara never thought of attacking the papal dogma, and always +maintained that he wished to remain within the church of Rome. +He had none of the great aspirations of Luther. He only +repeated the complaints and the exhortations of St Catherine +of Siena; he desired a reform of manners, entirely of manners, +not of doctrine. He prepared the ground for the German and +English religious movement of the 16th century, but unconsciously. +In the history of Italian civilization he represents +retrogression, that is to say, the cancelling of the great fact of +the Renaissance, and return to medieval ideas. His attempt +to put himself in opposition to his time, to arrest the course of +events, to bring the people back to the faith of the past, the +belief that all the social evils came from a Medici and a Borgia, +his not seeing the historical reality, as it was, his aspiring to found +a republic with Jesus Christ for its king—all these things show +that Savonarola was more of a fanatic than a thinker. Nor has +he any great merit as a writer. He wrote Italian sermons, +hymns (laudi), ascetic and political treatises, but they are +roughly executed, and only important as throwing light on the +history of his ideas. The religious poems of Girolamo Benivieni +are better than his, and are drawn from the same inspirations. +In these lyrics, sometimes sweet, always warm with religious +feeling, Benivieni and with him Feo Belcari carry us back to the +literature of the 14th century.</p> + +<p>History had neither many nor very good students in the +15th century. Its revival belonged to the following age. It +was mostly written in Latin. Leonardo Bruni of +<span class="sidenote">Histories, &c.</span> +Arezzo wrote the history of Florence, Gioviano +Pontano that of Naples, in Latin. Bernardino Corio +wrote the history of Milan in Italian, but in a rude way.</p> + +<p>Leonardo da Vinci wrote a treatise on painting, Leon Battista +Alberti one on sculpture and architecture. But the names of +these two men are important, not so much as authors of these +treatises, but as being embodiments of another characteristic +of the age of the Renaissance—versatility of genius, power of +application along many and varied lines, and of being excellent +in all. Leonardo was an architect, a poet, a painter, an hydraulic +engineer and a distinguished mathematician. Alberti was a +musician, studied jurisprudence, was an architect and a draughtsman, +and had great fame in literature. He had a deep feeling +for nature, an almost unique faculty of assimilating all that +he saw and heard. Leonardo and Alberti are representatives +and almost a compendium in themselves of all that intellectual +vigour of the Renaissance age, which in the 16th century took +to developing itself in its individual parts, making way for what +has by some been called the golden age of Italian literature.</p> + +<p>4. <i>Development of the Renaissance.</i>—The fundamental characteristic +of the literary epoch following that of the Renaissance +is that it perfected itself in every kind of art, in particular +uniting the essentially Italian character of its language with +classicism of style. This period lasted from about 1494 to about +1560; and, strange to say, this very period of greater fruitfulness +and literary greatness began from the year 1494, which with +Charles VIII.’s descent into Italy marked the beginning of its +political decadence and of foreign domination over it. But this +is not hard to explain. All the most famous men of the first +half of the 16th had been educated in the preceding century. +Pietro Pomponazzi was born in 1462, Marcello Virgilio Adriani +in 1464, Castiglione in 1468, Machiavelli in 1469, Bembo in 1470, +Michelangelo Buonarroti and Ariosto in 1474, Nardi in 1476, +Trissino in 1478, Guicciardini in 1482. Thus it is easy to understand +how the literary activity which showed itself from the end +of the 15th century to the middle of the following one was the +product of the political and social conditions of the age in which +these minds were formed, not of that in which their powers were +displayed.</p> + +<p>Niccolò Machiavelli and Francesco Guicciardini were the chief +originators of the science of history. Machiavelli’s principal +works are the <i>Istorie fiorentine</i>, the <i>Discorsi sulla prima deca +di Tito Livio</i>, the <i>Arte della guerra</i> and the <i>Principe</i>. His +<span class="sidenote">History.</span> +merit consists in having been the creator of the experimental +science of politics—in having observed facts, studied histories +and drawn consequences from them. His history is sometimes +inexact in facts; it is rather a political than an historical work. +The peculiarity of Machiavelli’s genius lay, as has been said, +in his artistic feeling for the treatment and discussion of politics +in and for themselves, without regard to an immediate end—in +his power of abstracting himself from the partial appearances +of the transitory present, in order more thoroughly to possess +himself of the eternal and inborn kingdom, and to bring it into +subjection to himself.</p> + +<p>Next to Machiavelli both as an historian and a statesman +comes Francesco Guicciardini. Guicciardini was very observant, +and endeavoured to reduce his observations to a science. His +<i>Storia d’ Italia</i>, which extends from the death of Lorenzo +de’ Medici to 1534, is full of political wisdom, is skilfully +arranged in its parts, gives a lively picture of the character +of the persons it treats of, and is written in a grand +style. He shows a profound knowledge of the human heart, +and depicts with truth the temperaments, the capabilities and +the habits of the different European nations. Going back to +the causes of events, he looked for the explanation of the divergent +interests of princes and of their reciprocal jealousies. The fact +of his having witnessed many of the events he related, and +having taken part in them, adds authority to his words. The +political reflections are always deep; in the <i>Pensieri</i>, as G. +Capponi<a name="fa3k" id="fa3k" href="#ft3k"><span class="sp">3</span></a> says, he seems to aim at extracting through self-examination +a quintessence, as it were, of the things observed +and done by him—thus endeavouring to form a political +doctrine as adequate as possible in all its parts. Machiavelli +and Guicciardini may be considered, not only as distinguished +historians, but as originators of the science of history founded +on observation.</p> + +<p>Inferior to them, but still always worthy of note, were Jacopo +Nardi (a just and faithful historian and a virtuous man, who +defended the rights of Florence against the Medici before +Charles V.), Benedetto Varchi, Giambattista Adriani, Bernardo +Segni; and, outside Tuscany, Camillo Porzio, who related the +<i>Congiura de’ baroni</i> and the history of Italy from 1547 to +1552, Angelo di Costanza, Pietro Bembo, Paolo Paruta and +others.</p> + +<p>Ariosto’s <i>Orlando furioso</i> was a continuation of Boiardo’s +<i>Innamorato</i>. His characteristic is that he assimilated the romance +of chivalry to the style and models of classicism. +Ariosto was an artist only for the love of his art; his +<span class="sidenote">Romantic epic. Ariosto (1474-1533).</span> +sole aim was to make a romance that should please +the generation in which he lived. His Orlando has +no grave and serious purpose; on the contrary it +creates a fantastic world, in which the poet rambles, indulging +his caprice, and sometimes smiling at his own work. His great +desire is to depict everything with the greatest possible perfection; +the cultivation of style is what occupies him most. In his hands +the style becomes wonderfully plastic to every conception, +whether high or low, serious or sportive. The octave stanza +reached in him the highest perfection of grace, variety and +harmony.</p> + +<p>Meanwhile, side by side with the romantic, there was an +attempt at the historical epic. Gian Giorgio Trissino of Vicenza +composed a poem called <i>Italia liberata dai Goti</i>. Full +of learning and of the rules of the ancients, he formed +<span class="sidenote">Heroic epic.</span> +himself on the latter, in order to sing of the campaigns +of Belisarius; he said that he had forced himself to observe all +the rules of Aristotle, and that he had imitated Homer. In +this again, we see one of the products of the Renaissance; and, +although Trissino’s work is poor in invention and without any +original poetical colouring, yet it helps one to understand +better what were the conditions of mind in the 16th century.</p> + +<p>Lyric poetry was certainly not one of the kinds that rose to +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page907" id="page907"></a>907</span> +any great height in the 16th century. Originality was entirely +wanting, since it seemed in that century as if nothing better +<span class="sidenote">Lyric poetry.</span> +could be done than to copy Petrarch. Still, even +in this style there were some vigorous poets. Monsignore +Giovanni Guidiccioni of Lucca (1500-1541) showed +that he had a generous heart. In fine sonnets he gave expression +to his grief for the sad state to which his country was reduced. +Francesco Molza of Modena (1489-1544), learned in Greek, +Latin and Hebrew, wrote in a graceful style and with spirit. +Giovanni della Casa (1503-1556) and Pietro Bembo (1470-1547), +although Petrarchists, were elegant. Even Michelangelo +Buonarroti was at times a Petrarchist, but his poems bear the +stamp of his extraordinary and original genius. And a good +many ladies are to be placed near these poets, such as Vittoria +Colonna (loved by Michelangelo), Veronica Gambara, Tullia +d’ Aragona, Giulia Gonzaga, poetesses of great delicacy, and +superior in genius to many literary men of their time.</p> + +<p>The 16th century had not a few tragedies, but they are all +weak. The cause of this was the moral and religious indifference +of the Italians, the lack of strong passions and vigorous +characters. The first to occupy the tragic stage was +<span class="sidenote">Tragedy.</span> +Trissino with his <i>Sofonisba</i>, following the rules of the art most +scrupulously, but written in sickly verses, and without warmth +of feeling. The <i>Oreste</i> and the <i>Rosmunda</i> of Giovanni Rucellai +were no better, nor Luigi Alamanni’s <i>Antigone</i>. Sperone +Speroni in his Canace and Giraldi Cintio in his <i>Orbecche</i> tried +to become innovators in tragic literature, but they only succeeded +in making it grotesque. Decidedly superior to these was the +<i>Torrismondo</i> of Torquato Tasso, specially remarkable for the +choruses, which sometimes remind one of the chorus of the +Greek tragedies.</p> + +<p>The Italian comedy of the 16th century was almost entirely +modelled on the Latin comedy. They were almost always +alike in the plot, in the characters of the old man, +of the servant, of the waiting-maid; and the argument +<span class="sidenote">Comedy.</span> +was often the same. Thus the <i>Lucidi</i> of Agnolo Firenzuola, +and the <i>Vecchio amoroso</i> of Donato Giannotti were modelled +on comedies by Plautus, as were the <i>Sporta</i> by Gelli, the <i>Marito</i> +by Dolce, and others. There appear to be only three writers +who should be distinguished among the many who wrote +comedies—Machiavelli, Ariosto and Giovan Maria Cecchi. +In his <i>Mandragora</i> Machiavelli, unlike all the others, composed +a comedy of character, creating types which seem living even +now, because they were copied from reality seen with a finely +observant eye. Ariosto, on the other hand, was distinguished +for his picture of the habits of his time, and especially of those +of the Ferrarese nobles, rather than for the objective delineation +of character. Lastly, Cecchi left in his comedies a treasure of +spoken language, which nowadays enables us in a wonderful +way to make ourselves acquainted with that age. The notorious +Pietro Aretino might also be included in the list of the best +writers of comedy.</p> + +<p>The 15th century was not without humorous poetry; Antonio +Cammelli, surnamed the Pistoian, is specially deserving of +notice, because of his “pungent <i>bonhomie</i>,” as Sainte-Beuve +called it. But it was Francesco Berni who +<span class="sidenote">Burlesque and satire.</span> +carried this kind of literature to perfection in the +16th century. From him the style has been called +“bernesque” poetry. In the “Berneschi” we find nearly +the same phenomenon that we already noticed with regard to +<i>Orlando furioso</i>. It was art for art’s sake that inspired and +moved Berni to write, as well as Anton Francesco Grazzini, called +Il Lasca, and other lesser writers. It may be said that there +is nothing in their poetry; and it is true that they specially +delight in praising low and disgusting things and in jeering at +what is noble and serious. Bernesque poetry is the clearest +reflection of that religious and moral scepticism which was one +of the characteristics of Italian social life in the 16th century, +and which showed itself more or less in all the works of that +period, that scepticism which stopped the religious Reformation in +Italy, and which in its turn was an effect of historical conditions. +The Berneschi, and especially Berni himself, sometimes assumed +a satirical tone. But theirs could not be called true satire. +Pure satirists, on the other hand, were Antonio Vinciguerra, a +Venetian, Lodovico Alamanni and Ariosto, the last superior +to the others for the Attic elegance of his style, and for a certain +frankness, passing into malice, which is particularly interesting +when the poet talks of himself.</p> + +<p>In the 16th century there were not a few didactic works. In +his poem of the <i>Api</i> Giovanni Rucellai approaches to the perfection +of Virgil. His style is clear and light, and he adds +interest to his book by frequent allusions to the events +<span class="sidenote">Didactic works.</span> +of the time. But of the didactic works that which +surpasses all the others in importance is Baldassare Castiglione’s +<i>Cortigiano</i>, in which he imagines a discussion in the palace of +the dukes of Urbino between knights and ladies as to what +are the gifts required in a perfect courtier. This book is valuable +as an illustration of the intellectual and moral state of the +highest Italian society in the first half of the 16th century.</p> + +<p>Of the novelists of the 16th century, the two most important +were Anton Francesco Grazzini and Matteo Bandello—the +former as playful and bizarre as the latter is grave and +<span class="sidenote">Fiction.</span> +solemn. As part of the history of the times, we must +not forget that Bandello was a Dominican friar and a bishop, +but that notwithstanding his novels were very loose in subject, +and that he often holds up the ecclesiastics of his time to ridicule.</p> + +<p>At a time when admiration for qualities of style, the desire +for classical elegance, was so strong as in the 16th century, much +attention was naturally paid to translating Latin and +<span class="sidenote">Translations.</span> +Greek authors. Among the very numerous translations +of the time those of the <i>Aeneid</i> and of the <i>Pastorals</i> of +Longus the Sophist by Annibal Caro are still famous; as are also +the translations of Ovid’s <i>Metamorphoses</i> by Giovanni Andrea +dell’ Anguillare, of Apuleius’s <i>Golden Ass</i> by Firenzuola, and of +Plutarch’s <i>Lives</i> and <i>Moralia</i> by Marcello Adriani.</p> + +<p>The historians of Italian literature are in doubt whether Tasso +should be placed in the period of the highest development of +the Renaissance, or whether he should form a period +by himself, intermediate between that and the one +<span class="sidenote">Tasso (1544-1595).</span> +following. Certainly he was profoundly out of harmony +with the century in which he lived. His religious faith, +the seriousness of his character, the deep melancholy settled in +his heart, his continued aspiration after an ideal perfection, all +place him as it were outside the literary epoch represented by +Machiavelli, by Ariosto, by Berni. As Carducci has well said, +Tasso “is the legitimate heir of Dante Alighieri: he believes, +and reasons on his faith by philosophy; he loves, and comments +on his love in a learned style; he is an artist, and writes dialogues +of scholastic speculation that would fain be Platonic.” He +was only eighteen years old when, in 1562, he tried his hand at +epic poetry, and wrote <i>Rinaldo</i>, in which he said that he had +tried to reconcile the Aristotelian rules with the variety of +Ariosto. He afterwards wrote the <i>Aminta</i>, a pastoral drama of +exquisite grace. But the work to which he had long turned his +thoughts was an heroic poem, and that absorbed all his powers. +He himself explains what his intention was in the three <i>Discorsi</i> +written whilst he was composing the <i>Gerusalemme</i>: he would +choose a great and wonderful subject, not so ancient as to have +lost all interest, nor so recent as to prevent the poet from embellishing +it with invented circumstances; he meant to treat it +rigorously according to the rules of the unity of action observed +in Greek and Latin poems, but with a far greater variety and +splendour of episodes, so that in this point it should not fall +short of the romantic poem; and finally, he would write it in a +lofty and ornate style. This is what Tasso has done in the +<i>Gerusalemme liberata</i>, the subject of which is the liberation of +the sepulchre of Jesus Christ in the 11th century by Godfrey of +Bouillon. The poet does not follow faithfully all the historical +facts, but sets before us the principal causes of them, bringing +in the supernatural agency of God and Satan. The <i>Gerusalemme</i> +is the best heroic poem that Italy can show. It approaches to +classical perfection. Its episodes above all are most beautiful. +There is profound feeling in it, and everything reflects the +melancholy soul of the poet. As regards the style, however, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page908" id="page908"></a>908</span> +although Tasso studiously endeavoured to keep close to the +classical models, one cannot help noticing that he makes excessive +use of metaphor, of antithesis, of far-fetched conceits; and it is +specially from this point of view that some historians have +placed Tasso in the literary period generally known under the +name of “Secentismo,” and that others, more moderate in their +criticism, have said that he prepared the way for it.</p> + +<p>5. <i>Period of Decadence.</i>—From about 1559 began a period of +decadence in Italian literature. The Spanish rule oppressed and +corrupted the peninsula. The minds of men were day by day +gradually losing their force; every high aspiration was quenched. +<span class="sidenote">The Secentismo.</span> +No love of country could any longer be felt when the country +was enslaved to a stranger. The suspicious rulers fettered all +freedom of thought and word; they tortured Campanella, +burned Bruno, made every effort to extinguish all high sentiment, +all desire for good. Cesare Balbo says, “if the happiness of the +masses consists in peace without industry, if the nobility’s consists +in titles without power, if princes are satisfied by acquiescence +in their rule without real independence, without sovereignty, +if literary men and artists are content to write, paint and build +with the approbation of their contemporaries, but to the contempt +of posterity, if a whole nation is happy in ease without +dignity and the tranquil progress of corruption,—then no period +ever was so happy for Italy as the hundred and forty years +from the treaty of Cateau Cambresis to the war of the +Spanish succession.” This period is known in the +history of Italian literature as the Secentismo. Its +writers, devoid of sentiment, of passion, of thoughts, resorted to +exaggeration; they tried to produce effect with every kind of +affectation, with bombast, with the strangest metaphors, in fact, +with what in art is called mannerism, “barocchism.” The utter +poverty of the matter tried to cloak itself under exuberance of +forms. It seemed as if the writers vied with one another as to +who could best burden his art with useless metaphors, with +phrases, with big-sounding words, with affectations, with hyperbole, +with oddities, with everything that could fix attention on the +outer form and draw it off from the substantial element of thought.</p> + +<p>At the head of the school of the “Secentisti” comes Giovan +Battista Marini of Naples, born in 1569, especially known by a +poem called <i>L’ Adone</i>. His aim was to excite wonder +by novelties; hence the most extravagant metaphors, +<span class="sidenote">Marini.</span> +the most forced antitheses, the most far-fetched conceits, are to +be found in his book. It was especially by antitheses that he +thought he could produce the greatest effect. Sometimes he +strings them together one after the other, so that they fill up +whole stanzas without a break. Achillini of Bologna followed in +Marini’s steps. He had less genius, however, and hence his +peculiarities were more extravagant, becoming indeed absolutely +ridiculous. In general, we may say that all the poets of the +17th century were more or less infected with “Marinism.” +Thus Alessandro Guidi, although he does not attain to the +exaggeration of his master, is emptily bombastic, inflated, +turgid, while Fulvio Testi is artificial and affected. Yet Guidi +as well as Testi felt the influence of another poet, Gabriello +Chiabrera, born at Savona in 1552. In him the Secentismo took +another character. Enamoured as he said he was of the Greeks, +he made new metres, especially in imitation of Pindar, treating +of religious, moral, historical and amatory subjects. It is easy +to understand that a Pindaric style of poetry in the 17th century +in Italy could not but end in being altogether artificial, without +anything of those qualities which constitute the greatness of the +Greek poet. Chiabrera, though elegant enough in form, proves +empty of matter, and, in his vain attempt to hide this vacuity, +has recourse to poetical ornaments of every kind. These again, +in their turn, become in him a fresh defect. Nevertheless, +Chiabrera’s school, in the decadence of the 17th century, marks +an improvement; and sometimes he showed that he had lyrical +capacities, which in better literary surroundings would have +brought forth excellent fruit. When he sings, for example, of the +victories of the Tuscan galleys against the Turks and the pirates +of the Mediterranean, he rises to grand imagery, and seems quite +another poet.</p> + +<p>Filicaja the Florentine has a certain lyric <i>élan</i>, particularly in +the songs about Vienna besieged by the Turks, which seems to +raise him more than the others above the vices of the time; but +even in him we see clearly the rhetorical artifice and the falseness +of the conceits. And in general all the lyric poetry of the 17th +century may be said to have had the same defects, but in different +degrees—defects which may be summed up as absence of feeling +and exaggeration of form. There was no faith; there was no +love; and thus art became an exercise, a pastime, a luxury, for +a servile and corrupt people.</p> + +<p>The belief then arose that it would be sufficient to change the +form in order to restore literature, in forgetfulness that every +reform must be the effect of a change in social and +moral conditions. Weary of the bombastic style of the +<span class="sidenote">The Arcadia.</span> +17th century, full of conceits and antithesis, men said—let +us follow an entirely different line, let us fight the turgid +style with simplicity. In 1690 the “Academy of Arcadia” +was instituted. Its founders were Giovan Maria Crescimbeni +and Gian Vincenzo Gravina. The Arcadia was so called because +its chief aim and intention were to imitate in literature the +simplicity of the ancient shepherds, who were fabulously supposed +to have lived in Arcadia in the golden age. As the “Secentisti” +erred by an overweening desire for novelty, which made them +always go beyond the truth, so the Arcadians proposed to themselves +to return to the fields of truth, always singing of subjects +of pastoral simplicity. This was obviously nothing else than the +substitution of a new artifice for the old one; and they fell from +bombast into effeminacy, from the hyperbolical into the petty, +from the turgid into the over-refined. The Arcadia was a reaction +against Secentismo, but a reaction which, reversing the +movement of that earlier epoch, only succeeded in impoverishing +still further and completely withering up the literature. The +poems of the “Arcadians” fill many volumes, and are made up +of sonnets, madrigals, canzonets and blank verse. The one who +most distinguished himself among the sonneteers was Felice +Zappi. Among the authors of songs Paolo Rolli was illustrious. +Innocenzo Frugoni was more famous than all the others, a man +of fruitful imagination but of shallow intellect, whose wordy +verses nobody now reads.</p> + +<p>Whilst the political and social conditions in Italy in the 17th +century were such as to make it appear that every light of +intelligence, all spirit of liberty, was extinguished, +there appeared in the peninsula, by that law of reaction +<span class="sidenote">Symptoms of revival. Scientific prose.</span> +which in great part governs human events, some strong +and independent thinkers, such as Bernardino Telesio, +Giordano Bruno, Tommaso Campanella, Lucilio Vanini, who +turned philosophical inquiry into fresh channels, and opened the +way for the scientific conquests of Galileo Galilei, the great +contemporary of Descartes in France and of Bacon in England. +Galileo was not only a great man of science, but also occupied a +conspicuous place in the history of letters. A devoted student +of Ariosto, he seemed to transfuse into his prose the qualities +of that great poet—a clear and frank freedom of expression, a +wonderful art of knowing how to say everything with precision +and ease, and at the same time with elegance. Galileo’s prose +is in perfect antithesis to the poetry of his time. Perhaps it is +the best prose that Italy has ever had; it is clear, goes straight to +the point, is without rhetorical ornaments and without vulgar +slips, artistic without appearing to be so.</p> + +<p>Another symptom of revival, a sign of rebellion against the +vileness of Italian social life, is given us in satire and in particular +in that of Salvator Rosa and Alessandro Tassoni. Salvator Rosa, +born in 1615, near Naples, was a painter, a musician and a poet. +As a poet he showed that he felt the sad condition of his country, +showed that he mourned over it, and gave vent to his feeling (as +another satire-writer, Giuseppe Giusti, said) in <i>generosi rabbuffi</i>. +His exhortation to Italian poets to turn their thoughts to the +miseries of their country as a subject for their song—their country +languishing under the tyrant’s hands—certain passages where he +deplores the effeminacy of Italian habits, a strong apostrophe +against Rome, make Salvator Rosa a precursor of the patriotic +literature which inaugurated the revival of the 18th century. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page909" id="page909"></a>909</span> +Tassoni, a man really quite exceptional in this century, was +superior to Rosa. He showed independent judgment in the +midst of universal servility, and his <i>Secchia Rapita</i> proved that +he was an eminent writer. This is an heroic comic poem, which +is at the same time an epic and a personal satire. He was bold +enough to attack the Spaniards in his <i>Filippiche</i>, in which he +urged Duke Carlo Emanuele of Savoy to persist in the war +against them.</p> + +<p>6. <i>The Revival in the 18th Century.</i>—Having for the most part +freed itself from the Spanish dominion in the 18th century, the +political condition of Italy began to improve. Promoters +of this improvement, which was shown in many +<span class="sidenote">New Political conditions.</span> +civil reforms, were Joseph II., Leopold I. and Charles I. +The work of these princes was copied from the philosophers, +who in their turn felt the influence of a general movement +of ideas, which was quietly working in many parts of +Europe, and which came to a head in the French encyclopedists.</p> + +<p>Giambattista Vico was a token of the awakening of historical +consciousness in Italy. In his <i>Scienza nuova</i> he applied himself +to the investigation of the laws governing the progress +<span class="sidenote">Historical works.</span> +of the human race, and according to which events are +developed. From the psychological study of man he +endeavoured to infer the “comune natura delle nazioni,” <i>i.e.</i> +the universal laws of history, or the laws by which civilizations +rise, flourish and fall.</p> + +<p>From the same scientific spirit which animated the philosophical +investigation of Vico, there was born a different kind of +investigation, that of the sources of Italian civil and literary +history. Lodovico Antonio Muratori, after having collected in +one entire body (<i>Rerum Italicarum scriptores</i>) the chronicles, +the biographies, the letters and the diaries of Italian history +from 500 to 1500, after having discussed the most obscure +historical questions in the <i>Antiquitates Italicae medii aevi</i>, wrote +the <i>Annali d’ Italia</i>, minutely narrating facts derived from +authentic sources. Muratori’s associates in his historical researches +were Scipione Maffei of Verona and Apostolo Zeno of +Venice. In his <i>Verona illustrata</i> the former left, not only a +treasure of learning, but an excellent specimen of historical +monograph. The latter added much to the erudition of literary +history, both in his <i>Dissertazioni Vossiane</i> and in his notes to the +<i>Biblioteca dell’ eloquenza italiana</i> of Monsignore Giusto Fontanini. +Girolamo Tiraboschi and Count Giovanni Maria Mazzuchelli +of Brescia devoted themselves to literary history.</p> + +<p>While the new spirit of the times led men to the investigation +of historical sources, it also led them to inquire into the mechanism +of economical and social laws. Francesco Galiani +<span class="sidenote">Social science.</span> +wrote on currency; Gaetano Filangieri wrote a +<i>Scienza della legislazione</i>. Cesare Beccaria, in his +treatise <i>Dei delitti e delle pene</i>, made a contribution to the +reform of the penal system and promoted the abolition of torture.</p> + +<p>The man in whom above all others the literary revival of the +18th century was most conspicuously embodied was Giuseppe +Parini. He was born in a Lombard village in 1729, was +mostly educated at Milan, and as a youth was known among +the Arcadian poets by the name of Darisbo Elidonio. Even as +<span class="sidenote">Satire: Parini.</span> +an Arcadian, however, Parini showed signs of departing +from the common type. In a collection of poems that +he published at twenty-three years of age, under the +name of Ripano Eupilino, there are some pastoral sonnets in +which the poet shows that he had the faculty of taking his +scenes from real life, and also some satirical pieces in which he +exhibits a spirit of somewhat rude opposition to his own times. +These poems are perhaps based on reminiscences of Berni, but +at any rate they indicate a resolute determination to assail +boldly all the literary conventionalities that surrounded the +author. This, however, was only the beginning of the battle. +Parini lived in times of great social prostration. The nobles +and the rich, all given up to ease and to silly gallantry, consumed +their lives in ridiculous trifles or in shameless self-indulgence, +wasting themselves on immoral “Cicisbeismo,” and offering the +most miserable spectacle of feebleness of mind and character. +It was against this social condition that Parini’s muse was +directed. Already, improving on the poems of his youth, he had +proved himself an innovator in his lyrics, rejecting at once +Petrarchism, Secentismo and Arcadia, the three maladies that +had weakened Italian art in the centuries preceding his own, +and choosing subjects taken from real life, such as might help in +the instruction of his contemporaries. In the <i>Odi</i> the satirical +note is already heard. But it came out more strongly in the +poem <i>Del giorno</i>, in which he imagines himself to be teaching a +young Milanese patrician all the habits and ways of gallant +life; he shows up all its ridiculous frivolities, and with delicate +irony unmasks the futilities of aristocratic habits. Dividing +the day into four parts, the Mattino, the Mezzogiorno, the +Vespero, the Notte, by means of each of these he describes the +trifles of which they were made up, and the book thus assumes +a social and historical value of the highest importance. Parini, +satirizing his time, fell back upon truth, and finally made art +serve the purpose of civil morality. As an artist, going straight +back to classical forms, aspiring to imitate Virgil and Dante, +he opened the way to the fine school that we shall soon see rise, +that of Alfieri, Foscolo and Monti. As a work of art, the <i>Giorno</i> +is wonderful for the Socratic skill with which that delicate irony +is constantly kept up by which he seems to praise what he +effectually blames. The verse has new harmonies; sometimes +it is a little hard and broken, not by accident, but as a protest +against the Arcadian monotony. Generally it flows majestically, +but without that Frugonian droning that deafens the ears and +leaves the heart cold.</p> + +<p>Gasparo Gozzi’s satire was less elevated, but directed towards +the same end as Parini’s. In his <i>Osservatore</i>, something like +Addison’s <i>Spectator</i>, in his <i>Gazzetta veneta</i>, in the +<i>Mondo morale</i>, by means of allegories and novelties +<span class="sidenote">Gozzi; Baretti.</span> +he hit the vices with a delicate touch, and inculcated a +practical moral with much good sense. Gozzi’s satire has some +slight resemblance in style to Lucian’s. It is smooth and light, +but withal it does not go less straight to its aim, which is to point +out the defects of society and to correct them. Gozzi’s prose is +very graceful and lively. It only errs by its overweening affectation +of imitating the writers of the 14th century. Another +satirical writer of the first half of the 18th century was Giuseppe +Baretti of Turin. In a journal called the <i>Frusta letteraria</i> he +took to lashing without mercy the works which were then being +published in Italy. He had learnt much by travelling; and +especially his long stay in England had contributed to give an +independent character to his mind, and made him judge of +men and things with much good sense. It is true that his +judgments are not always right, but the <i>Frusta letteraria</i> was the +first book of independent criticism directed particularly against +the Arcadians and the pedants.</p> + +<p>Everything tended to improvement, and the character of the +reform was to throw off the conventional, the false, the artificial, +and to return to truth. The drama felt this influence of the +times. Apostolo Zeno and Metastasio (the Arcadian name for +Pietro Trapassi, a native of Rome) had endeavoured to make +“melodrama and reason compatible.” The latter in particular +succeeded in giving fresh expression to the affections, a natural +<span class="sidenote">Dramatic reform.</span> +turn to the dialogue and some interest to the plot; +and if he had not fallen into constant unnatural over-refinement +and unseasonable mawkishness, and into +frequent anachronisms, he might have been considered as the +first dramatic reformer of the 18th century. That honour +belongs to Carlo Goldoni, a Venetian. He found comedy either +entirely devoted to classical imitation or given up to extravagance, +to <i>coups de théâtre</i>, to the most boisterous succession of +unlikely situations, or else treated by comic actors who recited +impromptu on a given subject, of which they followed the outline. +In this old popular form of comedy, with the masks of pantaloon, +of the doctor, of harlequin, of Brighella, &c., Goldoni found the +strongest obstacles to his reform. But at last he conquered, +creating the comedy of character. No doubt Molière’s example +helped him in this. Goldoni’s characters are always true, but +often a little superficial. He studied nature, but he did not +plunge into psychological depths. In most of his creations, the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page910" id="page910"></a>910</span> +external rather than the internal part is depicted. In this +respect he is much inferior to Molière. But on the other hand +he surpasses him in the liveliness of the dialogue, and in the +facility with which he finds his dramatic situations. Goldoni +wrote much, in fact too much (more than one hundred and +fifty comedies), and had no time to correct, to polish, to perfect +his works, which are all rough cast. But for a comedy of character +we must go straight from Machiavelli’s <i>Mandragora</i> to +him. Goldoni’s dramatic aptitude is curiously illustrated by +the fact that he took nearly all his types from Venetian society, +and yet managed to give them an inexhaustible variety. A good +many of his comedies were written in Venetian dialect, and these +are perhaps the best.</p> + +<p>The ideas that were making their way in French society in +the 18th century, and afterwards brought about the Revolution +of 1789, gave a special direction to Italian literature +of the second half of the 18th century. Love of ideal +<span class="sidenote">Patriotic literature and return to classicism.</span> +liberty, desire for equality, hatred of tyranny, created +in Italy a literature which aimed at national objects, +seeking to improve the condition of the country by +freeing it from the double yoke of political and religious +despotism. But all this was associated with another tendency. +The Italians who aspired to a political redemption believed +that it was inseparable from an intellectual revival, and it +seemed to them that this could only be effected by a reunion +with ancient classicism—in other words, by putting themselves +in more direct communication with ancient Greek and Latin +writers. This was a repetition of what had occurred in the first +half of the 15th century. The 17th century might in fact be +considered as a new Italian Middle Age without the hardness +of that iron time, but corrupted, enervated, overrun by Spaniards +and French, an age in which previous civilization was cancelled. +A reaction was necessary against that period of history, and a +construction on its ruins of a new country and a new civilization. +There had already been forerunners of this movement; at the +head of them the revered Parini. Now the work must be +completed, and the necessary force must once more be sought +for in the ancient literature of the two classic nations.</p> + +<p>Patriotism and classicism then were the two principles that +inspired the literature which began with Alfieri. He worshipped +the Greek and Roman idea of popular liberty in arms +against the tyrant. He took the subjects of his +<span class="sidenote">Alfieri (1749-1803).</span> +tragedies almost invariably from the history of these +nations, made continual apostrophes against the +despots, made his ancient characters talk like revolutionists of +his time; he did not trouble himself with, nor think about, +the truth of the characters; it was enough for him that his hero +was Roman in name, that there was a tyrant to be killed, that +liberty should triumph in the end. But even this did not satisfy +Alfieri. Before his time and all about him there was the Arcadian +school, with its foolish verbosity, its empty abundance of +epithets, its nauseous pastoralizing on subjects of no civil importance. +It was necessary to arm the patriotic muse also against all +this. If the Arcadians, not excluding the hated Metastasio, +diluted their poetry with languishing tenderness, if they poured +themselves out in so many words, if they made such set phrases, +it behoved the others to do just the contrary—to be brief, concise, +strong, bitter, to aim at the sublime as opposed to the lowly and +pastoral. Having said this, we have told the good and evil of +Alfieri. He desired a political reform by means of letters; he +saved literature from Arcadian vacuities, leading it towards a +national end; he armed himself with patriotism and classicism +in order to drive the profaners out of the temple of art. But in +substance he was rather a patriot than an artist. In any case +the results of the new literary movement were copious.</p> + +<p>Ugo Foscolo was an eager patriot, who carried into life the heat +of the most unbridled passion, and into his art a rather rhetorical +manner, but always one inspired by classical models. +The <i>Lettere di Jacopo Ortis</i>, inspired by Goethe’s +<span class="sidenote">Foscolo.</span> +<i>Werther</i>, are a love story with a mixture of patriotism; they +contain a violent protest against the treaty of Campo Formio, +and an outburst from Foscolo’s own heart about an unhappy +love-affair of his. His passions were sudden and violent; they +came to an end as abruptly as they began; they were whirlwinds +that were over in a quarter of an hour. To one of these passions +<i>Ortis</i> owed its origin, and it is perhaps the best, the most sincere, +of all his writings. Even in it he is sometimes pompous and +rhetorical, but much less so than he is, for example, in the +lectures <i>Dell’ origine e dell’ ufficio della letteratura</i>. On the +whole, Foscolo’s prose is turgid and affected, and reflects the +character of the man who always tried to pose, even before +himself, in dramatic attitudes. This was indeed the defect of +the Napoleonic epoch; there was a horror of anything common, +simple, natural; everything must be after the model of the hero +who made all the world gaze with wonder at him; everything +must assume some heroic shape. In Foscolo this tendency was +excessive; and it not seldom happened that, in wishing to play +the hero, the exceptional man, the little Napoleon of ladies’ +drawing-rooms, he became false and bad, false in his art, bad in +his life. The <i>Sepolcri</i>, which is his best poem, was prompted by +high feeling, and the mastery of versification shows wonderful +art. Perhaps it is to this mastery more than to anything else +that the admiration the <i>Sepolcri</i> excites is due. There are most +obscure passages in it, as to the meaning of which it would seem +as if even the author himself had not formed a clear idea. He +left incomplete three hymns to the Graces, in which he sang of +beauty as the source of courtesy, of all high qualities and of +happiness. Here again what most excites our admiration is the +harmonious and easy versification. Among his prose works a +high place belongs to his translation of the <i>Sentimental Journey</i> +of Sterne, a writer by whom one can easily understand how +Foscolo should have been deeply affected. He went as an exile +to England, and died there. He wrote for English readers some +<i>Essays</i> on Petrarch and on the texts of the <i>Decamerone</i> and of +Dante, which are remarkable for the time at which they were +written, and which may be said to have initiated a new kind of +literary criticism in Italy. Foscolo is still greatly admired, and +not without reason. His writings stimulate the love of fatherland, +and the men that made the revolution of 1848 were largely +brought up on them.</p> + +<p>If in Foscolo patriotism and classicism were united, and +formed almost one passion, so much cannot be said of Vincenzo +Monti, in whom the artist was absolutely predominant. +Yet Monti was a patriot too, but in his own way. +<span class="sidenote">Monti.</span> +He had no one deep feeling that ruled him, or rather the mobility +of his feelings is his characteristic; but each of these was a new +form of patriotism, that took the place of an old one. He saw +danger to his country in the French Revolution, and wrote the +<i>Pellegrino apostolico</i>, the <i>Bassvilliana</i> and the <i>Feroniade</i>; +Napoleon’s victories caused him to write the <i>Prometeo</i> and the +<i>Musagonia</i>; in his <i>Fanatismo</i> and his <i>Superstizione</i> he attacked +the papacy; afterwards he sang the praises of the Austrians. +Thus every great event made him change his mind, with a readiness +which might seem incredible, but is yet most easily explained. +Monti was above everything an artist; art was his real, his only +passion; everything else in him was liable to change, that alone +was persistent. Fancy was his tyrant, and under its rule he had +no time to reason and to see the miserable aspect of his political +tergiversation. It was an overbearing deity that moved him, +and at its dictation he wrote. Pius VI., Napoleon, Francis II., +were to him but passing shadows, to which he hardly gives the +attention of an hour; that which endures, which is eternal to +him, is art alone. It were unjust to accuse Monti of baseness. +If we say that nature in giving him one only faculty had made +the poet rich and the man poor, we shall speak the truth. But +the poet was indeed rich. Knowing little Greek, he succeeded in +making a translation of the <i>Iliad</i> which is remarkable for its +Homeric feeling, and in his <i>Bassvilliana</i> he is on a level with +Dante. In fine, in him classical poetry seemed to revive in all +its florid grandeur.</p> + +<p>Monti was born in 1754, Foscolo in 1778; four years later still +was born another poet of the same school, Giambattista +Niccolini. In literature he was a classicist; in politics +he was a Ghibelline, a rare exception in Guelph Florence, his +<span class="sidenote">Niccolini.</span> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page911" id="page911"></a>911</span> +birthplace. In translating or, if the expression is preferred, +imitating Aeschylus, as well as in writing the <i>Discorsi sulla +tragedia greca</i>, and on the <i>Sublime e Michelangelo</i>, Niccolini +displayed his passionate devotion to ancient literature. In his +tragedies he set himself free from the excessive rigidity of Alfieri, +and partly approached the English and German tragic authors. +He nearly always chose political subjects, striving to keep alive +in his compatriots the love of liberty. Such are <i>Nabucco</i>, <i>Antonio +Foscarini</i>, <i>Giovanni da Procida</i>, <i>Lodovico il Moro</i>, &c. He assailed +papal Rome in <i>Arnaldo da Brescia</i>, a long tragic piece, not suited +for acting, and epic rather than dramatic. Niccolini’s tragedies +show a rich lyric vein rather than dramatic genius. At any rate +he has the merit of having vindicated liberal ideas, and of having +opened a new path to Italian tragedy.</p> + +<p>The literary period we are dealing with had three writers who +are examples of the direction taken by historical study. It seems +strange that, after the learned school begun by Muratori, +there should have been a backward movement +<span class="sidenote">Historians.</span> +here, but it is clear that this retrogression was due to the +influence of classicism and patriotism, which, if they revived +poetry, could not but spoil history. Carlo Botta, born in 1766, +was a spectator of French spoliation in Italy and of the overbearing +rule of Napoleon. Hence, excited by indignation, he +wrote a <i>History of Italy from 1789 to 1814</i>; and later on he +continued Guicciardini’s <i>History</i> up to 1789. He wrote after the +manner of the Latin authors, trying to imitate Livy, putting +together long and sonorous periods in a style that aimed at being +like Boccaccio’s, caring little about that which constitutes the +critical material of history, only intent on declaiming his academic +prose for his country’s benefit. Botta wanted to be classical +in a style that could no longer be so, and hence he failed completely +to attain his literary goal. His fame is only that of a man +of a noble and patriotic heart. Not so bad as the two histories +of Italy is that of the <i>Guerra dell’ indipendenza americana</i>.</p> + +<p>Close to Botta comes Pietro Colletta, a Neapolitan born nine +years after him. He also in his <i>Storia del reame di Napoli dal +1734 al 1825</i> had the idea of defending the independence and +liberty of Italy in a style borrowed from Tacitus; and he succeeded +rather better than Botta. He has a rapid, brief, nervous +style, which makes his book attractive reading. But it is said +that Pietro Giordani and Gino Capponi corrected it for him. +Lazzaro Papi of Lucca, author of the <i>Commentari della rivoluzione +francese dal 1789 al 1814</i>, was not altogether unlike Botta and +Colletta. He also was an historian in the classical style, and +treats his subject with patriotic feeling; but as an artist he +perhaps excels the other two.</p> + +<p>At first sight it seems unnatural that, whilst the most burning +political passions were raging, and whilst the most brilliant men +of genius in the new classical and patriotic school were +at the height of their influence, a question should +<span class="sidenote">The Purists.</span> +have arisen about “purism” of language. Yet the +phenomenon can be easily accounted for. Purism is another +form of classicism and patriotism. In the second half of the +18th century the Italian language was specially full of French +expressions. There was great indifference about fitness, still more +about elegance of style. Prose then was to be restored for the +sake of national dignity, and it was believed that this could not +be done except by going back to the writers of the 14th century, +to the “aurei trecentisti,” as they were called, or else to the +classics of Italian literature. One of the promoters of the new +school was Antonio Cesari of Verona, who republished ancient +authors, and brought out a new edition, with additions, of the +<i>Vocabolario della Crusca</i>. He wrote a dissertation <i>Sopra lo +stato presente della lingua italiana</i>, and endeavoured to establish +the supremacy of Tuscan and of the three great writers Dante, +Petrarch, Boccaccio. And in accordance with that principle +he wrote several books, taking pains to copy the “trecentisti” +as closely as possible. But patriotism in Italy has always had +something municipal in it; so to this Tuscan supremacy, proclaimed +and upheld by Cesari, there was opposed a Lombard +school, which would know nothing of Tuscan, and with Dante’s +<i>De vulgari eloquio</i> returned to the idea of the “lingua illustre.” +This was an old question, largely and bitterly argued in the +Cinquecento (16th century) by Varchi, Muzio, Castelvetro, +Speroni and others. Now the question came up again quite +fresh, as if no one had ever discussed it before. At the head +of the Lombard school were Monti and his son-in-law Count +Giulio Perticari. This gave Monti an occasion to write <i>Proposta +di alcune correzioni ed aggiunte al vocabolario della Crusca</i>, +in which he attacked the Tuscanism of the <i>Crusca</i>, but in a +graceful and easy style, such in fact as to form a prose that is +one of the most beautiful in Italian literature. Perticari on +the other hand, with a very inferior intellect, narrowed and +exasperated the question in two treatises, <i>Degli scrittori del +Trecento</i> and <i>Dell’ amor patrio di Dante</i>, in which, often disguising +or altering the facts, he only makes confusion where there was +none. Meantime, however, the impulse was given. The dispute +about language took its place beside literary and political disputes, +and all Italy took part in it—Basilio Puoti at Naples, Paolo +Costa in the Romagna, Marc’ Antonio Parenti at Modena, +Salvatore Betti at Rome, Giovanni Gherardini in Lombardy, +Luigi Fornaciari at Lucca, Vincenzo Nannucci at Florence.</p> + +<p>A patriot, a classicist and a purist all at once was Pietro +Giordani, born in 1774; he was almost a compendium of the +literary movement of the time. His whole life was +a battle fought for liberty. Most learned in Greek +<span class="sidenote">Giordani.</span> +and Latin authors, and in the Italian trecentisti, he only left +a few writings behind him, but they were carefully elaborated in +point of style, and his prose was in his time considered wonderful. +Now it is looked on as too majestic, too much laboured in +phrases and conceits, too far from nature, too artificial. Giordani +closes the literary epoch of the classicists.</p> + +<p>7. <i>Nineteenth Century and After.</i>—At this point the contemporary +period of literature begins. It has been said that the +first impulse was given to it by the romantic school, +which had as its organ the <i>Conciliatore</i> established in +<span class="sidenote">Manzoni.</span> +1818 at Milan, and on the staff of which were Silvio Pellico, +Lodovico di Breme, Giovile Scalvini, Tommaso Grossi, Giovanni +Berchet, Samuele Biava and lastly Alessandro Manzoni. It +need not be denied that all these men were influenced by +the ideas that, especially in Germany, at the beginning of the +19th century constituted the movement called Romanticism. +Nevertheless, in Italy the course of literary reform took another +direction. There is no doubt that the real head of the reform, +or at least its most distinguished man, was Alessandro Manzoni. +He formulated in a letter of his the objects of the new school, +saying that it aspired to try and discover and express “il vero +storico” and “il vero morale,” not only as an end, but as the +widest and eternal source of the beautiful. And it is precisely +realism in art that characterizes Italian literature from Manzoni +onwards. The <i>Promessi Sposi</i> is the one of his works that has +made him immortal. No doubt the idea of the historical novel +came to him from Sir Walter Scott, but he succeeded in something +more than an historical novel in the narrow meaning of +that word; he created an eminently realistic work of art. The +romance disappears; no one cares for the plot, which moreover +is of very little consequence. The attention is entirely fixed on +the powerful objective creation of the characters. From the +greatest to the least they have a wonderful verisimilitude; +they are living persons standing before us, not with the qualities +of one time more than another, but with the human qualities of +all time. Manzoni is able to unfold a character in all particulars, +to display it in all its aspects, to follow it through its different +phases. He is able also to seize one moment, and from that +moment to make us guess all the rest. Don Abbondio and +Renzo are as perfect as Azzeccagarbugli and Il Sarto. Manzoni +dives down into the innermost recesses of the human heart, +and draws thence the most subtle psychological reality. In +this his greatness lies, which was recognized first by his companion +in genius, Goethe. As a poet too he had gleams of genius, +especially in the Napoleonic ode, <i>Il Cinque Maggio</i>, and where +he describes human affections, as in some stanzas of the <i>Inni</i> +and in the chorus of the <i>Adelchi</i>. But it is on the <i>Promessi +Sposi</i> alone that his fame now rests.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page912" id="page912"></a>912</span></p> + +<p>The great poet of the age was Leopardi, born thirteen years +after Manzoni at Recanati, of a patrician family, bigoted and +avaricious. He became so familiar with Greek authors +that he used afterwards to say that the Greek mode of +<span class="sidenote">Leopardi.</span> +thought was more clear and living to his mind than the Latin +or even the Italian. Solitude, sickness, domestic tyranny, +prepared him for profound melancholy. From this he passed +into complete religious scepticism, from which he sought rest +in art. Everything is terrible and grand in his poems, which +are the most agonizing cry in modern literature, uttered with a +solemn quietness that at once elevates and terrifies us. But +besides being the greatest poet of nature and of sorrow, he was +also an admirable prose writer. In his <i>Operette morali</i>—dialogues +and discourses marked by a cold and bitter smile at human +destinies which freezes the reader—the clearness of style, the +simplicity of language and the depth of conception are such that +perhaps he is not only the greatest lyrical poet since Dante, but +also one of the most perfect writers of prose that Italian literature +has had.</p> + +<p>As realism in art gained ground, the positive method in +criticism kept pace with it. From the manner of Botta and +Colletta history returned to its spirit of learned research, +as is shown in such works as the <i>Archivio +storico italiano</i>, +<span class="sidenote">Political literature.</span>established at Florence by Giampietro +Vieusseux, the <i>Storia d’ Italia nel medio evo</i> by Carlo +Troya, a remarkable treatise by Manzoni himself, <i>Sopra alcuni +punti della storia longobardica in Italia</i>, and the very fine +history of the <i>Vespri siciliani</i> by Michele Amari. But alongside +of the great artists Leopardi and Manzoni, alongside of the +learned scholars, there was also in the first half of the 19th +century a patriotic literature. To a close observer it will appear +that historical learning itself was inspired by the love of Italy. +Giampietro Vieusseux had a distinct political object when in +1820 he established the monthly review <i>Antologia</i>. And it is +equally well known that his <i>Archivio storico italiano</i> (1842) was, +under a different form, a continuation of the <i>Antologia</i>, which +was suppressed in 1833 owing to the action of the Russian +government. Florence was in those days the asylum of all the +Italian exiles, and these exiles met and shook hands in Vieusseux’s +rooms, where there was more literary than political talk, +but where one thought and one only animated all minds, the +thought of Italy.</p> + +<p>The literary movement which preceded and was contemporary +with the political revolution of 1848 may be said to be represented +by four writers—Giuseppe Giusti, Francesco Domenico +Guerrazzi, Vincenzo Gioberti and Cesare Balbo. Giusti wrote +epigrammatic satires in popular language. In incisive phrase +he scourged the enemies of Italy; his manner seemed very +original, but it really was partly imitated from Béranger. He +was a telling political writer, but a mediocre poet. Guerrazzi +had a great reputation and great influence, but his historical +novels, though read with ferverish avidity before 1848, are now +almost forgotten. Gioberti, a powerful polemical writer, had +a noble heart and a great mind; his philosophical works are +now as good as dead, but the <i>Primato morale e civile degli Italiani</i> +will last as an important document of the times, and the <i>Gesuita +moderno</i> will live as the most tremendous indictment ever written +against the Jesuits. Balbo was an earnest student of history, +and made history useful for politics. Like Gioberti in his first +period, Balbo was zealous for the civil papacy, and for a federation +of the Italian states presided over by it. His <i>Sommario +della storia d’ Italia</i> is an excellent epitome.</p> +<div class="author">(A. Ba.)</div> + +<p>After the year 1850 political literature becomes less important, +one of the last poets distinguished in this <i>genre</i> being Francesco +dall’ Ongaro, with his <i>stornelli politici</i>. For details as +to the works of recent writers, reference may be made +<span class="sidenote">Contemporary literature.</span> +to the separate biographical articles, and here a +summary must suffice. Giovanni Prati and Aleardo +Aleardi continue romantic traditions. The dominating figure +of this later period, however, is Giosuè Carducci, the opponent +of the Romantics and restorer of the ancient metres and spirit, +who, great as a poet, was scarcely less distinguished as a literary +critic and historian. Other classical poets are Giuseppe Chiarini, +Domenico Guoli, Arturo Graf, Guido Mazzoni and Giovanni +Marradi, of whom the two last named may perhaps be regarded +as special disciples of Carducci, while another, Giovanni Pascoli, +best known by his <i>Myricae</i> and <i>Poemetti</i>, only began as such. +Enrico Panzacchi (b. 1842) was at heart still a romantic. Olindo +Guerrini (who wrote under the pseudonym of Lorenzo Stecchetti) +is the chief representative of <i>veriomo</i> in poetry, and, though his +early works obtained a <i>succès de scandale</i>, he is the author of +many lyrics of intrinsic value. Alfredo Baccelli and Mario +Rapisardi are epic poets of distinction. Felice Cavallotti is +the author of the stirring <i>Marcia de Leonida</i>. Among dialect +writers, the great Roman poet Giuseppe Gioachino Belli has +found numerous successors, such as Renato Fucini (Pisa), Berto +Barbarini (Verona) and Cesare Pascarella (Rome). Among the +women poets, Ada Negri, with her socialistic <i>Fatalità</i> and +<i>Tempeste</i>, has achieved a great reputation; and others, such as +Vittoria Aganoor, A. Brunacci-Brunamonti and Annie Vivanti, +are highly esteemed in Italy.</p> + +<p>Among the dramatists, Pietro Cossa in tragedy, Gherardi del +Testa, Ferdinando Martini and Paolo Ferrari in comedy, +represent the older schools. More modern methods were adopted +by Giuseppe Giacosa and Gerolamo Rovetta.</p> + +<p>In fiction, the historical romance has fallen into disfavour, +though Emilio de Marchi has written some good examples in +this genre. The novel of intrigue was cultivated by Anton +Giulio Barrili and Salvatore Farina, the psychological novel by +Enrico Annibale Butti, the realistic local tale by Giovanni Verga, +the mystic philosophical novel by Antonio Fogazzaro. Edmondo +de Amicis, perhaps the most widely read of all modern Italians, +has written acceptable fiction, though his moral works and +travels are more generally known. Of the women novelists, +Matilde Serao and Grazia Deledda have become deservedly +popular.</p> + +<p>Gabriele d’ Annunzio has produced original work in poetry, +drama and fiction, of extraordinary quality. He began with +some lyrics which were distinguished no less by their exquisite +beauty of form than by their licence, and these characteristics +reappeared in a long series of poems, plays and novels. +D’ Annunzio’s position as a man of the widest literary and +artistic culture is undeniable, and even his sternest critics admit +his mastery of the Italian tongue, based on a thorough knowledge +of Italian literature from the earliest times. But with all his +genius, his thought is unhealthy and his pessimism depressing; +the beauty of his work is the beauty of decadence.</p> + +<div class="condensed"> +<p><span class="sc">Bibliography.</span>—Among the more aesthetic accounts of Italian +literature, those of Emiliano Giudici (Florence, 1855) and Francesco +de Sanctis (Naples, 1870) are still the best. Two histories of real +scientific value were interrupted by the death of the authors: that +of Adolfo Bartoli (Florence, 1879-1899) breaking off in the 14th +century, and that of Gaspary (Berlin, 1884-1889; English version, +so far only down to the death of Dante, London, 1901) breaking off +before Tasso (a completion being undertaken by Wendriner). +Bartoli’s article in the 9th edition of this encyclopaedia has been +reproduced, with some slight revision, above. Among the many +recent Italian works, the most important is the elaborate series of +volumes contributing the <i>Storia lett. d’ Italia scritta da una società +di professori</i> (1900 sqq.): Giussani, <i>Lett. romana</i>; Novati, <i>Origini +della lingua</i>; Zingarelli, <i>Dante</i>; Volpi, <i>Il Trecento</i>; Rossi, <i>Il +Quattrocento</i>; Flamini, <i>Il Cinquecento</i>; Belloni, <i>Il Seicento</i>; +Concari, <i>Il Settecento</i>; Mazzoni, <i>L’ Ottocento</i>. Each volume has +a full bibliography. Important German works, besides Gaspary, +are those of Wilse and Percopò (illustrated; Leipzig, 1899), and of +Casini (in Gröber’s <i>Grundr. der röm. Phil.</i>, Strassburg, 1896-1899). +English students are referred to Symonds’s <i>Renaissance in Italy</i> +(especially, but not exclusively, vols. iv. and v.; new ed., London, +1902), and to R. Garnett’s <i>History of Italian Literature</i> (London, +1898).</p> +</div> +<div class="author">(H. O.)</div> + +<hr class="foot" /> <div class="note"> + +<p><a name="ft1k" id="ft1k" href="#fa1k"><span class="fn">1</span></a> See Giesebrecht, <i>De litterarum studiis apud Italos primis mediaevi +saeculis</i> (Berlin, 1845.)</p> + +<p><a name="ft2k" id="ft2k" href="#fa2k"><span class="fn">2</span></a> See Gaspary, <i>Die sicilianische Dichterschule des 13ten Jahrhunderts</i> +(Berlin, 1878).</p> + +<p><a name="ft3k" id="ft3k" href="#fa3k"><span class="fn">3</span></a> <i>Storia della repubblica di Firenze</i> (Florence, 1876).</p> +</div> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ITALIAN WARS<a name="ar68" id="ar68"></a></span> (1848-1870), a generic name for the series of +wars for Italian unity which began with the Milan insurrection of +the 18th of March 1848 and closed with the capture of Rome by +the Italians on the 20th of September 1870. For their Italian +political interest see <span class="sc"><a href="#artlinks">Italy</a></span>: <i>History</i>. The present article deals +with certain campaigns of distinctively military importance, viz. +1848-49, 1859 and 1866, in the first and third of which the centre +of gravity of the nationalist movement was the Piedmontese +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page913" id="page913"></a>913</span> +regular army, and in the second the French army commanded +by Napoleon III. On the other side the Austrian army was +throughout the basis of the established order of things, settled +at the Congress of Vienna on the theory that Italy was “a +geographical expression.” Side by side with these regular +armies, each of which was a special type, there fought national +levies of widely varying kinds, and thus practically every known +form of military service, except the fully organized “nation in +arms” (then peculiar to Prussia) made its appearance in the +field. Further, these wars constitute the greater part of European +military history between Waterloo and Königgrätz—a bridge—if +a broken one—between Napoleon and Moltke. They therefore +present a considerable technical interest, wholly apart from +their historical importance and romantic interest.</p> + +<p class="pt2 center sc">Austro-Sardinian War of 1848-1849</p> + +<p>From about 1846 the spirit of revolt against foreign domination +had gathered force, and two years later, when Europe was +on the verge of a revolutionary outburst, the struggle for Italian +unity was initiated by the insurrection at Milan. At this moment +the Austrian army in Lombardy, practically a highly-trained +force of long-service professional soldiers, was commanded by +Radetzky, one of the greatest generals in Austrian history. +Being, however, virtually an army of occupation, it was broken +up into many garrisons, and in all was not more than 70,000 +strong, so that after five days’ fighting in the streets of Milan, +Radetzky did as Wellington had proposed to do in 1817 when +his army of occupation in France was threatened by a national +rising, and withdrew to a concentration area to await reinforcements. +This area was the famous Quadrilateral, marked by the +fortresses of Mantua, Verona, Peschiera and Legnago, and +there, in the early days of April, the scattered fractions of the +Austrians assembled. Lombardy and Venetia had followed the +example of Milan, and King Charles Albert of Sardinia, mobilizing +the Piedmontese army in good time, crossed the frontier, with +45,000 regulars two days after the Austrians had withdrawn from +Milan. Had the insurrectionary movements and the advance +of the Piedmontese been properly co-ordinated, there can be +little doubt that some, at any rate, of the Austrian detachments +would have been destroyed or injured in their retreat, but as it was +they escaped without material losses. The blow given to Austrian +prestige by the revolt of the great cities was, however, so severe +that the whole peninsula rallied to Charles Albert. Venice, +reserving a garrison for her own protection, set on foot an +improvised army 11,000 strong on the mainland; some 5000 +Lombards and 9000 insurgents from the smaller duchies gathered +on both sides of the Po; 15,000 Papal troops under Durando and +13,000 Neapolitans under the old patriot general Pepe moved up +to Ferrara and Bologna respectively, and Charles Albert with the +Piedmontese advanced to the Mincio at the beginning of April. +His motley command totalled 96,000 men, of whom, however, +only half were thoroughly trained and disciplined troops. The +reinforcements available in Austria were about 25,000 disciplined +troops not greatly inferior in quality to Radetzky’s own veterans. +Charles Albert could call up 45,000 levies at a few weeks’ notice, +and eventually all the resources of the patriot party.</p> + +<div class="condensed"> +<p>The regular war began in the second week of April on the Mincio, +the passages of which river were forced and the Austrian advanced +troops driven back on the 8th (action of Goito) and 9th. Radetzky +maintained a careful defensive, and the king’s attempts to surprise +Peschiera (14th) and Mantua (19th) were unsuccessful. But +Peschiera was closely invested, though it was not forced to capitulate +until the end of May. Meantime the Piedmontese army advanced +towards Verona, and, finding Radetzky with a portion of his army +on their left flank near Pastrengo, swung northward and drove him +over the Adige above Verona, but on turning towards Verona they +were checked (action of Pastrengo 28th-30th April and battle of +Santa Lucia di Verona, 6th May).</p> + +<p>Meantime the Austrian reinforcements assembled in Carniola +under an Irish-born general, Count Nugent von Westmeath (1777-1862) +and entered Friuli. Their junction with the field marshal +was in the last degree precarious, every step of their march was +contested by the levies and the townsmen of Venetia. The days of +rifled artillery were not yet come, and a physical obstacle to the +combined movements of trained regulars and a well-marked line of +defence were all that was necessary to convert even medieval +walled towns into centres of effective resistance. When the spirit +of resistance was lacking, as it had been for example in 1799 (see +<span class="sc"><a href="#artlinks">French Revolutionary Wars</a></span>), the importance of the walled +towns corresponded simply to their material strength, which was +practically negligible. But throughout the campaign of 1848-1849, +the essential moral conditions of defence being present, the +Austrians were hampered by an endless series of minor sieges, in +which the effort expended was out of all proportion to the success +achieved.</p> + +<p>Nugent, however, pressed on, though every day weakened by small +detachments, and, turning rather than overpowering each obstacle +as it was encountered, made his way slowly by Belluno +to Vicenza and Treviso and joined Radetzky at Verona +<span class="sidenote">Radetzky in the Quadrilateral.</span> +on the 25th of May. The latter then for a moment took +the offensive, passing around the right flank of the loyal +army by way of Mantua (actions of Curtatone, 29th May, +and Goito, 30th May), but, failing of the success he expected he +turned swiftly round and with 30,000 men attacked the 20,000 +Italians (Papal troops, volunteers, Neapolitans) under Durando, +who had established themselves across his line of communication +at Vicenza, drove them away and reoccupied Vicenza (9th June), +where a second body of reinforcements from Trent, clearing the +Brenta valley (Val Sugana) as they advanced, joined him, the king +meanwhile being held in check by the rest of Radetzky’s army.</p> + +<p>After beating down resistance in the valleys of the Brenta and +Piave, the field marshal returned to Verona. Charles Albert had +now some 75,000 men actually in hand on the line of high ground, +S. Giustina-Somma Campagna, and made the mistake of extending +inordinately so as to cover his proposed siege of Mantua. Napoleon, +fifty years before on the same ground (see <span class="sc"><a href="#artlinks">French Revolutionary +Wars</a></span>), had only with great difficulty solved this same problem by +the economical grouping and resolute handling of his forces, and +Charles Albert, setting out his forces <i>en cordon</i>, was weak at all +points of his long front of 45 m. Thus Radetzky, gathering his +forces opposite the king’s centre (Sona, Somma Campagna), was +able to break it (23rd July). The Piedmontese, however, fell back +steadily, and 25,000 of them collected at Villafranca, whence on the +24th they counter-attacked and regained the heights at Custozza +and Somma Campagna that they had lost. Radetzky, however, +took the offensive again next morning and having succeeded in +massing half of his army opposite to one quarter of the Piedmontese, +was completely victorious (first battle of Custozza, 24th-25th July). +Pursuing vigorously, the Austrians drove the king over the Mincio +(action of Volta, 26th-27th), the Chiese, the Adda and the Ticino +into his own dominions, Milan being reoccupied without fighting. +The smaller bands of patriots were one after the other driven over +the borders or destroyed. Venice alone held out to the end. Besieged +by land and water, and bombarded as well, she prolonged +her resistance until October 1849, long after the war had everywhere +else come to an end.</p> +</div> + +<p>The first campaign for unity had ended in complete failure, +thanks to the genius of Radetzky and the thorough training, +mobility and handiness of his soldiers. During the winter of +1848-1849—for, to avoid unnecessary waste of his precious +veterans, Radetzky let the Piedmontese army retire unmolested +over the Ticino—Charles Albert took energetic measures to +reorganize, refit and augment his army. But his previous +career had not fitted him to meet the crisis. With aspirations +for unity he sympathized, and to that ideal he was soon to sacrifice +his throne, but he had nothing in common with the distinctively +revolutionary party, with whom circumstances had allied him. +Radicalism, however, was a more obvious if a less real force +than nationalism, and Charles Albert made it a fatal concession +in appointing the Polish general Albert Chrzanowski (1788-1861) +his principal adviser and commander-in-chief—an appointment +that alienated the generals and the army, while scarcely modifying +the sentiments of distrust with which the Liberal party regarded +the king.<a name="fa1l" id="fa1l" href="#ft1l"><span class="sp">1</span></a></p> + +<div class="condensed"> +<p>In March the two main armies were grouped in the densely +intersected district between Milan, Vercelli and Pavia (see sketch +map below), separated by the Ticino, of which the outposts +of either side watched the passages. Charles +<span class="sidenote">Campaign of Novara.</span> +Albert had immediately in hand 65,000 men, some 25,000 +more being scattered in various detachments to right and +left. Radetzky disposed of 70,000 men for field operations, besides +garrisons. The recovery of Milan, the great city that had been the +first to revolt, seemed to the Italians the first objective of the +campaign. It was easier indeed to raise the whole country in arms +than to crush the field-marshal’s regulars, and it was hoped that +Radetzky would, on losing Milan, either retire to Lodi and perhaps +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page914" id="page914"></a>914</span> +to Mantua (as in 1848), or gather his forces for battle before Milan. +Radetzky himself openly announced that he would take the offensive, +and the king’s plans were framed to meet this case also. Two-thirds +of the army, 4 divisions, were grouped in great depth between +Novara, Galliate and Castelnuovo. A little to the right, at Vespolate +and Vigevano, was one division under Durando, and the remaining +division under Ramorino was grouped opposite Pavia with orders +to take that place if possible, but if Radetzky advanced thence, to +fall back fighting either on Mortara or Lomello,<a name="fa2l" id="fa2l" href="#ft2l"><span class="sp">2</span></a> while the main +body descended on the Austrian flank. The grouping both of +Ramorino and of the main body—as events proved in the case of +the latter—cannot be seriously criticized, and indeed one is almost +tempted to assume that Chrzanowski considered the case of +Radetzky’s advance on Mortara more carefully than that of his own +advance on Milan. But the seething spirit of revolt did not allow +the army that was Italy’s hope to stand still at a foreign and untried +general’s dictation and await Radetzky’s coming. On the 19th +of March orders were issued to the main body for the advance on +Milan and on the 20th one division, led by the king himself, crossed +the Ticino at San Martino.</p> + +<p>But no Austrians were encountered, and such information as +was available indicated that Radetzky was concentrating to his +left on the Pavia-Lodi road. Chrzanowski thereupon, abandoning +(if indeed he ever entertained) the idea of Radetzky’s retirement +and his own triumphal march on Milan, suspended the advance. +His fears were justified, for that evening he heard that Ramorino +had abandoned his post and taken his division across the Po. After +the war this general was shot for disobedience, and deservedly, +for the covering division, the fighting flank-guard on which +Chrzanowski’s defensive-offensive depended, was thus withdrawn +at the moment when Radetzky’s whole army was crossing the +Ticino at Pavia and heading for Mortara.<a name="fa3l" id="fa3l" href="#ft3l"><span class="sp">3</span></a></p> + +<p>The four Austrian corps began to file across the Ticino at noon on +the 20th, and by nightfall the heads of Radetzky’s columns were at +Zerbolo, Gambolo and La Cava, the reserve at Pavia, a flank-guard +holding the Cava-Casatisma road over the Po against the contingency +of Ramorino’s return, and the two brigades that had furnished the +outposts along the Ticino closing on Bereguardo.</p> + +<p>Chrzanowski, however, having now to deal with a foreseen case, +gave his orders promptly. To replace Ramorino, the 1st division +was ordered from Vespolate through Mortara to Trumello; +the 2nd division from Cerano to push south on Vigevano; +<span class="sidenote">Action of Mortara.</span> +the reserve from Novara to Mortara; the remainder to +follow the 2nd division. Had the 1st division been placed at Mortara +instead of Vespolate in the first instance the story of the campaign +might have been very different, but here again, though to a far +less culpable degree, a subordinate general’s default imperilled the +army. Durando (21st March), instead of pushing on as ordered to +Trumello to take contact with the enemy, halted at Mortara. The +reserve also halted there and deployed west of Mortara to guard +against a possible attack from San Giorgio. The Sardinian advanced +guard on the other road reached Borgo San Siro, but there +met and was driven back by Radetzky’s II. corps under Lieut. +Field Marshal d’ Aspre (1789-1850), which was supported by the +brigades that now crossed at Bereguardo. But the Italians were +also supported, the Austrians made little progress, and by nightfall +the Sardinian II., III. and IV. divisions had closed up around +Vigevano. Radetzky indeed intended his troops on the Vigevano +road to act simply as a defensive flank-guard and had ordered the +rest of his army by the three roads, Zerbolo-Gambolo, Gropello-Trumello +and Lomello-San Giorgio, to converge on Mortara. The +rearmost of the two corps on the Gambolo road (the I.) was to serve +at need as a support to the flank-guard, and, justly confident in his +troops, Radetzky did not hesitate to send a whole corps by the +eccentric route of Lomello. And before nightfall an important +success had justified him, for the II. corps from Gambolo, meeting +Durando outside Mortara had defeated him before the Sardinian +reserve, prematurely deployed on the other side of the town, could +come to his assistance. The remaining corps of Radetzky’s army +were still short of Mortara when night came, but this could hardly +be well known at the royal headquarters, and, giving up the slight +chances of success that a counterstroke from Vigevano on Mortara +offered, Chrzanowski ordered a general concentration on Novara. +This was effected on the 22nd, on which day Radetzky, pushing out +the II. corps towards Vespolate, concentrated the rest at Mortara. +That the Italians had retired was clear, but it was not known whither, +and, precisely as Napoleon had done before Marengo (see <span class="sc"><a href="#artlinks">French +Revolutionary Wars</a></span>), he sent one corps to seize the king’s +potential line of retreat, Novara-Vercelli, kept one back at Mortara—ready, +it may be presumed, to grapple an enemy coming from +Vigevano—and engaged the other three in a single long column, +widely spaced out, on the Novara road. Thus it came about that +on the 23rd d’ Aspre’s II. corps encountered Charles Albert’s whole +army long before the III. and Reserve could join it. The battle +of Novara was, nevertheless, as great an event in the history of the +Imperial-Royal Army as Marengo in that of the French.</p> + +<p>First the II. corps, and then the II. and III. together attacked +with the utmost resolution, and as the hours went by more and +more of the whitecoats came on the field until at last the +IV. corps, swinging inward from Robbio, came on to the +<span class="sidenote">Novara.</span> +flank of the defence. This was no mere strategical triumph; +the Austrians, regiment for regiment, were more than a match for +the Italians and the result was decisive. Charles Albert abdicated, +and the young Victor Emmanuel II., his successor, had to make a +hasty armistice.</p> +</div> + +<p>After Novara, the first great struggle for Italian unity was no +more than a spasmodic, if often desperate, struggle of small +bodies of patriots and citizens of walled towns to avert the +inevitable. The principal incidents in the last phase were the +siege of Venice, the sack of Brescia by the merciless Haynau and +the capture of Rome by a French expeditionary corps under +General Oudinot.</p> + +<p class="pt2 center sc">The Italian War of 1859</p> + +<p>The campaign of Magenta and Solferino took place ten years +later. Napoleon III., himself an ex-<i>carbonaro</i>, and the apostle +of the theory of “nationalities,” had had his attention and his +ambitions drawn towards the Italian problem by the attempt +upon his life by Orsini. The general political horizon was by +no means clear at the end of 1858, and on the 1st of January +1859 the emperor of the French publicly expressed to the +Austrian ambassador his regret that “our relations are not so +good as heretofore.” This was regarded by all concerned as a +prelude to war, and within a short time a treaty and a marriage-contract +allied Sardinia with the leading European power. In +the smaller Italian states, as before, the governments were on +the side of Austria and the “settlement of 1815,” and the peoples +on that of United Italy. The French still maintained a garrison +in Rome to support the pope. The thorny question of the +temporal power <i>versus</i> the national movement was not yet +in the foreground, and though Napoleon’s support of the +former was later to prove his undoing, in 1859 the main enemy +was Austria and the paramount factor was the assistance of +200,000 French regulars in solving the immediate problem.</p> + +<p>The Sardinian army, reconstituted by La Marmora with the +definite object of a war for union and rehabilitated by its conduct +in the Crimea, was eager and willing. The French army, proud +of its reputation as the premier army in the world, and composed, +three-fourths of it, of professional soldiers whose gospel was +the “Legend,” welcomed a return to the first Napoleon’s +battle-grounds, while the emperor’s ambitions coincided with his +sentiments. Austria, on the other hand, did not desire war. +Her only motive of resistance was that it was impossible to cede +her Italian possessions in face of a mere threat. To her, even +more than to France and infinitely more than to Italy, the war was +a political war, a “war with a limited aim” or “stronger form +of diplomatic note”; it entirely lacked the national and personal +spirit of resistance which makes even a passive defence so +powerful.</p> + +<p>Events during the period of tension that preceded the actual +declaration of war were practically governed by these moral +conditions. Such advantages as Austria possessed at the outset +could only be turned to account, as will presently appear, by +prompt action. But her army system was a combination of +conscription and the “nation in arms,” which for the diplomatic +war on hand proved to be quite inadequate. Whereas the +French army was permanently on a two-thirds war footing +(400,000 peace, 600,000 war), that of Austria required to be more +than doubled on mobilization by calling in reservists. Now, +the value of reservists is always conditioned by the temper of +the population from which they come, and it is more than +probable that the indecision of the Austrian government between +January and April 1859 was due not only to its desire on +general grounds to avoid war, but also, and perhaps still more, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page915" id="page915"></a>915</span> +to its hopes of averting it by firmness, without having recourse +to the possibly dangerous expedient of a real mobilization. A +few years before the method of “bluffing” had been completely +successful against Prussia. But the Prussian reservist of 1850 +did not want to fight, whereas the French soldier of 1859 desired +nothing more ardently.</p> + +<p>In these conditions the Austrian preparations were made +sparingly, but with ostentation. The three corps constituting +the Army of Italy (commanded since Radetzky’s death in 1858 +by Feldzeugmeister Count Franz Gyulai (1798-1863)), were +maintained at war efficiency, but not at war strength (corps +averaging 15,000). Instead, however, of mobilizing them, the +Vienna government sent an army corps (III.) from Vienna at +peace strength in January. This was followed by the II. corps, +also at peace strength, in February, and the available field +force, from that point, could have invaded Piedmont at once.<a name="fa4l" id="fa4l" href="#ft4l"><span class="sp">4</span></a> +The initial military situation was indeed all in favour of Austria. +Her mobilization was calculated to take ten weeks, it is true, +but her concentration by rail could be much more speedily +effected than that of the French, who had either to cross the +Alps on foot or to proceed to Genoa by sea and thence by one +line of railway to the interior. Further, the demands of Algeria, +Rome and other garrisons, the complicated political situation +and the consequent necessity of protecting the French coasts +against an English attack,<a name="fa5l" id="fa5l" href="#ft5l"><span class="sp">5</span></a> and still more the Rhine frontier +against Prussia and other German states (a task to which the +greatest general in the French army, Pélissier, was assigned), +materially reduced the size of the army to be sent to Italy. But +the Austrian government held its hand, and the Austrian commander, +apparently nonplussed by the alternation of quiescence +<span class="sidenote">Mobilization.</span> +and boldness at Vienna, asked for full mobilization +and turned his thoughts to the Quadrilateral that +had served Radetzky so well in gaining time for the +reserves to come up. March passed away without an advance, +and it was not until the 5th of April that the long-deferred order +was issued from Vienna to the reservists to join the II., III., +V., VII. and VIII. corps in Italy. And, after all, Gyulai took +the field, at the end of April, with most of his units at three-quarters +of their war strength.<a name="fa6l" id="fa6l" href="#ft6l"><span class="sp">6</span></a> On the side of the allies the +Sardinians mobilized 5 infantry and 1 cavalry divisions, totalling +64,000, by the third week in April. A few days later Austria +sent an ultimatum to Turin. This was rejected on the 26th, +war being thereupon declared. As for the French, the emperor’s +policy was considerably in advance of his war minister’s preparations. +The total of about 130,000 men (all that could be +spared out of 500,000) for the Italian army was not reached +until operations were in progress; and the first troops only +entered Savoy or disembarked in Genoa on the 25th and 26th +of April.</p> + +<p>Thus, long as the opening had been delayed, there was still +a period after both sides had resolved on and prepared for war, +during which the Austrians were free to take the +offensive. Had the Austrians crossed the frontier +<span class="sidenote">Austrian movements.</span> +instead of writing an ultimatum on the 19th of April, +they would have had from a week to a fortnight to +deal with the Sardinians. But even the three or four days that +elapsed between the declaration and the arrival of the first French +soldiers were wasted. Vienna ordered Gyulai to take the +offensive on the 27th, but it was not until the 30th that the +Austrian general crossed the Ticino. His movements were +unopposed, the whole of the Sardinian army having concentrated +(by arrangement between La Marmora and Marshal Canrobert) +in a flank position between Casale and Alessandria, where it +covered Turin indirectly and Genoa, the French disembarkation +port, directly. Gyulai’s left was on the 2nd of May opposite the +allied centre, and his right stretched as far as Vercelli.<a name="fa7l" id="fa7l" href="#ft7l"><span class="sp">7</span></a> On the +3rd he planned a concentric attack on King Victor Emmanuel’s +position, and parts of his scheme were actually put into execution, +but he suspended it owing to news of the approach of the French +from Genoa, supply difficulties (Radetzky, the inheritor of the +18th-century traditions, had laid it down that the soldier must +be well fed and that the civilian must not be plundered, conditions +which were unfavourable to mobility) and the heavy weather +and the dangerous state of the rivers.</p> + +<div class="center pt2"><img style="width:517px; height:564px; vertical-align: middle;" src="images/img915.jpg" alt="" /></div> + +<p class="pt2">Gyulai then turned his attention to the Sardinian capital. +Three more days were spent in a careful flank march to the right, +and on the 8th of May the army (III., V. and VII.) was grouped +about Vercelli, with outposts 10-14 m. beyond the Sesia towards +Turin, reserves (II. and VIII.) round Mortara, and a flank-guard +detached from Benedek’s VIII. corps watching the Po. The +extreme right of the main body skirmished with Garibaldi’s +volunteers on the edge of the Alpine country. The Turin scheme +was, however, soon given up. Bivouacs, cancelled orders and +crossings of marching columns all contributed to exhaust the +troops needlessly. On the 9th one corps (the V.) had its direction +<span class="sidenote">Austrians grouped at Mortara.</span> +and disposition altered four times, without any change +in the general situation to justify this. In fact, the +Austrian headquarters were full of able soldiers, each +of whom had his own views on the measures to be taken +and a certain measure of support from Vienna—Gyulai, Colonel +Kuhn his chief of staff, and Feldzeugmeister Hess, who had +formerly played Gneisenau to Radetzky’s Blücher. But what +emerges most clearly from the movements of these days is that +Gyulai himself distrusted the offensive projects he had been +ordered to execute, and catching apparently at some expression +of approval given by the emperor, had determined to imitate +Radetzky in “a defensive based on the Quadrilateral.” His +immediate intention, on abandoning the advance on Turin was +to group his army around Mortara and to strike out as opportunity +offered against the heads of the allied columns wherever they +appeared. Meantime, the IX. corps had been sent to Italy, +and the I. and XI. were mobilizing. These were to form the +I. Army, Gyulai’s the II. The latter was by the 13th of May +grouped in the Lomellina, one third (chiefly VII. corps) spread +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page916" id="page916"></a>916</span> +by brigades fanwise from Vercelli along the Sesia and Po to +Vaccarizza, two thirds massed in a central position about +Mortara. There was still no information of the enemy’s distribution, +except what was forwarded from Vienna or gathered by +the indefatigable Urban’s division, which moved from Milan +to Biella, thence to Brescia and Parma, and back to Lombardy +in search of revolutionary bands, and the latter’s doings in the +nature of things could not afford any certain inferences as to +the enemy’s regular armies.</p> + +<p>On the side of the allies, the Piedmontese were grouped on +the 1st of May in the fortified positions selected for them by +Canrobert about Valenza-Casale-Alessandria. The French III. +corps arrived on the 2nd and 3rd and the IV. corps on the 7th +at Alessandria from Genoa. Unhampered by Gyulai’s offensive, +though at times and places disquieted by his minor reconnaissances, +the allies assembled until on the 16th the French were +stationed as follows: I. corps, Voghera and Pontecurone, II., +Sale and Bassignana, III., Tortona, IV., Valenza, Guard, +Alessandria, and the king’s army between Valenza and Casale. +The V. French corps under Prince Napoleon had a political +mission in the duchies of middle Italy; one division of this corps, +however, followed the main army. On the eve of the first collision +the emperor Napoleon, commanding in chief, had in hand about +100,000 French and about 60,000 Sardinian troops (not including +Garibaldi’s enlisted volunteers or the national guard). Gyulai’s +II. Army was nominally of nearly equal force to that of the +allies, but in reality it was only about 106,000 strong in combatants.</p> + +<p>The first battle had no relation to the strategy contemplated +by the emperor, and was still less a part of the defence scheme +framed by Gyulai. The latter, still pivoting on Mortara, +had between the 14th and 19th drawn his army somewhat +<span class="sidenote">Montebello.</span> +to the left, in proportion as more and more of +the French came up from Genoa. He had further ordered a +reconnaissance in force in the direction of Voghera by a mixed +corps drawn from the V., Urban’s division and the IX. (the last +belonging to the I. Army). The saying that “he who does not +know what he wants, yet feels that he must do something, +appeases his conscience by a reconnaissance in force,” applies +to no episode more forcibly than to the action of Montebello +(20th May) where Count Stadion, the commander of +the V. corps, not knowing what to reconnoitre, engaged disconnected +fractions of his available 24,000 against the French +division of Forey (I. corps), 8000 strong, and was boldly +attacked and beaten, with a loss of 1400 men against Forey’s +700.</p> + +<p>Montebello had, however, one singular result: both sides +fell back and took defensive measures. The French headquarters +were already meditating, if they had not +actually resolved upon, a transfer of all their forces +<span class="sidenote">Flank march of the Allies.</span> +from right to left, to be followed by a march on Milan +(a scheme inspired by Jomini). But the opening of +the movement was suspended until it became quite certain +that Stadion’s advance meant nothing, while Gyulai (impressed +by Forey’s aggressive tactics) continued to stand fast, and thus +it was not until the 28th that the French offensive really began.<a name="fa8l" id="fa8l" href="#ft8l"><span class="sp">8</span></a> +The infantry of the French III. corps was sent by rail from Pontecurone +to Casale, followed by the rest of the army, which marched +by road. To cover the movement D’Autemarre’s division of +Prince Napoleon’s corps (V.) was posted at Voghera and one +division of the king’s army remained at Valenza. The rest of +the Piedmontese were pushed northward to join Cialdini’s +division which was already at Vercelli. The emperor’s orders +were for Victor Emmanuel to push across the Sesia and to take +post at Palestro on the 30th to cover the crossing of the French +at Vercelli. This the king carried out, driving back outlying +bodies of the enemy in spite of a stubborn resistance and the +close and difficult character of the country. Hearing of the +fighting, Gyulai ordered the recapture of Palestro by the II. +corps, but the Sardinians during the night strengthened their +positions and the attack (31st) was repulsed with heavy loss. +These two initial successes of the allies, the failures in Austrian +tactics and leadership which they revealed, and the fatigues and +privation to which indifferent staff work had exposed his troops, +combined to confirm Gyulai in his now openly expressed intention +of “basing his defensive on the Quadrilateral.” And indeed his +only alternatives were now to fall back or to concentrate on the +heads of the French columns as soon as they had passed the +Sesia about Vercelli. Faithful to his view of the situation he +adopted the former course (1st June). The retreat began on +the 2nd, while the French were still busied in closing up. Equally +with the Austrians, the French were the victims of a system of +marching and camping that, by requiring the tail of the columns +to close up on the head every evening, reduced the day’s net +progress to 6 or 7 m., although the troops were often under +arms for fourteen or fifteen hours. The difference between the +supreme commands of the rival armies lay not in the superior +generalship of one or the other, but in the fact that Napoleon +III. as sovereign knew what he wanted and as general pursued +this object with much energy, whereas Gyulai neither knew how +far his government would go nor was entire “master in his +own house.”</p> + +<p>The latter became very evident in his retreat. Kuhn, the +chief of staff, who was understood to represent the views of the +general staff in Vienna, had already protested against +Gyulai’s retrograde movement, and on the 3rd Hess +<span class="sidenote">Austrian retreat.</span> +appeared from Vienna as the emperor’s direct representative +and stopped the movement. It was destined to be +resumed after a short interval, but meanwhile the troops suffered +from the orders and counter-orders that had marked every stage +in the Austrian movements and were now intensified instead of +being removed by higher intervention. Meanwhile (June 1-2) +the allies had regrouped themselves east of the Sesia for the +movement on Milan. The IV. corps, driving out an Austrian +detachment at Novara, established itself there, and was joined +by the II. and Guard. The king’s army, supported by the I. +and III. corps, was about Vercelli, with cavalry far out to the +front towards Vespolate. From Novara, the emperor, who +desired to give his troops a rest-day on the 2nd, pushed out first +a mixed reconnaissance and then in the afternoon two divisions +<span class="sidenote">French advance to the Ticino.</span> +to seize the crossing of the Ticino, Camou’s of the +Guard on Turbigo, Espinasse’s of the II. corps on +San Martino. Further the whole of the Vercelli +group was ordered to advance on the 3rd to Novara +and Galliate, where Napoleon would on the 4th have all his +forces, except one division, beyond Gyulai’s right and in hand +for the move on Milan. The division sent to Turbigo bridged +the river and crossed in the night of the 2nd/3rd, that at San +Martino (on the main road) occupied the bridge-head and also +the river bridge itself, though the latter was damaged. +Espinasse’s division here was during the night replaced by a +Guard division and went to join a growing assembly of troops +under General MacMahon, which established itself at Turbigo +and Robecchetto on the morning of the 3rd. Lastly, in order +to make sure that no attack was impending from the direction +of Mortara, Napoleon sent General Niel with a mixed reconnoitring +force thither, which returned without meeting any +Austrian forces—fortunately for itself, if the fate of the “reconnaissance +in force” at Montebello proves anything.</p> + +<div class="condensed"> +<p>The centre of gravity was now at Buffalora, a village on the main +Milan road at the point where it crosses the Naviglio Grande. Here, +on the night of the 1st, Count Clam-Gallas, commanding the +Austrian I. corps (which had just arrived in Italy and was to form +part of the future I. Army) had posted a division, with a view to +occupying the bridge-head of San Martino. On inspecting the +latter Clam-Gallas concluded that it was indefensible, and, ordering +the San Martino road and railway bridges to be destroyed (an order +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page917" id="page917"></a>917</span> +which was only partially executed), he called on Gyulai for support, +sent out detachments to the right against the French troops reported +at Turbigo, and prepared to hold his ground at Buffalora. +On receipt of Clam-Gallas’s report at the Austrian headquarters, +Hess ordered the resumption of the retreat that he had countermanded, +but it was already late and many of the troops did not +halt for the night till midnight, June 3rd/4th. Gyulai promised +them the 4th as a rest-day, but fortune ordered it otherwise. This +much at least was in favour of the Austrians, that when the troops +at last reached their assigned positions four-fifths of them were +within 12 m. of the battlefield. But, as before, the greater part of +the army was destined to be chained to “supporting positions” +well back from the battlefield.</p> + +<p>When day broke on the 4th, the emperor of the French was still +uncertain as to Gyulai’s whereabouts, and his intention was therefore +no more than to secure the passage of the Ticino and +to place his army on both sides of the river, in sufficient +<span class="sidenote">Battle of Magenta.</span> +strength to make head against Gyulai, whether the latter +advanced from Mortara and Vigevano or from Abbiategrasso. He +therefore kept back part of the French army and the whole of the +Sardinian. But during the morning it became known that Gyulai +had passed the Ticino on the evening of the 3rd; and Napoleon +then ordered up all his forces to San Martino and Turbigo. +The battlefield of Magenta is easily described. It consists of two +level plateaux, wholly covered with vineyards, and between them +the broad and low-lying valley of the Ticino. This, sharply defined +by the bluffs of the adjoining plateaux, is made up of backwaters, +channels, water meadows and swampy woods. At Turbigo the band +of low ground is 1½ m. wide, at Buffalora 2½. Along the foot of the +eastern or Austrian bluffs between Turbigo and Buffalora runs the +Grand Canal (Naviglio Grande); this, however, cuts into the plateau +itself at the latter place and trending gradually inwards leaves a +tongue of high ground separate from the main plateau. The Novara-Milan +road and railway, crossing the Ticino by the bridge of San +Martino, pass the second obstacle presented by the canal by the +New Bridges of Magenta, the Old Bridge being 1000 yards south of +these. The canal is bridged at several points between Turbigo and +Buffalora, and also at Robecco, 1½ m. to the (Austrian) left of the +Old Bridge. Clam-Gallas’s main line of defence was the canal +between Turbigo and the Old Bridge, skirmishers being posted on +the tongue of high ground in front of the New Bridges, which were +kept open for their retreat. He had been joined by the II. corps +and disposed of 40,000 men, 27,000 more being at Abbiategrasso +(2½ m. S. of Robecco). Of his immediate command, he disposed +about 12,000 for the defence of the New Bridges, 12,000 for that of +Buffalora, 8000 at Magenta and 8000 at Robecco; all bridges, +except the New Bridges, were broken. Cavalry played no part +whatever, and artillery was only used in small force to fire along +roads and paths.</p> + +<p>Napoleon, as has been mentioned, spent the morning of the 4th +in ascertaining that Gyulai had repassed the Ticino. Being desirous +merely of securing the passage and having only a small force available +for the moment at San Martino, he kept this back in the hope +that MacMahon’s advance from Turbigo on Magenta and Buffalora +would dislodge the Austrians. MacMahon advanced in two +columns, 2 divisions through Cuggiono and 1 through Inveruno. +The former drove back the Austrian outposts with ease, but on +approaching Buffalora found so serious a resistance that MacMahon +broke off the fight in order to close up and deploy his full force. +Meantime, however, on hearing the cannonade Napoleon had ordered +forward Mellinet’s division of the Guard on the New Bridges and +Buffalora. The bold advance of this <i>corps d’élite</i> carried both points +at once, but the masses of the allies who had been retained to meet +a possible attack from Mortara and Vigevano were still far distant +and Mellinet was practically unsupported. Thus the French, turning +towards the Old Bridge, found themselves (3.30 <span class="scs">P.M.</span>) involved in a +close fight with some 18,000 Austrians, and meantime Gyulai had +begun to bring up his III. and VII. corps towards Robecco and +(with Hess) had arrived on the field himself. The VII. corps, on its +arrival, drove Mellinet back to and over the New Bridges, but the +French, now broken up into dense swarms of individual fighters, +held on to the tongue of high ground and prevented the Austrians +from destroying the bridges, while the occupants of Buffalora +similarly held their own, and beyond them MacMahon, advancing +through orchards and vineyards in a line of battle 2 m. long, slowly +gained ground towards Magenta. The III. Austrian corps, meanwhile, +arriving at Robecco spread out on both sides of the canal +and advanced to take the defenders of the New Bridges in rear, but +were checked by fresh French troops which arrived from San Martino +(4 <span class="scs">P.M.</span>). The struggle for the New and Old Bridges continued till +6 <span class="scs">P.M.</span>, more and more troops being drawn into the vortex, but at +last the Austrians, stubbornly defending each vineyard, fell back +on Magenta. But while nearly all the Austrian reinforcements +from the lower Ticino had successively been directed on the bridges, +MacMahon had only had to deal with the 8000 men who had +originally formed the garrison of Magenta. The small part of the +reinforcing troops that had been directed thither by Gyulai before +he was aware of the situation, had in consequence no active rôle +defined in their orders and (initiative being then regarded as a vice) +they stood fast while their comrades were beaten. But it was not +until after sunset that the thronging French troops at last broke +into Magenta and the victory was won. The splendid Austrian +cavalry (always at a disadvantage in Italy) found no opportunity +to redress the balance, and their slow-moving and over-loaded +infantry, in spite of its devotion, was no match in broken country for +the swift and eager French. The forces engaged were 54,000 French +(one-third of the allied army) to 58,000 Austrians (about half of +Gyulai’s total force). Thus the fears of Napoleon as regards an +Austrian attack from Mortara-Vigevano neutralized the bad distribution +of his opponent’s force, and Magenta was a fair contest of +equal numbers. The victory of the French was palpably the consequence +not of luck or generalship but of specific superiority in the +soldier. The great result of the battle was therefore a conviction, +shared by both sides, that in future encounters nothing but exceptional +good fortune or skilful generalship could give the Austrians +victory. The respective losses were: French 4000 killed and wounded +and 600 missing, Austrians 5700 killed and wounded, 4500 missing.</p> +</div> + +<p>While the fighting was prolonged to nightfall, the various +corps of the Austrian army had approached, and it was Gyulai’s +intention to resume the battle next day with 100,000 men. But +Clam-Gallas reported that the I. and II. corps were fought out, +and thereupon Gyulai resolved to retreat on Cremona and Mantua, +leaving the great road Milan-Brescia unused, for the townsmen’s +patriotism was sharpened by the remembrance of Haynau, +“the Hyena of Brescia.” Milan and Pavia were evacuated on +the 5th, Hess departed to meet the emperor Francis Joseph +(who was coming to take command of the united I. and II. +Armies), and although Kuhn was still in favour of the offensive +Gyulai decided that the best service he could render was to +deliver up the army intact to his sovereign on the Mincio. On +the 8th of June Napoleon and Victor Emmanuel made their +triumphal entry into Milan, while their corps followed up rather +than pursued the retreating enemy along the Lodi and Cremona +roads. On the same day, the 8th of June, the I. and II. French +corps, under the general command of Marshal Baraguay d’Hilliers, +attacked an Austrian rearguard (part of VIII. corps, Benedek) +<span class="sidenote">Melegnano.</span> +at the village of Melegnano. MacMahon with the +II. corps was to turn the right flank, the IV. the left +of the defenders, while Baraguay attacked in front. +But MacMahon, as at Magenta, deployed into a formal line +of battle before closing on the village, and his progress through +the vineyards was correspondingly slow. The IV. corps was +similarly involved in intricate country, but Baraguay, whose +corps had not been present at Magenta, was burning to attack, +and being a man <i>aussi dur à ses soldats qu’à lui-même</i>, he +delivered the frontal attack about 6 <span class="scs">P.M.</span> without waiting for the +others. This attack, as straightforward, as brusque, and as +destitute of tactical refinements as that of the Swiss on that very +ground in 1515 (Marignan), was carried out, without “preparation,” +by Bazaine’s division <i>à la baïonnette</i>. Benedek was +dislodged, but retreated safely, having inflicted a loss of over +1000 men on the French, as against 360 in his own command.</p> + +<p>After Melegnano, as after Magenta, contact with the retiring +enemy was lost, and for a fortnight the story of the war is simply +that of a triumphal advance of the allies and a quiet retirement +and reorganization of the Austrians. Up to Magenta Napoleon +had a well-defined scheme and executed it with vigour. But +the fierceness of the battle itself had not a little effect on his +strange dreamy character, and although it was proved beyond +doubt that under reasonable conditions the French must win in +every encounter, their emperor turned his attention to dislodging +rather than to destroying the enemy. War clouds were +gathering elsewhere—on the Rhine above all. The simple brave +promise to free Italy “from the Alps to the Adriatic” became +complicated by many minor issues, and the emperor was well +content to let his enemy retire and to accelerate that retirement +by manœuvre as far as might be necessary. He therefore kept +on the left of his adversary’s routes as before, and about the +20th of June the whole allied army (less Cialdini’s Sardinian +division, detached to operate on the fringe of the mountain +country) was closely grouped around Montechiaro on the Chiese. +It now consisted of 107,000 French and 48,000 Sardinians +(combatants only).</p> + +<p>The Austrians had disappeared into the Quadrilateral, where +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page918" id="page918"></a>918</span> +the emperor Francis Joseph assumed personal command, with +Hess as his chief of staff. Gyulai had resigned the +command of the II. Army to Count Schlick, a cavalry +<span class="sidenote">Austrians on the Mincio.</span> +general of 70 years of age. The I. Army was under +Count Wimpffen. But this partition produced nothing +but evil. The imperial headquarters still issued voluminous +detailed orders for each corps, and the intervening army staff +was a cause not of initiative or of simplification, but of unnecessary +delay. The direction of several armies, in fact, is +only feasible when general directions (<i>directives</i> as they are +technically called) take the place of orders. All the necessary +conditions for working such a system—uniformity of training, +methods and doctrine in the recipients, abstention from interference +in details by the supreme command—were wanting in +the Austrian army of 1859. The I. Army consisted of the III., +IX. and XI. corps with one cavalry division and details, 67,000 +in all; the II. Army of the I., V., VII. and VIII. corps, one +cavalry division and details or 90,000 combatants—total 160,000, +or practically the same force as the allies. The emperor had +made several salutary changes in the administration, notably +an order to the infantry to send their heavy equipment and +parade full-dress into the fortresses, which enormously lightened +the hitherto overburdened infantryman. At this moment the +political omens were favourable, and gathering the impression +from his outpost reports that the French were in two halves, +separated by the river Chiese, the young emperor at last accepted +Hess’s advice to resume the offensive, in view of which Gyulai had +left strong outposts west of the Mincio, when the main armies +retired over that river, and had maintained and supplemented +the available bridges.</p> + +<div class="center pt2"><img style="width:528px; height:542px; vertical-align: middle;" src="images/img918.jpg" alt="" /></div> + +<p class="pt2">The possibility of such a finale to the campaign had been +considered but dismissed at the allied headquarters, where it +was thought that if the Austrians took the offensive it would be +on their own side, not the enemy’s, of the Mincio and in the +midst of the Quadrilateral. Thus the advance of the French +army on the 24th was simply to be a general move to the line of +the Mincio, preparatory to forcing the crossings, coupled with the +destruction of the strong outpost bodies that had been left by +the Austrians at Solferino, Guidizzolo, &c. The Austrians, who +advanced over the Mincio on the 23rd, also thought that the +decisive battle would take place on the third or fourth day of +their advance. Thus, although both armies moved with all +precautions as if a battle was the immediate object, neither +expected a collision, and Solferino was consequently a pure +encounter-battle.</p> + +<div class="condensed"> +<p>Speaking generally, the battlefield falls into two distinct halves, +the hilly undulating country, of which the edge (almost everywhere +cliff-like) is defined by Lonato, Castiglione, Cavriana and +Volta, and the plain of Medole and Guidizzolo. The +<span class="sidenote">Battle of Solferino.</span> +village of Solferino is within the elevated ground, but +close to the edge. Almost in the centre of the plateau is +Pozzolengo, and from Solferino and Pozzolengo roads lead to crossing +places of the Mincio above Volta (Monzambano-Salionze and +Valeggio). These routes were assigned to the Piedmontese (44,000) +and the French left wing (I., II. and Guard, 57,000), the plain to +the III. and IV. corps and 2 cavalry divisions (50,000). On the other +side the Austrians, trusting to the defensive facilities of the plateau, +had directed the II. Army and part of the I. (86,000) into the plain, +2 corps of the I. Army (V. and I.) on Solferino-Cavriana (40,000), +and only the VIII. corps (Benedek), 25,000 strong, into the heart of +the undulating ground. One division was sent from Mantua towards +Marcaria. Thus both armies, though disposed in parallel lines, were +grouped in very unequal density at different points in these lines.</p> + +<p>The French orders for the 24th were—Sardinian army on Pozzolengo, +I. corps Esenta to Solferino, II. Castiglione to Cavriana, +IV. with two cavalry divisions, Carpenedolo to Guidizzolo, III. +Mezzane to Medole by Castel Goffredo; Imperial Guard in reserve +at Castiglione. On the other side the VIII. corps from Monzambano +was to reach Lonato, the remainder of the II. Army from Cavriana, +Solferino and Guidizzolo to Esenta and Castiglione, and the I. +Army from Medole, Robecco and Castel Grimaldo towards Carpenedolo. +At 8 <span class="scs">A.M.</span> the head of the French I. corps encountered +several brigades of the I. Army in advance of Solferino. The fighting +was severe, but the French made no progress. MacMahon advancing +on Guidizzolo came upon a force of the Austrians at Casa +Morino and (as on former occasions) immediately set about deploying +his whole corps in line of battle. Meanwhile masses of Austrian +infantry became visible on the edge of the heights near Cavriana +and the firing in the hills grew in intensity. Marshal MacMahon +therefore called upon General Niel on his right rear to hasten his +march. The latter had already expelled a small body of the Austrians +from Medole and had moved forward to Robecco, but there more +Austrian masses were found, and Niel, like MacMahon, held his +hand until Canrobert (III. corps) should come up on his right. But +the latter, after seizing Castel Goffredo, judged it prudent to collect +his corps there before actively intervening. Meantime, however, +MacMahon had completed his preparations, and capturing Casa +Morino with ease, he drove forward to a large open field called the +Campo di Medole; this, aided by a heavy cross fire from his artillery +and part of Niel’s, he carried without great loss, Niel meantime +attacking Casa Nuova and Robecco. But the Austrians had not +yet developed their full strength, and the initial successes of the +French, won against isolated brigades and battalions, were a mere +prelude to the real struggle. Meanwhile the stern Baraguay d’Hilliers +had made ceaseless attacks on the V. corps at Solferino, where, +on a steep hill surmounted by a tower, the Austrian guns fired with +great effect on the attacking masses. It was not until after midday, +and then only because it attacked at the moment when, in +accordance with an often fatal practice of those days, the Austrian +V. corps was being relieved and replaced by the I., that Forey’s +division of the I. corps, assisted by part of the Imperial Guard, +succeeded in reaching the hill, whereupon Baraguay stormed the +village and cemetery of Solferino with the masses of infantry that +had gradually gathered opposite this point. By 2 <span class="scs">P.M.</span> Solferino +was definitively lost to the Austrians.</p> + +<p>During this time MacMahon had taken, as ordered, the direction +of Cavriana, and was by degrees drawn into the fighting on the +heights. Pending the arrival of Canrobert—who had been alarmed +by the reported movement of an Austrian force on his rear (the +division from Mantua above mentioned) and having given up his +cavalry to Niel was unable to explore for himself—Niel alone was +left to face the I. Army. But Count Wimpffen, having been ordered +at 11 to change direction towards Castiglione, employed the morning +in redistributing his intact troops in various “mutually supporting +positions,” and thus the forces opposing Niel at Robecco never +outnumbered him by more than 3 to 2. Niel, therefore, attacking +again and again and from time to time supported by a brigade or +a regiment sent by Canrobert, not only held his own but actually +captured Robecco. About the same time MacMahon gained a +foothold on the heights between Solferino and Cavriana, and as +above mentioned, Baraguay had stormed Solferino and the tower +hill. The greater part of the II. Austrian Army was beaten and +in retreat on Valeggio before 3 <span class="scs">P.M.</span> But the Austrian emperor +had not lost hope, and it was only a despairing message from Wimpffen, +who had suffered least in the battle, that finally induced him +to order the retreat over the Mincio. On the extreme right Benedek +and the VIII. corps had fought successfully all day against the +Sardinians, this engagement being often known by the separate +name of the battle of San Martino. On the left Wimpffen, after +sending his despondent message, plucked up heart afresh and, for +a moment, took the offensive against Niel, who at last, supported +by the most part of Canrobert’s corps, had reached Guidizzolo. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page919" id="page919"></a>919</span> +In the centre the Austrian rearguard held out for two hours in +several successive positions against the attacks of MacMahon and +the Guard. But the battle was decided. A violent storm, the +exhaustion of the assailants, and the firm countenance of Benedek, +who, retiring from San Martino, covered the retreat of the rest of +the II. Army over the Mincio, precluded an effective pursuit.</p> + +<p>The losses on either side had been: Allies, 14,415 killed and +wounded and 2776 missing, total 17,191; Austrians, 13,317 killed +and wounded, 9220 missing, total 22,537. The heaviest losses in +the French army were in Niel’s corps (IV.), which lost 4483, and in +Baraguay d’Hilliers’ (I.), which lost 4431. Of the total of 17,191, +5521 was the share of the Sardinian army, which in the battle of +San Martino had had as resolute an enemy, and as formidable a +position to attack, as had Baraguay at Solferino. On the Austrian +side the IX. corps, which bore the brunt of the fighting on the plain, +lost 4349 and the V. corps, that had defended Solferino, 4442. +Solferino, in the first instance an encounter-battle in which each +corps fought whatever enemy it found in its path, became after a +time a decisive trial of strength. In the true sense of the word, it +was a soldier’s battle, and the now doubly-proved superiority of +the French soldier being reinforced by the conviction that the +Austrian leaders were incapable of neutralizing it by superior +strategy, the war ended without further fighting. The peace of +Villafranca was signed on the 11th of July.</p> +</div> + +<p class="pt2 center sc">The Campaign of 1866</p> + +<p>In the seven years that elapsed between Solferino and the +second battle of Custozza the political unification of Italy had +proceeded rapidly, although the price of the union of Italy had +been the cession of Savoy and Nice to Napoleon III. Garibaldi’s +irregulars had in 1860 overrun Sicily, and regular battles, +inspired by the same great leader, had destroyed the kingdom +of Naples on the mainland (Volturno, 1st-2nd October 1860). +At Castelfidardo near Ancona on the 18th of September in the +same year Cialdini won another victory over the Papal troops +commanded by Lamoricière. In 1866, then, Italy was no longer +a “geographical expression,” but a recognized kingdom. Only +Rome and Venetia remained of the numerous, disunited and +reactionary states set up by the congress of Vienna. The former, +still held by a French garrison, was for the moment an unattainable +aim of the liberators, but the moment for reclaiming Venetia, +the last relic of the Austrian dominions in Italy, came when +Austria and Prussia in the spring of 1866 prepared to fight for +the hegemony of the future united Germany (see <span class="sc"><a href="#artlinks">Seven Weeks’ +War</a></span>).</p> + +<p>The new Italian army, formed on the nucleus of the Sardinian +army and led by veterans of Novara and Solferino, was as strong +as the whole allied army of 1859, but in absorbing so many +recruits it had temporarily lost much of its efficiency. It was +organized in four corps, of which one, under Cialdini, was detached +from the main body. Garibaldi, as before, commanded a semi-regular +corps in the Alpine valleys, but being steadily and +skilfully opposed by Kuhn, Gyulai’s former chief of staff, he +made little or no progress during the brief campaign, on which +indeed his operations had no influence. The main Austrian +army, still the best-trained part of the emperor’s forces, had been, +up to the verge of the war, commanded by Benedek, but Benedek +was induced to give up his place to the archduke Albert, and to +take up the far harder task of commanding against the Prussians +in Bohemia. It was in fact a practically foregone conclusion that +in Italy the Austrians would win, whereas in Bohemia it was +more than feared that the Prussians would carry all before them. +But Prussia and Italy were allied, and whatever the result of a +battle in Venetia, that province would have to be ceded in the +negotiations for peace with a victorious Prussia. Thus on the +Austrian side the war of 1866 in Italy was, even more than the +former war, simply an armed protest against the march of events.</p> + +<p>The part of Hess in the campaign of Solferino was played with +more success in that of Custozza by Major-General Franz, +Freiherr von John (1815-1876). On this officer’s +advice the Austrian army, instead of remaining +<span class="sidenote">Second Battle of Custozza.</span> +behind the Adige, crossed that river on the 23rd of +June and took up a position on the hills around +Pastrengo on the flank of the presumed advance of Victor +Emmanuel’s army. The latter, crossing the Mincio the same +day, headed by Villafranca for Verona, part of it in the hills +about Custozza, Somma-Campagna and Castelnuovo, partly +on the plain. The object of the king and of La Marmora, who +was his adviser, was by advancing on Verona to occupy the +Austrian army (which was only about 80,000 strong as against +the king’s 120,000), while Cialdini’s corps from the Ferrara +region crossed the lower Po and operated against the Austrian +rear. The archduke’s staff, believing that the enemy was +making for the lower Adige in order to co-operate directly with +Cialdini’s detachment, issued orders for the advance on the 24th +so as to reach the southern edge of the hilly country, preparatory +to descending upon the flank of the Italians next day. However, +the latter were nearer than was supposed, and an encounter-battle +promptly began for the possession of Somma-Campagna +and Custozza. The king’s army was unable to use its superior +numbers and, brigade for brigade, was much inferior to its +opponents. The columns on the right, attempting in succession +to debouch from Villafranca in the direction of Verona, were +checked by two improvised cavalry brigades under Colonel +Pulz, which charged repeatedly, with the old-fashioned cavalry +spirit that Europe had almost forgotten, and broke up one +battalion after another. In the centre the leading brigades +fought in vain for the possession of Custozza and the edge of +the plateau, and on the left the divisions that had turned northward +from Valeggio into the hills were also met and defeated. +About 5 <span class="scs">P.M.</span> the Italians, checked and in great disorder, retreated +over the Mincio. The losses were—Austrians, 4600 killed and +wounded and 1000 missing; Italians, 3800 killed and wounded +and 4300 missing. The archduke was too weak in numbers +to pursue, his losses had been considerable, and a resolute +offensive, in the existing political conditions, would have been +a mere waste of force. The battle necessary to save the honour +of Austria had been handsomely won. Ere long the bulk of the +army that had fought at Custozza was transported by rail to take +part in defending Vienna itself against the victorious Prussians. +One month later Cialdini with the re-organized Italian army, +140,000 strong, took the field again, and the 30,000 Austrians +left in Venetia retreated to the Isonzo without engaging.</p> + +<p>In spite of Custozza and of the great defeat sustained by the +Italian navy at the hands of Tegetthof near Lissa on the 20th of +July, Venetia was now liberated and incorporated in the kingdom +of Italy, and the struggle for unity, that had been for seventeen +years a passionate and absorbing drama, and had had amongst +its incidents Novara, Magenta, Solferino and the Garibaldian +conquest of the Two Sicilies, ended in an anti-climax.</p> + +<p>Three years later the cards were shuffled, and Austria, France +and Italy were projecting an offensive alliance against Prussia. +This scheme came to grief on the Roman question, and the +French chassepôt was used for the first time in battle against +Garibaldi at Mentana, but in 1870 France was compelled to +withdraw her Roman garrison, and with the assent of their late +enemy Austria, the Italians under Cialdini fought their way into +Rome and there established the capital of united Italy.</p> + +<div class="condensed"> +<p><span class="sc">Bibliography.</span>—The war of 1848-49 has been somewhat neglected +by modern military historians, but the following are useful: <i>Der +Feldzug der österr. Armee in Italien 1848-49</i> (Vienna, 1852); Gavenda, +<i>Sammlung aller Armeebefehle u.s.w. mit Bezug auf die Hauptmomente +des Krieges</i> 1848-49; Major H. Kunz, <i>Feldzüge des F. M. Radetzki +in Oberitalien</i> (Berlin, 1900), and Major Adams, <i>Great Campaigns</i>. +Both the French and the Austrian governments issued official +accounts (<i>Campagne de Napoléon III en Italie 1859</i>, <i>Der Krieg in +Italien 1859</i>) of the war of 1859. The standard critical work is <i>Der +italienische Feldzug 1859</i> by the German general staff (practically +dictated by Moltke). Prince Kraft zu Hohenlohe-Ingelfingen, who +had many friends in the Austrian army, deals with the Magenta +campaign in vol. i. of his <i>Letters on Strategy</i>. General Silvestre’s +<i>Étude sur la campagne de 1859</i> was published in 1909. In English, +Col. H. C. Wylly, <i>Magenta and Solferino</i> (1906), and in German +General Cämmerer, <i>Magenta</i>, and Major Kunz, <i>Von Montebello bis +Solferino</i> should be consulted.</p> + +<p>For the Italian campaign of 1866 see the Austrian official history, +<i>Österreichs Kämpfe 1866</i> (French translation), and the Italian +official account, <i>La Campagna del 1866</i>, of which the volume dealing +with Custozza was published in 1909. A short account is given in +Sir H. Hozier’s <i>Seven Weeks’ War</i>, and tactical studies in v. Verdy’s +<i>Custozza</i> (tr. Henderson), and Sir Evelyn Wood, <i>Achievements of +Cavalry</i>.</p> +</div> +<div class="author">(C. F. A.)</div> + +<hr class="foot" /> <div class="note"> + +<p><a name="ft1l" id="ft1l" href="#fa1l"><span class="fn">1</span></a> Several of the French generals—Lamoricière, Bedeau, Changarnier +and others—who had been prominent in Algeria and in the +1848 revolution in France had been invited to take the command, +but had declined it.</p> + +<p><a name="ft2l" id="ft2l" href="#fa2l"><span class="fn">2</span></a> Students of Napoleonic strategy will find it interesting to +replace Ramorino by, say, Lannes, and to post Durando at Mortara-Vigevano +instead of Vespolate-Vigevano, and from these conditions +to work out the probable course of events.</p> + +<p><a name="ft3l" id="ft3l" href="#fa3l"><span class="fn">3</span></a> Ramorino’s defence was that he had received information that +the Austrians were advancing on Alessandria by the south bank of +the Po. But Alessandria was a fortress, and could be expected to +hold out for forty-eight hours; moreover, it could easily have been +succoured by way of Valenza if necessary.</p> + +<p><a name="ft4l" id="ft4l" href="#fa4l"><span class="fn">4</span></a> The Sardinians, at peace strength, had some 50,000 men, and +during January and February the government busied itself chiefly +with preparations of supplies and armament. Here the delay in +calling out the reserves was due not to their possible ill-will, but +to the necessity of waiting on the political situation.</p> + +<p><a name="ft5l" id="ft5l" href="#fa5l"><span class="fn">5</span></a> The Volunteer movement in England was the result of this +crisis in the relations of England and France.</p> + +<p><a name="ft6l" id="ft6l" href="#fa6l"><span class="fn">6</span></a> As far as possible Italian conscripts had been sent elsewhere +and replaced by Austrians.</p> + +<p><a name="ft7l" id="ft7l" href="#fa7l"><span class="fn">7</span></a> The movements of the division employed in policing Lombardy +(Urban’s) are not included here, unless specially mentioned.</p> + +<p><a name="ft8l" id="ft8l" href="#fa8l"><span class="fn">8</span></a> The advantages and dangers of the flank march are well summarized +in Colonel H. C. Wylly’s <i>Magenta and Solferino</i>, p. 65, +where the doctrinaire objections of Hamley and Rüstow are set in +parallel with the common-sense views of a much-neglected English +writer (Major Adams, <i>Great Campaigns</i>) and with the clear and +simple doctrine of Moltke, that rested on the principle that strategy +does not exist to avoid but to give effect to tactics. The waste of +time in execution, rather than the scheme, is condemned by General +Silvestre.</p> +</div> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page920" id="page920"></a>920</span></p> + + +<hr class="art" /> +<p><span class="bold">ITALIC,<a name="ar69" id="ar69"></a></span> <i>i.e.</i> Italian, in Roman archaeology, history and law, +a term used, as distinct from Roman, of that which belongs to +the races, languages, &c., of the non-Roman parts of Italy (see +<span class="sc"><a href="#artlinks">Italy</a></span>, <i>Ancient Languages and Peoples</i>). In architecture the +Italic order is another name for the Composite order (see <span class="sc"><a href="#artlinks">Order</a></span>). +The term was applied to the Pythagorean school of philosophy +in Magna Graecia, and to an early Latin version of the Bible, +known also as <i>Itala</i>, which was superseded by the Vulgate, but +its special technical use is of a particular form of type, in which +the letters slope to the right. This is used, in present-day +printing, chiefly to emphasize words or phrases, to indicate +words or sentences in a foreign language, or to mark the titles +of books, &c. It was introduced by the Aldine Press (see +<span class="sc"><a href="#artlinks">Manutius</a></span> and <span class="sc"><a href="#artlinks">Typography</a></span>).</p> + +<hr class="art" /> + + + + + + + + + +<pre> + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Encyclopaedia Britannica, 11th +Edition, Volume 14, Slice 8, by Various + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ENCYC. 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