diff options
| author | Roger Frank <rfrank@pglaf.org> | 2025-10-14 20:13:08 -0700 |
|---|---|---|
| committer | Roger Frank <rfrank@pglaf.org> | 2025-10-14 20:13:08 -0700 |
| commit | 349802f59797a790656a87c8bcce688648cc5143 (patch) | |
| tree | b9896c04b6d29476f6b6bb7d77c3c12b35c624bb /39580-h | |
Diffstat (limited to '39580-h')
| -rw-r--r-- | 39580-h/39580-h.htm | 41723 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | 39580-h/images/back.jpg | bin | 0 -> 46376 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | 39580-h/images/cover.jpg | bin | 0 -> 46318 bytes |
3 files changed, 41723 insertions, 0 deletions
diff --git a/39580-h/39580-h.htm b/39580-h/39580-h.htm new file mode 100644 index 0000000..b5f65c2 --- /dev/null +++ b/39580-h/39580-h.htm @@ -0,0 +1,41723 @@ +<!DOCTYPE html PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD XHTML 1.0 Strict//EN" +"http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml1/DTD/xhtml1-strict.dtd"> + +<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml" lang="en" xml:lang="en"> + <head> +<meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html;charset=utf-8" /> +<title> + The Project Gutenberg eBook of A History of The Inquisition of The Middle Ages; volume III, by Henry Charles Lea. +</title> +<style type="text/css"> + p {margin-top:.2em;text-align:justify;margin-bottom:.2em;text-indent:4%;} + +.c {text-align:center;text-indent:0%;} + +.cb {text-align:center;text-indent:0%;font-weight:bold;} + +.letra {font-size:250%;float:left;margin-top:-.5%;} + +.nind {text-indent:0%;} + +small {font-size: 70%;} + + h1 {margin-top:8%;text-align:center;clear:both;} + + h2 {margin-top:5%;margin-bottom:2%;text-align:center;clear:both; + font-size:120%;} + + h3 {margin:5% auto 2% auto;text-align:center;clear:both;} + + hr {width:90%;margin:2em auto 2em auto;clear:both;color:black;} + + hr.full {width: 50%;margin:5% auto 5% auto;border:4px double gray;} + + table {margin-top:2%;margin-bottom:2%;margin-left:auto;margin-right:auto;border:none;text-align:left;} + + body{margin-left:10%;margin-right:10%;background:#fdfdfd;color:black;font-family:"Times New Roman", serif;font-size:medium;} + +.un {text-decoration:underline;color:red;} + +a:link {background-color:#ffffff;color:blue;text-decoration:none;} + + link {background-color:#ffffff;color:blue;text-decoration:none;} + +a:visited {background-color:#ffffff;color:purple;text-decoration:none;} + +a:hover {background-color:#ffffff;color:#FF0000;text-decoration:underline;} + +.smcap {font-variant:small-caps;font-size:95%;} + + img {border:none;} + +.blockquot {margin-top:2%;margin-bottom:2%;font-size:90%;} + + sup {font-size:75%;} + +.figcenter {margin-top:3%;margin-bottom:3%; +margin-left:auto;margin-right:auto;text-align:center;text-indent:0%;} + +.footnotes {border:dotted 3px gray;margin-top:15%;clear:both;} + +.footnote {width:95%;margin:auto 3% 1% auto;font-size:0.9em;position:relative;} + +.label {position:relative;left:-.5em;top:0;text-align:left;font-size:.8em;} + +.fnanchor {vertical-align:30%;font-size:.8em;} + +.poem {margin-left:25%;text-indent:0%;font-size: 95%;} + +.poem .stanza {margin-top: 1em;margin-bottom:1em;} +.poem span.i0 {display: block; margin-left: 0em; padding-left: 3em; text-indent: -3em;} +.poem span.i1 {display: block; margin-left: 1em; padding-left: 3em; text-indent: -3em;} +.poem span.i2 {display: block; margin-left: 2em; padding-left: 3em; text-indent: -3em;} +.poem span.i3 {display: block; margin-left: 3em; padding-left: 3em; text-indent: -3em;} +.poem span.i5 {display: block; margin-left: 5em; padding-left: 3em; text-indent: -3em;} +.poem span.i8 {display: block; margin-left: 8em; padding-left: 3em; text-indent: -3em;} +.poem span.ist {display: block; margin-left: .45em; padding-left: 3em; text-indent: -3em;} +.poem span.i12 {display: block; margin-left: 12em; padding-left: 3em; text-indent: -3em;} +.poem span.i15 {display: block; margin-left: 15em; padding-left: 3em; text-indent: -3em;} + +.pagenum {font-style:normal;position:absolute;left:92%;font-size:75%;text-align:right;color:gray;background-color:#ffffff;font-variant:normal;font-style:normal;font-weight:normal;text-decoration:none;text-indent:0em;} + +</style> + </head> +<body> + + +<pre> + +The Project Gutenberg EBook of A History of The Inquisition of The Middle +Ages; volume III, by Henry Charles Lea + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license + + +Title: A History of The Inquisition of The Middle Ages; volume III + +Author: Henry Charles Lea + +Release Date: April 30, 2012 [EBook #39580] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: UTF-8 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION 3/3 *** + + + + +Produced by Chuck Greif and the Online Distributed +Proofreading Team at DP Europe (http://dp.rastko.net); +produced from images available at the Internet Archive. + + + + + + +</pre> + +<hr class="full" /> + +<table summary="note" border="4" cellpadding="10" style="background-color: #ffffff;"> + <tr> + <td align="center"> +Typographical errors were corrected (See <a href="#transcriber_note">note</a> at the end of the etext). The +spelling of names of people or places has not been corrected or +normalized.<br />(note of etext transcriber.)</td> + </tr> +</table> + +<p class="figcenter"> +<img src="images/cover.jpg" width="342" height="550" alt="image of the book's cover" title="" /> +</p> + +<p class="cb">A HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION<br /> +<span class="smcap">Vol. III.</span></p> + +<p> </p> +<p> </p> + +<h1><small>A HISTORY OF</small><br /><br /> +THE INQUISITION<br /> +<small><small>OF</small></small><br /> +<small>THE MIDDLE AGES.</small></h1> + +<p> </p> + +<p class="cb">BY<br /> +HENRY CHARLES LEA,<br /> +<small>AUTHOR OF<br /> +“AN HISTORICAL SKETCH OF SACERDOTAL CELIBACY,” “SUPERSTITION AND FORCE,” +“STUDIES IN CHURCH HISTORY.”</small></p> + +<p> </p> +<p> </p> + +<p class="c"><i>IN THREE VOLUMES</i>.<br /> +V<small>OL</small>. III.<br /><br /><br /> +NEW YORK:<br /> +HARPER & BROTHERS, FRANKLIN SQUARE.</p> + +<p> </p> +<p> </p> + +<p class="cb">1901</p> + +<p class="c">Copyright, 1887, by <span class="smcap">Harper & Brothers</span>.<br /> +——<br /> +<i>All rights reserved.</i></p> + +<p> </p> +<p> </p> + +<h2><a name="CONTENTS" id="CONTENTS"></a>CONTENTS.</h2> + +<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary=""> + +<tr><td colspan="3" align="center">BOOK III.—SPECIAL FIELDS OF INQUISITORIAL ACTIVITY.</td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="3"> </td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="3" align="center"><a href="#CHAPTER_I">C<small>HAPTER</small> I.</a>—The Spiritual Franciscans.</td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="3" align="right"><small>Page</small></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Dissensions in the Franciscan Order from Elias to John of Parma</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_001">1</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Joachim of Flora.—His Reputation as a Prophet</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_010">10</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">His Apocalyptic Speculations as to the Third Era</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_014">14</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Adopted by the Spiritual Franciscans</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_018">18</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">The Everlasting Gospel.—Its Condemnation</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_020">20</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">The Spirituals Compromised.—John of Parma Removed</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_023">23</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Persistence of the Joachites</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_025">25</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Increasing Strife over Poverty</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_027">27</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Bull <i>Exiit qui seminat</i></td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_030">30</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Persecution of Italian Spirituals</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_032">32</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">The French Spirituals.—Jean Pierre Olivi</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_042">42</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Arnaldo de Vilanova</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_052">52</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Disputation before Clement V.—Decision of Council of Vienne</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_057">57</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Renewed Persecution of the Spirituals</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_061">61</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Commencement of Rebellion.—Dissensions among Them</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_062">62</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Election of John XXII.—His Character</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_066">66</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">He Enforces Obedience and Creates a Heresy</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_069">69</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Bloody Persecution of the Olivists</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_073">73</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">They Form a New Church</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_079">79</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Their Fanaticism.—Naprous Boneta</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_081">81</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Suppression of the Sect.—Its Career in Aragon</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_084">84</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Jean de la Rochetaillade.—Remains of Joachitism</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_086">86</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="3"> </td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="3" align="center"><a href="#CHAPTER_II">C<small>HAPTER</small> II.</a>—Guglielma and Dolcino.</td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Incarnation of Holy Ghost in Guglielma</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_090">90</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">The Guglielmites Form a New Church</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_094">94</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Prosecuted by the Inquisition</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_098">98</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Fate of the Sectaries</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_100">100</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">The Order of Apostles.—Spiritual Tendencies</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_103">103</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Gherardo Segarelli.—Burned in 1300</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_104">104</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Dolcino Assumes the Leadership</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_109">109</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">His Open Revolt.—Suppressed after Four Crusades</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_113">113</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Continuance and Character of the Heresy</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_120">120</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="3"> </td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="3" align="center"><a href="#CHAPTER_III">C<small>HAPTER</small> III</a>.—<span class="smcap">The Fraticelli.</span></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Question Raised as to the Poverty of Christ</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_129">129</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Reaction against the Holiness of Poverty</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_130">130</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Doctrine of the Poverty of Christ Declared a Heresy</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_134">134</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">It Complicates the Quarrel with Louis of Bavaria</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_135">135</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Marsiglio of Padua and William of Ockham</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_139">139</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Gradual Estrangement of the Franciscans</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_142">142</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Louis Deposes John XXII. as a Heretic</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_145">145</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Michele da Cesena Revolts</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_147">147</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Utility of the Inquisition.—Submission of the Antipope</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_149">149</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Struggle in Germany.—The Franciscans Support Louis</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_153">153</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Louis gradually Gains Strength.—His Death</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_156">156</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Dissident Franciscans Known as Fraticelli</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_158">158</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Sympathy for them under Persecution</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_160">160</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Their Tenets</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_162">162</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Fraticelli in France and Spain</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_167">167</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Orthodox Ascetism.—Jesuats.—Observantines</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_171">171</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">The Observantines Replace and Suppress the Fraticelli</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_174">174</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="3"> </td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="3" align="center"><a href="#CHAPTER_IV">C<small>HAPTER</small> IV</a>.—<span class="smcap">Political Heresy Utilized by the Church.</span></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Denial of Papal Claims Pronounced Heresy</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_181">181</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">The Stedingers.—Tithes Enforced by Crusades</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_182">182</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Crusades to Support Italian Interests of Papacy</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_189">189</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Importance of Inquisition as a Political Agency</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_190">190</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Advantage of the Charge of Heresy</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_191">191</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Manfred of Naples.—The Colonnas.—Ferrara</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_193">193</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">John XXII. and the Visconti</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_196">196</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Cola di Rienzo.—The Maffredi</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_203">203</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Use of Inquisition in the Great Schism</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_204">204</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Case of Thomas Connecte</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_208">208</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Girolamo Savonarola</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_209">209</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="3"> </td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="3" align="center"><a href="#CHAPTER_V">C<small>HAPTER</small> V</a>.—Political Heresy Utilized by the State.</td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Use of Inquisition by Secular Potentates</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_238">238</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">The Templars.—Growth and Relations of the Order</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_238">238</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td> </td><td>Causes of its Downfall.—Facilities Furnished by the Inquisition</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_249">249</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td> </td><td>Papal Complicity Sought.—Use made of Inquisition</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_257">257</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td> </td><td>Errors Charged against the Templars</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_263">263</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td> </td><td>The Question of their Guilt</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_264">264</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td> </td><td>Vacillation of Clement.—The Assembly of Tours</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_277">277</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td> </td><td>Bargain between King and Pope.—Clement Joins the Prosecution</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_281">281</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td> </td><td>Prosecution throughout Europe.—Its Methods in France</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_284">284</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td> </td><td>The Papal Commission.—Its Proceedings</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_289">289</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td> </td><td>Defence Prevented by Burning those who Retract</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_295">295</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td> </td><td>Proceedings in England.—The Inquisition Necessary</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_298">298</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td> </td><td>Action in Lorraine and Germany</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_301">301</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td> </td><td>In Italy and the East</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_304">304</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td> </td><td>In Spain and Majorca</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_310">310</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td> </td><td>Torture in Preparation for the Council of Vienne</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_317">317</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td> </td><td>Arbitrary Proceedings Required at the Council</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_319">319</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td> </td><td>Disposition of Property and Persons of the Order</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_322">322</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td> </td><td>Fate of de Molay</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_325">325</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td> </td><td>Popular Sympathies</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_326">326</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td> </td><td>Distribution of the Property of the Order</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_329">329</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Case of Doctor Jean Petit</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_334">334</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Case of Joan of Arc.—Condition of the French Monarchy</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_338">338</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td> </td><td>Career of Joan up to her Capture</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_340">340</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td> </td><td>The Inquisition Claims her.—Delivered to the Bishop of Beauvais</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_357">357</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td> </td><td>Her Trial</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_360">360</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td> </td><td>Her Condemnation and Execution</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_372">372</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td> </td><td>Her Imitators and her Rehabilitation</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_376">376</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="3"> </td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="3" align="center"><a href="#CHAPTER_VI">C<small>HAPTER</small> VI</a>.—Sorcery and Occult Arts.</td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Satan and the Spirit World</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_379">379</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Incubi and Succubi</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_383">383</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Human Ministers of Satan.—Sorcerers</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_385">385</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Penalties under the Roman Law</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_392">392</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Struggle between Pagan and Christian Theurgy</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_393">393</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Repression of Sorcery by the Early Church</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_395">395</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Magic Practices of the Barbarians</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_400">400</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Leniency of Barbarian Legislation</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_408">408</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Legislation of Church and State in Carlovingian Period</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_412">412</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Practical Toleration in Early Mediæval Period</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_416">416</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Indifference of Secular Legislation</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_427">427</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">The Inquisition Assumes Jurisdiction</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_434">434</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">All Magic Becomes Heretical</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_435">435</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Astrology.—Pietro di Abano.—Cecco d’Ascoli</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_437">437</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Divination by Dreams</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_446">446</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Comminatory Church Services</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_447">447</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">The Inquisition Stimulates Sorcery by Persecution</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_448">448</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Unfortunate Influence of John XXII</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_452">452</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Growth of Sorcery in the Fourteenth Century</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_454">454</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Increase in the Fifteenth Century</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_464">464</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Case of the Maréchal de Rais</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_468">468</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Enrique de Villena</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_489">489</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="3"> </td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="3" align="center"><a href="#CHAPTER_VII">C<small>HAPTER</small> VII</a>.—Witchcraft.</td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Its Origin in the Fifteenth Century</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_492">492</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">The Sabbat.—Regarded at first as a Diabolic Illusion</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_493">493</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td> </td><td>Adopted by the Church as a Reality</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_497">497</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td> </td><td>Its Ceremonies</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_500">500</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Power and Malignity of the Witch</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_501">501</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">The Church Helpless to Counteract her Spells</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_506">506</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Belief Stimulated by Persecution</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_508">508</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Witches Lose Power when Arrested</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_509">509</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Secular and Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction over Witchcraft</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_511">511</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Inquisitorial Process as Applied to Witchcraft</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_513">513</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Case of the Witches of the Canavese</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_518">518</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Case of the Vaudois of Arras</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_519">519</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Slow Development of the Witchcraft Craze</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_534">534</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Stimulated by the Inquisition and the Church</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_538">538</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Influence of the <i>Malleus Maleficarum</i></td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_543">543</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Opposition to the Inquisition.—France.—Cornelius Agrippa</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_544">544</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Opposition of Venice.—The Witches of Brescia</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_546">546</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Terrible Development in the Sixteenth Century</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_549">549</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="3"> </td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="3" align="center"><a href="#CHAPTER_VIII">C<small>HAPTER</small> VIII</a>.—Intellect and Faith.</td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Intellectual Aberrations not Dangerous</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_550">550</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Theological Tendencies and Development</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_551">551</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Roger Bacon</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_552">552</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Nominalism and Realism</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_555">555</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Rivalry between Philosophy and Theology</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_557">557</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Averrhoism</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_558">558</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Toleration in Italy in the Fifteenth Century</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_565">565</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Modified Averrhoism.—Pomponazio.—Nifo</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_574">574</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Raymond Lully</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_578">578</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Evolution of Dogma.—The Beatific Vision</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_590">590</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">The Immaculate Conception</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_596">596</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Censorship of the Press</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_612">612</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="3"> </td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="3" align="center"><a href="#CHAPTER_IX">C<small>HAPTER</small> IX</a>.—Conclusion.</td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Omissions of the Inquisition.—The Greek Heretics</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_616">616</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Quæstuari, or Pardoners</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_621">621</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Simony</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_624">624</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Demoralization of the Church</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_627">627</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Morals of the Laity</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_641">641</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Materials for the Improvement of Humanity</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_645">645</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">The Reformation Inevitable</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_647">647</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="2">Encouraging Advance of Humanity</td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_649">649</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="3"> </td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2"><a href="#APPENDIX">A<small>PPENDIX OF</small> D<small>OCUMENTS</small></a></td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_651">651</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="3"> </td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2"><a href="#INDEX">I<small>NDEX</small></a></td><td align="right" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_665">665</a></td></tr> + +</table> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_001" id="page_001"></a>{page 1}</span></p> + +<h1>THE INQUISITION</h1> + +<p class="cb">BOOK III.</p> + +<p class="cb">SPECIAL FIELDS OF INQUISITORIAL ACTIVITY.</p> + +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_I" id="CHAPTER_I"></a>CHAPTER I.<br /><br /> +<small>THE SPIRITUAL FRANCISCANS.</small></h2> + +<p>I<small>N</small> a former chapter we considered the Mendicants as an active agency in +the suppression of heresy. One of the Orders, however, by no means +restricted itself to this function, and we have now to examine the +career of the Franciscans as the subjects of the spirit of persecuting +uniformity which they did so much to render dominant.</p> + +<p>While the mission of both Orders was to redeem the Church from the depth +of degradation into which it had sunk, the Dominicans were more +especially trained to take part in the active business of life. They +therefore attracted the more restless and aggressive spirits; they +accommodated themselves to the world, like the Jesuits of later days, +and the worldliness which necessarily came with success awakened little +antagonism within the organization. Power and luxury were welcomed and +enjoyed. Even Thomas Aquinas, who, as we have seen, eloquently defended, +against William of Saint-Amour, the superlative holiness of absolute +poverty, subsequently admitted that poverty should be proportioned to +the object which an Order was fitted to attain.<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_002" id="page_002"></a>{2}</span></p> + +<p>It was otherwise with the Franciscans. Though, as we have seen, the +founders determined not to render the Order a simply contemplative one, +the salvation of the individual through retreat from the world and its +temptations bore a much larger part in their motives than in those of +Dominic and his followers.<a name="FNanchor_2_2" id="FNanchor_2_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Absolute poverty and self-abnegation were +its primal principles, and it inevitably drew to itself the intellects +which sought a refuge from the temptations of life in self-absorbing +contemplation, in dreamy speculation, and in the renunciation of all +that renders life attractive to average human nature. As the +organization grew in wealth and power there were necessarily developed +within its bosom antagonisms in two directions. On the one hand, it +nourished a spirit of mysticism, which, though recognized in its +favorite appellation of the Seraphic Order, sometimes found the trammels +of orthodoxy oppressive. On the other, the men who continued to cherish +the views of the founders as to the supreme obligation of absolute +poverty could not reconcile their consciences to the accumulation of +wealth and its display in splendor, and they rejected the ingenious +devices which sought to accommodate the possession of riches with the +abnegation of all possession.</p> + +<p>In fact, the three vows, of poverty, obedience, and chastity, were all +equally impossible of absolute observance. The first was irreconcilable +with human necessities, the others with human passions. As for chastity, +the whole history of the Church shows the impracticability of its +enforcement. As for obedience, in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_003" id="page_003"></a>{3}</span> sense attached to it of absolute +renunciation of the will, its incompatibility with the conduct of human +affairs was shown at an early period, when Friar Haymo of Feversham +overthrew Gregory, the Provincial of Paris, and, not long afterwards, +withstood the general Elias, and procured his deposition. As for +poverty, we shall see to what inextricable complications it led, despite +the efforts of successive popes, until the imperious will and resolute +common-sense of John XXII. brought the Order from its seraphic heights +down to the every-day necessities of human life—at the cost, it must be +confessed, of a schism. The trouble was increased by the fact that St. +Francis, foreseeing the efforts which would be made to evade the spirit +of the Rule, had, in his Testament, strictly forbidden all alterations, +glosses, and explanations, and had commanded that these instructions +should be read in all chapters of the Order. With the growth of the +Franciscan legend, moreover, the Rule was held to be a special divine +revelation, equal in authority to the gospel, and St. Francis was +glorified until he became a being rather divine than human.<a name="FNanchor_3_3" id="FNanchor_3_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a></p> + +<p>Even before the death of the founder, in 1226, a Franciscan is found in +Paris openly teaching heresies—of what nature we are not told, but +probably the mystic reveries of an overwrought brain. As yet there was +no Inquisition, and, as he was not subject to episcopal jurisdiction, he +was brought before the papal legate, where he asserted many things +contrary to the orthodox faith, and was imprisoned for life. This +foreshadowed much that was to follow, though there is a long interval +before we hear again of similar examples.<a name="FNanchor_4_4" id="FNanchor_4_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a></p> + +<p>The more serious trouble concerning poverty was not long in developing +itself. Next to St. Francis himself in the Order stood Elias. Before +Francis went on his mission to convert the Soldan he had sent Elias as +provincial beyond the sea, and on his return from the adventure he +brought Elias home with him. At the first general chapter, held in 1221, +Francis being too much enfeebled<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_004" id="page_004"></a>{4}</span> to preside, Elias acted as spokesman +and Francis sat at his feet, pulling his gown when he wanted anything +said. In 1223 we hear of Cæsarius, the German provincial, going to Italy +“to the blessed Francis or the Friar Elias.” When, through infirmity or +inability to maintain discipline, Francis retired from the generalate, +Elias was vicar-general of the Order, to whom Francis submitted himself +as humbly as the meanest brother, and on the death of the saint, in +October, 1226, it was Elias who notified the brethren throughout Europe +of the event, and informed them of the Stigmata, which the humility of +Francis had always concealed. Although in February, 1227, Giovanni +Parenti of Florence was elected general, Elias seems practically to have +retained control. Parties were rapidly forming themselves in the Order, +and the lines between them were ever more sharply drawn. Elias was +worldly and ambitious; he had the reputation of being one of the ablest +men of affairs in Italy; he could foresee the power attaching to the +command of the Order, and he had not much scruple as to the means of +attaining it. He undertook the erection of a magnificent church at +Assisi to receive the bones of the humble Francis, and he was unsparing +in his demands for money to aid in its construction. The very handling +of money was an abomination in the eyes of all true brethren, yet all +the provinces were called upon to contribute, and a marble coffer was +placed in front of the building to receive the gifts of the pious. This +was unendurable, and Friar Leo went to Perugia to consult with the +blessed Gilio, who had been the third associate to join St. Francis, who +said it was contrary to the precepts of the founder. “Shall I break it, +then?” inquired Leo. “Yes,” replied Gilio, “if you are dead, but if you +are alive, let it alone, for you will not be able to endure the +persecution of Elias.” Notwithstanding this warning, Leo went to Assisi, +and with the assistance of some comrades broke the coffer; Elias filled +all Assisi with his wrath, and Leo took refuge in a hermitage.<a name="FNanchor_5_5" id="FNanchor_5_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_005" id="page_005"></a>{5}</span></p> + +<p>When the edifice was sufficiently advanced, a general chapter was held +in 1230 to solemnize the translation of the saintly corpse. Elias sought +to utilize the occasion for his own election to the generalate by +summoning to it only those brethren on whose support he could reckon, +but Giovanni got wind of this and made the summons general. Elias then +caused the translation to be effected before the brethren had assembled; +his faction endeavored to forestall the action of the chapter by +carrying him from his cell, breaking open the doors, and placing him in +the general’s seat. Giovanni appeared, and after tumultuous proceedings +his friends obtained the upper hand; the disturbers were scattered among +the provinces, and Elias retreated to a hermitage, where he allowed his +hair and beard to grow, and through this show of sanctity obtained +reconciliation to the Order. Finally, in the chapter of 1232, his +ambition was rewarded. Giovanni was deposed and he was elected +general.<a name="FNanchor_6_6" id="FNanchor_6_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a></p> + +<p>These turbulent intrigues were not the only evidence of the rapid +degeneracy of the Order. Before Francis’s Testament was five years old +his commands against evasions of the Rule by cunning interpretations had +been disregarded. The chapter of 1231 had applied to Gregory IX. to know +whether the Testament was binding upon them in this respect, and he +replied in the negative, for Francis could not bind his successors. They +also asked about the prohibition to hold money and property, and Gregory +ingeniously suggested that this could be effected through third parties, +who could hold money and pay debts for them, arguing that such persons +should not be regarded as their agents, but as the agents of those who +gave the money or of those to whom it was to be paid. These elusory +glosses of the Rule were not accepted without an energetic opposition +which threatened a schism, and it is easy to imagine the bitterness with +which the sincere members of the Order watched its rapid degeneracy; nor +was this bitterness diminished by the use which Elias made of his +position. His carnality and cruelty, we are told, convulsed the whole +Order. His rule was arbitrary, and for seven years, in defiance of the +regulations, he held no general chapter. He levied exactions on all the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_006" id="page_006"></a>{6}</span> +provinces to complete the great structure at Assisi. Those who resisted +him were relegated to distant places. Even while yet only vicar he had +caused St. Anthony of Padua, who had come to Assisi to worship at the +tomb of Francis, to be scourged to the blood, when Anthony only +expostulated with, “May the blessed God forgive you, brethren!” Worse +was the fate of Cæsarius of Speier, who had been appointed Provincial of +Germany in 1221 by St. Francis himself, and had built up the Order to +the north of the Alps. He was the leader of the puritan malcontents, who +were known as Cæsarians, and he felt the full wrath of Elias. Thrown +into prison, he lay there in chains for two years. At length the fetters +were removed, and, early in 1239, his jailer having left the door of his +cell open, he ventured forth to stretch his cramped limbs in the wintry +sun. The jailer returned and thought that he was attempting to escape. +Fearing the pitiless anger of Elias, he rushed after the prisoner and +dealt him a mortal blow with a cudgel. Cæsarius was the first, but by no +means the last, martyr who shed his blood for the strict observance of a +Rule breathing nothing but love and charity.<a name="FNanchor_7_7" id="FNanchor_7_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a></p> + +<p>The cup at last was full to overflowing. In 1237 Elias had sent visitors +to the different provinces whose conduct caused general exasperation. +The brethren of Saxony appealed to him from their visitor, and, finding +this fruitless, they carried their complaint to Gregory. The pope at +length was roused to intervene. A general chapter was convened in 1239, +when, after a stormy scene in presence of Gregory and nine cardinals, +the pope finally announced to Elias that his resignation would be +received. Possibly in this there may have been political as well as +ascetic motives. Elias was a skilful negotiator, and was looked upon +with a friendly eye by Frederic II., who forthwith declared that the +dismissal<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_007" id="page_007"></a>{7}</span> was done in his despite, for Elias was at the time engaged in +an effort to heal the irremediable breach between the papacy and the +empire. Certain it is that Elias at once took refuge with Frederic and +became his intimate companion. Gregory made an effort to capture him by +inviting him to a conference. Failing in this, a charge was brought +against him of visiting poor women at Cortona without permission, and on +refusing to obey a summons he was excommunicated.<a name="FNanchor_8_8" id="FNanchor_8_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a></p> + +<p>Thus already in the Franciscan Order there were established two +well-defined parties, which came to be known as the Spirituals and the +Conventuals, the one adhering to the strict letter of the Rule, the +other willing to find excuses for its relaxation in obedience to the +wants of human nature and the demands of worldliness. After the fall of +Elias the former had the supremacy during the brief generalates of +Alberto of Pisa, and Haymo of Feversham. In 1244 the Conventuals +triumphed in the election of Crescenzio Grizzi da Jesi, under whom +occurred what the Spirituals reckoned as the “Third Tribulation,” for, +in accordance with their apocalyptic speculations, they were to undergo +seven tribulations before the reign of the Holy Ghost should usher in +the Millennium. Crescenzio followed in the footsteps of Elias. Under +Haymo, in 1242, there had been an attempt to reconcile with the Rule +Gregory’s declaration of 1231. Four leading doctors of the Order, with +Alexander Hales at their head, had issued the <i>Declaratio Quatuor +Magistrorum</i>, but even their logical subtlety had failed. The Order was +constantly growing, it was constantly acquiring property,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_008" id="page_008"></a>{8}</span> and its needs +were constantly increasing. A bull of Gregory IX. in 1239, authorizing +the Franciscans of Paris to acquire additional land with which to +enlarge their monastery of Saint-Germain-des-Près, is an example of what +was going on all over Europe. In 1244, at the chapter which elected +Crescenzio, the Englishman, John Kethene, succeeded, against the +opposition of nearly the whole body of the assembly, in obtaining the +rejection of Gregory’s definition, but the triumph of the Puritans was +short-lived. Crescenzio sympathized with the laxer party, and applied to +Innocent IV. for relief. In 1245 the pope responded with a declaration +in which he not only repeated the device of Gregory IX. by authorizing +deposits of money with parties who were to be regarded as the agents of +donors and creditors, but ingeniously assumed that houses and lands, the +ownership of which was forbidden to the Order, should be regarded as +belonging to the Holy See, which granted their use to the friars. Even +papal authority could not render these transparent subterfuges +satisfying to the consciences of the Spirituals, and the growing +worldliness of the Order provoked continuous agitation. Crescenzio +before taking the vows had been a jurist and physician, and there was +further complaint that he encouraged the brethren in acquiring the vain +and sterile science of Aristotle rather than in studying divine wisdom. +Under Simone da Assisi, Giacopo Manfredo, Matteo da Monte Rubiano, and +Lucido, seventy-two earnest brethren, finding Crescenzio deaf to their +remonstrances, prepared to appeal to Innocent. He anticipated them, and +obtained from the pope in advance a decision under which he scattered +the recalcitrants in couples throughout the provinces for punishment. +Fortunately his reign was short. Tempted by the bishopric of Jesi, he +resigned, and in 1248 was succeeded by Giovanni Borelli, better known as +John of Parma, who at the time was professor of theology in the +University of Paris.<a name="FNanchor_9_9" id="FNanchor_9_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_009" id="page_009"></a>{9}</span></p> + +<p>The election of John of Parma marked a reaction in favor of strict +observance. The new general was inspired with a holy zeal to realize the +ideal of St. Francis. The exiled Spirituals were recalled and allowed to +select their own domiciles. During the first three years John visited on +foot the whole Order, sometimes with two, and sometimes with only one +companion, in the most humble guise, so that he was unrecognized, and +could remain in a convent for several days, observing its character, +when he would reveal himself and reform its abuses. In the ardor of his +zeal he spared the feelings of no one. A lector of the Mark of Ancona, +returning home from Rome, described the excessive severity of a sermon +preached by him, saying that the brethren of the Mark would never have +allowed any one to say such things to them; and when asked why the +masters who were present had not interfered, he replied, “How could +they? It was a river of fire which flowed from his lips.” He suspended +the declaration of Innocent IV. until the pontiff, better informed, +could be consulted. It was, however, impossible for him to control the +tendencies to relaxation of the Rule, which were ever growing stronger, +and his efforts to that end only served to strengthen disaffection which +finally grew to determined opposition. After consultation between some +influential members of the Order it was resolved to bring before +Alexander IV. formal accusations against him and the friends who +surrounded him. The attitude of the Spirituals, in fact, fairly invited +attack.<a name="FNanchor_10_10" id="FNanchor_10_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a></p> + +<p>To understand the position of the Spirituals at this time, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_010" id="page_010"></a>{10}</span> +subsequently, it is necessary to cast a glance at one of the most +remarkable spiritual developments of the thirteenth century. Its opening +years had witnessed the death of Joachim of Flora, a man who may be +regarded as the founder of modern mysticism. Sprung from a rich and +noble family, and trained for the life of a courtier under Roger the +Norman Duke of Apulia, a sudden desire to see the holy places took him, +while yet a youth, to the East, with a retinue of servitors. A +pestilence was raging when he reached Constantinople, which so impressed +him with the miseries and vanities of life that he dismissed his suite +and continued his voyage as an humble pilgrim with a single companion. +His legend relates that he fell in the desert overcome with thirst, and +had a vision of a man standing by a river of oil, and saying to him, +“Drink of this stream,” which he did to satiety, and when he awoke, +although previously illiterate, he had a knowledge of all Scripture. The +following Lent he passed in an old well on Mount Tabor; in the night of +the Resurrection a great splendor appeared to him, he was filled with +divine light to understand the concordance of the Old and New Laws, and +every difficulty and every obscurity vanished. These tales, repeated +until the seventeenth century, show the profound and lasting impression +which he left upon the minds of men.<a name="FNanchor_11_11" id="FNanchor_11_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a></p> + +<p>Thenceforth his life was dedicated to the service of God. Returning +home, he avoided his father’s house, and commenced preaching to the +people; but this was not permissible to a layman, so he entered the +priesthood and the severe Cistercian Order. Chosen Abbot of Corazzo, he +fled, but was brought back and forced to assume the duties of the +office, till he visited Rome, in 1181, and obtained from Lucius III. +permission to lay it down. Even the severe Cistercian discipline did not +satisfy his thirst for austerity, and he retired to a hermitage at +Pietralata, where his reputation for sanctity drew disciples around him, +and in spite of his yearning for solitude he found himself at the head +of a new Order, of which the Rule, anticipating the Mendicants in its +urgency of poverty, was approved by Celestin III. in 1196. Already it +had spread from the mother-house of San Giovanni in Fiore, and numbered +several other monasteries.<a name="FNanchor_12_12" id="FNanchor_12_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_011" id="page_011"></a>{11}</span></p> + +<p>Joachim considered himself inspired, and though in 1200 he submitted his +works unreservedly to the Holy See, he had no hesitation in speaking of +them as divinely revealed. During his lifetime he enjoyed the reputation +of a prophet. When Richard of England and Philip Augustus were at +Messina, they sent for him to inquire as to the outcome of their +crusade, and he is said to have foretold to them that the hour had not +yet come for the deliverance of Jerusalem. Others of his fulfilled +prophecies are also related, and the mystical character of the +apocalyptic speculations which he left behind him served to increase, +after his death, his reputation as a seer. His name became one +customarily employed for centuries when any dreamer or sharper desired +to attract attention, and quite a literature of forgeries grew up which +were ascribed to him. Somewhat more than a century after his death we +find the Dominican Pipino enumerating a long catalogue of his works with +the utmost respect for his predictions. In 1319 Bernard Délicieux places +unlimited confidence in a prophetical book of Joachim’s in which there +were representations of all future popes with inscriptions and symbols +under them. Bernard points out the different pontiffs of his own period, +predicts the fate of John XXII., and declares that for two hundred years +there had been no mortal to whom so much was revealed as to Joachim. +Cola di Rienzo found in the pseudo-prophecies of Joachim the +encouragement that inspired his second attempt to govern Rome. The +Franciscan tract <i>De ultima, Ætate Ecclesiæ</i>, written in 1356, and long +ascribed to Wickliff, expresses the utmost reverence for Joachim, and +frequently cites his prophecies. The <i>Liber Conformitatum</i>, in 1385, +quotes repeatedly the prediction ascribed to Joachim as to the +foundation of the two Mendicant Orders, symbolized in those of the Dove +and of the Crow, and the tribulations to which the former was to be +exposed. Not long afterwards the hermit Telesforo da Cosenza drew from +the same source prophecies as to the course and termination of the Great +Schism, and the line of future popes until the coming of +Antichrist—prophecies which attracted sufficient attention to call for +a refutation from Henry of Hesse, one of the leading theologians of the +day. Cardinal Peter d’Ailly speaks with respect of Joachim’s prophecies +concerning Antichrist, and couples him with the prophetess St. +Hildegarda, while the rationalistic Cornelius Agrippa endeavors<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_012" id="page_012"></a>{12}</span> to +explain his predictions by the occult powers of numbers. Human credulity +preserved his reputation as a prophet to modern times, and until at +least as late as the seventeenth century prophecies under his name were +published, containing series of popes with symbolical figures, +inscriptions, and explanations, apparently similar to the <i>Vaticinia +Pontificum</i> which so completely possessed the confidence of Bernard +Délicieux. Even in the seventeenth century the Carmelites printed the +<i>Oraculum Angelicum</i> of Cyril, with its pseudo-Joachitic commentary, as +a proof of the antiquity of their Order.<a name="FNanchor_13_13" id="FNanchor_13_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a></p> + +<p>Joachim’s immense and durable reputation as a prophet was due not so +much to his genuine works as to the spurious ones circulated under his +name. These were numerous—Prophecies of Cyril, and of the Erythræan +Sybil, Commentaries on Jeremiah, the <i>Vaticinia Pontificum</i>, the <i>De +Oneribus Ecclesiæ</i> and <i>De Septem Temporibus Ecclesiæ</i>. In some of +these, reference to Frederic II. would seem to indicate a period of +composition about the year 1250, when the strife between the papacy and +empire was at the hottest, and the current prophecies of Merlin were +freely drawn upon in framing their exegesis. There can be little doubt +that their authors were Franciscans of the Puritan party, and their +fearless denunciations of existing evils show how impatient had grown +the spirit of dissatisfaction. The apocalyptic prophecies<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_013" id="page_013"></a>{13}</span> were freely +interpreted as referring to the carnal worldliness which pervaded all +orders in the Church; all are reprobate, none are elect; Rome is the +Whore of Babylon, and the papal curia the most venal and extortionate of +all courts; the Roman Church is the barren fig-tree, accursed by Christ, +which shall be abandoned to the nations to be stripped. It would be +difficult to exaggerate the bitterness of antagonism displayed in these +writings, even to the point of recognizing the empire as the instrument +of God which is to overthrow the pride of the Church. These outspoken +utterances of rebellion excited no little interest, especially within +the Order itself. Adam de Marisco, the leading Franciscan of England, +sends to his friend Grosseteste, Bishop of Lincoln, some extracts from +these works which have been brought to him from Italy. He speaks of +Joachim as one justly credited with divine insight into prophetic +mysteries; he asks to have the fragments returned to him after copying, +and meanwhile commends to the bishop’s consideration the impending +judgments of Providence which are invited by the abounding wickedness of +the time.<a name="FNanchor_14_14" id="FNanchor_14_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a></p> + +<p>Of Joachim’s genuine writings the one which, perhaps, attracted the most +attention in his own day was a tract on the nature of the Trinity, +attacking the definition of Peter Lombard, and asserting that it +attributed a Quaternity to God. The subtleties of theology were +dangerous, and in place of proving the Master of Sentences a heretic, +Joachim himself narrowly escaped. Thirteen years after his death, the +great Council of Lateran, in 1215, thought his speculation sufficiently +important to condemn it as erroneous in an elaborate refutation, which +was carried into the canon law, and Innocent III. preached a sermon on +the subject to the assembled fathers. Fortunately Joachim, in 1200, had +expressly submitted all his writings to the judgment of the Holy See and +had declared that he held the same faith as that of Rome. The council, +therefore, refrained from condemning him personally<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_014" id="page_014"></a>{14}</span> and expressed its +approbation of his Order of Flora; but notwithstanding this the monks +found themselves derided and insulted as the followers of a heretic, +until, in 1220, they procured from Honorius III. a bull expressly +declaring that he was a good Catholic, and forbidding all detraction of +his disciples.<a name="FNanchor_15_15" id="FNanchor_15_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a></p> + +<p>His most important writings, however, were his expositions of Scripture +composed at the request of Lucius III., Urban III., and Clement III. Of +these there were three—the Concordia, the Decachordon, or <i>Psalterium +decem Cordarum</i>, and the <i>Expositio in Apocalypsin</i>. In these his system +of exegesis is to find in every incident under the Old Law the +prefiguration of a corresponding fact in chronological order under the +New Dispensation, and by an arbitrary parallelism of dates to reach +forward and ascertain what is yet to come. He thus determines that +mankind is destined to live through three states—the first under the +rule of the Father, which ended at the birth of Christ, the second under +that of the Son, and the third under the Holy Ghost. The reign of the +Son, or of the New Testament, he ascertains by varied apocalyptic +speculations is to last through forty-two generations, or 1260 +years—for instance, Judith remained in widowhood three years and a +half, or forty-two months, which is 1260 days, the great number +representing the years through which the New Testament is to endure, so +that in the year 1260 the domination of the Holy Ghost is to replace it. +In the forty-second generation there will be a purgation which will +separate the wheat from the chaff—such tribulations as man has never +yet endured: fortunately they will be short, or all flesh would perish +utterly. After this, religion will be renewed; man will live in peace +and justice and joy, as in the Sabbath which closed the labors of +creation; all shall know God, from sea to sea, to the utmost confines of +the earth, and the glory of the Holy Ghost shall be perfect. In that +final abundance of spiritual grace the observances of religion will be +no longer<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_015" id="page_015"></a>{15}</span> requisite. As the paschal lamb was superseded by the +Eucharist, so the sacrifice of the altar will become superfluous. A new +monastic Order is to arise which will convert the world; contemplative +monachism is the highest development of humanity, and the world will +become, as it were, one vast monastery.<a name="FNanchor_16_16" id="FNanchor_16_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a></p> + +<p>In this scheme of the future elevation of man, Joachim recognized fully +the evils of his time. The Church he describes as thoroughly given over +to avarice and greed; wholly abandoned to the lusts of the flesh, it +neglects its children, who are carried off by zealous heretics. The +Church of the second state, he says, is Hagar, but that of the third +state will be Sarah. With endless amplitude he illustrates the +progressive character of the relations between God and man in the +successive eras. The first state, under God, was of the circumcision; +the second, under Christ, is of the crucifixion; the third, under the +Holy Ghost, will be of quietude and peace. Under the first was the order +of the married; under the second, that of the priesthood; under the +third will be that of monachism, which has already had its precursor in +St. Benedict. The first was the reign of Saul, the second that of David, +the third will be that of Solomon enjoying the plenitude of peace. In +the first, man was under the law, in the second under grace, in the +third he will be under ampler grace. The people of the first state are +symbolized by Zachariah the priest, those of the second by John the +Baptist, those of the third by Christ himself. In the first state there +was knowledge, in the second piety, in the third will be plenitude of +knowledge; the first state was servitude, the second was filial +obedience, the third will be liberty; the first state was passed in +scourging, the second in action, the third will be in contemplation; the +first was in fear, the second in faith, the third will be in love; the +first was of slaves, the second of freemen, the third will be of +friends; the first was of old men, the second of youths, the third will +be of children; the first was starlight, the second dawn, the third will +be perfect day; the first was winter, the second opening spring, the +third will be summer; the first brought forth nettles, the second roses, +the third will bear lilies;<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_016" id="page_016"></a>{16}</span> the first was grass, the second grain in +the ear, the third will be the ripened wheat; the first was water, the +second wine, the third will be oil. Finally, the first belongs to the +Father, creator of all things, the second to the Son, who assumed our +mortal clay, the third will belong to the pure Holy Spirit.<a name="FNanchor_17_17" id="FNanchor_17_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a></p> + +<p>It is a very curious fact that while Joachim’s metaphysical subtleties +respecting the Trinity were ostentatiously condemned as a dangerous +heresy, no one seems at the time to have recognized the far more +perilous conclusions to be drawn from these apocalyptic reveries. So far +from being burned as heretical, they were prized by popes, and Joachim +was honored as a prophet until his audacious imitators and followers +developed the revolutionary doctrines to which they necessarily led. To +us, for the moment, their chief significance lies in the proof which +they afford that the most pious minds confessed that Christianity was +practically a failure. Mankind had scarce grown better under the New +Law. Vices and passions were as unchecked as they had been before the +coming of the Redeemer. The Church itself was worldly and carnal; in +place of elevating man it had been dragged down to his level; it had +proved false to its trust and was the exemplar of evil rather than the +pattern of good. To such men as Joachim it was impossible that crime and +misery should be the ultimate and irremediable condition of human life, +and yet the Atonement had thus far done little to bring it nearer to the +ideal. Christianity, therefore, could not be a finality in man’s +existence upon earth; it was merely an intermediate condition, to be +followed by a further development, in which, under the rule of the Holy +Ghost, the law of love, fruitlessly inculcated by the gospel, should at +last become the dominant principle, and men, released from carnal +passions,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_017" id="page_017"></a>{17}</span> should realize the glad promises so constantly held out +before them and so miserably withheld in the performance. Joachim +himself might seek to evade these deductions from his premises, yet +others could not fail to make them, and nothing could be more +audaciously subversive of the established spiritual and temporal order +of the Church.</p> + +<p>Yet for a time his speculations attracted little attention and no +animadversion. It is possible that the condemnation of his theory of the +Trinity may have cast a shadow over his exegetical works and prevented +their general dissemination, but they were treasured by kindred spirits, +and copies of them were carried into various lands and carefully +preserved. Curiously enough, the first response which they elicited was +from the bold heretics known as the Amaurians, whose ruthless +suppression in Paris, about the year 1210, we have already considered. +Among their errors was enumerated that of the three Eras, which was +evidently derived from Joachim, with the difference that the third Era +had already commenced. The power of the Father only lasted under the +Mosaic Law; with the advent of Christ all the sacraments of the Old +Testament were superseded. The reign of Christ has lasted till the +present time, but now commences the sovereignty of the Holy Ghost; the +sacraments of the New Testament—baptism, the Eucharist, penitence, and +the rest—are obsolete and to be discarded, and the power of the Holy +Ghost will operate through the persons in whom it is incarnated. The +Amaurians, as we have seen, promptly disappeared, and the derivative +sects—the Ortlibenses, and the Brethren of the Free Spirit—seem to +have omitted this feature of the heresy. At all events, we hear nothing +more of it in that quarter.<a name="FNanchor_18_18" id="FNanchor_18_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_18_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a></p> + +<p>Gradually, however, the writings of Joachim obtained currency, and with +the ascription to him of the false prophecies which appeared towards the +middle of the century his name became more widely known and of greater +authority. In Provence and Languedoc, especially, his teachings found +eager reception. Harried successively by the crusades and the +Inquisition, and scarce as yet fairly reunited with the Church, those +regions furnished an<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_018" id="page_018"></a>{18}</span> ample harvest of earnest minds which might well +seek in the hoped-for speedy realization of Joachim’s dreams +compensation for the miseries of the present. Nor did those dreams lack +an apostle of unquestionable orthodoxy. Hugues de Digne, a hermit of +Hyères, had a wide reputation for learning, eloquence, and sanctity. He +had been Franciscan Provincial of Provence, but had laid down that +dignity to gratify his passion for austerity, and his sister, St. +Douceline, lived in a succession of ecstasies in which she was lifted +from the ground. Hugues was intimate with the leading men of the Order; +Alexander Hales, Adam de Marisco, and the general, John of Parma, are +named as among his close friends. With the latter, especially, he had +the common bond that both were earnest Joachites. He possessed all the +works of Joachim, genuine and spurious, he had the utmost confidence in +their prophecies, which he regarded as divine inspiration, and he did +much to extend the knowledge of them, which was not difficult, as he +himself had the reputation of a prophet.<a name="FNanchor_19_19" id="FNanchor_19_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_19_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a></p> + +<p>The Spiritual section of the Franciscans was rapidly becoming leavened +with these ideas. To minds inclined to mysticism, filled with unrest, +dissatisfied with the existing unfulfilment of their ideal, and longing +earnestly for its realization, there might well be an irresistible +fascination in the promises of the Calabrian abbot, of which the term +was now so rapidly approaching. If these Joachitic Franciscans developed +the ideas of their teacher with greater boldness and definiteness, their +ardor had ample excuse. They were living witnesses of the moral failure +of an effort from which everything had been expected for the +regeneration of humanity. They had seen how the saintly teachings of +Francis and the new revelation of which he had been the medium were +perverted by worldly men to purposes of ambition and greed; how the +Order, which should have been the germ of human redemption, was growing +more and more carnal, and how its saints were martyred by their fellows. +Unless the universe were a failure, and the promises of God were lies, +there must be a term to<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_019" id="page_019"></a>{19}</span> human wickedness; and as the Gospel of Christ +and the Rule of Francis had not accomplished the salvation of mankind, a +new gospel was indispensable. Besides, Joachim had predicted that there +would arise a new religious Order which would rule the world and the +Church in the halcyon age of the Holy Ghost. They could not doubt that +this referred to the Franciscans as represented by the Spiritual group, +which was striving to uphold in all its strictness the Rule of the +venerated founder.<a name="FNanchor_20_20" id="FNanchor_20_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_20_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a></p> + +<p>Such, we may presume, were the ideas which were troubling the hearts of +the earnest Spirituals as they pondered over the prophecies of Joachim. +In their exaltation many of them were themselves given to ecstasies and +visions full of prophetic insight. Prominent members of the Order had +openly embraced the Joachitic doctrines, and his prophecies, genuine and +spurious, were applied to all events as they occurred. In 1248 +Salimbene, the chronicler, who was already a warm believer, met at the +Franciscan convent of Provins (Champagne) two ardent condisciples, +Gherardo da Borgo San Donnino and Bartolommeo Ghiscolo of Parma. St. +Louis was just setting forth on his ill-starred Egyptian crusade. The +Joachites had recourse to the pseudo-Joachim on Jeremiah, and foretold +that the expedition would be a failure, that the king would be taken +prisoner, and that pestilence would decimate the host. This was not +calculated to render them popular; the peace of the good brethren was +sadly broken by quarrels, and the Joachites found it advisable to +depart. Salimbene went to Auxerre, Ghiscolo to Sens, and Gherardo to +Paris, where his learning secured for him admission to the university as +the representative of Sicily, and he obtained a chair in theology. Here +for four years he pursued his apocalyptic studies.<a name="FNanchor_21_21" id="FNanchor_21_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_21_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_020" id="page_020"></a>{20}</span></p> + +<p>Suddenly, in 1254, Paris was startled with the appearance of a book +under the title of “The Everlasting Gospel”—a name derived from the +Apocalypse—“And I saw another angel fly in the midst of heaven, having +the everlasting gospel to preach unto them that dwell on the earth, and +to every nation, and kindred, and tongue, and people” (Rev. xiv. 6). It +consisted of Joachim’s three undoubted works, with explanatory glosses, +preceded by a long Introduction, in which the hardy author developed the +ideas of the prophet audaciously and uncompromisingly. The daring +venture had an immediate and immense popular success, which shows how +profoundly the conviction which prompted it was shared among all +classes. The rhymes of Jean de Meung indicate that the demand for it +came from the laity rather than the clergy, and that it was sought by +women as well as by men—</p> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">“Ung livre de par le grant diable<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Dit l’Évangile pardurable ...<br /></span> +<span class="ist">A Paris n’eust home ne feme<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Au parvis devant Nostre-Dame<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Qui lors avoir ne le péust<br /></span> +<span class="ist">A transcrire, s’il li pléust.”<a name="FNanchor_22_22" id="FNanchor_22_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_22_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a><br /></span> +</div></div> + +<p>Nothing more revolutionary in spirit, more subversive of the established +order of the Church, can be conceived than the assertions which thus +aroused popular sympathy and applause. Joachim’s computations were +accepted, and it was assumed absolutely that in six years, in 1260, the +reign of Christ would end and the reign of the Holy Ghost begin. +Already, in 1200, the spirit of life had abandoned the Old and New +Testaments in order to give place to the Everlasting Gospel, consisting +of the Concordia,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_021" id="page_021"></a>{21}</span> the Expositio, and the Decachordon—the development +and spiritualization of all that had preceded it. Even as Joachim had +dwelt on the ascending scale of the three Eras, so the author of the +Introduction characterized the progressive methods of the three +Scriptures. The Old Testament is the first heaven, the New Testament the +second heaven, the Everlasting Gospel the third heaven. The first is +like the light of the stars, the second like that of the moon, and the +third like that of the sun; the first is the porch, the second the holy +place, and the third the Holy of Holies; the first is the rind, the +second the nut, the third the kernel; the first is earth, the second +water, the third fire; the first is literal, the second spiritual, and +the third is the law promised in Jeremiah <small>XXXI</small>. The preaching and +dissemination of this supreme and eternal law of God is committed to the +barefooted Order (the Franciscans). At the threshold of the Old Law were +three men, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob: at that of the New Law were three +others, Zachariah, John the Baptist, and Christ: and at that of the +coming age are three, the man in linen (Joachim), the Angel with the +sharp sickle, and the Angel with the sign of the living God (Francis). +In the blessed coming reign of the Holy Ghost men will live under the +law of love, as in the first Era they lived in fear, and in the second +in grace. Joachim had argued against the continuance of the sacraments; +Gherardo regarded them as symbols and enigmas, from which man would be +liberated in the time to come, for love would replace all the +observances founded upon the second Dispensation. This was destructive +of the whole sacerdotal system, which was to be swept away and relegated +to the limbo of the forgotten past; and scarce less revolutionary was +his bold declaration that the Abomination of Desolation would be a pope +tainted with simony, who, towards the end of the sixth age, now at hand, +would obtain the papacy.<a name="FNanchor_23_23" id="FNanchor_23_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_23_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_022" id="page_022"></a>{22}</span></p> + +<p>The authorship of this bold challenge to an infallible Church was long +attributed to John of Parma himself, but there would seem little doubt +that it was the work of Gherardo—the outcome of his studies and +reveries during the four years spent in the University of Paris, +although John of Parma possibly had a hand in it. Certainly, as Tocco +well points out, he at least sympathized with it, for he never punished +the author, in spite of the scandal which it brought upon the Order, and +Bernard Gui tells us that at the time it was commonly ascribed to him. I +have already related with what joy William of Saint Amour seized upon it +in the quarrel between the University and the Mendicants, and the +advantage it momentarily gave the former. Under existing circumstances +it could have no friends or defenders. It was too reckless an onslaught +on all existing institutions, temporal and spiritual. The only thing to +be done with it was to suppress it as quietly as possible. Consideration +for the Franciscan Order demanded this, as well as the prudence which +counselled that attention should not be unduly called to it, although +hundreds of victims had been burned for heresies far less dangerous. The +commission which sat at Anagni in July, 1255, for its condemnation had a +task over which there could be no debate, but I have already pointed out +the contrast between the reserve with which it was suppressed and the +vindictive clamor with which Saint Amour’s book against the Mendicants +was ordered to be burned.<a name="FNanchor_24_24" id="FNanchor_24_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_24_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_023" id="page_023"></a>{23}</span></p> + +<p>The Spiritual section of the Franciscans was fatally compromised, and +the worldly party, which had impatiently borne the strict rule of John +of Parma, saw its opportunity of gaining the ascendency. Led by Bernardo +da Bessa, the companion of Bonaventura, formal articles of accusation +were presented to Alexander IV. against the general. He was accused of +listening to no explanations of the Rule and Testament, holding that the +privileges and declarations of the popes were of no moment in +comparison. It was not hinted that he was implicated in the Everlasting +Gospel, but it was alleged that he pretended to enjoy the spirit of +prophecy and that he predicted a division of the Order between those who +procured papal relaxations and those who adhered to the Rule, the latter +of whom would flourish under the dew of heaven and the benediction of +God. Moreover, he was not orthodox, but defended the errors of Joachim +concerning the Trinity, and his immediate comrades had not hesitated, in +sermons and tracts, to praise Joachim immoderately and to assail the +leading men of the Order. In this, as in the rest of the proceedings, +the studied silence preserved as to the Everlasting Gospel shows how +dangerous was the subject, and how even the fierce passions of the +strife shrank from compromising the Order by admitting that any of its +members were responsible for that incendiary production.<a name="FNanchor_25_25" id="FNanchor_25_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_25_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_024" id="page_024"></a>{24}</span></p> + +<p>Alexander was easily persuaded, and a general chapter was held in the +Aracœli, February 2, 1257, over which he personally presided. John of +Parma was warned to resign, and did so, pleading age, weariness, and +disability. After a decent show of resistance his resignation was +accepted and he was asked to nominate a successor. His choice fell upon +Bonaventura, then only thirty-four years of age, whose participation in +the struggle with the University of Paris had marked him as the most +promising man in the Order, while he was not identified with either +faction. He was duly elected, and the leaders of the movement required +him to proceed against John and his adherents. Bonaventura for a while +hesitated, but at length consented. Gherardo refused to recant, and +Bonaventura sent for him to come to Paris. In passing through Modena he +met Salimbene, who had cowered before the storm and had renounced +Joachitism as a folly. The two friends had a long colloquy, in which +Gherardo offered to prove that Antichrist was already at hand in the +person of Alonso the Wise of Castile. He was learned, pure-minded, +temperate, modest, amiable—in a word, a most admirable and lovable +character; but nothing could wean him from his Joachitic convictions, +though in his trial discreet silence, as usual, was observed about the +Everlasting Gospel, and he was condemned as an upholder of Joachim’s +Trinitarian speculations. Had he not been a Franciscan he would have +been burned. It was a doubtful mercy which consigned him to a dungeon in +chains and fed him on bread and water for eighteen years, until his +weary life came to an end. He never wavered to the last, and his remains +were thrust into a corner of the garden of the convent where he died. +The same fate awaited his comrade Leonardo, and also another friar named +Piero de’ Nubili, who refused to surrender a tract of John of +Parma’s.<a name="FNanchor_26_26" id="FNanchor_26_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_26_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_025" id="page_025"></a>{25}</span></p> + +<p>Then John himself was tried by a special court, to preside over which +Alexander appointed Cardinal Caietano, afterwards Nicholas III. The +accused readily retracted his advocacy of Joachim, but his bearing +irritated the judges, and, with Bonaventura’s consent, he would have +shared the fate of his associates but for the strenuous intercession of +Ottoboni, Cardinal of S. Adrian, afterwards Adrian V. Bonaventura gave +him the option of selecting a place of retreat, and he chose a little +convent near Rieti. There he is said to have lived for thirty-two years +the life of an angel, without abandoning his Joachitic beliefs. John +XXI., who greatly loved him, thought of making him a cardinal in 1277, +but was prevented by death. Nicholas III., who had presided at his +trial, a few years later offered him the cardinalate, so as to be able +to enjoy his advice, but he quietly answered, “I could give wholesome +counsel if there were any one to listen to me, but in the Roman court +there is little discussed but wars and triumphs, and not the salvation +of souls.” In 1289, however, notwithstanding his extreme age, he +accepted from Nicholas IV. a mission to the Greek Church, but he died at +Camerino soon after setting out. Buried there, he speedily shone in +miracles; he became the object of a lasting cult, and in 1777 he was +formally beatified, in spite of the opposition arising from his alleged +authorship of the Introduction to the Everlasting Gospel.<a name="FNanchor_27_27" id="FNanchor_27_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_27_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a></p> + +<p>The faith of the Joachites was by no means broken by these reverses. +William of Saint Amour thought it necessary to return to the charge with +another bitter tract directed against them. He shares their belief in +the impending change, but declares that in place of being the reign of +love under the Holy Ghost, it will be the reign of Antichrist, whom he +identifies with the Friars. Persecution, he says, had put an end to the +open defence of the pestiferous doctrine of the Everlasting Gospel, but +it still had many believers in secret. The south of France was the +headquarters of the sect. Florent, Bishop of Acre, had been the official +prosecutor before the Commission of Anagni in 1255. He was rewarded with +the archbishopric of Arles in 1262, and in 1265 he held a provincial<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_026" id="page_026"></a>{26}</span> +synod with the object of condemning the Joachites, who were still +numerous in his province. An elaborate refutation of the errors of the +Everlasting Gospel was deemed necessary; it was deplored that many +learned men still suffered themselves to be misled by it, and that books +containing it were written and eagerly passed from hand to hand. The +anathema was decreed against this, but no measures of active persecution +seem to have been adopted, nor do we hear of any steps taken by the +Inquisition to suppress the heresy. As we shall see hereafter, the +leaven long remained in Languedoc and Provence, and gave a decided +impress to the Spiritual Franciscanism of those regions. It mattered +little that the hoped-for year 1260 came and passed away without the +fulfilment of the prophecy. Earnest believers can always find excuses +for such errors in computation, and the period of the advent of the Holy +Ghost could be put off from time to time, so as always to stimulate hope +with the prospect of emancipation in the near future.<a name="FNanchor_28_28" id="FNanchor_28_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_28_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a></p> + +<p> </p> + +<p>Although the removal of John of Parma from the generalate had been the +victory of the Conventuals, the choice of Bonaventura might well seem to +give to the Spirituals assurance of continued supremacy. In his +controversy with William of Saint Amour he had taken the most advanced +ground in denying that Christ and the apostles held property of any +kind, and in identifying poverty with perfection. “Deep poverty is +laudable; this is true of itself: therefore deeper poverty is more +laudable, and the deepest, the most laudable. But this is the poverty of +him who neither in private nor in common keeps anything for himself.... +To renounce all things, in private or in common, is Christian +perfection, not only sufficient but abundant: it is the principal +counsel of evangelical perfection, its fundamental principle and sublime +foundation.” Not only this, but he was deeply imbued with mysticism and +was the first to give authoritative expression to the Illuminism which +subsequently gave the Church so much trouble.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_027" id="page_027"></a>{27}</span> His <i>Mystica Theologia</i> +is in sharp contrast to the arid scholastic theology of the day as +represented by Thomas Aquinas. The soul is brought face to face with +God; its sins are to be repented of in the silent watches of the night, +and it is to seek God through its own efforts. It is not to look to +others for aid or leadership, but, depending on itself, strive for the +vision of the Divine. Through this Path of Purgation it ascends to the +Path of Illumination, and is prepared for the reception of the Divine +Radiance. Finally it reaches the Third Path, which leads to union with +the Godhead and participation in Divine Wisdom. Molinos and Madame Guyon +indulged in no more dangerous speculations; and the mystic tendencies of +the Spirituals received a powerful stimulus from such teachings.<a name="FNanchor_29_29" id="FNanchor_29_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_29_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a></p> + +<p>It was inevitable that the strife within the Order between property and +poverty should grow increasingly bitter. Questions were constantly +arising which showed the incompatibility of the vows as laid down by St. +Francis with the functions of an organization which had grown to be one +of the leading factors of a wealthy and worldly Church. In 1255 we find +the sisters of the monastery of St. Elizabeth complaining to Alexander +IV. that when property was given or bequeathed to them the +ecclesiastical authorities enforced on them the observance of the Rule, +by compelling them to part with it within a year by sale or gift, and +the pope graciously promised that no such custom should be enforced in +future. About the same time John of Parma complained that when his +friars were promoted to the episcopate they carried away with them books +and other things of which they had properly only the use, being unable +to own anything under peril of their souls. Again Alexander graciously +replied that friars, on promotion, must deliver to the provincial +everything which they had in their hands. Such troubles must have been +of almost daily occurrence, and it was inevitable that the increasing +friction should result in schism. When the blessed Gilio, the third +disciple who joined St. Francis, was taken to Assisi to view the +splendid buildings erected in honor of the humble Francis, and was +carried through three magnificent churches, connected with a vast +refectory,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_028" id="page_028"></a>{28}</span> a spacious dormitory, and other offices and cloisters, +adorned with lofty arches and spacious portals, he kept silent until one +of his guides pressed him for an expression of admiration. “Brethren,” +he then said, “there is nothing lacking except your wives.” This seemed +somewhat irrelevant, till he explained that the vows of poverty and +chastity were equally binding, and now that one was set aside the other +might as well follow. Salimbene relates that in the convent of Pisa he +met Frà Boncampagno di Prato, who, in place of the two new tunics per +year distributed to each of the brethren, would only accept one old one, +and who declared that he could scarce satisfy God for taking that one. +Such exaggerated conscientious sensitiveness could not but be peculiarly +exasperating to the more worldly members.<a name="FNanchor_30_30" id="FNanchor_30_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_30_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a></p> + +<p>The Conventuals had lost no time in securing the results of their +victory over John of Parma. Scarce had his resignation been secured, and +before Bonaventura could arrive from Paris they obtained from Alexander, +February 20, 1257, a repetition of the declaration of Innocent IV. which +enabled the Order to handle money and hold property through the +transparent device of agents and the Holy See. The disgust of the +Puritan party was great, and even the implicit reverence prescribed for +the papacy could not prevent ominous mutterings of disobedience, raising +questions as to the extent of the papal power to bind and to loose, +which in time were to ripen into open rebellion. The Rule had been +proclaimed a revelation equal in authority to the gospel, and it might +well be asked whether even the successor of St. Peter could set it +aside. It was probably about this time that Berthold of Ratisbon, the +most celebrated Franciscan preacher of his day, in discoursing to his +brethren on the monastic state, boldly declared that the vows of +poverty, obedience, and chastity were so binding that even the pope +could not dispense for them. This, in fact, was admitted on all sides as +a truism. About 1290 the Dominican Provincial of Germany, Hermann of +Minden, in an encyclical, alludes to it as a matter of course, but in +little more than a quarter of a century we shall see that such +utterances were treated as heresy, and were sternly suppressed with the +stake.<a name="FNanchor_31_31" id="FNanchor_31_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_31_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_029" id="page_029"></a>{29}</span></p> + +<p>Bonaventura, as we have seen, honestly sought to restrain the growing +laxity of the Order. Before leaving Paris he addressed, April 23, 1257, +an encyclical letter to the provincials, calling their attention to the +prevalent vices of the brethren and the contempt to which they exposed +the whole Order. Again, some ten years later, at the instance of Clement +IV., he issued another similar epistle, in which he strongly expressed +his horror at the neglect of the Rule shown in the shameless greed of so +many members, the importunate striving for gain, the ceaseless +litigation caused by their grasping after legacies and burials, and the +splendor and luxury of their buildings. The provincials were instructed +to put an end to these disorders by penance, imprisonment, or expulsion; +but however earnest in his zeal Bonaventura may have been, and however +self-denying in his own life, he lacked the fiery energy which enabled +John of Parma to give effect to his convictions. How utter was the +prevailing degeneracy is seen in the complaint presented in 1265 to +Clement IV., that in many places the ecclesiastical authorities held +that the friars, being dead to the world, were incapable of inheritance. +Relief was prayed from this, and Clement issued a bull declaring them +competent to inherit and free to hold their inheritances, or to sell +them, and to use the property or its price as might to them seem +best.<a name="FNanchor_32_32" id="FNanchor_32_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_32_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a></p> + +<p>The question of poverty evidently was one incapable of permanent<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_030" id="page_030"></a>{30}</span> and +satisfactory settlement. Dissension in the Order could not be healed. In +vain Gregory X., about 1275, was appealed to, and decided that the +injunction of the Rule against the possession of property, individually +or in common, was to be strictly observed. The worldly party continued +to point out the incompatibility of this with the necessities of human +nature; they declared it to be a tempting of God and a suicide of the +individual; the quarrel continually grew more bitterly envenomed, and in +1279 Nicholas III. undertook to settle it with a formal declaration +which should forever close the mouths of all cavillers. For two months +he secretly labored at it in consultation with the two Franciscan +cardinals, Palestrina and Albano, the general, Bonagrazia, and some of +the provincials. Then it was submitted to a commission in which was +Benedetto Caietano, afterwards Boniface VIII. Finally it was read and +adopted in full consistory, and it was included, twenty years later, in +the additions to the canon law compiled and published by order of +Boniface. No utterance of the Holy See could have more careful +consideration and more solemn authority than the bull known as <i>Exiit +qui seminat</i>, which was thus ushered into the world, and which +subsequently became the subject of such deadly controversy.<a name="FNanchor_33_33" id="FNanchor_33_33"></a><a href="#Footnote_33_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a></p> + +<p>It declares the Franciscan Rule to be the inspiration of the Holy Ghost +through St. Francis. The renunciation of property, not only individual +but in common, is meritorious and holy. Such absolute renunciation of +possession had been practised by Christ and the apostles, and had been +taught by them to their disciples; it is not only meritorious and +perfect, but lawful and possible, for there is a distinction between +use, which is permitted, and ownership, which is forbidden. Following +the example of Innocent IV. and Alexander IV., the proprietorship of all +that the Franciscans use is declared to be vested, now and hereafter, in +the Roman Church and pontiff, which concede to the friars the usufruct +thereof. The prohibition to receive and handle money is to be enforced, +and borrowing is especially deprecated; but, when necessity obliges, +this may be effected through third parties, although the brethren must +abstain from handling the money or administering or expending it. As for +legacies, they must not be left<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_031" id="page_031"></a>{31}</span> directly to the friars, but only for +their use; and minute regulations are drawn up for exchanging or selling +books and utensils. The bull concludes with instructions that it is to +be read and taught in the schools, but no one, under pain of +excommunication and loss of office and benefice, shall do anything but +expound it literally—it is not to be glossed or commented upon, or +discussed, or explained away. All doubts and questions shall be +submitted directly to the Holy See, and any one disputing or commenting +on the Franciscan Rule or the definitions of the bull shall undergo +excommunication, removable only by the pope.</p> + +<p>Had the question been capable of permanent settlement in this sense, +this solemn utterance would have put an end to further trouble. +Unluckily, human nature did not cease to be human nature, with its +passions and necessities, on crossing the threshold of a Franciscan +convent. Unluckily, papal constitutions were as cobwebs when they sought +to control the ineradicable vices and weakness of man; Unluckily, +moreover, there were consciences too sensitive to be satisfied with +fine-drawn distinctions and subtleties ingeniously devised to evade the +truth. Yet the bull <i>Exiit qui seminat</i> for a while relieved the papacy +from further discussion, although it could not quiet the intestine +dissensions of the Order. There was still a body of recalcitrants, not +numerous, it is true, but eminent for the piety and virtue of its +members, which could not be reconciled by these subterfuges. These +recalcitrants gradually formed themselves into two distinct bodies, one +in Italy, and the other in southern France. At first there is little to +distinguish them apart, and for a long while they acted in unison, but +there gradually arose a divergence between them, which in the end became +decisively marked, owing to the greater influence exercised in Languedoc +and Provence by the traditions of Joachim and the Everlasting Gospel.</p> + +<p>We have seen how the thirst for ascetic poverty, coupled in many cases, +doubtless, with the desire to escape from the sordid cares of daily +life, led thousands to embrace a career of wandering mendicancy. +Sarabites and <i>circumcelliones</i>—vagrant monks, subjected to no +rule—had been the curse of the Church ever since the invention of +cenobitism; and the exaltation of poverty in the thirteenth century had +given a new impulse to the crowds who<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_032" id="page_032"></a>{32}</span> preferred the idleness of the +road or of the hermitage to the restraints and labor of civilized +existence. It was in vain that the Lateran Council had prohibited the +formation of new and unauthorized Orders. The splendid success of the +Mendicants had proved too alluring, and others were formed on the same +basis, without the requisite preliminary of the papal approval. The +multitudes of holy beggars were becoming a serious nuisance, oppressive +to the people and disgraceful to the Church. When Gregory X. summoned +the General Council of Lyons, in 1274, this was one of the evils to be +remedied. The Lateran canon prohibiting the formation of unauthorized +Orders was renewed. Gregory proposed to suppress all the congregations +of hermits, but, at the instance of Cardinal Richard, the Carmelites and +Augustinians were allowed to exist on sufferance until further order, +while the audacity of other associations, not as yet approved, was +condemned, especially that of the mendicants, whose multitude was +declared to exceed all bounds. Such mendicant Orders as had been +confirmed since the Council of Lateran were permitted to continue, but +they were instructed to admit no new members, to acquire no new houses, +and not to sell what they possessed without special license from the +Holy See. Evidently it was felt that the time had come for decisive +measures to check the tide of saintly mendicancy.<a name="FNanchor_34_34" id="FNanchor_34_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_34_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a></p> + +<p>Some vague and incorrect rumors of this legislation penetrating to +Italy, led to an explosion which started one of the most extraordinary +series of persecutions which the history of human perversity affords. On +the one hand there is the marvellous constancy which endured lifelong +martyrdom for an idea almost unintelligible to the modern mind; on the +other there is the seemingly causeless ferocity, which appears to +persecute for the mere pleasure of persecution, only to be explained by +the bitterness of the feuds existing within the Order, and the savage +determination to enforce submission at every cost.</p> + +<p>It was reported that the Council of Lyons had decreed that the +Mendicants could hold property. Most of the brethren acquiesced readily +enough, but those who regarded the Rule as divine revelation, not to be +tampered with by any earthly authority, declared<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_033" id="page_033"></a>{33}</span> that it would be +apostasy, and a thing not to be admitted under any circumstances. +Several disputations were held which only confirmed each side in its +views. One point which gave rise to peculiar animosity was the refusal +of the Spirituals to take their turns in the daily rounds in quest of +moneyed alms, which had grown to be the custom in most places; and it is +easy to imagine the bitter antagonism to which this disobedience must +have led. It shows how strained were the relations between the factions +that proceedings for heresy were forthwith commenced against these +zealots. The rumor proved false, the excitement died away, and the +prosecutions were allowed to slumber for a few years, when they were +revived through fear that these extreme opinions, if left unpunished, +might win over the majority. Liberato da Macerata, Angelo da Cingoli (il +Clareno), Traymondo, Tommaso da Tollentino, and one or two others whose +names have not reached us were the obdurate ones who would make no +concession, even in theory. Angelo, to whom we owe an account of the +matter, declared that they were ready to render implicit obedience, that +no offence was proved against them, but that nevertheless they were +condemned, as schismatics and heretics, to perpetual imprisonment in +chains. The sentence was inhumanly harsh. They were to be deprived of +the sacraments, even upon the death-bed, thus killing soul as well as +body; during life no one was to speak with them, not even the jailer who +brought the daily pittance of bread and water to their cells, and +examined their fetters to see that they were attempting no escape. As a +warning, moreover, the sentence was ordered to be read weekly in all the +chapters, and no one was to presume to criticise it as unjust. This was +no idle threat, for when Friar Tommaso da Casteldemilio heard it read +and said it was displeasing to God, he was cast into a similar prison, +where he rotted to death in a few months. The fierce spirits in control +of the Order were evidently determined that at least the vow of +obedience should be maintained.<a name="FNanchor_35_35" id="FNanchor_35_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_35_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_034" id="page_034"></a>{34}</span></p> + +<p>The prisoners seem to have lain in jail until after the election to the +generalate of Raymond Gaufridi, at Easter, 1289. Visiting the Mark of +Ancona, where they were incarcerated, he investigated the case, blamed +severely the perpetrators of the injustice, and set the martyrs free in +1290. The Order had been growing more lax in its observance than ever, +in spite of the bull <i>Exiit qui seminat</i>. Matteo d’Acquasparta, who was +general from 1287 to 1289, was easy and kindly, well-intentioned but +given to self-indulgence, and by no means inclined to the effort +requisite to enforce the Rule. Respect for it, indeed, was daily +diminishing. Coffers were placed in the churches to receive offerings; +bargains were made as to the price of masses and for the absolution of +sinners; boys were stationed at the church-doors to sell wax tapers in +honor of saints; the Friars habitually begged money in the streets, +accompanied by boys to receive and carry it; the sepulture of the rich +was eagerly sought for, leading to disgraceful quarrels with the heirs +and with the secular clergy. Everywhere there was self-seeking and +desire for the enjoyment of an idle and luxurious life. It is true that +lapses of the flesh were still rigidly punished, but these cases were +sufficiently frequent to show that ample cause for scandal arose from +the forbidden familiarity with women which the brethren permitted +themselves. So utter was the general demoralization that Nicholas, the +Provincial of France, even dared to write a tract calling in question +the bull <i>Exiit qui seminat</i> and its exposition of the Rule. As this was +in direct contravention of the bull itself, Acquasparta felt compelled +to condemn the work and to punish its author and his supporters, but the +evil continued to work. In the Mark of Ancona and in some other places +the reaction against asceticism was so strong that the Testament of the +revered Francis was officially ordered to be burned. It was the main +bulwark of the Spirituals against relaxation of the Rule, and in one +instance it was actually burned on the head of a friar, N. de Recanate, +who presumably had made himself obnoxious by insisting on its +authority.<a name="FNanchor_36_36" id="FNanchor_36_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_36_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_035" id="page_035"></a>{35}</span></p> + +<p>Raymond Gaufridi was earnestly desirous of restoring discipline, but the +relaxation of the Order had grown past curing. His release of the +Spirituals at Ancona caused much murmuring; he was ridiculed as a patron +of fantastic and superstitious men, and conspiracies were set on foot +which never ceased till his removal was effected in 1295. It was perhaps +to conjure these attempts that he sent Liberato, Angelo, Tommaso, and +two kindred spirits named Marco and Piero to Armenia, where they induced +King Haito II. to enter the Franciscan Order, and won from him the +warmest eulogies. Even in the East, however, the hatred of their +fellow-missionaries was so earnest and so demonstrative that they were +forced to return in 1293. On their arrival in Italy the provincial, +Monaldo, refused to receive them or to allow them to remain until they +could communicate with Raymond, declaring that he would rather entertain +fornicators.<a name="FNanchor_37_37" id="FNanchor_37_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_37_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a></p> + +<p>The unreasoning wrath which insisted on these votaries of poverty +violating their convictions received a check when, in 1294, the choice +of the exhausted conclave fell by chance on the hermit Pier Morrone, who +suddenly found his mountain burrow transformed into the papal palace. +Celestin V. preserved in St. Peter’s chair the predilection for solitude +and maceration which had led him to the life of the anchorite. To him +Raymond referred the Spirituals, whom he seemed unable to protect. +Celestin listened to them kindly and invited them to enter his special +Order—the Celestinian Benedictines—but they explained to him the +difference of their vows, and how their brethren detested the observance +of the Rule. Then in public audience he ordered them to observe strictly +the Rule and Testament of Francis; he released them from obedience to +all except himself and to Liberato, whom he made their chief; Cardinal +Napoleone Orsini was declared their protector, and the abbot of the +Celestinians was ordered to provide<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_036" id="page_036"></a>{36}</span> them with hermitages. Thus they +were fairly out of the Order; they were not even to call themselves +Minorites or Franciscans, and it might be supposed that their brethren +would be as glad to get rid of them and their assumption of superior +sanctity as they were to escape from oppression.<a name="FNanchor_38_38" id="FNanchor_38_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_38_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a></p> + +<p>Yet the hatred provoked by the quarrel was too deep and bitter to spare +its victims, and the breathing-space which they enjoyed was short. +Celestin’s pontificate came to an abrupt termination. Utterly unfitted +for his position, speedily made the tool of designing men, and growing +weary of the load which he felt himself unable to endure, after less +than six months he was persuaded to abdicate, in December, 1294, and was +promptly thrown into prison by his successor, Boniface VIII., for fear +that he might be led to reconsider an abdication the legality of which +might be questioned. All of Celestin’s acts and grants were forthwith +annulled, and so complete was the obliteration of everything that he had +done, that even the appointment of a notary is found to require +confirmation and a fresh commission. Boniface’s contempt for the +unworldly enthusiasm of asceticism did not lead him to make any +exception in favor of the Spirituals. To him the Franciscan Order was +merely an instrument for the furtherance of his ambitious schemes, and +its worldliness was rather to be stimulated than repressed. Though he +placed in his Sixth Book of Decretals the bull <i>Exiit qui seminat</i>, his +practical exposition of its provisions is seen in two bulls issued July +17, 1296, by one of which he assigns to the Franciscans of Paris one +thousand marks, to be taken from the legacies for pious uses, and by the +other he converts to them a legacy of three hundred livres bequeathed by +Ada, lady of Pernes, for the benefit of the Holy Land. Under such +auspices the degradation of the Order could not but be rapid. Before his +first year was out, Boniface had determined upon the removal of the +general, Raymond. October 29, 1295, he offered the latter the bishopric +of Pavia, and on his protesting that he had not strength for the burden, +Boniface said that he could not be fit for the heavier load of the +generalate, of which he relieved him on the spot. We can understand the +insolence which led a party of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_037" id="page_037"></a>{37}</span> Conventual faction to visit Celestin +in his prison and taunt and insult him for the favor which he had shown +to the Spirituals. A prosecution for heresy which Boniface ordered, in +March, 1295, against Frà Pagano di Pietra-Santa was doubtless instigated +by the same spirit.<a name="FNanchor_39_39" id="FNanchor_39_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_39_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a></p> + +<p>More than this. To Boniface’s worldly, practical mind the hordes of +wandering mendicants, subjected to no authority, were an intolerable +nuisance, whether it arose from ill-regulated asceticism or idle +vagabondage. The decree of the Council of Lyons had failed to suppress +the evil, and, in 1496 and 1497, Boniface issued instructions to all +bishops to compel such wanderers or hermits, popularly known as Bizochi, +either to lay aside their fictitious religious habits and give up their +mode of life, or to betake themselves to some authorized Order. The +inquisitors were instructed to denounce to the bishops all suspected +persons, and if the prelates were remiss, to report them to the Holy +See. One remarkable clause gives special authority to the inquisitors to +prosecute such of these Bizochi as may be members of their own Orders, +thus showing that there was no heresy involved, as otherwise the +inquisitors would have required no additional powers.<a name="FNanchor_40_40" id="FNanchor_40_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_40_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a></p> + +<p>The following year Boniface proceeded to more active measures. He +ordered the Franciscan, Matteo da Chieti, Inquisitor of Assisi, to visit +personally the mountains of the Abruzzi and Mark of Ancona and to drive +from their lurking-places the apostates from various religious Orders +and the Bizochi who infested those regions. His previous steps had +probably been ineffective, and possibly also he may have been moved to +more decisive action by the rebellious attitude of the Spirituals and +proscribed mendicants. Not only did they question the papal authority, +but they were beginning to argue that the papacy itself was vacant. So +far from being content with the bull <i>Exiit qui seminat</i>, they held that +its author, Nicholas III., had been deprived by God of the papal +functions, and consequently that he had had no legitimate successors. +Thereafter there had been no true ordinations of priest and prelate, and +the real Church consisted in themselves alone. To remedy<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_038" id="page_038"></a>{38}</span> this, Frère +Matthieu de Bodici came from Provence, bringing with him the books of +Pierre Jean Olivi, and in the Church of St. Peter in Rome he was elected +pope by five Spirituals and thirteen women. Boniface promptly put the +Inquisition on their track, but they fled to Sicily, which, as we shall +see, subsequently became the headquarters of the sect.<a name="FNanchor_41_41" id="FNanchor_41_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_41_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a></p> + +<p>Friar Jordan, to whom we are indebted for these details, assumes that +Liberato and his associates were concerned in this movement. The dates +and order of events are hopelessly confused, but it would rather seem +that the section of the Spirituals represented by Liberato kept +themselves aloof from all such revolutionary projects. Their sufferings +were real and prolonged, but had they been guilty of participating in +the election of an antipope they would have had but the choice between +perpetual imprisonment and the stake. They were accused of holding that +Boniface was not a lawful pope, that the authority of the Church was +vested in themselves alone, and that the Greek Church was preferable to +the Latin—in other words of Joachitism—but Angelo declares +emphatically that all this was untrue, and his constancy of endurance +during fifty years of persecution and suffering entitles his assertion +to respect. He relates that after their authorization by Celestin V. +they lived as hermits in accordance with the papal concession, +sojourning as paupers and strangers wherever they could find a place of +retreat, and strictly abstaining from preaching and hearing confessions, +except when ordered to do so by bishops to whom they owed obedience. +Even before the resignation of Celestin, the Franciscan authorities, +irritated at the escape of their victims, disregarded the papal +authority and endeavored with an armed force to capture them. Celestin +himself seems to have given them warning of this, and the zealots, +recognizing that there was no peace for them in Italy, resolved to +expatriate themselves and seek some remote spot where they could gratify +their ascetic longings and worship God without human<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_039" id="page_039"></a>{39}</span> interference. They +crossed the Adriatic and settled on a desert island off the Achaian +coast. Here, lost to view, they for two years enjoyed the only period of +peace in their agitated lives; but at length news of their place of +retreat reached home, and forthwith letters were despatched to the +nobles and bishops of the mainland accusing them of being Cathari, while +Boniface was informed that they did not regard him as pope, but held +themselves to be the only true Church. In 1299 he commissioned Peter, +Patriarch of Constantinople, to try them, when they were condemned +without a hearing, and he ordered Charles II. of Naples, who was +overlord of the Morea, to have them expelled, an order which Charles +transmitted to Isabelle de Villehardouin, Princess of Achaia. Meanwhile +the local authorities had recognized the falsity of the accusations, for +the refugees celebrated mass daily and prayed for Boniface as pope, and +were willing to eat meat, but this did not relieve them from +surveillance and annoyance, one of their principal persecutors being a +certain Geronimo, who came to them with some books of Olivi’s, and whom +they were forced to eject for immorality, after which he turned accuser +and was rewarded with the episcopate.<a name="FNanchor_42_42" id="FNanchor_42_42"></a><a href="#Footnote_42_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a></p> + +<p>The pressure became too strong, and the little community gradually broke +up. An intention to accompany Frà Giovanni da Monte on a mission to +Tartary had to be abandoned on account of the excommunication consequent +upon the sentence uttered by the Patriarch of Constantinople. Liberato +sent two brethren to appeal to Boniface, and then two more, but they +were all seized and prevented from reaching him. Then Liberato himself +departed secretly and reached Perugia, but the sudden death of Boniface +(October 11, 1303) frustrated his object. The rest returned at various +times, Angelo being the last to reach Italy, in 1305. He found his +brethren in evil plight. They had been cited by the Dominican +inquisitor, Tommaso di Aversa, and had obediently presented themselves. +At first the result was favorable. After an examination lasting several +days, Tommaso pronounced them<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_040" id="page_040"></a>{40}</span> orthodox, and dismissed them, saying +publicly, “Frà Liberato, I swear by Him who created me that never the +flesh of a poor man could be sold for such a price as I could get for +yours. Your brethren would drink your blood if they could.” He even +conducted them in safety back to their hermitages, and when the rage of +the Conventuals was found to be unappeasable he gave them the advice +that they should leave the kingdom of Naples that night and travel by +hidden ways to the pope; if they could bring letters from the latter, or +from a cardinal, he would defend them as long as he held the office. The +advice was taken; Liberato left Naples that night, but fell sick on the +road and died after a lingering illness of two years. Meanwhile, as we +shall see hereafter, the exploits of Dolcino in Lombardy were exciting +general terror, which rendered all irregular fraternities the object of +suspicion and dread. The Conventuals took advantage of this and incited +Frà Tommaso to summon before him all who wore unauthorized religious +habits. The Spirituals were cited again, to the number of forty-two, and +this time they did not escape so easily. They were condemned as +heretics, and when Andrea da Segna, under whose protection they had +lived, interposed in their favor, Tommaso carried them to Trivento, +where they were tortured for five days. This excited the compassion of +the bishop and nobles of the town, so they were transferred to Castro +Mainardo, a solitary spot, where for five months they were afflicted +with the sharpest torments. Two of the younger brethren yielded and +accused themselves and their comrades, but revoked when released. Some +of them died, and finally the survivors were ordered to be scourged +naked through the streets of Naples and were banished the kingdom, +although no specific heresy was alleged against them in the sentence. +Through all this the resolution of the little band never faltered. +Convinced that they alone were on the path of salvation, they would not +be forced back into the Order. On the death of Liberato, Angelo was +chosen as their leader, and amid persecution and obloquy they formed a +congregation in the Mark of Ancona, known as the Clareni, from the +surname of their chief, and under the protection of the cardinal, +Napoleone Orsini.<a name="FNanchor_43_43" id="FNanchor_43_43"></a><a href="#Footnote_43_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_041" id="page_041"></a>{41}</span></p> + +<p>This group had not been by any means alone in opposing the laxity of the +Conventuals, although it was the only one which succeeded in throwing +off the yoke of its opponents. The Spirituals were numerous in the +Order, but the policy of Boniface VIII. led him to support the efforts +of the Conventuals to keep them in subjection. Jacopone da Todi, the +author of the Stabat Mater, was perhaps the most prominent of these, and +his savage verses directed against the pope did not tend to harmonize +the troubles. After the capture of Palestrina, in 1298, Boniface threw +him into a foul dungeon, where he solaced his captivity with canticles +full of the mystic ardor of divine love. It is related that Boniface +once, passing the grating of his cell, jeeringly called to him, “Jacopo, +when will you get out?” and was promptly answered, “When you come in.” +In a sense the prophecy proved true, for one of the first acts of +Benedict XI., in December, 1303, was to release Jacopone from both +prison and excommunication.<a name="FNanchor_44_44" id="FNanchor_44_44"></a><a href="#Footnote_44_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a></p> + +<p>Frà Corrado da Offida was another prominent member of the Spiritual +group. He had been a friend of John of Parma; for fifty-five years he +wore but a single gown, patched and repatched as necessity required, and +this with his rope girdle constituted his sole worldly possessions. In +the mystic exaltation which characterized the sect he had frequent +visions and ecstasies, in which he was lifted from the ground after the +fashion of the saints. When Liberato and his companions were in their +Achaian refuge he designed joining them with Jacopo de’ Monti and +others, but the execution of the project was in some way prevented.<a name="FNanchor_45_45" id="FNanchor_45_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_45_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_042" id="page_042"></a>{42}</span></p> + +<p>Such men, filled with the profoundest conviction of their holy calling, +were not to be controlled by either kindness or severity. It was in vain +that the general, Giovanni di Murro, at the chapter of 1302, held in +Genoa, issued a precept deploring the abandonment, by the Order, of holy +poverty, as shown by the possession of lands and farms and vineyards, +and the assumption by friars of duties which involved them in worldly +cares and strife and litigation. He ordered the sale of all property, +and forbade the members of the Order from appearing in any court. Yet +while he was thus rigid as to the ownership of property, he was lax as +to its use, and condemned as pernicious the doctrine that the vow of +poverty involved restriction in its enjoyment. He was, moreover, +resolved on extinguishing the schism in the Order, and his influence +with Boniface was one of the impelling causes of the continued +persecution of the Spirituals. They stubbornly rejected all attempts at +reconciliation, and placed a true estimate on these efforts of reform. +Before the year was out Giovanni was created Cardinal Bishop of Porto, +and was allowed to govern the Order through a vicar; the reforms were +partially enforced in some provinces for a short time; then they fell +into desuetude, and matters went on as before.<a name="FNanchor_46_46" id="FNanchor_46_46"></a><a href="#Footnote_46_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a></p> + +<p> </p> + +<p>In France, where the influence of Joachim and the Everlasting Gospel was +much more lasting and pronounced than in Italy, the career of the +Spirituals revolves around one of the most remarkable personages of the +period—Pierre Jean Olivi. Born in 1247, he was placed in the Franciscan +Order at the age of twelve, and was trained in the University of Paris, +where he obtained the baccalaureate. His grave demeanor, seasoned with a +lively wit, his irreproachable morals, his fervid eloquence, and the +extent of his learning won for him universal respect, while his piety, +gentleness, humility, and zeal for holy poverty gained for him a +reputation for sanctity which assigned to him the gift of prophecy. That +such a man should attach himself to the Spirituals was a matter of +course, and equally so was the enmity which he excited by unsparing +reproof of the laxity of observance into which the Order had declined. +In his voluminous writings he taught that absolute<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_043" id="page_043"></a>{43}</span> poverty is the +source of all the virtues and of a saintly life; that the Rule +prohibited all proprietorship, whether individual or in common, and that +the vow bound the members to the most sparing use of all necessaries, +the meanest garments, the absence of shoes, etc., while the pope had no +power to dispense or absolve, and much less to order anything contrary +to the Rule. The convent of Béziers, to which he belonged, became the +centre of the Spiritual sect, and the devotion which he excited was +shared by the population at large, as well as by his brethren. The +temper of the man was shown when he underwent his first rebuke. In 1278 +some writings of his in praise of the Virgin were considered to trench +too closely on Mariolatry. The Order had not yet committed itself to +this, and complaint was made to the general, Geronimo d’Ascoli, +afterwards Nicholas IV., who read the tracts and condemned him to burn +them with his own hands. Olivi at once obeyed without any sign of +perturbation, and when his wondering brethren asked how he could endure +such mortification so tranquilly, he replied that he had performed the +sacrifice with a thoroughly placid mind; he had not felt more pleasure +in writing the tracts than in burning them at the command of his +superior, and the loss was nothing, for if necessary he could easily +write them again in better shape. A man so self-centred and +imperturbable could not fail to impress his convictions on those who +surrounded him.<a name="FNanchor_47_47" id="FNanchor_47_47"></a><a href="#Footnote_47_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a></p> + +<p>What his convictions really were is a problem not easily solved at the +present day. The fierce antagonisms which he excited by his fiery +onslaughts on individuals as well as on the general laxity of the Order +at large, caused his later years to be passed in a series of +investigations for heresy. At the general chapter of Strassburg, in +1282, his writings were ordered to be examined. In 1283 Bonagrazia di S. +Giovanni, the general, came to France, collected and placed them all in +the hands of seven of the leading members of the Order, who found in +them propositions which they variously<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_044" id="page_044"></a>{44}</span> characterized as false, +heretical, presumptuous, and dangerous, and ordered the tracts +containing them to be surrendered by all possessing them. Olivi +subscribed to the judgment in 1284, although he complained that he had +not been permitted to appear in person before his judges and explain the +censured passages, to which distorted meanings had been applied. With +some difficulty he procured copies of his inculpated writings and +proceeded to justify himself. Still the circle of his disciples +continued to increase; incapable of the self-restraint of their master, +and secretly imbued with Joachitic doctrines, they were not content with +the quiet propagation of their principles, but excited tumults and +seditions. Olivi was held responsible. The chapter held at Milan in 1285 +elected as general minister Arlotto di Prato, one of the seven who had +condemned him, and issued a decree ordering a strict perquisition and +seizure of his writings. The new general, moreover, summoned him to +Paris for another inquisition into his faith, of which the promoters +were two of the members of the previous commission, Richard Middleton +and Giovanni di Murro, the future general. The matter was prolonged +until 1286, when Arlotto died, and nothing was done. Matteo +d’Acquasparta vouched for his orthodoxy in appointing him teacher in the +general school of the Order at Florence. Raymond Gaufridi, who succeeded +Matteo d’Acquasparta in 1290, was a friend and admirer of Olivi, but +could not prevent fresh proceedings, though he appointed him teacher at +Montpellier. Excitement in Languedoc had reached a point which led +Nicholas IV., in 1290, to order Raymond to suppress the disturbers of +the peace. He commissioned Bertrand de Cigotier, Inquisitor of the +Comtat Venaissin, to investigate and report, in order that the matter +might be brought before the next general chapter, to be held in Paris. +In 1292, accordingly, Olivi appeared before the chapter, professed his +acceptance of the bull <i>Exiit qui seminat</i>, asserted that he had never +intentionally taught or written otherwise, and revoked and abjured +anything that he might inadvertently have said in contradiction of it. +He was dismissed in peace, but twenty-nine of his zealous and headstrong +followers, whom Bertrand de Cigotier had found guilty, were duly +punished. His few remaining years seem to have passed in comparative +peace. Two letters written in 1295, one to Corrado da Offida and the +other to the sons of Charles II. of Naples, then<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_045" id="page_045"></a>{45}</span> held as hostages in +Catalonia, who had asked him to visit them, show that he was held in +high esteem, that he desired to curb the fanatic zeal of the more +advanced Spirituals, and that he could not restrain himself from +apocalyptic speculation. On his death-bed, in 1298, he uttered a +confession of faith in which he professed absolute submission to the +Roman Church and to Boniface as its head. He also submitted all his +works to the Holy See, and made a declaration of principles as to the +matters in dispute within the Order, which contained nothing that +Bonaventura would not have signed, or Nicholas III. would have impugned +as contrary to the bull <i>Exiit</i>, although it sharply rebuked the +money-getting practices and relaxation of the Order.<a name="FNanchor_48_48" id="FNanchor_48_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_48_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a></p> + +<p>He was honorably buried at Narbonne, and then the controversy over his +memory became more lively than ever, rendering it almost impossible to +determine his responsibility for the opinions which were ascribed to him +by both friends and foes. That his bones became the object of assiduous +cult, in spite of repeated prohibitions, that innumerable miracles were +worked at his tomb, that crowds of pilgrims flocked to it, that his +feast-day became one of the great solemnities of the year, and that he +was regarded as one of the most efficient saints in the calendar, only +shows the popular estimate of his virtues and the zeal of those who +regarded<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_046" id="page_046"></a>{46}</span> themselves as his disciples. Certain it is that the Council of +Vienne, in 1312, treated his memory with great gentleness. While it +condemned with merciless severity the mystic extravagances of the +Brethren of the Free Spirit, it found only four errors to note in the +voluminous writings of Olivi—errors of merely speculative interest, +such as are frequent among the schoolmen of the period—and these it +pointed out without attributing them to him or even mentioning his name. +These his immediate followers denied his holding, although eventually +one of them, curiously enough, became a sort of shibboleth among the +Olivists. It was that Christ was still alive on the cross when pierced +by the lance, and was based on the assertion that the relation in +Matthew originally differed in this respect from that in John, and had +been altered to secure harmony. All other questions relating to the +teachings of Olivi the council referred to the Franciscans for +settlement, showing that they were deemed of minor importance, after +they had been exhaustively debated before it by Bonagrazia da Bergamo in +attack and Ubertino da Casale in defence. Thus the council condemned +neither his person nor his writings; that the result was held as +vindicating his orthodoxy was seen when, in 1313, his feast-day was +celebrated with unexampled enthusiasm at Narbonne, and was attended by a +concourse equal to that which assembled at the anniversary of the +Portiuncula. Moreover, after the heat of the controversy had passed +away, the subsequent condemnation of his writings by John XXII. was +removed by Sixtus IV., towards the end of the fifteenth century. Olivi’s +teachings may therefore fairly be concluded to have contained no very +revolutionary doctrines. In fact, shortly after his death all the +Franciscans of Provence were required to sign an abjuration of his +errors, among which was enumerated the one respecting the wound of +Christ, but nothing was said respecting the graver aberrations +subsequently attributed to him.<a name="FNanchor_49_49" id="FNanchor_49_49"></a><a href="#Footnote_49_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_047" id="page_047"></a>{47}</span></p> + +<p>On the other hand he was unquestionably the heresiarch of the +Spirituals, both of France and Italy, regarded by them as the direct +successor of Joachim and Francis. The <i>Historia Tribulationum</i> finds in +the pseudo-Joachitic prophecies a clear account of all the events in his +career. Enthusiastic Spirituals, who held the revolutionary doctrines of +the Everlasting Gospel, testified before the Inquisition that the third +age of the Church had its beginning in Olivi, who thus supplanted St. +Francis himself. He was inspired of heaven; his doctrine had been +revealed to him in Paris, some said, while he was washing his hands; +others that the illumination came to him from Christ while in church, at +the third hour of the day. Thus his utterances were of equal authority +with those of St. Paul, and were to be obeyed by the Church without the +change of a letter. It is no wonder that he was held accountable for the +extravagances of those who regarded him with such veneration and +recognized him as their leader and teacher.<a name="FNanchor_50_50" id="FNanchor_50_50"></a><a href="#Footnote_50_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a></p> + +<p>When Olivi died, his former prosecutor, Giovanni di Murro, was general +of the Order, and, strong as were his own ascetic convictions, he lost +no time in completing the work which he had previously failed to +accomplish. Olivi’s memory was condemned as that of a heretic, and an +order was issued for the surrender of all his writings, which was +enforced with unsparing rigor, and continued by his successor, Gonsalvo +de Balboa. Pons Botugati, a friar eminent for piety and eloquence, +refused to surrender for burning some of the prohibited tracts, and was +chained closely to the wall in a damp and fetid dungeon, where bread and +water were sparingly flung to him, and where he soon rotted to death in +filth, so that when his body was hastily thrust into an unconsecrated +grave it was found that already the flesh was burrowed through by worms. +A number of other recalcitrants were also imprisoned with almost equal +harshness, and in the next general chapter the reading of all of Olivi’s +works was formally prohibited. That much incendiary matter was in +circulation, attributed directly or indirectly to him, is shown by a +catalogue of Olivist tracts, treating of such dangerous questions as the +power of the pope to<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_048" id="page_048"></a>{48}</span> dispense from vows, his right to claim implicit +obedience in matters concerning faith and morals, and other similar +muttering of rebellion.<a name="FNanchor_51_51" id="FNanchor_51_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_51_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a></p> + +<p>The work of Olivi which called forth the greatest discussion, and as to +which the evidences are peculiarly irreconcilable, was his Postil on the +Apocalypse. It was from this that the chief arguments were drawn for his +condemnation. In an inquisitorial sentence of 1318 we learn that his +writings were then again under examination by order of John XXII.; that +they were held to be the source of all the errors which the sectaries +were then expiating at the stake, and that principal among them was his +work on the Apocalypse, so that, until the papal decision, no one was to +hold him as a saint or a Catholic. When the condemnatory report of eight +masters of theology came, in 1319, the Spirituals held that the outrage +thus committed on the faith deprived of all virtue the sacrament of the +altar. No formal judgment was rendered, however, until February 8, 1326, +when John XXII. finally condemned the Postil on the Apocalypse after a +careful scrutiny in the Consistory, and the general chapter of the Order +forbade any one to read or possess it. One of the reports of the experts +upon it has reached us. It is impossible to suppose that they +deliberately manufactured the extracts on which their conclusions are +based, and these extracts are quite sufficient to show that the work was +an echo of the most dangerous doctrines of the Everlasting Gospel. The +fifth age is drawing to an end, and, under the figure of the mystical +Antichrist, there are prophecies about the pseudo-pope, pseudo-Christs, +and pseudo-prophets in terms which clearly allude to the existing +hierarchy. The pseudo-pope will be known by his heresies concerning the +perfection of evangelical poverty (as we shall see was the case with +John XXII.), and the pseudo-Joachim’s prophecies concerning Frederic II. +are quoted to show how prelates and clergy who defend the Rule will be +ejected. The carnal church is the Great Whore of Babylon; it makes +drunken and<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_049" id="page_049"></a>{49}</span> corrupts the nations with its carnalities, and oppresses +the few remaining righteous, as under Paganism it did with its +idolatries. In forty generations from the harvest of the apostles there +will be a new harvest of the Jews and of the whole world, to be garnered +by the Evangelical Order, to which all power and authority will be +transferred. There are to be a sixth and a seventh age, after which +comes the Day of Judgment. The date of this latter cannot be computed, +but at the end of the thirteenth century the sixth age is to open. The +carnal church, or Babylon, will expire, and the triumph of the spiritual +church will commence.<a name="FNanchor_52_52" id="FNanchor_52_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_52_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a></p> + +<p>It has been customary for historians to assume that this resurrection of +the Everlasting Gospel was Olivi’s work, though it is evident from the +closing years of his career that he could not have been guilty of +uttering such inflammatory doctrines, and this is confirmed by the +silence of the Council of Vienne concerning them, although it condemned +his other trifling errors after a thorough debate on the subject by his +enemies and friends. In fact, Bonagrazia, in the name of the +Conventuals, bitterly attacked his memory and adduced a long list of his +errors, including cursorily certain false and fantastic prophecies in +the Postil on the Apocalypse and his stigmatizing the Church as the +Great Whore. Had such passages as the above existed they would have been +set forth at length and defence would have been impossible. Ubertino in +reply, however, boldly characterized the assertion as most mendacious +and impious; Olivi, he declared, had always spoken most reverently of +the Church and Holy See; the Postil itself closed with a submission to +the Roman Church as the universal mistress, and in the body of the work +the Holy See was repeatedly alluded to as the seat of God and of Christ; +the Church Militant and the Church Triumphant are spoken of as the seats +of God which will last to the end, while the reprobate are Babylon and +the Great Whore. It is impossible that Ubertino can have quoted these +passages falsely, for Bonagrazia would have readily overwhelmed him with +confusion, and the Council of Vienne would have rendered a far different +judgment. We know from undoubted sources that<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_050" id="page_050"></a>{50}</span> the revolutionary +doctrines commonly attributed to Olivi were entertained by those who +considered themselves and were considered to be his disciples, and we +can only assume that in their misguided zeal they interpolated his +Postil, and gave to their own mystic dreams the authority of his great +name.<a name="FNanchor_53_53" id="FNanchor_53_53"></a><a href="#Footnote_53_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a></p> + +<p>After the death of Olivi the Franciscan officials seem to have felt +themselves unable to suppress the sect which was spreading and +organizing throughout Languedoc. For some reason not apparent, unless it +may have been jealousy of the Dominicans, the aid of the Inquisition was +not called in, and the inquisitors withheld their hands from offenders +of the rival Order. The regular church authorities, however, were +appealed to, and in 1299 Gilles, Archbishop of Narbonne, held at Béziers +a provincial synod, in which were condemned the Beguines of both sexes +who under the lead of learned men of an honorable Order (the +Franciscans) engaged in religious exercises not prescribed by the +Church, wore vestments distinguishing them from other folk, performed +novel penances and abstinences, administered vows of chastity, often not +observed, held nocturnal conventicles, frequented heretics, and +proclaimed that the end of the world was at hand, and that already the +reign of Antichrist had begun. From them many scandals had already +arisen, and there was danger of more and greater troubles. The bishops +were therefore ordered, in their several dioceses, to investigate these +sectaries closely and to suppress them. We see from this that there was +rapidly growing up a new heresy based upon the Everlasting Gospel, with +the stricter Franciscans as a nucleus, but extending among the people. +For this popular propaganda the Tertiary Order afforded peculiar +facilities, and we shall find hereafter that the Beguines, as they were +generally called, were to a great extent Tertiaries, when not full +members of the Order. There was nothing, however, to tempt the cupidity<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_051" id="page_051"></a>{51}</span> +of the episcopal officials to the prosecution of those whose principal +belief consisted in the renunciation of all worldly goods, and it is not +likely that they showed themselves more diligent in their duties than we +have seen them when greater interests were at stake. The action of the +council may therefore be safely assumed as wasted, except as justifying +persecution within the Order. The lay Beguines doubtless enjoyed +practical immunity, while the Spiritual Friars continued to endure the +miseries at the hands of their superiors for which monastic life +afforded such abundant opportunities. Thus, at Villefranche, when +Raymond Auriole and Jean Prime refused to admit that their vows +permitted a liberal use of the things of the world, they were imprisoned +in chains and starved till Raymond died, deprived of the sacraments as a +heretic, and Jean barely escaped with his life.<a name="FNanchor_54_54" id="FNanchor_54_54"></a><a href="#Footnote_54_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a></p> + +<p> </p> + +<p>Thus passed away the unfortunate thirteenth century—that age of lofty +aspirations unfulfilled, of brilliant dreams unsubstantial as visions, +of hopes ever looking to fruition and ever disappointed. The human +intellect had awakened, but as yet the human conscience slumbered, save +in a few rare souls who mostly paid in disgrace or death the penalty of +their precocious sensitiveness. That wonderful century passed away and +left as its legacy to its successor vast progress, indeed, in +intellectual activity, but on the spiritual side of the inheritance a +dreary void. All efforts to elevate the ideals of man had miserably +failed. Society was harder and coarser, more carnal and more worldly +than ever, and it is not too much to say that the Inquisition had done +its full share to bring this about by punishing aspirations, and by +teaching that the only safety lay in mechanical conformity, regardless +of abuses and unmindful of corruption. The results of that hundred years +of effort and suffering are well symbolized in the two popes with whom +it began and ended—Innocent III. and that pinchbeck Innocent, Boniface +VIII., who, in the popular phrase of the time, came in like a fox, ruled +like a lion, and died like a dog. In intellect and learning Boniface was +superior to his model, in imperious pride his equal, in earnestness, in +self-devotion,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_052" id="page_052"></a>{52}</span> in loftiness of aim, in all that dignifies ambition, +immeasurably his inferior. It is no wonder that the apocalyptic +speculations of Joachim should acquire fresh hold on the minds of those +who could not reconcile the spiritual desert in which they lived with +their conception of the merciful providence of God. To such men it +seemed impossible that he could permit a continuance of the cruel +wickedness which pervaded the Church, and through it infected society at +large. This was plainly beyond the power of a few earnest zealots to +cure, or even to mitigate, so the divine interposition was requisite to +create a new earth, inhabited only by the few virtuous Elect, under a +reign of ascetic poverty and all-embracing love.</p> + +<p>One of the most energetic and impetuous missionaries of these beliefs +was Arnaldo de Vilanova, in some respects, perhaps, the most remarkable +man of his time, whom we have only of late learned to know thoroughly, +from the researches of Señor Pelayo. As a physician he stood unrivalled. +Kings and popes disputed his services, and his voluminous writings on +medicine and hygiene were reprinted in collective editions six times +during the sixteenth century, besides numerous issues of special +treatises. As a chemist he is more doubtfully said to have left his mark +in several useful discoveries. As an alchemist he had the repute of +producing ingots of gold in the court of Robert of Naples, a great +patron of the science, and his treatises on the subject were included in +collections of such works printed as lately as the eighteenth century. A +student of both Arabic and Hebrew, he translated from Costa ben Luca +treatises on incantations, ligatures, and other magic devices. He wrote +on astronomy and on oneiromancy, for he was an expert expounder of +dreams, and also on surveying and wine-making. He draughted laws for +Frederic of Trinacria which that enlightened monarch promulgated and +enforced, and his advice to Frederic and his brother Jayme II. of Aragon +on their duties as monarchs stamps him as a conscientious statesman. +When Jayme applied to him for the explanation of a mysterious dream he +not only satisfied the king with his exposition, but proceeded to warn +him that his chief duty lay in administering justice, first to the poor, +and then to the rich. When asked how often he gave audience to the poor, +Jayme answered, once a week, and also when he rode out for pleasure. +Arnaldo<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_053" id="page_053"></a>{53}</span> sternly reproved him; he was earning damnation; the rich had +access to him every day, morning, noon, and night, the poor but seldom; +he made of God the hog of St. Anthony, which received only the refuse +rejected by all. If he wished to earn salvation he must devote himself +to the welfare of the poor, without which, in spite of the teachings of +the Church, neither psalms, nor masses, nor fasting, nor even alms would +suffice. To Jayme he was not only physician but counsellor, venerable +and much beloved, and he was repeatedly employed on diplomatic missions +by the kings of both Aragon and Sicily.<a name="FNanchor_55_55" id="FNanchor_55_55"></a><a href="#Footnote_55_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a></p> + +<p>Multifarious as were these occupations, they consumed but a portion of +his restless activity. In dedicating to Robert of Naples his treatise on +surveying, he describes himself—</p> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">“Yeu, Arnaut de Vilanova ...<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Doctor en leys et en decrets,<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Et en siensa de strolomia,<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Et en l’art de medicina,<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Et en la santa teulogia”—<br /></span> +</div></div> + +<p class="nind">and, although a layman, married, and a father, his favorite field of +labor was theology, which he had studied with the Dominicans of +Montpellier. In 1292 he commenced with a work on the Tetragrammaton, or +ineffable name of Jehovah, in which he sought to explain by natural +reasons the mystery of the Trinity. Embarked in such speculations he +soon became a confirmed Joachite. To a man of his lofty spiritual +tendencies and tender compassion for his fellows, the wickedness and +cruelty of mankind were appalling, and especially the crimes of the +clergy, among whom he reckoned the Mendicants as the worst. Their vices +he lashed unsparingly, and he naturally fell in with the speculations of +the pseudo-Joachitic writings, anticipating the speedy advent of +Antichrist and the Day of Judgment. In numberless works composed in both +Latin and the vernacular he commented upon and popularized the Joachitic +books, even going so far as to declare that the revelation of Cyril was +more precious than all Scripture. Such a man naturally sympathized with +the persecuted Spirituals. He boldly undertook their defence in sundry +tracts, and when, in 1309, Frederic of Trinacria<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_054" id="page_054"></a>{54}</span> applied to him to +expound his dream, he seized the opportunity to invoke the monarch’s +commiseration for their suffering, by explaining to him how, when they +sought to appeal to the Holy See, their brethren persecuted and slew +them, and how evangelical poverty was treated as the gravest of crimes. +He used his influence similarly at the court of Naples, thus providing +for them, as we shall see, a place of refuge in their necessity.<a name="FNanchor_56_56" id="FNanchor_56_56"></a><a href="#Footnote_56_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a></p> + +<p>With his impulsive temperament it was impossible for him to hold aloof +from the bitter strife then raging. Before the thirteenth century was +out he addressed letters to the Dominicans and Franciscans of Paris and +Montpellier, to the Kings of France and Aragon, and even to the Sacred +College, announcing the approaching end of the world; the wicked +Catholics, and especially the clergy, were the members of the coming +Antichrist. This aroused an active controversy, in which neither party +spared the other. After a war of tracts the Catalan Dominicans formally +accused him before the Bishop of Girona, and he responded that they had +no standing in court, as they were heretics and madmen, dogs and +jugglers, and he cited them to appear before the pope by the following +Lent. It could only have been the royal favor which preserved him from +the fate at the stake of many a less audacious controversialist; and +when, in 1300, King Jayme sent him on a mission to Philippe le Bel, he +boldly laid his work on the advent of Antichrist before the University +of Paris. The theologians looked askance on it, and, in spite of his +ambassadorial immunity, on the eve of his return he was arrested without +warning by the episcopal Official. The Archbishop of Narbonne interposed +in vain, and he was bailed out on security of three thousand livres, +furnished by the Viscount of Narbonne and other friends. Brought before +the masters of theology, he was forced by threats of imprisonment to +recant upon the spot, without being allowed to defend himself, and one +can well believe his statement that one of his most eager judges was a +Franciscan, whose zeal was doubtless inflamed by the portentous +appearance of another Olivi from the prolific South.<a name="FNanchor_57_57" id="FNanchor_57_57"></a><a href="#Footnote_57_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a></p> + +<p>A formal appeal to Boniface was followed by a personal visit<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_055" id="page_055"></a>{55}</span> to the +papal court. Received at first with jeers, his obstinacy provoked +repression. As a relapsed, he might have been burned, but he was only +imprisoned and forced to a second recantation, in spite of which +Philippe le Bel, at the assembty of the Louvre in 1303, in his charges +of heresy against Boniface asserted that the pope had approved a book of +Arnaldo’s which had already been burned by himself and by the University +of Paris. Boniface, in fact, in releasing him, imposed on him silence on +theologic matters, though appreciating his medical skill and appointing +him papal physician. For a while he kept his peace, but a call from +heaven forced him to renewed activity, and he solemnly warned Boniface +of the divine vengeance if he remained insensible to the duty of +averting the wrath to come by a thorough reformation of the Church. The +catastrophe of Anagni soon followed, and Arnaldo, who had left the papal +court, naturally regarded it as a confirmation of his prophecy, and +looked upon himself as an envoy of God. With a fierce denunciation of +clerical corruptions he repeated the warning to Benedict XI., who +responded by imposing a penance on him and seizing all his apocalyptic +tracts. In about a month Benedict, too, was dead, and Arnaldo announced +that a third message would be sent to his successor, “though when and by +whom has not been revealed to me, but I know that if he heeds it divine +power will adorn him with its sublimest gifts; if he rejects it, God +will visit him with a judgment so terrible that it will be a wonder to +all the earth.”<a name="FNanchor_58_58" id="FNanchor_58_58"></a><a href="#Footnote_58_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a></p> + +<p>For some years we know nothing of his movements, although his fertile +pen was busily employed with little intermission, and the Church vainly +endeavored to suppress his writings. In 1305 Fray Guillermo, Inquisitor +of Valencia, excommunicated and ejected from church Gambaldo de Pilis, a +servant of King Jayme, for possessing and circulating them. The king +applied to Guillermo for his reasons, and, on being refused, angrily +wrote to Eymerich, the Dominican general. He declared that Arnaldo’s +writings were<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_056" id="page_056"></a>{56}</span> eagerly read by himself, his queen and his children, by +archbishops and bishops, by the clergy and the laity. He demanded that +the sentence be revoked as uncanonical, else he would punish Fray +Guillermo severely and visit with his displeasure all the Dominicans of +his dominions. It was probably this royal favor which saved Arnaldo when +he came near being burned at Santa Christina, and escaped with no worse +infliction than being stigmatized as a necromancer and enchanter, a +heretic and a pope of the heretics.<a name="FNanchor_59_59" id="FNanchor_59_59"></a><a href="#Footnote_59_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a></p> + +<p>When the persecution of the Spirituals of Provence was at its height, +Arnaldo procured from Charles the Lame of Naples, who was also Count of +Provence, a letter to the general, Gerald, which for a time put a stop +to it. In 1309 we find him at Avignon, on a mission from Jayme II., well +received by Clement V., who prized highly his skill as a physician. He +used effectively this position by secretly persuading the pope to send +for the leaders of the Spirituals, in order to learn from them orally +and in writing of what they complained and what reformation they desired +in their Order. With regard to his own affairs he was not so fortunate. +At a public hearing before the pope and cardinals, in October, 1309, he +predicted the end of the world within the century, and the advent of +Antichrist within its first forty years; he dwelt at much length on the +depravity of clergy and laity, and complained bitterly of the +persecution of those who desired to live in evangelical poverty. All +this was to be expected of him, but he added the incredible indiscretion +of reading a detailed account of the dreams of Jayme II. and Frederic of +Trinacria, their doubts and his explanations and exhortations—matters, +all of them, as sacredly confidential as the confession of a penitent. +Cardinal Napoleone Orsini, the protector of the Spirituals, wrote to +Jayme congratulating him on his piety as revealed by that wise and +illuminated man, inflamed with the love of God, Master Arnaldo, but this +effort to conjure the tempest was unavailing. The Cardinal of Porto and +Ramon Ortiz, Dominican Provincial of Aragon, promptly reported to Jayme +that he and his brother had been represented as wavering in the faith +and as believers in dreams, and advised him no longer to employ as his +envoy such a heretic as Arnaldo. Jayme’s pride was deeply wounded. It +was in vain that Clement<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_057" id="page_057"></a>{57}</span> assured him that he had paid no attention to +Arnaldo’s discourse; the king wrote to the pope and cardinals and to his +brother denying the story of his dream and treating Arnaldo as an +impostor. Frederic was less susceptible: he wrote to Jayme that the +story could do them no harm, and that the real infamy would lie in +abandoning Arnaldo in his hour of peril. Arnaldo took refuge with him, +and not long afterwards was sent by him again to Avignon on a mission, +but perished during the voyage. The exact date of his death is unknown, +but it was prior to February, 1311. For selfish reasons Clement mourned +his loss, and issued a bull announcing that Arnaldo had been his +physician and had promised him a most useful book which he had written; +he had died without doing so, and now Clement summoned any one +possessing the precious volume to deliver it to him.<a name="FNanchor_60_60" id="FNanchor_60_60"></a><a href="#Footnote_60_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a></p> + +<p> </p> + +<p>The interposition of Arnaldo offered to the Spirituals an unexpected +prospect of deliverance. From Languedoc to Venice and Florence they were +enduring the bitterest persecution from their superiors; they were cast +into dungeons where they starved to death, and were exposed to the +infinite trials for which monastic life afforded such abundant +opportunities, when Arnaldo persuaded Clement to make an energetic +effort to heal the schism in the Order and to silence the accusations +which the Conventuals brought against their brethren. An occasion was +found in an appeal from the citizens of Narbonne setting forth that the +books of Olivi had been unjustly condemned, that the Rule of the Order +was disregarded, and those who observed it were persecuted, and further +praying that a special cult of Olivi’s remains might be permitted. A +commission of important personages was formed to investigate the faith +of Angelo da Clarino and his disciples, who still dwelt in the +neighborhood of Rome, and who were pronounced good Catholics. Such +leading Spirituals as Raymond Gaufridi, the former general, Ubertino da +Casale, the intellectual leader of the sect, Raymond de Giniac, former +Provincial of Aragon, Gui de Mirepoix, Bartolommeo Sicardi, and others +were summoned to Avignon,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_058" id="page_058"></a>{58}</span> where they were ordered to draw up in writing +the points which they deemed requisite for the reformation of the Order. +To enable them to perform this duty in safety they were taken under +papal protection by a bull which shows in its minute specifications how +real were the perils incurred by those who sought to restore the Order +to its primitive purity. Apparently stimulated by these warnings, the +general, Gonsalvo, at the Chapter of Padua in 1310, caused the adoption +of many regulations to diminish the luxury and remove the abuses which +pervaded the Order, but the evil was too deep-seated. He was resolved, +moreover, on reducing the Spirituals to obedience, and the hatred +between the two parties grew bitterer than ever.<a name="FNanchor_61_61" id="FNanchor_61_61"></a><a href="#Footnote_61_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a></p> + +<p>The articles of complaint, thirty-five in number, which the Spirituals +laid before Clement V. in obedience to his commands formed a terrible +indictment of the laxity and corruption which had crept into the Order. +It was answered but feebly by the Conventuals, partly by denying its +allegations, partly by dialectical subtleties to prove that the Rule did +not mean what it said, and partly by accusing the Spirituals of heresy. +Clement appointed a commission of cardinals and theologians to hear both +sides. For two years the contest raged with the utmost fury. During its +continuance Raymond Gaufridi, Gui de Mirepoix, and Bartolommeo Sicardi +died—poisoned by their adversaries, according to one account, worn out +with ill-treatment and insult according to another. Clement had +temporarily released the delegates of the Spirituals from the +jurisdiction of their enemies, who had the audacity, March 1, 1311, to +enter a formal protest against his action, alleging that they were +excommunicated heretics under trial, who could not be thus protected. In +this prolonged discussion the opposing leaders were Ubertino da Casale +and Bonagrazia (Boncortese<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_059" id="page_059"></a>{59}</span>) da Bergamo. The former, while absorbed in +devotion on Mont’ Alverno, the scene of St. Francis’s transfiguration, +had been anointed by Christ and raised to a lofty degree of spiritual +insight. His reputation is illustrated by the story that while laboring +with much success in Tuscany he had been summoned to Rome by Benedict +XI. to answer some accusations brought against him. Soon afterwards the +people of Perugia sent a solemn embassy to the pope with two +requests—one that Ubertino be restored to them, the other that the pope +and cardinals would reside in their city—whereat Benedict smiled and +said, “I see you love us but a little, since you prefer Fra Ubertino to +us.” He was a Joachite, moreover, who did not hesitate to characterize +the abdication of Celestin as a horrible innovation, and the accession +of Boniface as a usurpation. Bonagrazia was perhaps superior to his +opponent in learning and not his inferior in steadfast devotion to what +he deemed the truth, though Ubertino characterized him as a lay novice, +skilled in the cunning tricks of the law. We shall see hereafter his +readiness to endure persecution in defence of his own ideal of poverty; +and the antagonism of two such men upon the points at issue between them +is the most striking illustration of the impracticable nature of the +questions which raised so heated a strife and cost so much blood.<a name="FNanchor_62_62" id="FNanchor_62_62"></a><a href="#Footnote_62_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a></p> + +<p>The Spirituals failed in their efforts to obtain a decree of separation +which should enable them, in peace, to live according to their +interpretation of the Rule, but in other respects the decision of the +commission was wholly in their favor, in spite of the persistent effort +of the Conventuals to divert attention from the real questions at issue +to the assumed errors of Olivi. Clement accepted the decision, and in +full consistory, in presence of both parties, ordered them to live in +mutual love and charity, to bury the past in oblivion, and not to insult +each other for past differences. Ubertino replied, “Holy Father, they +call us heretics and defenders of heresy; there are whole books full of +this in your archives and those of the Order. They must either allege +these things<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_060" id="page_060"></a>{60}</span> and let us defend ourselves, or they must recall them. +Otherwise there can be no peace between us.” To this Clement rejoined, +“We declare as pope, that from what has been stated on both sides before +us, no one ought to call you heretics and defenders of heresy. What +exists to that effect in our archives or elsewhere we wholly erase and +pronounce to be of no validity against you.” The result was seen in the +Council of Vienne (1311-12), which adopted the canon known as <i>Exivi de +Paradiso</i>, designed to settle forever the controversy which had lasted +so long. Angelo da Clarino declares that this was based wholly upon the +propositions of Ubertino; that it was the crowning victory of the +Spirituals, and his heart overflows with joy when he communicates the +good news to his brethren. It determined, he says, eighty questions +concerning the interpretation of the Rule; hereafter those who serve the +Lord in hermitages and are obedient to their bishops are secured against +molestation by any person. The inquisitors, he further stated, were +placed under control of the bishops, which he evidently regarded as a +matter of special importance, for in Provence and Tuscany the +Inquisition was Franciscan, and thus in the hands of the Conventuals. We +have seen that Clement delayed issuing the decrees of the council. He +was on the point of doing so, after careful revision, when his death, in +1314, followed by a long interregnum, caused a further postponement. +John XXII. was elected in August, 1316, but he, too, desired time for +further revision, and it was not until November, 1317, that the canons +were finally issued. That they underwent change in this process is more +than probable, and the canon <i>Exici de Paradiso</i> was on a subject +peculiarly provocative of alteration. As it has reached us it certainly +does not justify Angelo’s pæan of triumph. It is true that it insists on +a more rigid compliance with the Rule. It forbids the placing of coffers +in churches for the collection of money; it pronounces the friars +incapable of enjoying inheritances; it deprecates the building of +magnificent churches, and convents which are rather palaces; it +prohibits the acquisition of extensive gardens and great vineyards, and +even the storing up of granaries of corn and cellars of wine where the +brethren can live from day to day by beggary; it declares that whatever +is given to the Order belongs to the Church of Rome, and that the friars +have only the use of it, for they can hold nothing,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_061" id="page_061"></a>{61}</span> either individually +or in common. In short, it fully justified the complaints of the +Spirituals and interpreted the Rule in accordance with their views, but +it did not, as Angelo claimed, allow them to live by themselves in +peace, and it subjected them to their superiors. This was to remand them +into slavery, as the great majority of the Order were Conventuals, +jealous of the assumption of superior sanctity by the Spirituals, and +irritated by their defeat and by the threatened enforcement of the Rule +in all its rigidity. This spirit was still further inflamed by the +action of the general, Gonsalvo, who zealously set to work to carry out +the reforms prescribed by the canon <i>Exivi</i>. He traversed the various +provinces, pulling down costly buildings and compelling the return of +gifts and legacies to donors and heirs. This excited great indignation +among the laxer brethren, and his speedy death, in 1313, was attributed +to foul play. The election of his successor, Alessandro da Alessandria, +one of the most earnest of the Conventuals, showed that the Order at +large was not disposed to submit quietly to pope and council.<a name="FNanchor_63_63" id="FNanchor_63_63"></a><a href="#Footnote_63_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a></p> + +<p>As might have been expected, the strife between the parties became +bitterer than ever. Clement’s leaning in favor of asceticism is shown by +his canonization, in 1313, of Celestin V., but when the Spirituals +applied to him for protection against their brethren he contented +himself with ordering them to return to their convents and commanding +them to be kindly treated. These commands were disregarded. Mutual +hatreds were too strong for power not to be abused. Clement did his best +to force the Conventuals to submission; as early as July, 1311, he had +ordered Bonagrazia to betake himself to the convent of Valcabrère in +Comminges, and not to leave it without special papal license. At the +same time he summoned before him Guiraud Vallette, the Provincial of +Provence, and fifteen of the principal officials of the Order throughout +the south of France, who were regarded as the leaders in the oppression +of the Spirituals. In public consistory<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_062" id="page_062"></a>{62}</span> he repeated his commands, +scolded them for disobedience and rebellion, dismissed from office those +who had positions, and declared ineligible those who were not officials. +Those whom he ejected he replaced with suitable persons whom he strictly +commanded to preserve the peace and show favor to the sorely afflicted +minority. In spite of this the scandals and complaints continued, until +the general, Alessandro, granted to the Spirituals the three convents of +Narbonne, Béziers, and Carcassonne, and ordered that the superiors +placed over them should be acceptable. The change was not effected +without the employment of force, in which the Spirituals had the +advantage of popular sympathy, and the convents thus favored became +houses of refuge for the discontented brethren elsewhere. Then for a +while there seems to have been quiet, but with Clement’s death, in 1314, +the turmoil commenced afresh. Bonagrazia, under pretext of sickness, +hastened to leave his place of confinement, and joined eagerly in the +renewed disturbance; the dismissed officials again made their influence +felt; the Spirituals complained that they were abused and defamed in +private and in public, pelted with mud and stones, deprived of food and +even of the sacraments, despoiled of their habits, and scattered to +distant places or imprisoned.<a name="FNanchor_64_64" id="FNanchor_64_64"></a><a href="#Footnote_64_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a></p> + +<p>It is possible that Clement might have found some means of dissolving +the bonds between these irreconcilable parties, but for the +insubordination of the Italian Spirituals. These grew impatient during +the long conferences which preceded the Council of Vienne. Subjected to +daily afflictions and despairing of rest within the Order, they eagerly +listened to the advice of a wise and holy man, Canon Martin of Siena, +who assured them that, however few their numbers, they had a right to +secede and elect their own general. Under the lead of Giacopo di San +Gemignano they did so, and effected an independent organization. This +was rank rebellion and greatly prejudiced the case of the Spirituals at +Avignon. Clement would not listen to anything that savored of +concessions to those who thus threw off their pledged obedience. He +promptly sent commissions for their trial, and they were duly +excommunicated<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_063" id="page_063"></a>{63}</span> as schismatics and rebels, founders of a superstitious +sect, and disseminators of false and pestiferous doctrines. Persecution +against them raged more furiously than ever. In some places, supported +by the laity, they ejected the Conventuals from their houses and +defended themselves by force of arms, disregarding the censures of the +Church which were lavished on them. Others made the best of their way to +Sicily, and others again, shortly before Clement’s death, sent letters +to him professing submission and obedience, but the friends of the +Spirituals feared to compromise themselves by even presenting them. +After the accession of John XXII. they made another attempt to reach the +pope, but by that time the Conventuals were in full control and threw +the envoys into prison as excommunicated heretics. Such of them as were +able to do so escaped to Sicily. It is worthy of note that everywhere +the virtues and sanctity of these so-called heretics won for them +popular favor, and secured them protection more or less efficient, and +this was especially the case in Sicily. King Frederic, mindful of the +lessons taught him by Arnaldo de Vilanova, received the fugitives +graciously and allowed them to establish themselves, in spite of +repeated remonstrances on the part of John XXII. There Henry da Ceva, +whom we shall meet again, had already sought refuge from the persecution +of Boniface VIII. and had prepared the way for those who were to follow. +In 1313 there are allusions to a pope named Celestin whom the “Poor Men” +in Sicily had elected, with a college of cardinals, who constituted the +only true Church and who were entitled to the obedience of the faithful. +Insignificant as this movement may have seemed at the time, it +subsequently aided the foundation of the sect known as Fraticelli, who +so long braved with marvellous constancy the unsparing rigor of the +Italian Inquisition.<a name="FNanchor_65_65" id="FNanchor_65_65"></a><a href="#Footnote_65_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a></p> + +<p>Into these dangerous paths of rebellion the original leaders of<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_064" id="page_064"></a>{64}</span> the +Italian Spirituals were not obliged to enter, as they were released from +subjection to the Conventuals, and could afford to remain in obedience +to Rome. Angelo da Clarino writes to his disciples that torment and +death were preferable to separation from the Church and its head; the +pope was the bishop of bishops, who regulated all ecclesiastical +dignities; the power of the keys is from Christ, and submission is due +in spite of persecution. Yet, together with these appeals are others +which show how impracticable was the position created by the belief in +St. Francis as a new evangelist whose Rule was a revelation. If kings or +prelates command what is contrary to the faith, then obedience is due to +God, and death is to be welcomed. Francis placed in the Rule nothing but +what Christ bade him write, and obedience is due to it rather than to +prelates. After the persecution under John XXII. he even quotes a +prophecy attributed to Francis, to the effect that men would arise who +would render the Order odious, and corrupt the whole Church; there would +be a pope not canonically elected who would not believe rightly as to +Christ and the Rule; there would be a split in the Order, and the wrath +of God would visit those who cleaved to error. With clear reference to +John, he says that if a pope condemns evangelical truth as an error he +is to be left to the judgment of Christ and the doctors; if he +excommunicates as heresy the poverty of the Gospel, he is excommunicate +of God and is a heretic before Christ. Yet, though his faith and +obedience were thus sorely tried, Angelo and his followers never +attempted a schism. He died in 1337, worn out with sixty years of +tribulation and persecution—a man of the firmest and gentlest spirit, +of the most saintly aspirations, who had fallen on evil days and had +exhausted himself in the hopeless effort to reconcile the +irreconcilable. Though John XXII. had permitted him to assume the habit +and Rule of the Celestins, he was obliged to live in hiding, with his +abode known only to a few faithful friends and followers, of some of +whom we hear as on trial before the Inquisition as Fraticelli, in 1334. +It was in the desert hermitage of Santa Maria di Aspro in the +Basilicata; but three days before his death a rumor spread that a saint +was dying there, and such multitudes assembled that it was necessary to +place guards at the entrance of his retreat, and admit the people two by +two to gaze on his dying agonies. He shone in miracles, and was finally<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_065" id="page_065"></a>{65}</span> +beatified by the Church, which through the period of two generations had +never ceased to trample on him, but his little congregation, though lost +to sight in the more aggressive energy of the Fraticelli, continued to +exist, even after the tradition of self-abnegation was taken up under +more fortunate auspices by the Observantines, until it was finally +absorbed into the latter in the reorganization of 1517 under Leo X.<a name="FNanchor_66_66" id="FNanchor_66_66"></a><a href="#Footnote_66_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a></p> + +<p> </p> + +<p>In Provence, even before the death of Clement V., there were ardent +spirits, nursing the reveries of the Everlasting Gospel, who were not +satisfied with the victory won at the Council of Vienne. When, in 1311, +the Conventuals assailed the memory of Olivi, one of their accusations +was that he had given rise to sects who claimed that his doctrine was +revealed by Christ, that it was of equal authority with the gospel, that +since Nicholas III. the papal supremacy had been transferred to them, +and they consequently had elected a pope of their own. This Ubertino did +not deny, but only argued that he knew nothing of it; that if it were +true Olivi was not responsible, as it was wholly opposed to his +teaching, of which not a word could be cited in support of such +insanity. Yet, undoubtedly there were sectaries calling themselves +disciples of Olivi among whom the revolutionary leaven was working, and +they could recognize no virtue or authority in the carnal and worldly +Church. In 1313 we hear of a Frère Raymond Jean, who, in a public sermon +at Montréal, prophesied that they would suffer persecution for the +faith, and when, after the sermon, he was asked what he meant, boldly +replied in the presence of several persons, “The enemies of the faith +are among ourselves. The Church which governs us is symbolled by the +Great Whore of the Apocalypse, who persecutes the poor and the ministers +of Christ. You see we do not dare to walk openly before our brethren.” +He added that the only true pope was Celestin, who had been elected in +Sicily, and his organization was the only true Church.<a name="FNanchor_67_67" id="FNanchor_67_67"></a><a href="#Footnote_67_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a></p> + +<p>Thus the Spirituals were by no means a united body. When<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_066" id="page_066"></a>{66}</span> once the +trammels of authority had been shaken off, there was among them too much +individuality and too ardent a fanaticism for them to reach precisely +the same convictions, and they were fractioned into little groups and +sects which neutralized what slender ability they might otherwise have +had to give serious trouble to the powerful organization of the +hierarchy. Yet, whether their doctrines were submissive like those of +Angelo, or revolutionary like those of Raymond Jean, they were all +guilty of the unpardonable crime of independence, of thinking for +themselves where thought was forbidden, and of believing in a higher law +than that of papal decretals. Their steadfastness was soon to be put to +the test. In 1314 the general, Alessandro, died, and after an interval +of twenty months Michele da Cesena was chosen as his successor. To the +chapter of Naples which elected him the Spirituals of Narbonne sent a +long memorial reciting the wrongs and afflictions which they had endured +since the death of Clement had deprived them of papal protection. The +nomination of Michele might seem to be a victory over the Conventuals. +He was a distinguished theologian, of resolute and unbending temper, and +resolved on enforcing the strict observance of the Rule. Within three +months of his election he issued a general precept enjoining rigid +obedience to it. The vestments to be worn were minutely prescribed, +money was not to be accepted except in case of absolute necessity; no +fruits of the earth were to be sold; no splendid buildings to be +erected; meals were to be plain and frugal; the brethren were never to +ride, nor even to wear shoes except under written permission of their +convents when exigency required it. The Spirituals might hope that at +last they had a general after their own heart, but they had +unconsciously drifted away from obedience, and Michele was resolved that +the Order should be a unit, and that all wanderers should be driven back +into the fold.<a name="FNanchor_68_68" id="FNanchor_68_68"></a><a href="#Footnote_68_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a></p> + +<p>A fortnight before the issuing of this precept the long interregnum of +the papacy had been closed by the election of John XXII. There have been +few popes who have so completely embodied the ruling tendencies of their +time, and few who have exerted so large an influence on the Church, for +good or for evil.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_067" id="page_067"></a>{67}</span> Sprung from the most humble origin, his abilities and +force of character had carried him from one preferment to another, until +he reached the chair of St. Peter. He was short in stature but robust in +health, choleric and easily moved to wrath, while his enmity once +excited was durable, and his rejoicing when his foes came to an evil end +savored little of the Christian pastor. Persistent and inflexible, a +purpose once undertaken was pursued to the end regardless of opposition +from friend or enemy. He was especially proud of his theologic +attainments, ardent in disputation, and impatient of opposition. After +the fashion of the time he was pious, for he celebrated mass almost +every day, and almost every night he arose to recite the Office or to +study. Among his good works is enumerated a poetical description of the +Passion of Christ, concluding with a prayer, and he gratified his vanity +as an author by proclaiming many indulgences as a reward to all who +would read it through. His chief characteristics, however, were ambition +and avarice. To gratify the former he waged endless wars with the +Visconti of Milan, in which, as we are assured by a contemporary, the +blood shed would have incarnadined the waters of Lake Constance, and the +bodies of the slain would have bridged it from shore to shore. As for +the latter, his quenchless greed displayed an exhaustless fertility of +resource in converting the treasures of salvation into current coin. He +it was who first reduced to a system the “Taxes of the Penitentiary,” +which offered absolution at fixed prices for every possible form of +human wickedness, from five grossi for homicide or incest, to +thirty-three grossi for ordination below the canonical age. Before he +had been two years in the papacy he arrogated to himself the +presentation to all the collegiate benefices in Christendom, under the +convenient pretext of repressing simony, and then from their sale we are +told that he accumulated an immense treasure. Another still more +remunerative device was the practice of not filling a vacant episcopate +from the ranks, but establishing a system of promotion from a poorer see +to a richer one, and thence to archbishoprics, so that each vacancy gave +him the opportunity of making numerous changes and levying tribute on +each. Besides these regular sources of unhallowed gains he was fertile +in special expedients, as when, in 1326, needing money for his Lombard +wars, he applied to Charles le Bel for authority to levy a subsidy on +the churches of France,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_068" id="page_068"></a>{68}</span> Germany being for the time cut off by his +quarrel with Louis of Bavaria. Charles at first refused, but finally +agreed to divide the spoils, and granted the power in consideration of a +papal grant to him of a tithe for two years—as a contemporary remarks, +“<i>et ainsi sainete yglise, quant l’un le tont, l’autre l’escorche</i>.” +John proceeded to extort a large sum; from some he got a full tithe, +from others a half, from others again as much as he could extract, while +all who held benefices under papal authority had to pay a full year’s +revenue. His excuse for this insatiable acquisitiveness was that he +designed the money for a crusade, but as he lived to be a nonagenary +without executing that design, the contemporary Villani is perhaps +justified in the cautious remark—“Possibly he had such intention.” +Though for the most part parsimonious, he spent immense sums in +advancing the fortunes of his nephew—or son—the Cardinal-legate Poyet, +who was endeavoring to found a principality in the north of Italy. He +lavished money in making Avignon a permanent residence for the papacy, +though it was reserved for Benedict XII. to purchase and enlarge the +enormous palace-fortress of the popes. Yet after his death, when an +inventory of his effects came to be made, there was found in his +treasury eighteen millions of gold florins, and jewels and vestments +estimated at seven millions more. Even in mercantile Florence, the sum +was so incomprehensible that Villani, whose brother was one of the +appraisers, feels obliged to explain that each million is a thousand +thousands. When we reflect upon the comparative poverty of the period +and the scarcity of the precious metals, we can estimate how great an +amount of suffering was represented by such an accumulation, wrung as it +was, in its ultimate source, from the wretched peasantry, who gleaned at +the best an insufficient subsistence from imperfect agriculture. We can, +perhaps, moreover, imagine how, in its passage to the papal treasury, it +represented so much of simony, so much of justice sold or denied to the +wretched litigants in the curia, so much of purgatory remitted, and of +pardons for sins to the innumerable applicants for a share of the +Church’s treasury of salvation.<a name="FNanchor_69_69" id="FNanchor_69_69"></a><a href="#Footnote_69_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_069" id="page_069"></a>{69}</span></p> + +<p>The permanent evil which he wrought by his shameless traffic in +benefices, and the reputation which he left behind him, are visible in +the bitter complaints which were made at the Council of Siena, a century +later, by the deputies of the Gallican nation. They refer to his +pontificate as that in which the Holy See reserved all benefices to +itself, when graces, expectatives, etc., were publicly sold to the +highest bidder, without regard to qualification, so that in France many +benefices were utterly ruined by reason of the insupportable burdens +laid upon them. It is no wonder, therefore, that when St. Birgitta of +Sweden was applied to, in the latter half of the fourteenth century, by +some Franciscans to learn whether John’s decretals on the subject of the +poverty of Christ were correct, and she was vouchsafed two visions of +the Virgin to satisfy their scruples, the Virgin reported that his +decretals were free from error, but discreetly announced that she was +not at liberty to say whether his soul was in heaven or in hell. Such +was the man to whom the cruel irony of fate committed the settlement of +the delicate scruples which vexed the souls of the Spirituals.<a name="FNanchor_70_70" id="FNanchor_70_70"></a><a href="#Footnote_70_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a></p> + +<p>John had been actively engaged in the proceedings of the Council of +Vienne, and was thoroughly familiar with all the details of the +question. When, therefore, the general, Michele, shortly after his +accession, applied to him to restore unity in the distracted Order, his +imperious temper led him to take speedy and vigorous action. King +Frederic of Trinacria was ordered to seize the refugees in his +dominions, and deliver them to their superiors to be disciplined. +Bertrand de la Tour, the Provincial of Aquitaine, was instructed to +reduce to obedience the rebels of the convents<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_070" id="page_070"></a>{70}</span> of Béziers, Narbonne, +and Carcassonne. Bertrand at first tried persuasion. The outward sign of +the Spirituals was the habit. They wore smaller hoods, and gowns +shorter, narrower, and coarser than the Conventuals; and, holding this +to be in accordance with the precedent set by Francis, it was as much an +article of faith with them as the absence of granaries and wine-cellars +and the refusal to handle money. When he urged them to abandon these +vestments they therefore replied that this was one of the matters in +which they could not render obedience. Then he assumed a tone of +authority under the papal rescript, and they rejoined by an appeal to +the pope better informed, signed by forty-five friars of Narbonne, and +fifteen of Béziers. On receipt of the appeal, John peremptorily ordered, +April 27, 1317, all the appellants to present themselves before him +within ten days, under pain of excommunication. They set forth, +seventy-four in number, with Bernard Délicieux at their head, and on +reaching Avignon did not venture to lodge in the Franciscan convent, but +bivouacked for the night on the public place in front of the papal +doors.<a name="FNanchor_71_71" id="FNanchor_71_71"></a><a href="#Footnote_71_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a></p> + +<p>They were regarded as much more dangerous rebels than the Italian +Spirituals. The latter had already had a hearing in which Ubertino da +Casale confuted the charges brought against them, and he, Goffrido da +Cornone, and Philippe de Caux, while expressing sympathy and readiness +to defend Olivi and his disciples, had plainly let it be seen that they +regarded themselves as not personally concerned with them. John drew the +same distinction; and though Angelo da Clarino was for a while +imprisoned on the strength of an old condemnation by Boniface VIII., he +was soon released and permitted to adopt the Celestin habit and Rule. +Ubertino was told that if he would return for a few days to the +Franciscan convent proper provision would be made for his future. To +this he significantly replied, “After staying with the friars for a +single day I will not require any provision in this world from you or +any one else,” and he was permitted to transfer himself to the +Benedictine Order, as were likewise several others of his comrades. He +had but a temporary respite, however,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_071" id="page_071"></a>{71}</span> and we shall see hereafter that +in 1325 he was obliged to take refuge with Louis of Bavaria.<a name="FNanchor_72_72" id="FNanchor_72_72"></a><a href="#Footnote_72_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a></p> + +<p>The Olivists were not to escape so easily. The day after their arrival +they were admitted to audience. Bernard Délicieux argued their case so +ably that he could only be answered by accusing him of having impeded +the Inquisition, and John ordered his arrest. Then François Sanche took +up the argument, and was accused of having vilified the Order publicly, +when John delivered him to the Conventuals, who promptly imprisoned him +in a cell next to the latrines. Then Guillaume de Saint-Amand assumed +the defence, but the friars accused him of dilapidation and of deserting +the Convent of Narbonne, and John ordered his arrest. Then Geoffroi +attempted it, but John interrupted him, saying, “We wonder greatly that +you demand the strict observance of the Rule, and yet you wear five +gowns.” Geoffroi replied, “Holy Father, you are deceived, for, saving +your reverence, it is not true that I wear five gowns,” John answered +hotly, “Then we lie,” and ordered Geoffroi to be seized until it could +be determined how many gowns he wore. The terrified brethren, seeing +that their case was prejudged, fell on their knees, crying, “Holy +Father, justice, justice!” and the pope ordered them all to go to the +Franciscan convent, to be guarded till he should determine what to do +with them. Bernard, Guillaume, and Geoffroi, and some of their comrades +were subjected to harsh imprisonment in chains by order of the pope. +Bernard’s fate we have already seen. As to the others, an inquisition +was held on them, when all but twenty-five submitted, and were +rigorously penanced by the triumphant Conventuals.<a name="FNanchor_73_73" id="FNanchor_73_73"></a><a href="#Footnote_73_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a></p> + +<p>The twenty-five recalcitrants were handed over to the Inquisition of +Marseilles, under whose jurisdiction they were arrested. The inquisitor +was Frère Michel le Moine, one of those who had been degraded and +imprisoned by Clement V. on account of their zeal in persecuting the +Spirituals. Now he was able to glut his revenge. He had ample warrant +for whatever he might please to do, for John had not waited to hear the +Spirituals before condemning them. As early as February 17, he had +ordered the inquisitors<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_072" id="page_072"></a>{72}</span> of Languedoc to denounce as heretics all who +styled themselves Fraticelli or <i>Fratres de paupere vita</i>. Then, April +13, he had issued the constitution <i>Quorumdam</i>, in which he had +definitely settled the two points which had become the burning questions +of the dispute—the character of vestments to be worn, and the legality +of laying up stores of provisions in granaries, and cellars of wine and +oil. These questions he referred to the general of the Order with +absolute power to determine them. Under Michele’s instructions, the +ministers and guardians were to determine for each convent what amount +of provisions it required, what portion might be stored up, and to what +extent the friars were to beg for it. Such decisions were to be +implicitly followed without thinking or asserting that they derogated +from the Rule. The bull wound up with the significant words, “Great is +poverty, but greater is blamelessness, and perfect obedience is the +greatest good.” There was a hard common-sense about this which may seem +to us even commonplace, but it decided the case against the Spirituals, +and gave them the naked alternative of submission or rebellion.<a name="FNanchor_74_74" id="FNanchor_74_74"></a><a href="#Footnote_74_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a></p> + +<p>This bull was the basis of the inquisitorial process against the +twenty-five recalcitrants. The case was perfectly clear under it, and in +fact all the proceedings of the Spirituals after its issue had been +flagrantly contumacious—their refusal to change their vestments, and +their appeal to the pope better informed. Before handing them over to +the Inquisition they had been brought before Michele da Cesena, and +their statements to him when read before the consistory had been +pronounced heretical and the authors subject to the penalty of heresy. +Efforts of course had been made to secure their submission, but in vain, +and it was not until November 6, 1317, that letters were issued by John +and by Michele da Cesena to the Inquisitor Michel, directing him to +proceed with the trial. Of the details of the process we have no +knowledge, but it is not likely that the accused were spared any of the +rigors customary in such cases, when the desire was to break the spirit +and induce compliance. This is shown, moreover, in the fact that the +proceedings were protracted for exactly six months, the sentence being +rendered on May 7, 1318, and by the further fact that<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_073" id="page_073"></a>{73}</span> most of the +culprits were brought to repentance and abjuration. Only four of them +had the physical and mental endurance to persevere to the last—Jean +Barrani, Déodat Michel, Guillem Sainton, and Pons Rocha—and these were +handed over the same day to the secular authorities of Marseilles and +duly burned. A fifth, Bernard Aspa, who had said in prison that he +repented, but who refused to recant and abjure, was mercifully condemned +to prison for life, though under all inquisitorial rules he should have +shared the fate of his accomplices. The rest were forced to abjure +publicly and to accept the penances imposed by the inquisitor, with the +warning that if they failed to publish their abjuration wherever they +had preached their errors they would be burned as relapsed.<a name="FNanchor_75_75" id="FNanchor_75_75"></a><a href="#Footnote_75_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a></p> + +<p>Although in the sentence the heresy of the victims is said to have been +drawn from the poisoned doctrine of Olivi, and though the inquisitor +issued letters prohibiting any one from possessing or reading his books, +there is no allusion to any Joachite error. It was simply a question of +disobedience to the bull <i>Quorumdam</i>. They affirmed that this was +contrary to the Gospel of Christ, which forbade them to wear garments of +other fashion than that which they had adopted, or to lay up stores of +corn and wine. To this the pope had no authority to compel them; they +would not obey him, and this they declared they would maintain until the +Day of Judgment. Frivolous as the questions at issue undoubtedly were, +it was on the one hand a case of conscience from which reason had long +since been banished by the bitterness of controversy, and on the other +the necessity of authority compelling obedience. If private judgment +were allowed to set aside the commands of a papal decretal, the moral +power of the papacy was gone, and with it all temporal supremacy. Yet, +underlying all this was the old Joachitic leaven which taught that the +Church of Rome had no spiritual authority, and thus that its decrees +were not binding on the elect. When Bernard Délicieux was sent, in 1319, +from Avignon to Castelnaudari for trial, on the road he talked freely +with his escort and made no secret of his admiration for Joachim, even +going so far as to say that he had erased from his copy of the Decretum +the Lateran canon condemning Joachim’s Trinitarian<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_074" id="page_074"></a>{74}</span> error, and that if +he were pope he would abrogate it. The influence of the Everlasting +Gospel is seen in the fact that of those who recanted at Marseilles and +were imprisoned, a number fled to the Infidel, leaving behind them a +paper in which they defiantly professed their faith, and prophesied that +they would return triumphantly after the death of John XXII.<a name="FNanchor_76_76" id="FNanchor_76_76"></a><a href="#Footnote_76_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a></p> + +<p>Thus John, ere yet his pontificate was a year old, had succeeded in +creating a new heresy—that which held it unlawful for Franciscans to +wear flowing gowns or to have granaries and cellars. In the multiform +development of human perversity there has been perhaps none more +deplorably ludicrous than this, that man should burn his fellows on such +a question, or that men should be found dauntless enough to brave the +flames for such a principle, and to feel that they were martyrs in a +high and holy cause. John probably, from the constitution of his mind +and his training, could not understand that men could be so enamoured of +holy poverty as to sacrifice themselves to it, and he could only regard +them as obstinate rebels, to be coerced into submission or to pay the +penalty. He had taken his stand in support of Michele da Cesena’s +authority, and resistance, whether active or passive, only hardened him.</p> + +<p>The bull <i>Quorumdam</i> had created no little stir. A defence of it, +written by an inquisitor of Carcassonne and Toulouse, probably Jean de +Beaune, shows that its novel positions had excited grave doubts in the +minds of learned men, who were not convinced of its orthodoxy, though +not prepared to risk open dissent. There is also an allusion to a priest +who persisted in maintaining the errors which it condemned and who was +handed over to the secular arm,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_075" id="page_075"></a>{75}</span> but who recanted ere the fagots were +lighted and was received to penance. To silence discussion, John +assembled a commission of thirteen prelates and doctors, including +Michele da Cesena, who after due consideration solemnly condemned as +heretical the propositions that the pope had no authority to issue the +bull, and that obedience was not due to prelates who commanded the +laying aside of short and narrow vestments and the storing up of corn +and wine. All this was rapidly creating a schism, and the bull <i>Sancta +Romana</i>, December 30, 1317, and <i>Gloriosam ecclesiam</i>, January 23, 1318, +were directed against those who under the names of Fraticelli, Beguines, +Bizochi, and <i>Fratres de paupere vita</i>, in Sicily, Italy, and the south +of France, were organizing an independent Order under the pretence of +observing strictly the Rule of Francis, receiving multitudes into their +sect, building or receiving houses in gift, begging in public, and +electing superiors. All such are declared excommunicate <i>ipso facto</i>, +and all prelates are commanded to see that the sect is speedily +extirpated.<a name="FNanchor_77_77" id="FNanchor_77_77"></a><a href="#Footnote_77_77" class="fnanchor">[77]</a></p> + +<p>Among the people, the cooler heads argued that if the Franciscan vow +rendered all possession sinful it was not a vow of holiness, for in +things in which use was consumption, such as bread and cheese, use +passed into possession. He who took such a vow, therefore, by the mere +fact of living broke that vow, and could not be in a state of grace. The +supreme holiness of poverty, however, had been so assiduously preached +for a hundred years that a large portion of the population sympathized +with the persecuted Spirituals; many laymen, married and unmarried, +joined them as Tertiaries, and even priests embraced their doctrines. +There speedily grew up a sect, by no means confined to Franciscans, to +replace the fast-vanishing Cathari as an object for the energies of the +Inquisition. It is the old story over again, of persecuted saints with +the familiars ever at their heels, but always finding refuge and +hiding-place at the hands of friendly sympathizers. Pierre Trencavel, a +priest of Béziers, may be taken as an example. His name recurs +frequently in the examinations before the Inquisition as that of one of +the principal leaders of the sect. Caught at last, he was thrown into +the prison of Carcassonne, but managed to escape,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_076" id="page_076"></a>{76}</span> when he was condemned +in an <i>auto de fé</i> as a convicted heretic. Then a purse was raised among +the faithful to send him to the East. After an absence of some years he +returned and was as active as ever, wandering in disguise throughout the +south of France and assiduously guarded by the devotees. What was his +end does not appear, but he probably perished at length at the stake as +a relapsed heretic, for in 1327 we find him and his daughter Andrée in +the pitiless hands of Michel of Marseilles. Jean du Prat, then +Inquisitor of Carcassonne, wanted them, in order to extort from them the +names of their disciples and of those who had sheltered them. Apparently +Michel refused to surrender them, and a peremptory order from John XXII. +was requisite to obtain their transfer. In 1325 Bernard Castillon of +Montpellier confesses to harboring a number of Beguines in his house, +and then to buying a dwelling for them in which he visited them. Another +culprit acknowledges to receiving many fugitives in his house at +Montpellier. There was ample sympathy for them and ample occasion for +it.<a name="FNanchor_78_78" id="FNanchor_78_78"></a><a href="#Footnote_78_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a></p> + +<p>The burning of the four martyrs of Marseilles was the signal for active +inquisitorial work. Throughout all the infected region the Holy Office +bent its energies to the suppression of the new heresy; and as +previously there had been no necessity for concealing opinions, the +suspects were readily laid hold of. There was<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_077" id="page_077"></a>{77}</span> thus an ample harvest, +and the rigor of the inquisition set on foot is shown by the order +issued in February, 1322, by John XXII., that all Tertiaries in the +suspected districts should be summoned to appear and be closely +examined. This caused general terror. In the archives of Florence there +are preserved numerous letters to the papal curia, written in February, +1322, by the magistrates and prelates of the Tuscan cities, interceding +for the Tertiaries, and begging that they shall not be confounded with +the new sect of Beguines. This is doubtless a sample of what was +occurring everywhere, and the all-pervading fear was justified by the +daily increasing roll of martyrs. The test was simple. It was whether +the accused believed that the pope had power to dispense with vows, +especially those of poverty and chastity. As we have seen, it was a +commonplace of the schools, which Aquinas proved beyond cavil, that he +had no such power, and even as recently as 1311 the Conventuals, in +arguing before Clement V., had admitted that no Franciscan could hold +property or take a wife under command from the pope; but things had +changed in the interval, and now those who adhered to the established +doctrine had the alternative of recantation or the stake. Of course but +a small portion of the culprits had the steadfastness to endure to the +end against the persuasive methods which the Inquisition knew so well +how to employ, and the number of the victims who perished shows that the +sect must have been large. Our information is scanty and fragmentary, +but we know that at Narbonne, where the bishops at first endeavored to +protect the unfortunates, until frightened by the threats of the +inquisitors, there were three burned in 1319, seventeen in Lent, 1321, +and several in 1322. At Montpellier, persecution was already active in +1319. At Lunel there were seventeen burned; at Béziers, two at one time +and seven at another; at Pézénas, several, with Jean Formayron at their +head; in Gironde, a number in 1319; at Toulouse, four in 1322, and +others at Cabestaing and Lodève. At Carcassonne there were burnings in +1319, 1320, and 1321, and Henri de Chamay was active there between 1325 +and 1330. A portion of his trials are still extant, with very few cases +of burning, but Mosheim had a list of one hundred and thirteen persons +executed at Carcassonne as Spirituals from 1318 to about 1350. All these +cases were under Dominican inquisitors, and the Franciscans were even +more zealous, if we may believe Wadding’s boast<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_078" id="page_078"></a>{78}</span> that in 1323 there were +one hundred and fourteen burned by Franciscan inquisitors alone. The +Inquisition at Marseilles, in fact, which was in Franciscan hands, had +the reputation of being excessively severe with the recalcitrant +brethren of the Order. In a case occurring in 1329 Frère Guillem de +Salvelle, the Guardian of Béziers, states that their treatment there was +very harsh and the imprisonment of the most rigorous description. +Doubtless Angelo da Clarino has justification for the assertion that the +Conventuals improved their triumph over their antagonists like mad dogs +and wolves, torturing, slaying, and ransoming without mercy. Trivial as +may seem to us the cause of quarrel, we cannot but respect the simple +earnestness which led so many zealots to seal their convictions with +their blood. Many of them, we are told, courted martyrdom and eagerly +sought the flames. Bernard Léon of Montréal was burned for persistently +declaring that, as he had vowed poverty and chastity, he would not obey +the pope if ordered to take a wife or accept a prebend.<a name="FNanchor_79_79" id="FNanchor_79_79"></a><a href="#Footnote_79_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a></p> + +<p>Ferocious persecution such as this of course only intensified the +convictions of the sufferers and their antagonism to the Holy See. So +far as regards the ostensible subject of controversy, we learn from +Pierre Tort, when he was before the Inquisition of Toulouse in 1322, +that it was allowable to lay in stores of corn and wine sufficient for +eight or fifteen days, while of salt and oil there might be provision +for half a year. As to vestments, Michele da Cesena had exercised the +power conferred on him by the bull <i>Quorumdam</i> by issuing, in 1317, a +precept requiring the gown to be made of coarse stuff, reaching down to +cover only half the foot, while the cord was to be of hemp and not of +flax. Although he seems to have left the burning question of the hood +untouched, this regulation might have satisfied reasonable scruples, but +it was a case of conscience which admitted of no compromise. The +Spirituals declared that they were not bound to abandon the still +shorter and<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_079" id="page_079"></a>{79}</span> more ungainly gowns which their tradition attributed to St. +Francis, no matter what might be commanded by pope or general, and so +large was the importance attributed to the question that in the popular +belief the four martyrs of Marseilles were burned because they wore the +mean and tightly-fitting garments which distinguished the +Spirituals.<a name="FNanchor_80_80" id="FNanchor_80_80"></a><a href="#Footnote_80_80" class="fnanchor">[80]</a></p> + +<p>Technically they were right, for, as we have seen above, it had hitherto +been generally admitted that the pope could not dispense for vows; and +when Olivi developed this to the further position that he could not +order anything contrary to an evangelical vow, it was not reckoned among +his errors condemned by the Council of Vienne. While all this, however, +had been admitted as a theoretical postulate, when it came to be set up +against the commands of such a pope as John XXII. it was rebellious +heresy, to be crushed with the sternest measures. At the same time it +was impossible that the sufferers could recognize the authority which +was condemning them to the stake. Men who willingly offered themselves +to be burned because they asserted that the pope had no power to +dispense from the observance of vows; who declared that if there were +but one woman in the world, and if she had taken a vow of chastity, the +pope could give her no valid dispensation, even if it were to prevent +the human race from coming to an end; who asserted that John XXII. had +sinned against the gospel of Christ when he had attempted to permit the +Franciscans to have granaries and cellars; who held that although the +pope might have power over other Orders he had none over that of St. +Francis, because his Rule was divine revelation, and not a word in it +could be altered or erased—such men could only defend themselves +against the pope by denying the source of his authority. All the latent +Joachitic notions which had been dormant were vivified and became the +leading principles of the sect. John XXII., when he issued the bull +<i>Quorumdam</i>, became the mystical Antichrist, the forerunner of the true +Antichrist. The Roman Church was the carnal Church; the Spirituals would +form the new Church, which would fight with Antichrist, and, under the +guidance of the Holy Ghost, would usher in the new age when man would<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_080" id="page_080"></a>{80}</span> +be ruled by love and poverty be universal. Some of them placed this in +1325, others in 1330, others again in fourteen years from 1321. Thus the +scheme of the Everlasting Gospel was formally adopted and brought to +realization. There were two churches—one the carnal Church of Rome, the +Whore of Babylon, the Synagogue of Satan, drunk with the blood of the +saints, over which John XXII. pretended to preside, although he had +forfeited his station and become a heretic of heretics when he consented +to the death of the martyrs of Marseilles. The other was the true +Church, the Church of the Holy Ghost, which would speedily triumph +through the arms of Frederic of Trinacria. St. Francis would be +resurrected in the flesh, and then would commence the third age and the +seventh and last state of mankind. Meanwhile, the sacraments were +already obsolete and no longer requisite for salvation. It is to this +period of frenzied exaltation that we may doubtless attribute the +interpolations of Olivi’s writings.<a name="FNanchor_81_81" id="FNanchor_81_81"></a><a href="#Footnote_81_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a></p> + +<p>This new Church had some sort of organization. In the trial of Naprous +Boneta at Carcassonne, in 1325, there is an allusion to a Frère Guillem +Giraud, who had been ordained by God as pope in place of John XXII., +whose sin had been as great as Adam’s, and who had thus been deposed by +the divine will. There were not lacking saints and martyrs, besides +Francis and Olivi. Fragments of the bodies and bones of those who +perished at the stake were treasured up as relics, and even pieces of +the stakes at which they suffered. These were set before altars in their +houses, or carried about the person as amulets. In this cult, the four +martyrs of Marseilles were pre-eminently honored; their suffrages with +God were as potent as those of St. Laurence or St. Vincent, and in them +Christ had been spiritually crucified on the four arms of the cross. One +poor wretch, who was burned at Toulouse in 1322, had inserted in his +litany the names of seventy Spirituals who had suffered; he invoked them +among the other saints, attaching equal importance to their +intervention; and this was doubtless a customary and recognized form of +devotion. Yet this cult was simpler than that of the orthodox Church, +for it was held that the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_081" id="page_081"></a>{81}</span> saints needed no oblations, and if a man had +vowed a candle to one of them or to the Virgin, or a pilgrimage to +Compostella, it would be better to give to the poor the money that it +would cost.<a name="FNanchor_82_82" id="FNanchor_82_82"></a><a href="#Footnote_82_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a></p> + +<p>The Church composed of these enthusiastic fanatics broke off all +relations with the Italian Spirituals, whose more regulated zeal seemed +lukewarmness and backsliding. The prisoners who were tried by Bernard +Gui in 1322 at Toulouse described the Franciscan Order as divided into +three fragments—the Conventuals, who insisted on having granaries and +cellars, the Fraticelli under Henry da Ceva in Sicily, and the +Spirituals, or Beguines, then under persecution. The two former groups +they said did not observe the Rule and would be destroyed, while their +own sect would endure to the end of the world. Even the saintly and +long-suffering Angelo da Clarino was denounced as an apostate, and there +were hot-headed zealots who declared that he would prove to be the +mystical Antichrist. Others were disposed to assign this doubtful honor, +or even the position of the greater Antichrist, to Felipe of Majorca, +brother of that Ferrand whom we have seen offered the sovereignty of +Carcassonne. Felipe’s thirst for asceticism had led him to abandon his +brother’s court and become a Tertiary of St. Francis. Angelo alludes to +him repeatedly, with great admiration, as worthy to rank with the +ancient perfected saints. In the stormy discussions soon after John’s +accession he had intervened in favor of the Spirituals, petitioning that +they be allowed to form a separate Order. After taking the full vows, he +renewed this supplication in 1328, but it was refused in full +consistory, after which we hear of him wandering over Europe and living +on beggary. In 1341, with the support of Robert of Naples, he made a +third application, which Benedict XII. rejected for the reason that he +was a supporter and defender of the Beguines, whom he had justified +after their condemnation by publicly asserting many enormous heretical +lies about the Holy See. Such were the men whose self-devotion seemed to +these fiery bigots so tepid as to render them objects of +detestation.<a name="FNanchor_83_83" id="FNanchor_83_83"></a><a href="#Footnote_83_83" class="fnanchor">[83]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_082" id="page_082"></a>{82}</span></p> + +<p>The heights of exaltation reached in their religious delirium are +illustrated by the career of Naprous Boneta, who was reverenced in the +sect as an inspired prophetess. As early as 1315 she had fallen into the +hands of the Inquisition at Montpellier, and had been thrown into +prison, to be subsequently released. She and her sister Alissette were +warmly interested in the persecuted Spirituals and gave refuge to many +fugitives in their house. As persecution grew hotter, her exaltation +increased. In 1320 she commenced to have visions and ecstasies, in which +she was carried to heaven and had interviews with Christ. Finally, on +Holy Thursday, 1321, Christ communicated to her the Divine Spirit as +completely as it had been given to the Virgin, saying, “The Blessed +Virgin Mary was the giver of the Son of God: thou shalt be the giver of +the Holy Ghost.” Thus the promises of the Everlasting Gospel were on the +point of fulfilment, and the Third Age was about to dawn. Elijah, she +said, was St. Francis, and Enoch was Olivi; the power granted to Christ +lasted until God gave the Holy Spirit to Olivi, and invested him with as +much glory as had been granted to the humanity of Christ. The papacy has +ceased to exist, the sacraments of the altar and of confession are +superseded, but that of matrimony remains. That of penitence, indeed, +still exists, but it is purely internal, for heartfelt contrition works +forgiveness of sins without sacerdotal intercession or the imposition of +penance. One remark, which she casually made when before her judges, is +noteworthy as manifesting the boundless love and charity of these poor +souls. The Spirituals and lepers, she said, who had been burned were +like the innocents massacred by Herod—it was Satan who procured the +burning of the Spirituals and lepers. This alludes to the hideous +cruelties which, as we have seen, were perpetrated on the lepers in 1321 +and 1322, when the whole of France went mad with terror over a rumored +poisoning of the wells by these outcasts, and when, it seems, the +Spirituals were wise enough and humane enough to sympathize with them +and condemn their murder. Naprous, at length, was brought before Henri +de Chamay,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_083" id="page_083"></a>{83}</span> the Inquisitor of Carcassonne, in 1325. Sincere in the +belief of her divine mission, she spontaneously and fearlessly related +her history and stated her faith, and in her replies to her examiners +she was remarkably quick and intelligent. When her confession was read +over to her she confirmed it, and to all exhortations to retract she +quietly answered that she would live and die in it as the truth. She was +accordingly handed over to the secular arm and sealed her convictions +with her blood.<a name="FNanchor_84_84" id="FNanchor_84_84"></a><a href="#Footnote_84_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a></p> + +<p>Extravagances of belief such as this were not accompanied with +extravagance of conduct. Even Bernard Gui has no fault to find with the +heretics’ mode of life, except that the school of Satan imitated the +school of Christ, as laymen imitate like monkeys the pastors of the +Church. They all vowed poverty and led a life of self-denial, some of +them laboring with their hands and others begging by the wayside. In the +towns and villages they had little dwellings which they called Houses of +Poverty, and where they dwelt together. On Sundays and feast-days their +friends would assemble and all would listen to readings from the +precepts and articles of faith, the lives of the saints, and their own +religious books in the vulgar tongue—mostly the writings of Olivi, +which they regarded as revelations from God, and the “<i>Transitus Sancti +Patris</i>” which was a legendary account of his death. The only external +signs by which Bernard says they were to be recognized were that on +meeting one another, or entering a house, they would say, “Blessed be +Jesus Christ,” or “Blessed be the name of the Lord Jesus Christ.” When +praying in church or elsewhere they sat with hooded heads and faces +turned to the wall, not standing or kneeling, or striking their hands, +as was customary with the orthodox. At dinner, after asking a blessing, +one of them would kneel and recite <i>Gloria in excelsis</i>, and after +supper, <i>Salve Regina</i>, This was all inoffensive enough, but they had +one peculiarity to which Bernard as an inquisitor took strong +exceptions. When on trial they were ready enough to confess their own +faith, but nothing would induce them to betray their associates. In +their simplicity they held that this would be a violation of Christian +charity to which they could not lawfully be compelled, and the +inquisitor wasted infinite pains in the endeavor to show that it is +charity to<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_084" id="page_084"></a>{84}</span> one’s neighbor, and not an injury, to give him a chance of +conversion.<a name="FNanchor_85_85" id="FNanchor_85_85"></a><a href="#Footnote_85_85" class="fnanchor">[85]</a></p> + +<p> </p> + +<p>Evidently these poor folk would have been harmless enough if let alone, +and their persecution could only be justified by the duty of the Church +to preserve erring souls from perdition. A sect based upon the absolute +abnegation of property as its chief principle, and the apocalyptic +reveries of the Everlasting Gospel, could never become dangerous, though +it might be disagreeable, from its mute—or perhaps vivacious—protest +against the luxury and worldliness of the Church. Even if let alone it +would probably soon have died out. Springing as it did in a region and +at a period in which the Inquisition was thoroughly organized, it had no +chance of survival, and it speedily succumbed under the ferocious energy +of the proceedings brought to bear against it. Yet we cannot fix with +any precision the date of its extinction. The records are imperfect, and +those which we possess fail to draw a distinction between the Spirituals +and the orthodox Franciscans, who, as we shall see, were driven to +rebellion by John XXII. on the question of the poverty of Christ. This +latter dogma became one of so much larger importance that the dreams of +the Spirituals were speedily lost to view, and in the later cases it is +reasonable to assume that the victims were Fraticelli. Still, there are +several prosecutions on record at Carcassonne in 1329, which were +doubtless of Spirituals. One of them was of Jean Roger, a priest who had +stood in high consideration at Béziers; he had been an associate of +Pierre Trencavel in his wanderings, and the slight penance imposed on +him would seem to indicate that the ardor of persecution was abating, +though we learn that the bones of the martyrs of Marseilles were still +handed around as relics. John XXII. was not disposed to connive at any +relaxation of rigor, and in February, 1331, he reissued his bull <i>Sancta +Romana</i>, with a preface addressed to bishops and inquisitors in which he +assumes that the sect is flourishing as vigorously as ever, and orders +the most active measures taken for its suppression. Doubtless there were +subsequent prosecutions, but the sect as a distinctive one faded out of +sight.<a name="FNanchor_86_86" id="FNanchor_86_86"></a><a href="#Footnote_86_86" class="fnanchor">[86]</a></p> + +<p>During the period of its active existence it had spread across<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_085" id="page_085"></a>{85}</span> the +Pyrenees into Aragon. Even before the Council of Béziers, in 1299, took +official cognizance of the nascent heresy, the bishops of Aragon, +assembled at Tarragona in 1297, instituted repressive measures against +the Beguines who were spreading errors throughout the kingdom, and all +Franciscan Tertiaries were subjected to supervision. Their books in the +vulgar tongue were especially dreaded, and were ordered to be +surrendered. These precautions did not avert the evil. As we have seen, +Arnaldo de Vilanova became a warm advocate of the Spirituals; his +indefatigable pen was at their service, his writings had wide +circulation, and his influence with Jayme II. protected them. With his +death and that of Clement V. persecution commenced. Immediately after +the latter event, in 1314, the Inquisitor Bernardo de Puycerda, one of +Arnaldo’s special antagonists, undertook their suppression. At their +head stood a certain Pedro Oler, of Majorca, and Fray Bonato. They were +obstinate, and were handed over to the secular arm, when all were burned +except Bonato, who recanted on being scorched by the flames. He was +dragged from the burning pile, cured, and condemned to perpetual +imprisonment, but after some twenty years he was found to be still +secretly a Spiritual, and was burned as a relapsed in 1335. Emboldened +by the accession of John XXII., in November, 1316, Juan de Llotger, the +inquisitor, and Jofre de Cruilles, provost of the vacant see of +Tarragona, called together an assembly of Dominicans, Franciscans, and +Cistercians, who condemned the apocalyptic and spiritualistic writings +of Arnaldo, which were ordered to be surrendered within ten days under +pain of excommunication. The persecution continued. Durán de Baldach was +burned as a Spiritual, with a disciple, in 1325. About the same time +John XXII. issued several bulls commanding strict inquisition to be made +for them throughout Aragon, Valencia, and the Balearic Isles, and +subjecting them to the jurisdiction of the bishops and inquisitors in +spite of any privileges or immunities which they might claim as +Franciscans. The heresy, however, seems never to have obtained any firm +foothold on Spanish soil. Yet it penetrated even to Portugal, for Alvaro +Pelayo tells us that there were in Lisbon some pseudo-Franciscans who +applauded the doctrine that Peter and his successors had not received +from Christ the power which he held on earth.<a name="FNanchor_87_87" id="FNanchor_87_87"></a><a href="#Footnote_87_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_086" id="page_086"></a>{86}</span></p> + +<p>A somewhat different development of the Joachitic element is seen in the +Franciscan Juan de Pera-Tallada or de Rupescissa, better known perhaps +through Froissart as Jean de la Rochetaillade. As a preacher and +missionary he stood pre-eminent and his voice was heard from his native +Catalonia to distant Moscow. Somewhat given to occult science, various +treatises on alchemy have been attributed to him, among which Pelayo +tells us that it is difficult to distinguish the genuine from the +doubtful. Not only in this did he follow Arnaldo de Vilanova, but in +mercilessly lashing the corruptions of the Church, and in commenting on +the prophecies of the pseudo-Joachim. No man of this school seemed able +to refrain from indulging in prophecy himself, and Juan gained wide +reputation by predictions which were justified by the event, such as the +battle of Poitiers and the Great Schism. Perhaps this might have been +forgiven had he not also foretold that the Church would be stripped of +the superfluities which it had so shockingly abused. One metaphor which +he employed was largely quoted. The Church, he said, was a bird born +without feathers, to which all other fowls contributed plumage, which +they would reclaim in consequence of its pride and tyranny. Like the +Spirituals he looked fondly back to the primitive days before +Constantine, when in holy poverty the foundations of the faith were +laid. He seems to have steered clear of the express heresy as to the +poverty of Christ, and when he came to Avignon, in 1349, to proclaim his +views, although several attempts to burn him were ineffectual, he was +promptly thrown into jail. He was “<i>durement grand clerc</i>,” and his +accusers were unable to convict him, but he was too dangerous a man to +be at large, and he was kept in confinement. When he was finally +liberated is not stated, but if Pelayo is correct in saying that he +returned home at the age of ninety he must have been released after a +long incarceration.<a name="FNanchor_88_88" id="FNanchor_88_88"></a><a href="#Footnote_88_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_087" id="page_087"></a>{87}</span></p> + +<p>The ostensible cause of his punishment was his Joachitic speculation as +to Antichrist, though, as Wadding observes, many holy men did the same +without animadversion, like St. Vicente Ferrer, who in 1412 not only +predicted Antichrist, but asserted that he was already nine years old, +and who was canonized, not persecuted. Miliez of Cremsier also, as we +have seen, though persecuted, was acquitted. Fray Juan’s reveries, +however, trenched on the borders of the Everlasting Gospel, although +keeping within the bounds of orthodoxy. In his prison, in November, +1349, he wrote out an account of a miraculous vision vouchsafed him in +1345, in return for continued prayer and maceration. Louis of Bavaria +was the Antichrist who would subjugate Europe and Africa in 1366, while +a similar tyrant would arise in Asia. Then would come a schism with two +popes; Antichrist would lord it over the whole earth and many heretical +sects would arise. After the death of Antichrist would follow fifty-five +years of war; the Jews would be converted, and with the destruction of +the kingdom of Antichrist the Millennium would open. Then the converted +Jews would possess the world, all would be Tertiaries of St. Francis, +and the Franciscans would be models of holiness and poverty. The +heretics would take refuge in inaccessible mountains and the islands of +the sea, whence they would emerge at the close of the Millennium; the +second Antichrist would appear and bring a period of great suffering, +until fire would fall from heaven and destroy him and his followers, +after which would follow the end of the world and the Day of +Judgment.<a name="FNanchor_89_89" id="FNanchor_89_89"></a><a href="#Footnote_89_89" class="fnanchor">[89]</a></p> + +<p>Meditation in prison seems to have modified somewhat his prophetic +vision, and in 1356 he wrote his <i>Vade mecum in Tribulatione</i>, in which +he foretold that the vices of the clergy would lead to the speedy +spoliation of the Church; in six years it would be reduced to a state of +apostolical poverty, and by 1370 would commence the process of +recuperation which would bring all mankind under the domination of +Christ and of his earthly representative.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_088" id="page_088"></a>{88}</span> During the interval there +would be a succession of the direst calamities. From 1360 to 1365 the +worms of the earth would arise and destroy all beasts and birds; tempest +and deluge and earthquake, famine and pestilence and war would sweep +away the wicked; in 1365 Antichrist would come, and such multitudes +would apostatize that but few faithful would be left. His reign would be +short, and in 1370 a pope canonically elected would bring mankind to +Christianity, after which all cardinals would be chosen from the Greek +Church. During these tribulations the Franciscans would be nearly +exterminated, in punishment for their relaxation of the Rule, but the +survivors would be reformed and the Order would fill the earth, +innumerable as the stars of heaven; in fact, two Franciscans of the most +abject poverty were to be the Elias and Enoch who would conduct the +Church through that disastrous time. Meanwhile he advised that ample +store should be made in mountain caves of beans and honey, salt meats, +and dried fruits by those who desired to live through the convulsions of +nature and society. After the death of Antichrist would come the +Millennium; for seven hundred years, or until about <small>A.D.</small> 2000, mankind +would be virtuous and happy, but then would come a decline; existing +vices, especially among the clergy, would be revived, preparatory to the +advent of Gog and Magog, to be followed by the final Antichrist. It +shows the sensitiveness of the hierarchy that this harmless nympholepsy +was deemed worthy of severe repression.<a name="FNanchor_90_90" id="FNanchor_90_90"></a><a href="#Footnote_90_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a></p> + +<p>The influence of the Everlasting Gospel was not yet wholly exhausted. I +have alluded above to Thomas of Apulia, who in 1388 insisted on +preaching to the Parisians that the reign of the Holy Ghost had +commenced, and that he was the divinely commissioned envoy sent to +announce it, when his mission was humanely cut short by confining him as +a madman. Singularly identical in all but the result was the career of +Nicholas of Buldesdorf, who, about 1445, proclaimed that God had +commanded him to announce that the time of the New Testament had passed +away, as that of the Old had done; that the Third Era and Seventh Age of +the world had come, under the reign of the Holy Ghost, when man would be +restored to the state of primal innocence; and that he was the Son of +God deputed to spread the glad tidings. To<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_089" id="page_089"></a>{89}</span> the council still sitting at +Basle he sent various tracts containing these doctrines, and he finally +had the audacity to appear before it in person. His writings were +promptly consigned to the flames and he was imprisoned. Every effort was +made to induce him to recant, but in vain. The Basilian fathers were +less considerate of insanity than the Paris doctors, and Nicholas +perished at the stake in 1446.<a name="FNanchor_91_91" id="FNanchor_91_91"></a><a href="#Footnote_91_91" class="fnanchor">[91]</a></p> + +<p>A last echo of the Everlasting Gospel is heard in the teaching of two +brothers, John and Lewin of Würzburg, who in 1466 taught in Eger that +all tribulations were caused by the wickedness of the clergy. The pope +was Antichrist, and the cardinals and prelates were his members. +Indulgences were useless and the ceremonies of the Church were vanities, +but the time of deliverance was at hand. A man was already born of a +virgin, who was the anointed of Christ and would speedily come with the +third Evangel and bring all the faithful into the fold. The heresy was +rapidly and secretly spreading among the people, when it was discovered +by Bishop Henry of Ratisbon. The measures taken for its suppression are +not recorded, and the incident is only of interest as showing how +persistently the conviction reappeared that there must be a final and +higher revelation to secure the happiness of man in this world and his +salvation in the next.<a name="FNanchor_92_92" id="FNanchor_92_92"></a><a href="#Footnote_92_92" class="fnanchor">[92]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_090" id="page_090"></a>{90}</span></p> + +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_II" id="CHAPTER_II"></a>CHAPTER II.<br /><br /> +<small>GUGLIELMA AND DOLCINO.</small></h2> + +<p>T<small>HE</small> spiritual exaltation which produced among the Franciscans the +developments described in the last chapter was by no means confined to +the recognized members of that Order. It manifested itself in even more +irregular fashion in the little group of sectaries known as +Guglielmites, and in the more formidable demonstration of the +Dolcinists, or Apostolic Brethren.</p> + +<p>About the year 1260 there came to Milan a woman calling herself +Guglielma. That she brought with her a son shows that she had lived in +the world, and was doubtless tried with its vicissitudes, and as the +child makes no further appearance in her history, he probably died +young. She had wealth, and was said to be the daughter of Constance, +queen and wife of the King of Bohemia. Her royal extraction is +questionable, but the matter is scarce worth the discussion which it has +provoked.<a name="FNanchor_93_93" id="FNanchor_93_93"></a><a href="#Footnote_93_93" class="fnanchor">[93]</a> She was a woman of pre-eminent piety, who devoted herself +to good works, without practising special austerities, and she gradually +attracted around her a little band of disciples, to whom such of her +utterances as have been recorded show that she gave wholesome ethical +instruction.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_091" id="page_091"></a>{91}</span> They adopted the style of plain brown garment which she +habitually wore, and seem to have formed a kind of unorganized +congregation, bound together only by common devotion to her.<a name="FNanchor_94_94" id="FNanchor_94_94"></a><a href="#Footnote_94_94" class="fnanchor">[94]</a></p> + +<p>At that period it was not easy to set bounds to veneration; the +spiritual world was felt to be in the closest relation with the +material, and the development of Joachitism shows how readily received +were suggestions that a great change was impending, and a new era about +to open for mankind. Guglielma’s devotees came to regard her as a saint, +gifted with thaumaturgic power. Some of her disciples claimed to be +miraculously cured by her—Dr. Giacobbe da Ferno of an ophthalmic +trouble, and Albertono de’ Novati of a fistula. Then it was said that +she had received the supereminent honor of the Stigmata, and although +those who prepared her body for the grave could not see them, this was +held to be owing to their unworthiness. It was confidently predicted +that she would convert the Jews and Saracens, and bring all mankind into +unity of faith. At last, about 1276, some of the more enthusiastic +disciples began to whisper that she was the incarnation of the Holy +Ghost, in female form—the Third Person of the Trinity, as Christ was of +the Second, in the shape of a man. She was very God and very man; it was +not alone the body of Christ which suffered in the Passion, but also +that of the Holy Ghost, so that her flesh was the same as that of +Christ. The originators of this strange belief seem to have been Andrea +Saramita, a man of standing in Milan, and Suor Maifreda di Pirovano, an +Umiliata of the ancient convent of Biassono, and a cousin of Matteo +Visconti. There is no probability that Guglielma countenanced these +absurd stories. Andrea Saramita was the only witness who asserted that +he had them from her direct, and he had a few days before testified to +the contrary. The other immediate disciples of Guglielma stated that she +made no pretensions to any supernatural character. When people would ask +her to cure them or relieve them of trouble she would say, “Go, I am not +God.” When told of the strange beliefs entertained of her she +strenuously asserted that she was only a miserable woman and a vile +worm. Marchisio Secco, a monk of Chiaravalle, testified that he had had +a dispute with Andrea on the subject, and they agreed to refer it to +her, when she indignantly<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_092" id="page_092"></a>{92}</span> replied that she was flesh and bone, that she +had brought a son with her to Milan, and that if they did not do penance +for uttering such words they would be condemned to hell. Yet to minds +familiar with the promises of the Everlasting Gospel, it might well seem +that the era of the Holy Ghost would be ushered in with such an +incarnation.<a name="FNanchor_95_95" id="FNanchor_95_95"></a><a href="#Footnote_95_95" class="fnanchor">[95]</a></p> + +<p>Guglielma died August 24, 1381, leaving her property to the great +Cistercian house of Chiaravalle, near Milan, where she desired to be +buried. There was war at the time between Milan and Lodi; the roads were +not safe, and she was temporarily interred in the city, while Andrea and +Dionisio Cotta went to the Marquis of Montferrat to ask for an escort of +troops to accompany the cortége. The translation of the body took place +in October, and was conducted with great splendor. The Cistercians +welcomed the opportunity to add to the attractions and revenues of their +establishment. At that period the business of exploiting new saints was +exceedingly profitable, and was prosecuted with corresponding energy. +Salimbene complains bitterly of it in referring to a speculation made in +1279, at Cremona, out of the remains of a drunken vintner named Alberto, +whose cult brought crowds of devotees with offerings, to the no small +gain of all concerned. Such things, as we have seen in the case of +Armanno Pongilupo and others, were constantly occurring, though +Salimbene declares that the canons forbade the veneration of any one, or +picturing him as a saint, until the Roman Church had authoritatively +passed upon his claims. In this Salimbene was mistaken. Zanghino +Ugolini, a much better authority, assures us that the worship of +uncanonized saints was not heretical, if it were believed that their +miracles were worked by God at their intercession, but if it were +believed that they were worked by the relics without the assent of God, +then the Inquisition could intervene and punish; but so long as a saint +was uncanonized his cult was at the discretion of the bishop, who could +at any time command its cessation, and the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_093" id="page_093"></a>{93}</span> mere fact that miracles were +performed was no evidence, as they are frequently the work of demons to +deceive the faithful.<a name="FNanchor_96_96" id="FNanchor_96_96"></a><a href="#Footnote_96_96" class="fnanchor">[96]</a></p> + +<p>In this case the Archbishop of Milan offered no interference, and the +worship of Guglielma was soon firmly established. A month after the +translation Andrea had the body exhumed and carried into the church, +where he washed it with wine and water and arrayed it in a splendid +embroidered robe. The washings were carefully preserved, to be used as a +chrism for the sick; they were placed on the altar of the nunnery of +Biassono, and Maifreda employed them in anointing the affected parts of +those who came to be healed. Presently a chapel with an altar arose over +her tomb, and tradition still points out at Chiaravalle the little +oratory where she is said to have lain, and a portrait on the wall over +the vacant tomb is asserted to be hers. It represents her as kneeling +before the Virgin, to whom she is presented by St. Bernard, the patron +of the abbey; a crowd of other figures is around her, and the whole +indicates that those who dedicated it to her represented her as merely a +saint, and not as an incarnation of the Godhead. Another picture of her +was placed by Dionisio Cotta in the Church of St. Maria fuori di Porta +Nuova, and two lamps were kept burning before it to obtain her suffrage +for the soul of his brother interred there. Other pictures were hung in +the Church of S. Eufemia and in the nunnery of Biassono. In all this the +good monks of Chiaravalle were not remiss. They kept lighted lamps +before her altar. Two feast-days were assigned to her—the anniversaries +of her death and of her translation—when the devotees would assemble at +the abbey, and the monks would furnish a simple banquet, outside of the +walls—for the Cistercian rules forbade the profanation of a woman’s +presence within the sacred enclosure—and some of the monks would +discourse eloquently upon the saintliness of Guglielma, comparing her to +other saints and to the moon and stars, and receiving such oblations as +the piety of the worshippers would offer. Nor was this the only gain to +the abbey. Giacobbe de’ Novati, one of the believers, belonged to one of +the noblest families of Milan, and at his castle the Guglielmites<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_094" id="page_094"></a>{94}</span> were +wont to assemble. When he died he instituted the abbey as his heir, and +the inheritance could not have been inconsiderable. There were, +doubtless, other instances of similar liberality of which the evidences +have not reached us.<a name="FNanchor_97_97" id="FNanchor_97_97"></a><a href="#Footnote_97_97" class="fnanchor">[97]</a></p> + +<p>All this was innocent enough, but within the circle of those who +worshipped Guglielma there was a little band of initiated who believed +in her as the incarnation of the Holy Ghost. The history of the +Joachites has shown us the readiness which existed to look upon +Christianity as a temporary phase of religion, to be shortly succeeded +by the reign of the Holy Ghost, when the Church of Rome would give place +to a new and higher organization. It was not difficult, therefore, for +the Guglielmites to persuade themselves that they had enjoyed the +society of the Paraclete, who was shortly to appear, when the Holy +Spirit would be received in tongues of flame by the disciples, the +heathen and the Jew would be converted, and there would be a new church +ushering in the era of love and blessedness, for which man had been +sighing through the weary centuries. Of this doctrine Andrea was chief +apostle. He claimed to be the first and only spiritual son of Guglielma, +from whom he had received the revelation, and he embroidered it to suit +the credulity of the disciples. The Archangel Raphael had announced to +the blessed Constance the incarnation in her of the Holy Ghost; a year +afterwards, Guglielma was born on the holy day of Pentecost; she had +chosen the form of a woman, for if she had come as man she would have +died like Christ, and the whole world would have perished. On one +occasion, in her chamber, she had changed a chair into an ox, and had +told him to hold it if he could, but when he attempted to do so it +disappeared. The same indulgences were obtainable by visiting her tomb +at Chiaravalle as by a pilgrimage to the Holy Sepulchre. Wafers which +had been consecrated by laying them on the tomb were eagerly partaken of +by the disciples, as a new form of communion. Besides the two regular +feast-days, there was a third for the initiated, significantly held on +Pentecost, the day when she was expected to reappear. Meanwhile, the +devotion of the faithful was stimulated by stories of her being in +communication with<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_095" id="page_095"></a>{95}</span> her representatives, both in her own form and in +that of a dove. How slight was the evidence required for believers was +seen in an incident which gave them great comfort in 1293. At a banquet +in the house of Giacobbe da Ferno, a warm discussion arose between those +who doubted and those whose convictions were decided. Carabella, wife of +Amizzone Toscano, one of the earnest believers, was sitting on her +mantle, and when she arose she found three knots in the cords which had +not been there before. This was at once pronounced a great miracle, and +was evidently regarded as a full confirmation of the truth.<a name="FNanchor_98_98" id="FNanchor_98_98"></a><a href="#Footnote_98_98" class="fnanchor">[98]</a></p> + +<p>If it were not for the tragedy which followed there would be nothing to +render Guglielmitism other than a jest, for the Church which was to +replace the massive structure of Latin Christianity was as ludicrous in +its conception as these details of its faith. The Gospels were to be +replaced by sacred writings produced by Andrea, of which he had already +prepared several, in the names of some of the initiated—“The Epistle of +Sibilia to the Novaresi,” “The Prophecy of Carmeo the Prophet to all +Cities and Nations,” and an account of Guglielma’s teachings commencing, +“In that time the Holy Ghost said to his disciples.” Maifreda also +composed litanies of the Holy Ghost and prayers for the use of the +Church. When, on the second advent of Guglielma, the papacy was to pass +away, Maifreda was to become pope, the vicar of the Holy Ghost, with the +keys of heaven and hell, and baptize the Jew and the Saracen. A new +college of cardinals was to be formed, of whom only one appears to have +been selected—a girl named Taria, who, to judge from her answers when +before the Inquisition, and the terms of contempt in which she is +alluded to by some of the sect, was a worthy representative of the whole +absurd scheme. While awaiting her exaltation to the papacy Maifreda was +the object of special veneration. The disciples kissed her hands and +feet, and she gave them her blessing. It was probably the spiritual +excitement caused by the jubilee proclaimed by Boniface VIII., +attracting pilgrims to Rome by the hundred thousand to gain the +proffered indulgences, which led the Guglielmites to name the Pentecost +of 1300 for the advent of the Holy Ghost. With a curious manifestation +of materialism, the worshippers prepared<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_096" id="page_096"></a>{96}</span> splendid garments for the +adornment of the expected God—a purple mantle with a silver clasp +costing thirty pounds of terzioli, gold-embroidered silks and gilt +slippers—while Pietra de’ Alzate contributed forty-two dozen pearls, +and Catella de’ Giori gave an ounce of pearls. In preparation for her +new and holy functions, Maifreda undertook to celebrate the mysteries of +the mass. During the solemnities of Easter, in sacerdotal vestments, she +consecrated the host, while Andrea in a dalmatic read the Gospel, and +she administered communion to those present. When should come the +resurrection of Guglielma, she was to repeat the ceremony in S. Maria +Maggiore, and the sacred vessels were already prepared for this, on an +extravagant scale, costing more than two hundred lire.<a name="FNanchor_99_99" id="FNanchor_99_99"></a><a href="#Footnote_99_99" class="fnanchor">[99]</a></p> + +<p>The sums thus lavished show that the devotees belonged to the wealthy +class. What is most noteworthy, in fact, in the whole story, is that a +belief so absurd should have found acceptance among men of culture and +intelligence, showing the spirit of unrest that was abroad, and the +readiness to accept any promise, however wild, of relief from existing +evils. There were few more prominent families in Milan than the +Garbagnati, who were Ghibellines and closely allied with the Visconti. +Gasparo Garbagnate filled many positions of importance, and though his +name does not appear among the sectaries, his wife Benvenuta was one of +them, as well as his two sons, Ottorino and Francesco, and Bella, the +wife of Giacobbe. Francesco was a man of mark as a diplomat and a +lawyer. Sent by Matteo Visconti in 1309 on a mission to the Emperor +Henry VII., he won high favor at the imperial court and obtained the +objects for which he had been despatched. He ended his career as a +professor of jurisprudence in the renowned University of Padua. Yet this +man, presumably learned and cool-headed, was an ardent disciple, who +purchased gold-embroidered silks for the resurrection of Guglielma, and +composed prayers in her honor. One of the crimes for which Matteo was +condemned in 1323 by the Inquisition was retaining in his service this +Francesco Garbagnate, who had been sentenced to wear crosses for his +participation in the Guglielmite heresy; and when John XXII., in<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_097" id="page_097"></a>{97}</span> 1324, +confirmed the sentence, he added that Matteo had terrorized the +inquisitors to save his son Galeazzo, who was also a Guglielmite.<a name="FNanchor_100_100" id="FNanchor_100_100"></a><a href="#Footnote_100_100" class="fnanchor">[100]</a></p> + +<p>When the heresy became known popular rumor of course attributed to it +the customary practices of indiscriminate sexual indulgence which were +ascribed to all deviations from the faith. In the legend which was +handed down by tradition there appears the same story as to its +discovery which we have seen told at Cologne about the Brethren of the +Free Spirit—of the husband tracking his wife to the nocturnal +rendezvous, and thus learning the obscene practices of the sect. In this +case the hero of the tale is Corrado Coppa, whose wife Giacobba was an +earnest believer.<a name="FNanchor_101_101" id="FNanchor_101_101"></a><a href="#Footnote_101_101" class="fnanchor">[101]</a> It is sufficient to say that the official reports +of the trial, in so far as they have reached us, contain no allusions +whatever to any licentious doctrines or practices. The inquisitors +wasted no time on inquiries in that direction, showing that they knew +there was nothing of the kind to reward investigation.</p> + +<p>Numerically speaking, the sect was insignificant. It is mentioned that +on one occasion, at a banquet in honor of Guglielma, given by the monks +of Chiaravalle, there were one hundred and twenty-nine persons present, +but these doubtless included many who only reverenced her as a saint. +The inner circle of the initiated was apparently much smaller. The names +of those inculpated in the confessions before the Inquisition amount +only to about thirty, and it is fair to assume that the number of the +sectaries at no time exceeded thirty-five or forty.<a name="FNanchor_102_102" id="FNanchor_102_102"></a><a href="#Footnote_102_102" class="fnanchor">[102]</a></p> + +<p>It is not to be supposed that this could go on for nearly twenty years +and wholly escape the vigilance of the Milanese inquisitors. In 1284, +but a few years after Guglielma’s death, two of the disciples, +Allegranza and Carabella, incautiously revealed the mysteries of their +faith to Belfiore, mother of Frà Enrico di Nova, who at once conveyed it +to the inquisitor, Frà Manfredo di Donavia. Andrea was forthwith +summoned, with his wife Riccadona, his sister, Migliore, and his +daughter, Fiordebellina; also Maifreda,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_098" id="page_098"></a>{98}</span> Bellacara de’ Carentani, +Giacobba dei Bassani, and possibly some others. They readily abjured and +were treated with exceptional mildness, for Frà Manfredo absolved them +by striking them over the shoulders with a stick, as a symbol of the +scourging which as penitents they had incurred. He seems to have +attached little importance to the matter, and not to have compelled them +to reveal their accomplices. Again, in 1295 and 1296, there was an +investigation made by the Inquisitor Frà Tommaso di Como, of which no +details have reached us, but which evidently left the leaders +unharmed.<a name="FNanchor_103_103" id="FNanchor_103_103"></a><a href="#Footnote_103_103" class="fnanchor">[103]</a></p> + +<p>We do not know what called the attention of the Inquisition to the sect +in the spring of 1300, but we may conjecture that the expected +resurrection of Guglielma at the coming Pentecost, and the preparations +made for that event, caused an agitation among the disciples leading +possibly to incautious revelations. About Easter (April 10) the +inquisitors summoned and examined Maifreda, Giacobba dei Bassani, and +possibly some others, but without result. Apparently, however, they were +watched, secret information was gathered, and in July the Holy Office +was ready to strike effectively. On July 18 a certain Frà Ghirardo +presented himself to Lanfranco de’ Amizzoni and revealed the whole +affair, with the names of the principal disciples. Andrea sought him out +and endeavored to learn what he had said, but was merely told to look to +himself, for the inquisitors were making many threats. On the 20th +Andrea was summoned; his assurances that he had never heard that +Guglielma was regarded as more than an ordinary saint were apparently +accepted, and he was dismissed with orders to return the next day and +meanwhile to preserve absolute secrecy.<a name="FNanchor_104_104" id="FNanchor_104_104"></a><a href="#Footnote_104_104" class="fnanchor">[104]</a></p> + +<p>Andrea and Maifreda were thoroughly frightened; they begged the +disciples, if called before the inquisitors, to preserve silence with +regard to them, as otherwise they could not escape death. It is a +peculiar illustration of the recognized hostility between the two +Mendicant Orders that the first impulse was to seek assistance from the +Franciscans. No sooner were the citations issued than Andrea, with the +Doctor Beltramo da Ferno, one of the earnest<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_099" id="page_099"></a>{99}</span> believers, went to the +Franciscan convent, where they learned from Frà Daniele da Ferno that +Frà Guidone de Cocchenato and the rest of the inquisitors had no power +to act, as their commissions had been annulled by the pope, and that Frà +Pagano di Pietra Santa had a bull to that effect. Some intrigue would +seem to be behind this, which it would be interesting to disentangle, +for we meet here with old acquaintances. Frà Guidone is doubtless the +same inquisitor whom we have seen in 1279 participating in the +punishment of Corrado da Venosta, and Frà Pagano has come before us as +the subject of a prosecution for heresy in 1295. Possibly it was this +which now stimulated his zeal against the inquisitors, for when the +Guglielmites called upon him the next day he produced the bull and urged +them to appear, and thus afford him evidence that the inquisitors were +discharging their functions—evidence for which he said that he would +willingly give twenty-five lire. It is a striking proof of the +impenetrable secrecy in which the operations of the Inquisition were +veiled that he had been anxiously and vainly seeking to obtain testimony +as to who were really discharging the duties of the tribunal; when, +latterly, a heretic had been burned at Balsemo he had sent thither to +find out who had rendered the sentence, but was unable to do so. Then +the Guglielmites applied to the Abbot of Chiaravalle and to one of his +monks, Marchisio di Veddano, himself suspected of Guglielmitism. These +asked to have a copy of the bull, and one was duly made by a notary and +given to them, which they took to the Archbishop of Milan at Cassano, +and asked him to place the investigation of the matter in their hands. +He promised to intervene, but if he did so he was probably met with the +information, which had been speedily elicited from the culprits, that +they held Boniface VIII. not to be pope, and consequently that the +archbishop whom he had created was not archbishop. Either in this or in +some other way the prelate’s zeal was refrigerated, and he offered no +opposition to the proceedings.<a name="FNanchor_105_105" id="FNanchor_105_105"></a><a href="#Footnote_105_105" class="fnanchor">[105]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_100" id="page_100"></a>{100}</span></p> + +<p>The Inquisition was well manned, for, besides Frà Guidone, whose age and +experience seem to have rendered him the leading actor in the tragedy, +and Lanfranco, who took little part in it, we meet with a third +inquisitor, Rainerio di Pirovano, and in their absence they are replaced +with deputies, Niccolò di Como, Niccolò di Varenna, and Leonardo da +Bergamo. They pushed the matter with relentless energy. That torture was +freely used there can be no doubt. No conclusion to the contrary can be +drawn from the absence of allusion to it in the depositions of the +accused, for this is customary. Not only do the historians of the affair +speak without reserve of its employment, but the character of the +successive examinations of the leading culprits indicates it +unerringly—the confident asseverations at first of ignorance and +innocence, followed, after a greater or less interval, with unreserved +confession. This is especially notable in the cases of those who had +abjured in 1284, such as Andrea, Maifreda, and Giacobba, who, as +relapsed, knew that by admitting their persistent heresy they were +condemning themselves to the flames without hope of mercy, and who +therefore had nothing to gain by confession, except exemption from +repetition of torment.<a name="FNanchor_106_106" id="FNanchor_106_106"></a><a href="#Footnote_106_106" class="fnanchor">[106]</a></p> + +<p>The documents are too imperfect for us to reconstruct the process and +ascertain the fate of all of those implicated. In Languedoc, after all +the evidence had been taken, there would have been an assembly held in +which their sentences would have been determined, and at a solemn Sermo +these would have been promulgated, and the stake would have received its +victims. Much less formal were the proceedings at Milan. The only +sentence of which we have a record was rendered August 23 in an assembly +where the archbishop sat with the inquisitors and Matteo Visconti +appears among the assessors; and in this the only judgment was on Suor +Giacobba dei Bassani, who, as a relapsed, was necessarily handed over to +the secular arm for burning. It would seem that<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_101" id="page_101"></a>{101}</span> even before this Ser +Mirano di Garbagnate, a priest deeply implicated, had been burned. +Andrea was executed probably between September 1 and 9, and Maifreda +about the same time—but we know nothing about the date of the other +executions, or of the exhumation and cremation of Guglielma’s +bones—while the examinations of other disciples continued until the +middle of October. Another remarkable peculiarity is that for the minor +penalties the inquisitors called in no experts and did not even consult +the archbishop, but acted wholly at their own discretion, a single frate +absolving or penancing each individual as he saw fit. The Lombard +Inquisition apparently had little deference for the episcopate, even of +the Ambrosian Church.<a name="FNanchor_107_107" id="FNanchor_107_107"></a><a href="#Footnote_107_107" class="fnanchor">[107]</a></p> + +<p>Yet the action of the Inquisition was remarkable for its mildness, +especially when we consider the revolutionary character of the heresy. +The number of those absolutely burned cannot be definitely stated, but +it probably did not exceed four or five. These were the survivors of +those who had abjured in 1284, for whom, as relapsed and obstinate +heretics, there could be no mercy. The rest were allowed to escape with +penalties remarkably light. Thus Sibilia Malcolzati had been one of the +most zealous of the sect; in her early examinations she had resolutely +perjured herself, and it had cost no little trouble to make her confess, +yet when, on October 6, she appeared before Frà Rainerio and begged to +be relieved from the excommunication which she had incurred, he was +moved by her prayers and assented, on the ordinary conditions that she +would stand to the orders of the Church and Inquisition, and perform the +obligations laid upon her. Still more remarkable is the leniency with +which two sisters, Catella and Pietra Oldegardi, were treated, for Frà +Guidone absolved them on their abjuring their heresy, contenting himself +with simply referring them to their confessors for the penance which +they were to perform. The severest punishment recorded for any except +the relapsed was the wearing of crosses, and these, imposed in September +and October, were commuted in December for a fine of twenty-five lire, +payable in February—showing that confiscation was not a part of the +penalty. Even Taria, the expectant cardinal of the New Dispensation, was +thus penanced and relieved. Immediately<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_102" id="page_102"></a>{102}</span> after Andrea’s execution an +examination of his wife Riccadona, as to the furniture in her house and +the wine in her cellar, shows that the Inquisition was prompt in looking +after the confiscations of those condemned to death; and the fragment of +an interrogatory, February 12, 1302, of Marchisio Secco, a monk of +Chiaravalle, indicates that it was involved in a struggle with the abbey +to compel the refunding of the bequest of Guglielma, as the heresy for +which she had been condemned, of course, rendered void all dispositions +of her property. How this resulted we have no means of knowing, but we +may feel assured that the abbey was forced to submit; indeed, the +complicity of the monks with the heretics was so clearly indicated that +we may wonder none of their names appear in the lists of those +condemned.<a name="FNanchor_108_108" id="FNanchor_108_108"></a><a href="#Footnote_108_108" class="fnanchor">[108]</a></p> + +<p>Thus ended this little episode of heresy, of no importance in its origin +or results, but curious from the glimpse which it affords into the +spiritual aberrations of the time, and the procedure of the Lombard +Inquisition, and noteworthy as a rare instance of inquisitorial +clemency.<a name="FNanchor_109_109" id="FNanchor_109_109"></a><a href="#Footnote_109_109" class="fnanchor">[109]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_103" id="page_103"></a>{103}</span></p> + +<p>About the time when Guglielma settled in Milan, Parma witnessed the +commencement of another abnormal development of the great Franciscan +movement. The stimulus which monachism had received from the success of +the Mendicant Orders, the exaltation of poverty into the greatest of +virtues, the recognition of beggary as the holiest mode of life, render +it difficult to apportion between yearnings for spiritual perfection and +the attractions of idleness and vagabondage in a temperate climate the +responsibility for the numerous associations which arose in imitation of +the Mendicants. The prohibition of unauthorized religious orders by the +Lateran Council was found impossible of enforcement. Men would herd +together with more or less of organization in caves and hermitages, in +the streets of cities, and in abandoned dwellings and churches by the +roadsides. The Carmelites and Augustinian hermits won recognition after +a long struggle, and became established Orders, forming, with the +Franciscans and Dominicans, the four Mendicant religions. Others, less +reputable, or more independent in spirit, were condemned, and when they +refused to disband they were treated as rebels and heretics. In the +tension of the spiritual atmosphere, any man who would devise and put in +practice a method of life assimilating him most nearly to the brutes +would not fail to find admirers and followers; and, if he possessed +capacity for command and organization, he could readily mould them into +a confraternity and become an object of veneration, with an abundant +supply of offerings from the pious.</p> + +<p>The year 1260 was that in which, according to Abbot Joachim, the era of +the Holy Ghost was to open. The spiritual excitement which pervaded the +population was seen in the outbreak of the Flagellants, which filled +northern Italy with processions of penitents scourging themselves, and +in the mutual forgiveness of injuries, which brought an interval of +peace to a distracted land. In such a condition of public feeling, +gregarious enthusiasm is easily directed to whatever responds to the +impulse of the moment, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_104" id="page_104"></a>{104}</span> the self-mortification of a youth of Parma, +called Gherardo Segarelli, found abundant imitators. Of low extraction, +uncultured and stupid, he had vainly applied for admission into the +Franciscan Order. Denied this, he passed his days vacantly musing in the +Franciscan church. The beatitude of ecstatic abstraction, carried to the +point of the annihilation of consciousness, has not been confined to the +Tapas and Samadhi of the Brahman and Buddhist. The monks of Mt. Athos, +known as Umbilicani from their pious contemplation of their navels, knew +it well, and Jacopone da Todi shows that its dangerous raptures were +familiar to the zealots of the time.<a name="FNanchor_110_110" id="FNanchor_110_110"></a><a href="#Footnote_110_110" class="fnanchor">[110]</a> Segarelli, however, was not so +lost to external impressions but that he remarked in the scriptural +pictures which adorned the walls the representations of the apostles in +the habits which art has assigned to them. The conception grew upon him +that the apostolic life and vestment would form the ideal religious +existence, superior even to that of the Franciscans which had been +denied to him. As a preliminary, he sold his little property; then, +mounting the tribune in the Piazza, he scattered the proceeds among the +idlers sunning themselves there, who forthwith gambled it away with +ample floods of blasphemy. Imitating literally the career of Christ, he +had himself circumcised; then, enveloped in swaddling clothes, he was +rocked in a cradle and suckled by a woman. His apprenticeship thus +completed, he embarked on the career of an apostle, letting hair and +beard grow, enveloped in a white mantle, with the Franciscan cord around +his waist, and sandals on his feet. Thus accoutred he wandered through +the streets of Parma crying at intervals “<i>Penitenzagite</i>” which was his +ignorant rendering of “<i>Penitentiam agite!</i>”—the customary call to +repentance.<a name="FNanchor_111_111" id="FNanchor_111_111"></a><a href="#Footnote_111_111" class="fnanchor">[111]</a></p> + +<p>For a while he had no imitators. In search of disciples he wandered to +the neighboring village of Collechio, where, standing at the roadside, +he shouted “Enter my vineyard!” The passers-by who knew his crazy ways +paid no attention to him, but strangers took his call to be an +invitation to help themselves from the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_105" id="page_105"></a>{105}</span> ripening grapes of an adjacent +vineyard, which they accordingly stripped. At length he was joined by a +certain Robert, a servant of the Franciscans, who, as Salimbene informs +us, was a liar and a thief, too lazy to work, who flourished for a while +in the sect as Frà Glutto, and who finally apostatized and married a +female hermit. Gherardo and Glutto wandered through the streets of Parma +in their white mantles and sandals, calling the people to repentance. +They gathered associates, and the number rapidly grew to three hundred. +They obtained a house in which to eat and sleep, and lacked for nothing, +for alms came pouring in upon them more liberally than on the regular +Mendicants. These latter wondered greatly, for the self-styled Apostles +gave nothing in return—they could not preach, or hear confessions, or +celebrate mass, and did not even pray for their benefactors. They were +mostly ignorant peasants, swineherds and cowherds, attracted by an idle +life which was rewarded with ample victuals and popular veneration. When +gathered together in their assemblies they would gaze vacantly on +Segarelli and repeat at intervals in honor of him, “Father! Father! +Father!”<a name="FNanchor_112_112" id="FNanchor_112_112"></a><a href="#Footnote_112_112" class="fnanchor">[112]</a></p> + +<p>When the Council of Lyons, in 1274, endeavored to control the pest of +these unauthorized mendicant associations, it did not disperse them, but +contented itself with prohibiting the reception of future members, in +the expectation that they would thus gradually become extinguished. This +was easily eluded by the Apostles, who, when a neophyte desired to join +them, would lay before him a, habit and say, “We do not dare to receive +you, as this is prohibited to us, but it is not prohibited to you; do as +you think fit.” Thus, in spite of papal commands, the Order increased +and multiplied, as we are told, beyond computation. In 1284 we hear of +seventy-two postulants in a body passing through Modena and Reggio to +Parma to be adopted by Segarelli, and a few days afterwards twelve young +girls came on the same errand, wrapped in their mantles and styling +themselves Apostolesses. Imitating Dominic and Francis, Segarelli sent +his followers throughout Europe and beyond seas to evangelize the world. +They penetrated far, for already in 1287 we find the Council of Würzburg +stigmatizing the wandering Apostles as tramps, and forbidding any one<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_106" id="page_106"></a>{106}</span> +to give them food on account of their religious aspect and unusual +dress. Pedro de Lugo (Galicia), who abjured before the Inquisition of +Toulouse in 1322, testified that he had been inducted in the sect twenty +years previous by Richard, an Apostle from Alessandria in Lombardy, who +was busily spreading the heresy beyond Compostella.<a name="FNanchor_113_113" id="FNanchor_113_113"></a><a href="#Footnote_113_113" class="fnanchor">[113]</a></p> + +<p>Notwithstanding the veneration felt by the brethren for Segarelli he +steadily refused to assume the headship of the Order, saying that each +must bear his own burden. Had he been an active organizer, with the +material at his disposition, he might have given the Church much +trouble, but he was inert and indisposed to abandon his contemplative +self-indulgence. He seems to have hesitated somewhat as to the form +which the association should assume, and consulted Alberto of Parma, one +of the seven notaries of the curia, whether they should select a +superior. Alberto referred him to the Cistercian Abbot of Fontanaviva, +who advised that they should not found houses, but should continue to +wander over the land wrapped in their mantles, and they would not fail +of shelter by the charitable. Segarelli was nothing loath to follow his +counsel, but a more energetic spirit was found in Guidone Putagi, +brother of the Podestà of Bologna, who entered the Order with his sister +Tripia. Finding that Segarelli would not govern, he seized command and +for many years conducted affairs, but he gave offence by abandoning the +poverty which was the essence of the association. He lived splendidly, +we are told, with many horses, lavishing money like a cardinal or papal +legate, till the brethren grew tired and elected Matteo of Ancona as his +successor. This led to a split. Guidone retained possession of the +person of Segarelli, and carried him to Faenza. Matteo’s followers came +there and endeavored to seize Segarelli by force; the two parties came +to blows and the Anconitans were defeated. Guidone, however, was so much +alarmed for his safety that he left the Apostles and joined the +Templars.<a name="FNanchor_114_114" id="FNanchor_114_114"></a><a href="#Footnote_114_114" class="fnanchor">[114]</a></p> + +<p>Bishop Opizo of Parma, a nephew of Innocent IV., had a liking<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_107" id="page_107"></a>{107}</span> for +Segarelli, and for his sake protected the Apostles, which serves to +account for their uninterrupted growth. In 1286, however, three of the +brethren misbehaved flagrantly at Bologna, and were summarily hanged by +the podestà. This seems to have drawn attention to the sectaries, for +about the same time Honorius IV. issued a bull especially directed +against them. They were commanded to abandon their peculiar vestments +and enter some recognized order; prelates were required to enforce +obedience by imprisonment, with recourse, if necessary, to the secular +arm, and the faithful at large were ordered not to give them alms or +hospitality. The Order was thus formally proscribed. Bishop Opizo +hastened to obey. He banished the brethren from his diocese and +imprisoned Segarelli in chains, but subsequently relenting kept him in +his palace as a jester, for when filled with wine the Apostle could be +amusing.<a name="FNanchor_115_115" id="FNanchor_115_115"></a><a href="#Footnote_115_115" class="fnanchor">[115]</a></p> + +<p>For some years we hear little of Segarelli and his disciples. The papal +condemnation discouraged them, but it received scant obedience. Their +numbers may have diminished, and public charity may have been to some +extent withdrawn, but they were still numerous, they continued to wear +the white mantle, and to be supported in their wandering life. The best +evidence that the bull of Honorius failed in its purpose is the fact +that in 1291 Nicholas IV. deemed its reissue necessary. They were now in +open antagonism to the Holy See—rebels and schismatics, rapidly +ripening into heretics, and fair subjects of persecution. Accordingly, +in 1294, we hear of four of them—two men and two women—burned at +Parma, and of Segarelli’s condemnation to perpetual imprisonment by +Bishop Opizo. There is also an allusion to an earnest missionary of the +sect, named Stephen, dangerous on account of the eloquence of his +preaching, who was burned by the Inquisition. Segarelli had saved his +life by abjuration; possibly after a few years he may have been +released, but he did not abandon his errors; the Inquisitor of Parma, +Frà Manfredo, convicted him as a relapsed heretic, and he was burned in +Parma in 1300. An active persecution followed of his disciples. Many +were apprehended by the Inquisition<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_108" id="page_108"></a>{108}</span> and subjected to various +punishments, until Parma congratulated itself that the heresy was fairly +stamped out.<a name="FNanchor_116_116" id="FNanchor_116_116"></a><a href="#Footnote_116_116" class="fnanchor">[116]</a></p> + +<p>Persecution, as usual, had the immediate effect of scattering the +heretics, of confirming them in the faith, and of developing the heresy +into a more decided antagonism towards the Church. Segarelli’s disciples +were not all ignorant peasants. In Tuscany a Franciscan of high +reputation for sanctity and learning was in secret an active missionary, +and endeavored even to win over Ubertino da Casale. Ubertino led him on +and then betrayed him, and when we are told that he was forced to reveal +his followers, we may assume that he was subjected to the customary +inquisitorial processes. This points to relationship between the +Apostles and the disaffected Franciscans, and the indication is +strengthened by the anxiety of the Spirituals to disclaim all +connection. The Apostles were deeply tinged with Joachitism, and the +Spirituals endeavor to hide the fact by attributing their errors to +Joachim’s detested heretic imitator, the forgotten Amaury. The +Conventuals, in fact, did not omit this damaging method of attack, and +in the contest before Clement V. the Spirituals were obliged to disavow +all connection with Dolcinism.<a name="FNanchor_117_117" id="FNanchor_117_117"></a><a href="#Footnote_117_117" class="fnanchor">[117]</a></p> + +<p>We know nothing of any peculiar tenets taught by Segarelli. From his +character it is not likely that he indulged in any recondite +speculations, while the toleration which he enjoyed until near the end +of his career probably prevented him from formulating any revolutionary +doctrines. To wear the habit of the association, to live in absolute +poverty, without labor and depending on daily charity, to take no +thought of the morrow, to wander without a home, calling upon the people +to repent, to preserve the strictest chastity, was the sum of his +teaching, so far as we know, and this remained to the last the exterior +observance of the Apostles. It was rigidly enforced. Even the austerity +of the Franciscans allowed the friar two gowns, as a concession to +health and comfort, but the Apostle could have but one, and if he +desired it washed he<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_109" id="page_109"></a>{109}</span> had to remain covered in bed until it was dried. +Like the Waldenses and Cathari, the Apostles seem to have considered the +use of the oath as unlawful. They were accused, as usual, of inculcating +promiscuous intercourse, and this charge seemed substantiated by the +mingling of the sexes in their wandering life, and by the crucial test +of continence to which they habitually exposed themselves, in imitation +of the early Christians, of lying together naked; but the statement of +their errors drawn up by the inquisitors who knew them, for the +instruction of their colleagues, shows that license formed no part of +their creed, though it would not be safe to say that men and women of +evil life may not have been attracted to join them by the idleness and +freedom from care of their wandering existence.<a name="FNanchor_118_118" id="FNanchor_118_118"></a><a href="#Footnote_118_118" class="fnanchor">[118]</a></p> + +<p>By the time of Gherardo’s death, however, persecution had been +sufficiently sharp and long-continued to drive the Apostles into denying +the authority of the Holy See and formulating doctrines of pronounced +hostility to the Church. An epistle written by Frà Dolcino, about a +month after Segarelli’s execution, shows that minds more powerful than +that of the founder had been at work framing a body of principles suited +to zealots chafing under the domination of a corrupt church, and eagerly +yearning for a higher theory of life than it could furnish. Joachim had +promised that the era of the Holy Ghost should open with the year 1260. +That prophecy had been fulfilled by the appearance of Segarelli, whose +mission had then commenced. Tacitly accepting this coincidence, Dolcino +proceeds to describe four successive states of the Church. The first +extends from the Creation to the time of Christ; the second from Christ +to Silvester and Constantine, during which the Church was holy and poor; +the third from Silvester to Segarelli, during which the Church declined, +in spite of the reforms introduced by Benedict, Dominic, and Francis, +until it had wholly lost<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_110" id="page_110"></a>{110}</span> the charity of God. The fourth state was +commenced by Segarelli, and will last till the Day of Judgment. Then +follow prophecies which seem to be based on those of the +Pseudo-Joachim’s Commentaries on Jeremiah. The Church now is honored, +rich, and wicked, and will so remain until all clerks, monks, and friars +are cut off with a cruel death, which will happen within three years. +Frederic, King of Trinacria, who had not yet made his peace with the +Holy See, was regarded as the coming avenger, in consequence, doubtless, +of his relations with the Spirituals and his tendencies in their favor. +The epistle concludes with a mass of Apocalyptical prophecies respecting +the approaching advent of Antichrist, the triumph of the saints, and the +reign of holy poverty and love, which is to follow under a saintly pope. +The seven angels of the churches are declared to be Benedict, of +Ephesus; Silvester, of Pergamus; Francis, of Sardis; Dominic, of +Laodicea; Segarelli, of Smyrna; Dolcino himself, of Thyatira; and the +holy pope to come, of Philadelphia. Dolcino announces himself as the +special envoy of God, sent to elucidate Scripture and the prophecies, +while the clergy and the friars are the ministers of Satan, who +persecute now, but who will shortly be consumed, when he and his +followers, with those who join them, will prevail till the end.<a name="FNanchor_119_119" id="FNanchor_119_119"></a><a href="#Footnote_119_119" class="fnanchor">[119]</a></p> + +<p>Segarelli had perished at the stake, July 18, and already in August here +was a man assuming with easy assurance the dangerous position of +heresiarch, proclaiming himself the mouthpiece of God, and promising his +followers speedy triumph in reward for what they might endure under his +leadership. Whether or not he believed his own prophecies, whether he +was a wild fanatic or a skilful charlatan, can never be absolutely +determined, but the balance of probability lies in his truthfulness. +With all his gifts as a born leader of men, it is safe to assert that if +he had not believed in his mission he could not have inspired his +followers with the devotion which led them to stand by him through +sufferings unendurable to ordinary human nature; while the cool sagacity +which he displayed under the most pressing emergencies must<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_111" id="page_111"></a>{111}</span> have been +inflamed by apocalyptic visions ere he could have embarked in an +enterprise in which the means were so wholly inadequate to the end—ere +he could have endeavored single-handed to overthrow the whole majestic +structure of the theocratic church and organized feudalism. Dante +recognized the greatness of Dolcino when he represents him as the only +living man to whom Mahomet from the depths of hell deigns to send a +message, as to a kindred spirit. The good Spiritual Franciscans, who +endured endless persecution without resistance, could only explain his +career by a revelation made to a servant of God beyond the seas, that he +was possessed by a malignant angel named Furcio.<a name="FNanchor_120_120" id="FNanchor_120_120"></a><a href="#Footnote_120_120" class="fnanchor">[120]</a></p> + +<p>The paternity of Dolcino is variously attributed to Giulio, a priest of +Trontano in the Val d’Ossola, and to Giulio, a hermit of Prato in the +Valsesia, near Novara. Brought as a child to Vercelli, he was bred in +the church of St. Agnes by a priest named Agosto, who had him carefully +trained. Gifted with a brilliant intellect, he soon became an excellent +scholar, and, though small of stature, he was pleasant to look upon and +won the affection of all. In after-times it was said that his eloquence +and persuasiveness were such that no one who once listened to him could +ever throw off the spell. His connection with Vercelli came to a sudden +end. The priest lost a sum of money and suspected his servant Patras. +The man took the boy and by torturing him forced him to confess the +theft—rightly or wrongly. The priest interfered to prevent the matter +from becoming public, but shame and terror caused Dolcino to depart in +secret, and we lose sight of him until we hear of him in Trent, at the +head of a band of Apostles. He had joined the sect in 1291; he must +early have taken a prominent position in it, for he admitted in his +final confession that he had thrice been in the hands of the +Inquisition, and had thrice abjured. This he could do without forfeiting +his position, for it was one of the principles of the sect, which +greatly angered the inquisitors, that deceit was lawful when before the +Inquisition; that<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_112" id="page_112"></a>{112}</span> oaths could then be taken with the lips and not with +the heart; but that if death could not be escaped, then it was to be +endured cheerfully and patiently, without betraying accomplices.<a name="FNanchor_121_121" id="FNanchor_121_121"></a><a href="#Footnote_121_121" class="fnanchor">[121]</a></p> + +<p>For three years after his epistle of August, 1300, we know nothing of +Dolcino’s movements, except that he is heard of in Milan, Brescia, +Bergamo, and Como, but they were busy years of propagandism and +organization. The time of promised liberation came and passed, and the +Church was neither shattered nor amended. Yet the capture of Boniface +VIII. at Anagni, in September, 1303, followed by his death, might well +seem to be the beginning of the end, and the fulfilment of the prophecy. +In December, 1303, therefore, Dolcino issued a second epistle, in which +he announced as a revelation from God that the first year of the +tribulations of the Church had begun in the fall of Boniface. In 1304 +Frederic of Trinacria would become emperor, and would destroy the +cardinals, with the new evil pope whom they had just elected; in 1305 he +would carry desolation through the ranks of all prelates and +ecclesiastics, whose wickedness was daily increasing. Until that time +the faithful must lie hid to escape persecution, but then they would +come forth, they would be joined by the Spirituals of the other orders, +they would receive the grace of the Holy Ghost, and would form the new +Church which would endure to the end. Meanwhile he announced himself as +the ruler of the Apostolic Congregation, consisting of four thousand +souls, living without external obedience, but in the obedience of the +Spirit. About a hundred, of either sex, were organized in control of the +brethren, and he had four principal lieutenants, Longino Cattaneo da +Bergamo, Federigo da Novara, Alberto da Otranto, and Valderigo da +Brescia. Superior to these was his dearly-loved sister in Christ, +Margherita. Margherita di Trank is described to us as a woman of noble +birth, considerable fortune, and surpassing beauty, who had been +educated in the convent of St. Catharine at Trent. Dolcino had been the +agent of the convent, and had thus made her acquaintance. Infatuated +with him, she fled with him, and remained constant to the last. He +always maintained that their relations<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_113" id="page_113"></a>{113}</span> were purely spiritual, but this +was naturally doubted, and the churchmen asserted that she bore him a +child whose birth was represented to the faithful as the operation of +the Holy Ghost.<a name="FNanchor_122_122" id="FNanchor_122_122"></a><a href="#Footnote_122_122" class="fnanchor">[122]</a></p> + +<p>Although in this letter of December, 1303, Dolcino recognizes the +necessity of concealment, perhaps the expected approaching fruition of +his hopes may have encouraged him to relax his precautions. Returning in +1304 to the home of his youth with a few sectaries clad in the white +tunics and sandals of the Order, he commenced making converts in the +neighborhood of Gattinara and Serravalle, two villages of the Valsesia, +a few leagues above Vercelli. The Inquisition was soon upon the track, +and, failing to catch him, made the people of Serravalle pay dearly for +the favor which they had shown him. Deep-seated discontent, both with +the Church and their feudal lords, can alone explain the assistance +which Dolcino received from the hardy population of the foot-hills of +the Alps, when he was forced to raise openly the standard of revolt. A +short distance above Serravalle, on the left bank of the Sesia, a stream +fed by the glaciers of Monte Rosa, lay Borgo di Sesia, in the diocese of +Novara. Thither a rich husbandman, much esteemed by his neighbors, named +Milano Sola, invited Dolcino, and for several months he remained there +undisturbed, making converts and receiving his disciples, whom he seems +to have summoned from distant parts, as though resolved to make a stand +and take advantage of the development of his apocalyptic prophecies. +Preparations made to dislodge him, however, convinced him that safety +was only to be found in the Alps, and under the guidance of Milano Sola +the Apostles moved up towards the head-waters of the Sesia, and +established themselves on a mountain crest, difficult of access, where +they built huts. Thus passed the year 1304. Their numbers were not +inconsiderable—some fourteen hundred of both sexes—inflamed with +religious zeal, regarding Dolcino as a prophet whose lightest word was +law. Thus contumaciously assembled in defiance of the summons of the +Inquisition, they were in open rebellion<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_114" id="page_114"></a>{114}</span> against the Church. The State +also soon became their enemy, for as the year 1305 opened, their slender +stock of provisions was exhausted and they replenished their stores by +raids upon the lower valleys.<a name="FNanchor_123_123" id="FNanchor_123_123"></a><a href="#Footnote_123_123" class="fnanchor">[123]</a></p> + +<p>The Church could not afford to brook this open defiance, to say nothing +of the complaints of rapine and sacrilege which filled the land, yet it +shows the dread which Dolcino already inspired that recourse was had to +the pope, under whose auspices a formal crusade was preached, in order +to raise a force deemed sufficient to exterminate the heretics. One of +the early acts of Clement V. after his election, June 5, 1305, was to +issue bulls for this purpose, and the next step was to hold an assembly, +August 24, where a league was formed and an agreement signed pledging +the assembled nobles to shed the last drop of their blood to destroy the +Gazzari, who had been driven out of Sesia and Biandrate, but had not +ceased to trouble the land. Armed with the papal commissions, Rainerio, +Bishop of Vercelli, and the inquisitors raised a considerable force and +advanced to the mountain refuge of the Apostles. Dolcino, seeing the +futility of resistance, decamped by night and established his little +community on an almost inaccessible mountain, and the crusaders, +apparently thinking them dispersed, withdrew. Dolcino was now fairly at +bay; the only hope of safety lay in resistance, and since the Church was +resolved on war, he and his followers would at least sell their lives as +dearly as they could. His new retreat was on the Parete Calvo—the Bare +Wall—whose name sufficiently describes its character, a mountain +overlooking the village of Campertogno. On this stronghold the Apostles +fortified themselves and constructed such habitations as they could, and +from it they ravaged the neighboring valleys for subsistence. The +Podestà of Varallo assembled the men of the Valsesia to dislodge them, +but Dolcino laid an ambush for him, attacked him with stones and such +other weapons as the Apostles chanced to have, and took him prisoner +with most of his men, obtaining ransoms which enabled the sectaries to +support life for a while longer. Their depredations continued till all +the land within striking distance was reduced to a desert, the churches +despoiled, and the inhabitants driven off.<a name="FNanchor_124_124" id="FNanchor_124_124"></a><a href="#Footnote_124_124" class="fnanchor">[124]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_115" id="page_115"></a>{115}</span></p> + +<p>The winter of 1305-6 put to the test the endurance of the heretics on +their bare mountain-top. As Lent came on they were reduced to eating +mice and other vermin, and hay cooked in grease. The position became +untenable, and on the night of March 10, compelled by stern necessity to +abandon their weaker companions, they left the Parete Calvo, and, +building paths which seemed impossible over high mountains and through +deep snows, they established themselves on Monte Rubello, overlooking +the village of Triverio, in the diocese of Vercelli. By this time, +through want and exhaustion, their numbers were reduced to about a +thousand, and the sole provisions which they brought with them were a +few scraps of meat. With such secrecy and expedition had the move been +executed that the first intimation that the people of Triverio had of +the neighborhood of the dreaded heretics was a foray by night, in which +their town was ravaged. We do not hear that any of the unresisting +inhabitants were slain, but we are told that thirty-four of the Apostles +were cut off in their retreat and put to death. The whole region was now +alarmed, and the Bishop of Vercelli raised a second force of crusaders, +who bravely advanced to Monte Rubello. Dolcino was rapidly learning the +art of war; he made a sally from his stronghold, though again we learn +that some of his combatants were armed only with stones, and the +bishop’s troops were beaten back with the loss of many prisoners who +were exchanged for food.<a name="FNanchor_125_125" id="FNanchor_125_125"></a><a href="#Footnote_125_125" class="fnanchor">[125]</a></p> + +<p>The heretic encampment was now organized for permanent occupation. +Fortifications were thrown up, houses built, and a well dug. Thus +rendered inexpugnable, the hunted Apostles were in safety from external +attack, and on their Alpine crag, with all mankind for enemies, they +calmly awaited in their isolation the fulfilment of Dolcino’s +prophecies. Their immediate danger was starvation. The mountain-tops +furnished no food, and the remains of the episcopal army stationed at +Mosso maintained a strict blockade. To relieve himself, early in May, +Dolcino by a clever stratagem lured them to an attack, set upon them +from an ambush, and dispersed them, capturing many prisoners, who, as +before, were exchanged for provisions. The bishop’s resources were +exhausted. Again he appealed to Clement V., who graciously<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_116" id="page_116"></a>{116}</span> +anathematized the heretics, and offered plenary indulgence to all who +would serve in the army of the Lord for thirty days against them, or pay +a recruit for such service. The papal letters were published far and +wide, the Vercellese ardently supported their aged bishop, who +personally accompanied the crusade; a large force was raised, +neighboring heights were seized and machines erected which threw stones +into the heretic encampment and demolished their huts. A desperate +struggle took place for the possession of one commanding eminence, where +mutual slaughter so deeply tinged the waters of the Riccio that its name +became changed to that of Rio Carnaschio, and so strong was the +impression made upon the popular mind that within the last century it +would have fared ill with any sceptical traveller who should aver within +hearing of a mountaineer of the district that its color was the same as +that of the neighboring torrents.<a name="FNanchor_126_126" id="FNanchor_126_126"></a><a href="#Footnote_126_126" class="fnanchor">[126]</a></p> + +<p>This third crusade was as fruitless as its predecessors. The assailants +were repulsed and fell back to Mosso, Triverio, and Crevacore, while +Dolcino, profiting by experience, fortified and garrisoned six of the +neighboring heights, from which he harried the surrounding country and +kept his people supplied with food. To restrain them the crusaders built +two forts and maintained a heavy force within them, but to little +purpose. Mosso, Triverio, Cassato, Flecchia, and other towns were +burned, and the accounts of the wanton spoliation and desecration of the +churches show how thoroughly antisacerdotal the sect had become. Driven +to desperation, the ancient loving-kindness of their creed gave place to +the cruelty which they learned from their assailants. To deprive them of +resources it was forbidden to exchange food with them for prisoners, and +their captives were mercilessly put to death. According to the +contemporary inquisitor to whom we are indebted for these details, since +the days of Adam there had never been a sect, so execrable, so +abominable, so horrible, or which in a time so short accomplished so +much evil. The worst of it was that Dolcino infused into his followers +his own unconquerable spirit. In male attire the women accompanied the +men in their expeditions. Fanaticism rendered them invincible, and so +great was the terror which they inspired that the faithful fled from +the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_117" id="page_117"></a>{117}</span> faces of these dogs, of whom we are told a few would put to flight +a host and utterly destroy them. The land was abandoned by the +inhabitants, and in December, seized with a sudden panic, the crusaders +evacuated one of the forts, and the garrison of the other, amounting to +seven hundred men, was rescued with difficulty.<a name="FNanchor_127_127" id="FNanchor_127_127"></a><a href="#Footnote_127_127" class="fnanchor">[127]</a></p> + +<p>Dolcino’s fanaticism and military skill had thus triumphed in the field, +but the fatal weakness of his position lay in his inability to support +his followers. This was clearly apprehended by the Bishop of Vercelli, +who built five new forts around the heretic position; and when we are +told that all the roads and passes were strictly guarded so that no help +should reach them, we may infer that, in spite of the devastation to +which they had been driven, they still had friends among the population. +This policy was successful. During the winter of 1306-7 the sufferings +of the Apostles on their snowy mountain-top were frightful. Hunger and +cold did their work. Many perished from exhaustion. Others barely +maintained life on grass and leaves, when they were fortunate enough to +find them. Cannibalism was resorted to; the bodies of their enemies who +fell in successful sorties were devoured, and even those of their +comrades who succumbed to starvation. The pious chronicler informs us +that this misery was brought upon them by the prayers and vows of the +good bishop and his flock.<a name="FNanchor_128_128" id="FNanchor_128_128"></a><a href="#Footnote_128_128" class="fnanchor">[128]</a></p> + +<p>To this there could be but one ending, and even the fervid genius of +Dolcino could not indefinitely postpone the inevitable. As the dreary +Alpine winter drew to an end, towards the close of March, the bishop +organized a fourth crusade. A large army was raised to deal with the +gaunt and haggard survivors; hot fighting occurred during Passion Week, +and on Holy Thursday (March 23, 1307) the last entrenchments were +carried. The resistance had been stubborn, and again the Rio Carnaschio +ran red with blood. No quarter was given. “On that day more than a +thousand of the heretics perished in the flames, or in the river, or by +the sword, in the cruellest of deaths. Thus they who made sport of God +the Eternal Father and of the Catholic faith came, on the day of the +Last Supper, through hunger, steel, fire, pestilence, and all +wretchedness, to shame and disgraceful death, as they deserved.”<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_118" id="page_118"></a>{118}</span> Strict +orders had been given by the bishop to capture alive Dolcino and his two +chief subordinates, Margherita and Longino Cattaneo, and great were the +rejoicings when they were brought to him on Saturday, at the castle of +Biella.<a name="FNanchor_129_129" id="FNanchor_129_129"></a><a href="#Footnote_129_129" class="fnanchor">[129]</a></p> + +<p>No case could be clearer than theirs, and yet the bishop deemed it +necessary to consult Pope Clement—a perfectly superfluous ceremony, +explicable perhaps, as Gallenga suggests, by the opportunity which it +afforded of begging assistance for his ruined diocese and exhausted +treasury. Clement’s avarice responded in a niggardly fashion, though the +extravagant pæan of triumph in which the pope hastened to announce the +glad tidings to Philippe le Bel on the same evening in which he received +them shows how deep was the anxiety caused by the audacious revolt of +the handful of Dolcinists. The Bishops of Vercelli, Novara, and Pavia, +and the Abbot of Lucedio were granted the first fruits of all benefices +becoming vacant during the next three years in their respective +territories, and the former, in addition, was exempted during life from +the exactions of papal legates, with some other privileges. While +awaiting this response the prisoners were kept, chained hand and foot +and neck, in the dungeon of the Inquisition at Vercelli, with numerous +guards posted to prevent a rescue, indicating a knowledge that there +existed deep popular sympathy for the rebels against State and Church. +The customary efforts were made to procure confession and abjuration, +but while the prisoners boldly affirmed their faith they were deaf to +all offers of reconciliation. Dolcino even persisted in his prophecies +that Antichrist would appear in three years and a half, when he and his +followers would be translated to Paradise; that after the death of +Antichrist he would return to the earth to be the holy pope of the new +church, when all the infidels would be converted. About two months +passed away before Clement’s orders were received, that they should be +tried and punished at the scene of their crimes. The customary assembly +of experts was convened in Vercelli: there could be no doubt as to their +guilt, and they were abandoned to<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_119" id="page_119"></a>{119}</span> the secular arm. For the superfluous +cruelty which followed the Church was not responsible; it was the +expression of the terror of the secular authorities, leading them to +repress by an awful example the ever-present danger of a peasant revolt. +On June 1, 1307, the prisoners were brought forth. Margherita’s beauty +moved all hearts to compassion, and this, coupled with the reports of +her wealth, led many nobles to offer her marriage and pardon if she +would abjure, but, constant to her faith and to Dolcino, she preferred +the stake. She was slowly burned to death before his eyes, and then +commenced his more prolonged torture. Mounted on a cart, provided with +braziers to keep the instruments of torment heated, he was slowly driven +along the roads through that long summer day and torn gradually to +pieces with red-hot pincers. The marvellous constancy of the man was +shown by his enduring it without rewarding his torturers with a single +change of feature. Only when his nose was wrenched off was observed a +slight shiver in the shoulders, and when a yet crueller pang was +inflicted, a single sigh escaped him. While he was thus dying in +lingering torture Longino Cattaneo, at Biella, was similarly utilized to +afford a salutary warning to the people. Thus the enthusiasts expiated +their dreams of the regeneration of mankind.<a name="FNanchor_130_130" id="FNanchor_130_130"></a><a href="#Footnote_130_130" class="fnanchor">[130]</a></p> + +<p>Complete as was Dolcino’s failure, his character and his fate left an +ineffaceable impression on the population. The Parete Calvo, his first +mountain refuge, was considered to be haunted by evil spirits, whom he +had left to guard a treasure buried in a cave, and who excited such +tempests when any one invaded their domain that the people of Triverio +were forced to maintain guards to warn off persistent treasure-seekers. +Still stronger was the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_120" id="page_120"></a>{120}</span> influence which he exerted upon his fastness on +Monte Rubello. It became known as the Monte dei Gazzari, and to it, as +to an accursed spot, priests grew into the habit of consigning demons +whom they exorcised on account of hail-storms. The result of this was +that the congregated spirits caused such fearful tempests that the +neighboring lands were ruined, the harvests were yearly destroyed, and +the people reduced to beggary. Finally, as a cure, the inhabitants of +Triverio vowed to God and to St. Bernard that if they were relieved they +would build on the top of the mountain a chapel to St. Bernard. This was +done, and the mountain thus acquired its modern name of Monte San +Bernardo. Every year on June 15, the feast of St. Bernard, one man from +every hearth in the surrounding parishes marched with their priests in +solemn procession, bearing crosses and banners, and celebrating solemn +services, in the presence of crowds assembled to gain the pardons +granted by the pope, and to share in a distribution of bread provided by +a special levy made on the parishes of Triverio and Portola. This custom +lasted till the French invasion under Napoleon. Renewed in 1815, it was +discontinued on account of the disorders which attended it. Again +resumed in 1839, it was accompanied with a hurricane which is still in +the Valsesia attributed to the heresiarch, and even to the present day +the mountaineers see on the mountain-crest a procession of Dolcinists +during the night before its celebration. Dolcino’s name is still +remembered in the valleys as that of a great man who perished in the +effort to free the populations from temporal and spiritual tyranny.<a name="FNanchor_131_131" id="FNanchor_131_131"></a><a href="#Footnote_131_131" class="fnanchor">[131]</a></p> + +<p> </p> + +<p>Dolcino and his immediate band of followers were thus exterminated, but +there remained the thousands of Apostles, scattered throughout the land, +who cherished their belief in secret. Under the skilful hand of the +Inquisition, the harmless eccentricities of Segarelli were hardened and +converted into a strongly antisacerdotal heresy, antagonistic to Rome, +precisely as we have seen the same result with the exaggerated +asceticism of the Olivists. There was much in common between the sects, +for both drew their inspiration from the Everlasting Gospel. Like the +Olivists, the Apostles held that Christ had withdrawn his authority from +the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_121" id="page_121"></a>{121}</span> Church of Rome on account of its wickedness; it was the Whore of +Babylon, and all spiritual power was transferred to the Spiritual +Congregation, or Order of Apostles, as they styled themselves. As time +passed on without the fulfilment of the apocalyptic promises, as +Frederic of Trinacria did not develop into a deliverer, and as +Antichrist delayed his appearance, they seem to have abandoned these +hopes, or at least to have repressed their expression, but they +continued to cherish the belief that they had attained spiritual +perfection, releasing them from all obedience to man, and that there was +no salvation outside of their community. Antisacerdotalism was thus +developed to the fullest extent. There seems to have been no +organization in the Order. Reception was performed by the simplest of +ceremonies, either in church before the altar or in any other place. The +postulant stripped himself of all his garments, in sign of renunciation +of all property and of entering into the perfect state of evangelical +poverty; he uttered no vows, but in his heart he promised to live +henceforth in poverty. After this he was never to receive or carry +money, but was to live on alms spontaneously offered to him, and was +never to reserve anything for the morrow. He made no promise of +obedience to mortal man, but only to God, to whom alone he was subject, +as were the apostles to Christ. Thus all the externals of religion were +brushed aside. Churches were useless; a man could better worship Christ +in the woods, and prayer to God was as effective in a pigsty as in a +consecrated building. Priests and prelates and monks were a detriment to +the faith. Tithes should only be given to those whose voluntary poverty +rendered it superfluous. Though the sacrament of penitence was not +expressly abrogated, yet the power of the keys was virtually annulled by +the principle that no pope could absolve for sin unless he were as holy +as St. Peter, living in perfect poverty and humility, abstaining from +war and persecution, and permitting every one to dwell in liberty; and, +as all prelates, from the time of Silvester, had been seducers and +prevaricators, excepting only Frà Pier di Morrone (Celestin V.). it +followed that the indulgences and pardons so freely hawked around +Christendom were worthless. One error they shared with the +Waldenses—the prohibition of oaths, even in a court of justice.<a name="FNanchor_132_132" id="FNanchor_132_132"></a><a href="#Footnote_132_132" class="fnanchor">[132]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_122" id="page_122"></a>{122}</span></p> + +<p>The description which Bernard Gui gives of the Apostles, in order to +guide his brother inquisitors in their detection, shows how fully they +carried into practice the precepts of their simple creed. They wore a +special habit, closely approaching a conventual garb—probably the white +mantle and cord adopted by Segarelli. They presented all the exterior +signs of saintliness. As they wandered along the roads and through the +streets they sang hymns, or uttered prayers and exhortations to +repentance. Whatever was spontaneously set before them they ate with +thankfulness, and when appetite was satisfied they left what might +remain and carried nothing with them. In their humble fashion they seem +to have imitated the apostles as best they could, and to have carried +poverty to a pitch which Angelo da Clarino himself might have envied. +Bernard Gui, in addition, deplores their intractable obstinacy, and +adduces a case in which he had kept one of them in prison for two years, +subjecting him to frequent examination, before he was brought to +confession and repentance—by what gentle persuasives we may readily +guess.<a name="FNanchor_133_133" id="FNanchor_133_133"></a><a href="#Footnote_133_133" class="fnanchor">[133]</a></p> + +<p>All this may seem to us the most harmless of heresies, and yet the +impression produced by the exploits of Dolcino caused it to be regarded +as one of the most formidable; and the earnestness of the sectaries in +making converts was rendered dangerous by their drawing their chief +arguments from the evil lives of the clergy. When the Brethren of the +Free Spirit were condemned in the Clementines, Bernard Gui wrote +earnestly to John XXII., urging that a clause should be inserted +including the Apostles, whom he described as growing like weeds and +spreading from Italy to Languedoc and Spain. This is probably one of the +exaggerations customary in such matters, but about this time a Dolcinist +named Jacopo da Querio was discovered and burned in Avignon. In 1316 +Bernard Gui found others within his own district, when his energetic +proceedings soon drove the poor wretches across the Pyrenees, and he +addressed urgent letters to all the prelates of Spain, describing them +and calling for their prompt extermination, which resulted, as mentioned +in a former chapter, in the apprehension of five of the heretics at far +off Compostella, doubtless the remnants of the disciples of the Apostle +Richard. Possibly<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_123" id="page_123"></a>{123}</span> this may have driven some of them back to France for +safety, for in the <i>auto</i> of September, 1322, at Toulouse, there figures +the Galician already referred to named Pedro de Lugo, who had been +strenuously labored with for a year in prison, and on his abjuration was +incarcerated for life on bread and water. In the same <i>auto</i> there was +another culprit whose fate illustrates the horror and terror inspired by +the doctrines of the Dolcinists. Guillem Ruffi had been previously +forced to abjuration as a Beguine, and subsequently had betrayed two of +his former associates, one of whom had been burned and the other +imprisoned. This would seem to be sufficient proof of his zeal for +orthodoxy, and yet, when he happened to state that in Italy there were +Fraticelli who held that no one was perfect who could not endure the +test of continence above alluded to, adding that he had tried the +experiment himself with success, and had taught it to more than one +woman, this was considered sufficient, and without anything further +against him he was incontinently burned as a relapsed heretic.<a name="FNanchor_134_134" id="FNanchor_134_134"></a><a href="#Footnote_134_134" class="fnanchor">[134]</a></p> + +<p>In spite of Bernard Gui’s exaggerated apprehensions, the sect, although +it continued to exist for some time, gave no further serious trouble. +The Council of Cologne in 1306 and that of Trèves in 1310 allude to the +Apostles, showing that they were not unknown in Germany. Yet about 1335 +so well-informed a writer as Alvar Pelayo speaks of Dolcino as a +Beghard, showing how soon the memory of the distinctive characteristics +of the sect had faded away. At this very time, however, a certain Zoppio +was secretly spreading the heresy at Rieti, where it seems to have found +numerous converts, especially among the women. Attention being called to +it, Frà Simone Filippi, inquisitor of the Roman province, hastened +thither, seized Zoppio, and after examining him delivered him to the +authorities for safe-keeping. When he desired to proceed with the trial +the magistrates refused to surrender the prisoner, and abused the +inquisitor. Benedict XII. was appealed to, who scolded roundly the +recalcitrant officials for defending a heresy so horrible that decency +forbids his describing it; he threatened<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_124" id="page_124"></a>{124}</span> them with exemplary punishment +for continued contumacy, and promised that, if they were afraid of +damage to the reputation of their women, the latter should be mildly +treated and spared humiliating penance on giving information as to their +associates.<a name="FNanchor_135_135" id="FNanchor_135_135"></a><a href="#Footnote_135_135" class="fnanchor">[135]</a></p> + +<p>After a long interval we hear of the Apostles again in Languedoc, where, +in 1368, the Council of Lavaur calls attention to them as wandering +through the land in spite of the condemnation of the Holy See, and +disseminating errors under an appearance of external piety, wherefore +they are ordered to be arrested and punished by the episcopal courts. In +1374 the Council of Narbonne deemed it necessary to repeat this +injunction; and we have seen that in 1402 and 1403 the zeal of the +Inquisitor Eylard was rewarded in Lubec and Wismar by the capture and +burning of two Apostles. This is the last authentic record of a sect +which a hundred years before had for a brief space inspired so wide a +terror.<a name="FNanchor_136_136" id="FNanchor_136_136"></a><a href="#Footnote_136_136" class="fnanchor">[136]</a></p> + +<p> </p> + +<p>Closely allied with the Dolcinists, and forming a link between them and +the German Brethren of the Free Spirit, were some Italian heretics known +as followers of the Spirit of Liberty, of whom a few scattered notices +have reached us. They seem to have avoided the pantheism of the Germans, +and did not teach the return of the soul to its Creator, but they +adopted the dangerous tenet of the perfectibility of man, who in this +life can become as holy as Christ. This can be accomplished by sins as +well as by virtues, for both are the same in the eye of God, who directs +all things and allows no human free-will. The soul is purified by sin, +and the greater the pleasure in carnal indulgences the more nearly they +represent God. There is no eternal punishment, but<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_125" id="page_125"></a>{125}</span> souls not +sufficiently purified in this life undergo purgation until admitted to +heaven.<a name="FNanchor_137_137" id="FNanchor_137_137"></a><a href="#Footnote_137_137" class="fnanchor">[137]</a></p> + +<p>We first hear of these sectaries as appearing among the Franciscans of +Assisi, where, under active proceedings, seven of the friars confessed, +abjured, and were sentenced to perpetual prison. When, in 1309, Clement +V. sought to settle the points in dispute between the Spirituals and +Conventuals, the first of the four preliminary questions which he put to +the contending factions related to the connection between the Order and +this heresy, of which both sides promptly sought to clear themselves. +The next reference to them is in April, 1311, when they were said to be +multiplying rapidly in Spoleto, among both ecclesiastics and laymen, and +Clement sent thither Raimundo, Bishop of Cremona, to stamp out the new +heresy. The effort was unavailing, for in 1327, at Florence, Donna +Lapina, belonging to the sect “of the Spirit” whose members believed +themselves impeccable, was condemned by Frà Accursio, the inquisitor, to +confiscation and wearing crosses; and in 1329 Frà Bartolino da Perugia, +in announcing a general inquisition to be made of the province of +Assisi, enumerates the new heresy of the Spirit of Liberty among those +which he proposes to suppress. More important was the case of Domenico +Savi of Ascoli, who was regarded as a man of the most exemplary piety. +In 1337 he abandoned wife and children for a hermit’s life, and the +bishop built for him a cell and oratory. This gave him still greater +repute, and his influence was such that when he began to disseminate the +doctrines of the Spirit of Liberty, which he undertook by means of +circulating written tracts, the number of his followers is reckoned at +ten thousand. It was not long before this attracted the attention of the +Inquisition. He was tried, and recanted, while his writings were ordered +to be burned. His convictions, however, were too strong to allow him to +remain orthodox. He relapsed, was tried a second time, appealed to the +pope, and was finally condemned by the Holy See in 1344, when he was +handed over to the secular arm and burned at Ascoli. As nothing is said<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_126" id="page_126"></a>{126}</span> +about the fate of his disciples it may be assumed that they escaped by +abjuration. He is usually classed with the Fraticelli, but the errors +attributed to him bear no resemblance to those of that sect, and are +evidently exaggerations of the doctrines of the Spirit of Liberty.<a name="FNanchor_138_138" id="FNanchor_138_138"></a><a href="#Footnote_138_138" class="fnanchor">[138]</a></p> + +<p> </p> + +<p>Before dismissing the career of Dolcino, it may be worth while to cast a +passing glance at that of a modern prophet which, like the cases of the +modern Guglielmites, teaches us that such spiritual phenomena are common +to all ages, and that even in our colder and more rationalistic time the +mysteries of human nature are the same as in the thirteenth century.</p> + +<p>Dolcino merely organized a movement which had been in progress for +nearly half a century, and which was the expression of a widely diffused +sentiment. David Lazzaretti of Arcidosso was both founder and martyr. A +wagoner in the mountains of southern Tuscany, his herculean strength and +ready speech made him widely known throughout his native region, when a +somewhat wild and dissipated youth was suddenly converted into an +ascetic of the severest type, dwelling in a hermitage on Monte Labbro, +and honored with revelations from God. His austerities, his visions, and +his prophecies soon brought him disciples, many of whom adopted his mode +of life, and the peasants of Arcidosso revered him as a prophet. He +claimed that, as early as 1848, he had been called to the task of +regenerating the world, and that his sudden conversion was caused by a +vision of St. Peter, who imprinted on his forehead a mark (O+C) in +attestation of his mission. He was by no means consistent in his +successive stages of development. A patriot volunteer in 1860, he +subsequently upheld the cause of the Church against the assaults of +heretic Germany, but in 1876 his book, “My Struggle with God,” reveals +his aspirations towards the headship of a new faith, and describes him +as carried to heaven and discoursing with God, though he still professed +himself faithful to Rome and to the papacy. The Church disdained his aid +and condemned his errors, and he became a heresiarch.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_127" id="page_127"></a>{127}</span> In the spring of +1878 he urged the adoption of sacerdotal marriage, he disregarded +fast-days, administered communion to his disciples in a rite of his own, +and composed for them a creed of which the twenty-fourth article was, “I +believe that our founder, David Lazzaretti, the anointed of the Lord, +judged and condemned by the Roman curia, is really Christ, the leader +and the judge.” That the people accepted him is seen in the fact that +for three successive Sundays the priest of Arcidosso found his church +without a worshipper. David founded a “Society of the Holy League, or +Christian Brotherhood,” and proclaimed the coming Republic or Kingdom of +God, when all property should be equally divided. Even this communism +did not frighten off the small proprietors who constituted the greater +portion of his following. There was general discontent, owing to a +succession of unfortunate harvests and the increasing pressure of +taxation, and when, on August 14, 1878, he announced that he would set +out with his disciples peacefully to inaugurate his theocratic republic, +the whole population gathered on Monte Labbro. After four days spent in +religious exercises the extraordinary crusade set forth, consisting of +all ages and both sexes, arrayed in a fantastic uniform of red and blue, +and bearing banners and garlands of flowers with which to revolutionize +society. Its triumphal march was short. At the village of Arcidosso its +progress was disputed by a squad of nine carabineers, who poured volleys +into the defenceless crowd. Thirty-four of the Lazzarettists fell, +killed and wounded, and among them David himself, with a bullet in his +brain.<a name="FNanchor_139_139" id="FNanchor_139_139"></a><a href="#Footnote_139_139" class="fnanchor">[139]</a> Whether he was enthusiast or impostor may remain an open +question. Travel and study had brought him training; he was no longer a +rude mountain<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_128" id="page_128"></a>{128}</span> peasant, but could estimate the social forces against +which he raised the standard of revolt, and could recognize that they +were insuperable save to an envoy of God. Possibly on the slopes of +Monte Amiata his memory may linger like that of Dolcino in the Valsesia; +certain it is that many of his disciples long expected his +resurrection.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_129" id="page_129"></a>{129}</span></p> + +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_III" id="CHAPTER_III"></a>CHAPTER III.<br /><br /> +<small>THE FRATICELLI.</small></h2> + +<p>W<small>E</small> have seen how John XXII. created and exterminated the heresy of the +Spiritual Franciscans, and how Michele da Cesena enforced obedience +within the Order as to the question of granaries and cellars and the +wearing of short and narrow gowns. The settlement of the question, +however, on so illogical a basis as this was impossible, especially in +view of the restless theological dogmatism of the pope and his +inflexible determination to crush all dissidence of opinion. Having once +undertaken to silence the discussions over the rule of poverty which had +caused so much trouble for nearly a century, his logical intellect led +him to carry to their legitimate conclusions the principles involved in +his bulls <i>Quorumdam, Sancta Romana</i>, and <i>Gloriosam Ecclesiam</i>, while +his thorough worldliness rendered him incapable of anticipating the +storm which he would provoke. A character such as his was unable to +comprehend the honest inconsistency of men like Michele and Bonagrazia, +who could burn their brethren for refusing to have granaries and +cellars, and who, at the same time, were ready to endure the stake in +vindication of the absolute poverty of Christ and the apostles, which +had so long been a fundamental belief of the Order, and had been +proclaimed as irrefragable truth in the bull <i>Exiit qui seminat</i>.</p> + +<p>In fact, under a pope of the temperament of John, the orthodox +Franciscans had a narrow and dangerous path to tread. The Spirituals +were burned as heretics because they insisted on following their own +conception of the Rule of Francis, and the distinction between this and +the official recognition of the obligation of poverty was shadowy in the +extreme. The Dominicans were not slow to recognize the dubious position +of their rivals, nor averse to take advantage of it. If they could bring +the received doctrines of the Franciscan Order within the definition of +the new<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_130" id="page_130"></a>{130}</span> heresy they would win a triumph that might prove permanent. The +situation was so artificial and so untenable that a catastrophe was +inevitable, and it might be precipitated by the veriest trifle.</p> + +<p>In 1321, when the persecution of the Spirituals was at its height, the +Dominican inquisitor, Jean de Beaune, whom we have seen as the colleague +of Bernard Gui and the jailer of Bernard Délicieux, was engaged at +Narbonne in the trial of one of the proscribed sect. To pass judgment he +summoned an assembly of experts, among whom was the Franciscan Berenger +Talon, teacher in the convent of Narbonne. One of the errors which he +represented the culprit as entertaining was that Christ and the +apostles, following the way of perfection, had held no possessions, +individually or in common. As this was the universal Franciscan +doctrine, we can only regard it as a challenge when he summoned Frère +Berenger to give his opinion respecting it. Berenger thereupon replied +that it was not heretical, having been defined as orthodox in the +decretal <i>Exiit</i>, when the inquisitor hotly demanded that he should +recant on the spot. The position was critical, and Berenger, to save +himself from prosecution, interjected an appeal to the pope. He hastened +to Avignon, but found that Jean de Beaune had been before him. He was +arrested; the Dominicans everywhere took up the question, and the pope +allowed it to be clearly seen that his sympathies were with them. Yet +the subject was a dangerous one for disputants, as the bull <i>Exiit</i> had +anathematized all who should attempt to gloss or discuss its decisions; +and, as a preliminary to reopening the question, John was obliged, March +26, 1322, to issue a special bull, <i>Quia nonnunquam</i>, wherein he +suspended, during his pleasure, the censures pronounced in <i>Exiit qui +seminat</i>. Having thus intimated that the Church had erred in its former +definition, he proceeded to lay before his prelates and doctors the +significant question whether the pertinacious assertion that Christ and +the apostles possessed nothing individually or in common was a +heresy.<a name="FNanchor_140_140" id="FNanchor_140_140"></a><a href="#Footnote_140_140" class="fnanchor">[140]</a></p> + +<p>The extravagances of the Spirituals had borne their fruit, and there was +a reaction against the absurd laudation of poverty which had grown to be +a fetich. This bore hard on those who had been<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_131" id="page_131"></a>{131}</span> conscientiously trained +in the belief that the abnegation of property was the surest path to +salvation; but the follies of the ascetics had become uncomfortable, if +not dangerous, and it was necessary for the Church to go behind its +teachings since the days of Antony and Hilarion and Simeon Stylites, to +recur to the common-sense of the gospel, and to admit that, like the +Sabbath, religion was made for man and not man for religion. In a work +written some ten years after this time, Alvar Pelayo, papal penitentiary +and himself a Franciscan, treats the subject at considerable length, and +doubtless represents the views which found favor with John. The +anchorite should be wholly dead to the world and should never leave his +hermitage; memorable is the abbot who refused to open his door to his +mother for fear his eye should rest upon her, and not less so the monk +who, when his brother asked him to come a little way and help him with a +foundered ox, replied, “Why dost thou not ask thy brother who is yet in +the world?” “But he has been dead these fifteen years!” “And I have been +dead to the world these twenty years!” Short of this complete +renunciation, all men should earn their living by honest labor. In spite +of the illustrious example of the sleepless monks of Dios, the apostolic +command “Pray without ceasing” (Thessal. v. 17) is not to be taken +literally. The apostles had money and bought food (John <small>IV</small>. 8), and +Judas carried the purse of the Lord (John <small>XII</small>. 6). Better than a life of +beggary is one blessed by honest labor, as a swineherd, a shepherd, a +cowherd, a mason, a blacksmith, or a charcoal-burner, for a man is thus +fulfilling the purpose of his creation. It is a sin for the able-bodied +to live on charity, and thus usurp the alms due to the sick, the infirm, +and the aged. All this is a lucid interval of common-sense, but what +would Aquinas or Bonaventura have said to it, for it sounds like the +echo of their great antagonist, William of Saint-Amour?<a name="FNanchor_141_141" id="FNanchor_141_141"></a><a href="#Footnote_141_141" class="fnanchor">[141]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_132" id="page_132"></a>{132}</span></p> + +<p>It was inevitable that the replies to the question submitted by John +should be adverse to the poverty of Christ and the apostles. The bishops +were universally assumed to be the representatives of the latter, and +could not be expected to relish the assertion that their prototypes had +been commanded by Christ to own no property. The Spirituals had made a +point of this. Olivi had proved not only that Franciscans promoted to +the episcopate were even more bound than their brethren to observe the +Rule in all its strictures, but that bishops in general were under +obligation to live in deeper poverty than the members of the most +perfect Order. Now that there was a chance of justifying their +worldliness and luxury, it was not likely to be lost. Yet John himself +for a while held his own opinion suspended. In a debate before the +consistory, Ubertino da Casale, the former leader of the orthodox +Spirituals, was summoned to present the Franciscan view of the poverty +of Christ, in answer to the Dominicans, and we are told that John was +greatly pleased with his argument. Unluckily, at the General Chapter +held at Perugia, May 30, 1322, the Franciscans appealed to Christendom +at large by a definition addressed to all the faithful, in which they +proved that the absolute poverty of Christ was the accepted doctrine of +the Church, as set forth in the bulls <i>Exiit</i> and <i>Exivi de Paradiso</i>, +and that John himself had approved of these in his bull <i>Quorumdum</i>. +Another and more comprehensive utterance to the same effect received the +signatures of all the Franciscan masters and bachelors of theology in +France and England. With a disputant such as John this was an act of<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_133" id="page_133"></a>{133}</span> +more zeal than discretion. His passions were fairly aroused, and he +proceeded to treat the Franciscans as antagonists. In December of the +same year he dealt them a heavy blow in the bull <i>Ad conditorem</i>, +wherein with remorseless logic he pointed out the fallacy of the device +of Innocent IV. for eluding the provisions of the Rule by vesting the +ownership of property in the Holy See and its use in the Friars. It had +not made them less eager in acquisitiveness, while it had led them to a +senseless pride in their own asserted superiority of poverty. He showed +that use and consumption as conceded to them were tantamount to +ownership, and that pretended ownership subject to such usufruct was +illusory, while it was absurd to speak of Rome as owning an egg or a +piece of cheese given to a friar to be consumed on the spot. Moreover, +it was humiliating to the Roman Church to appear as plaintiff or +defendant in the countless litigations in which the Order was involved, +and the procurators who thus appeared in its name were said to abuse +their position to the injury of many who were defrauded of their rights. +For these reasons he annulled the provisions of Nicholas III., and +declared that henceforth no ownership in the possessions of the Order +should inhere in the Roman Church and no procurator act in its +name.<a name="FNanchor_142_142" id="FNanchor_142_142"></a><a href="#Footnote_142_142" class="fnanchor">[142]</a></p> + +<p>The blow was shrewdly dealt, for though the question of the poverty of +Christ was not alluded to, the Order was deprived of its subterfuge, and +was forced to admit practically that ownership of property was a +necessary condition of its existence. Its members, however, had too long +nursed the delusion to recognize its fallacy now, and in January, 1323, +Bonagrazia, as procurator specially commissioned for the purpose, +presented to the pope in full consistory a written protest against his +action. If Bonagrazia had not arguments to adduce he had at least ample +precedents to cite in the long line of popes since Gregory IX., +including John himself. He wound up by audaciously appealing to the +pope, to<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_134" id="page_134"></a>{134}</span> Holy Mother Church, and to the apostles, and though he +concluded by submitting himself to the decisions of the Church, he could +not escape the wrath which he had provoked. It was not many years since +Clement V. had confined him for resisting too bitterly the extravagance +of the Spirituals: he still consistently occupied the same position, and +now John cast him into a foul and dismal dungeon because he had not +moved with the world, while the only answer to his protest was taking +down from the church doors the bull <i>Ad conditorem</i> and replacing it +with a revised edition, more decided and argumentative than its +predecessor.<a name="FNanchor_143_143" id="FNanchor_143_143"></a><a href="#Footnote_143_143" class="fnanchor">[143]</a></p> + +<p>All this did not conduce to a favorable decision of the question as to +the poverty of Christ. John was now fairly enlisted against the +Franciscans, and their enemies lost no opportunity of inflaming his +passions. He would listen to no defence of the decision of the Chapter +of Perugia. In consistory a Franciscan cardinal and some bishops timidly +ventured to suggest that possibly there might be some truth in it, when +he angrily silenced them—“You are talking heresy”—and forced them to +recant on the spot. When he heard that the greatest Franciscan schoolman +of the day, William of Ockham, had preached that it was heretical to +affirm that Christ and the apostles owned property, he promptly wrote to +the Bishops of Bologna and Ferrara to investigate the truth of the +report, and if it was correct to cite Ockham to appear before him at +Avignon within a month. Ockham obeyed, and we shall hereafter see what +came of it.<a name="FNanchor_144_144" id="FNanchor_144_144"></a><a href="#Footnote_144_144" class="fnanchor">[144]</a></p> + +<p>The papal decision on the momentous question was at last put forth, +November 12, 1323, in the bull <i>Cum inter nonnullos</i>. In this there was +no wavering or hesitation. The assertion that Christ and the apostles +possessed no property was flatly declared to be a perversion of +Scripture; it was denounced for the future as erroneous and heretical, +and its obstinate assertion by the Franciscan chapter was formally +condemned. To the believers in the supereminent holiness of poverty, it +was stunning to find themselves cast out as heretics for holding a +doctrine which for generations had passed as an incontrovertible truth, +and had repeatedly received the sanction of the Holy See in its most +solemn form<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_135" id="page_135"></a>{135}</span> of ratification. Yet there was no help for it, and unless +they were prepared to shift their belief with the pope, they could only +expect to be delivered in this world to the Inquisition and in the next +to Satan.<a name="FNanchor_145_145" id="FNanchor_145_145"></a><a href="#Footnote_145_145" class="fnanchor">[145]</a></p> + +<p>Suddenly there appeared a new factor in the quarrel, which speedily gave +it importance as a political question of the first magnitude. The +sempiternal antagonism between the papacy and the empire had been +recently assuming a more virulent aspect than usual under the imperious +management of John XXII. Henry VII. had died in 1313, and in October, +1314, there had been a disputed election. Louis of Bavaria and Frederic +of Austria both claimed the kaisership. Since Leo III., in the year 800, +had renewed the line of Roman emperors by crowning Charlemagne, the +ministration of the pope in an imperial coronation had been held +essential, and had gradually enabled the Holy See to put forward +undefined claims of a right to confirm the vote of the German electors. +For the enforcement of such claims a disputed election gave abundant +opportunity, nor were there lacking other elements to complicate the +position. The Angevine papalist King of Naples, Robert the Good, had +dreams of founding a great Italian Guelf monarchy, to which John XXII. +lent a not unfavorable ear; especially as his quarrel with the +Ghibelline Visconti of Lombardy was becoming unappeasable. The +traditional enmity between France and Germany, moreover, rendered the +former eager in everything that could cripple the empire, and French +influence was necessarily dominant in Avignon. It would be foreign to +our purpose to penetrate into the labyrinth of diplomatic intrigue which +speedily formed itself around these momentous questions. An alliance +between Robert and Frederic, with the assent of the pope, seemed to give +the latter assurance of recognition, when the battle of Mühldorf, +September 28, 1322, decided the question. Frederic was a prisoner in the +hands of his rival, and there could be no further doubt as to which of +them should reign in Germany. It did not follow, however, that John +would consent to place the imperial crown on the head of Louis.<a name="FNanchor_146_146" id="FNanchor_146_146"></a><a href="#Footnote_146_146" class="fnanchor">[146]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_136" id="page_136"></a>{136}</span></p> + +<p>So far was he from contemplating any such action that he still insisted +on deciding between the claims of the competitors. Louis contemptuously +left his pretensions unanswered and proceeded to settle matters by +concluding a treaty with his prisoner and setting him free. Moreover, he +intervened effectually in the affairs of Lombardy, rescued the Visconti +from the Guelf league which was about to overwhelm them, and ruined the +plans of the cardinal legate, Bertrand de Poyet, John’s nephew or son, +who was carving out a principality for himself. It would have required +less than this to awaken the implacable hostility of such a man as John, +whose only hope for the success of his Italian policy now lay in +dethroning Louis and replacing him with the French king, Charles le Bel. +He rushed precipitately to the conflict and proclaimed no quarter. +October 8, 1323, in the presence of a vast multitude, a bull was read +and affixed to the portal of the cathedral of Avignon, which declared +not only that no one could act as King of the Romans until his person +had been approved by the pope, but repeated a claim, already made in +1317, that until such approval the empire was vacant, and its government +during the interregnum belonged to the Holy See. All of Louis’s acts +were pronounced null and void; he was summoned within three months to +lay down his power and submit his person to the pope for approval, under +pain of the punishments which he had incurred by his rebellious pretence +of being emperor; all oaths of allegiance taken to him were declared +annulled; all prelates were threatened with suspension, and all cities +and states with excommunication and interdict if they should continue to +obey him. Louis at first received this portentous missive with singular +humility. November 12 he sent to Avignon envoys, who did not arrive +until January 2, 1324, to ask whether the reports which he had heard of +the papal action were true, and if so to request a delay of six months +in which to prove his innocence. To this John, on January 7, gave answer +extending the term only two months from that day. Meanwhile Louis had +taken heart, possibly encouraged by the outbreak of the quarrel between +John and the Franciscans, for the date of the credentials of the envoys, +November 12, was the same as that of the bull <i>Cum inter nonnullos</i>. On +December 18, he issued the Nuremberg Protest, a spirited vindication of +the rights of the German nation and empire against the new pretensions<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_137" id="page_137"></a>{137}</span> +of the papacy; he demanded the assembling of a general council before +which he would make good his claims; it was his duty, as the head of the +empire, to maintain the purity of the faith against a pope who was a +fautor of heretics. It shows how little he yet understood about the +questions at issue that to sustain this last charge he accused John of +unduly protecting the Franciscans against universal complaints that they +habitually violated the secrecy of the confessional, this being +apparently his version of the papal condemnation of John of Poilly’s +thesis that confession to a Mendicant friar was insufficient.<a name="FNanchor_147_147" id="FNanchor_147_147"></a><a href="#Footnote_147_147" class="fnanchor">[147]</a></p> + +<p>If Louis at first thought to gain strength by thus utilizing the +jealousy and dislike felt by the secular clergy towards the Mendicants, +he soon realized that a surer source of support was to be found in +espousing the side of the Franciscans in the quarrel forced upon them by +John. The two months’ delay granted by John expired March 7 without +Louis making an appearance, and on March 25 the pope promulgated against +him a sentence of excommunication, with a threat that he should be +deprived of all rights if he did not submit within three months. To this +Louis speedily rejoined in a document known as the Protest of +Sachsenhausen, which shows that since December he had put himself in +communication with the disaffected Franciscans, had entered into +alliance with them, and had recognized how great was the advantage of +posing as the defender of the faith and assailing the pope with the +charge of heresy. After paying due attention to John’s assaults on the +rights of the empire, the Protest takes up the question of his recent +bulls respecting poverty and argues them in much detail. John had +declared before Franciscans of high standing that for forty years he had +regarded the Rule of Francis as fantastic and impossible. As the Rule +was revealed by Christ, this alone proves him to be a heretic. Moreover, +as the Church is infallible in its definitions of faith, and as it has +repeatedly, through Honorius III., Innocent IV., Alexander IV., Innocent +V., Nicholas III., and Nicholas IV., pronounced in favor of the poverty +of Christ and the apostles, John’s condemnation of this tenet abundantly +shows him<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_138" id="page_138"></a>{138}</span> to be a heretic. His two constitutions, <i>Ad conditorem</i> and +<i>Cum inter nonnullos</i>, therefore, have cut him off from the Church as a +manifest heretic teaching a condemned heresy, and have disabled him from +the papacy; all of which Louis swore to prove before a general council +to be assembled in some place of safety.<a name="FNanchor_148_148" id="FNanchor_148_148"></a><a href="#Footnote_148_148" class="fnanchor">[148]</a></p> + +<p>John proceeded with his prosecution of Louis by a further declaration, +issued July 11, in which, without deigning to notice the Protest of +Sachsenhausen, he pronounced Louis to have forfeited by his contumacy +all claim to the empire; further obstinacy would deprive him of his +ancestral dukedom of Bavaria and other possessions, and he was summoned +to appear October 1, to receive final sentence. Yet John could not leave +unanswered the assault upon his doctrinal position, and on November 10 +he issued the bull <i>Quia quorumdam</i>, in which he argued that he had +exercised no undue power in contradicting the decisions of his +predecessors: he declared it a condemned heresy to assert that Christ +and the apostles had only simple usufruct, without legal possession, in +the things which Scripture declared them to have possessed, for if this +were true it would follow that Christ was unjust, which is blasphemy. +All who utter, write, or teach such doctrines fall into condemned +heresy, and are to be avoided as heretics.<a name="FNanchor_149_149" id="FNanchor_149_149"></a><a href="#Footnote_149_149" class="fnanchor">[149]</a></p> + +<p>Thus the poverty of Christ was fairly launched upon the world as a +European question. It is a significant illustration of the intellectual +condition of the fourteenth century that in the subsequent<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_139" id="page_139"></a>{139}</span> stages of +the quarrel between the papacy and the empire, involving the most +momentous principles of public law, those principles, in the manifestoes +of either side, assume quite a subordinate position. The shrewd and able +men who conducted the controversy evidently felt that public opinion was +much more readily influenced by accusations of heresy, even upon a point +so trivial and unsubstantial, than by appeals to reason upon the +conflicting jurisdictions of Church and State.<a name="FNanchor_150_150" id="FNanchor_150_150"></a><a href="#Footnote_150_150" class="fnanchor">[150]</a> Yet, as the quarrel +widened and deepened, and as the stronger intellects antagonistic to +papal pretensions gathered around Louis, they were able, in unwonted +liberty of thought and speech, to investigate the theory of government +and the claims of the papacy with unheard-of boldness. Unquestionably +they aided Louis in his struggle, but the spirit of the age was against +them. Spiritual authority was still too awful for successful rebellion, +and when Louis passed away affairs returned to the old routine, and the +labors of the men who had waged his battle in the hope of elevating +humanity disappeared, leaving but a doubtful trace upon the modes of +thought of the time.</p> + +<p>The most audacious of these champions was Marsiglio of Padua. +Interpenetrated with the principles of the imperial jurisprudence, in +which the State was supreme and the Church wholly subordinated, he had +seen in France how the influence of the Roman law was emancipating the +civil power from servitude, and perhaps in the University of Paris had +heard the echoes of the theories of Henry of Ghent, the celebrated +Doctor Solemnis, who had taught the sovereignty of the people over their +princes. He framed a conception of a political organization which should +reproduce that of Rome under the Christian emperors, with a recognition +of the people as the ultimate source of all civil authority. Aided by +Jean de Jandum he developed these ideas with great hardihood and skill +in his “<i>Defensor Pacis</i>”, and in 1326, when the strife between John and +Louis was at its hottest, the two authors left Paris to lay the result +of their labors before the emperor. In a brief tract, moreover, “<i>De +translatione imperii</i>,” Marsiglio subsequently<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_140" id="page_140"></a>{140}</span> sketched the manner in +which the Holy Roman Empire had arisen, showing the ancient subjection +of the Holy See to the imperial power, and the baselessness of the papal +claims to confirm the election of the emperors. John XXII. had no +hesitation in condemning the daring authors as heretics, and the +protection which Louis afforded them added another count to the +indictment against him for heresy. Unable to wreak vengeance upon them, +all who could be supposed to be their accomplices were sternly dealt +with. A certain Francesco of Venice, who had been a student with +Marsiglio at Paris, was seized and carried to Avignon on a charge of +having aided in the preparation of the wicked book, and of having +supplied the heresiarch with money. Tried before the Apostolic Chamber, +he stoutly maintained that he was ignorant of the contents of the +“<i>Defensor Pacis</i>,” that he had deposited money with Marsiglio, as was +customary with scholars, and that Marsiglio had left Paris owing him +thirteen sols parisis. Jean de Jandun died in 1328, and Marsiglio not +later than 1343, thus mercifully spared the disappointment of the +failure of their theories. In so far as purely intellectual conceptions +had weight in the conflict they were powerful allies for Louis. In the +“<i>Defensor Pacis</i>” the power of the keys is argued away in the clearest +dialectics. God alone has power to judge, to absolve, to condemn. The +pope is no more than any other priest, and a priestly sentence may be +the result of hatred, favor, or injustice, of no weight with God. +Excommunication, to be effective, must not proceed from the judgment of +a single priest, but must be the sentence of the whole community, with +full knowledge of all the facts. It is no wonder that when, in 1376, a +French translation of the work appeared in Paris it created a profound +sensation. A prolonged inquest was held, lasting from September to +December, in which all the learned men in the city were made to swear +before a notary as to their ignorance of the translator.<a name="FNanchor_151_151" id="FNanchor_151_151"></a><a href="#Footnote_151_151" class="fnanchor">[151]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_141" id="page_141"></a>{141}</span></p> + +<p>More vehement and more fluent as a controversialist was the great +schoolman, William of Ockham. When the final breach came between the +papacy and the rigid Franciscans he was already under inquisitorial +trial for his utterances. Escaping from Avignon with his general, +Michele, he found refuge, like the rest, with Louis, whose cause he +strengthened by skilfully linking the question of Christ’s poverty with +that of German independence. Those who refused to accept a papal +definition on a point of faith could only justify themselves by proving +that popes were fallible and their power not unlimited. Thus the strife +over the narrow Franciscan dogmatism on poverty broadened until it +embraced the great questions which had disturbed the peace of Europe +since the time of Hildebrand, nearly three centuries before. In 1324 +Ockham boasted that he had set his face like flint against the errors of +the pseudo-pope, and that so long as he possessed hand, paper, pens, and +ink, no abuse or lies or persecution or persuasion would induce him to +desist from attacking them. He kept his promise literally, and for +twenty years he poured forth a series of controversial works in defence +of the cause to which he had devoted his life. Without embracing the +radical doctrines of Marsiglio on the popular foundation of political +institutions, he practically reached the same outcome. While admitting +the primacy of the pope, he argued that a pope can fall into heresy, and +so, indeed, can a general council, and even all Christendom. The +influence of the Holy Ghost did not deprive man of free-will and prevent +him from succumbing to error, no matter what might be his station. There +was nothing sure but Scripture; the poorest and meanest peasant might +adhere to Catholic truth revealed to him by God, while popes and +councils erred. Above the pope is the general council representing the +whole Church. A pope refusing to entertain an appeal to a general +council, declining to assemble it, or arrogating its authority to +himself is a manifest heretic, whom it is the duty of the bishops to +depose, or, if the bishops refuse, then that of the emperor, who is +supreme over the earth. But it was not only by the enunciation of +general principles<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_142" id="page_142"></a>{142}</span> that he carried on the war; merciless were his +assaults on the errors and inconsistencies of John XXII., who was proved +guilty of seventy specific heresies. Thus to the bitter end his +dauntless spirit kept up the strife; one by one his colleagues died and +submitted, and he was left alone, but he continued to shower ridicule on +the curia and its creatures in his matchless dialectics. Even the death +of Louis and the hopeless defeat of his cause did not stop his fearless +pen. Church historians claim that in 1349 he at last made his peace and +was reconciled, but this is more than doubtful, for Giacomo della Marca +classes him with Michele and Bonagrazia as the three unrepentant +heretics who died under excommunication. It is not easy to determine +with accuracy what influence was exercised by the powerful intellects +which England, France, and Italy thus contributed to the defence of +German independence. Possibly they may have stimulated Wickliff to +question the foundation of papal power and the supremacy of the Church +over the State, leading to Hussite insubordination. Possibly, too, they +may have contributed to the movement which in various development +emboldened the Councils of Constance and Basle to claim superiority over +the Holy See, the Gallican Church to assert its liberties, and England +to frame the hostile legislation of the Statutes of Provisors and +Præmunire. If this be so, the hopeless entanglements of German politics +caused them to effect less in their own chosen battle-field than in +lands far removed from the immediate scene of conflict.<a name="FNanchor_152_152" id="FNanchor_152_152"></a><a href="#Footnote_152_152" class="fnanchor">[152]</a></p> + +<p> </p> + +<p>This rapid glance at the larger aspects of the strife has been necessary +to enable us to follow intelligently the vicissitudes of the discussion +over the poverty of Christ, which occupied in the struggle a position +ludicrously disproportionate to its importance. For some time after the +issue of the bulls <i>Cum inter nonnullos</i> and <i>Quia quorumdam</i> there was +a sort of armed neutrality between John and the heads of the Franciscan +Order. Each seemed to be afraid of taking a step which should +precipitate a conflict, doubtless<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_143" id="page_143"></a>{143}</span> secretly felt by both sides to be +inevitable. Still there was a little skirmishing for position. In 1325 +Michele had summoned the general chapter to assemble at Paris, but he +feared that an effort would be made to annul the declarations of +Perugia, and that John would exercise a pressure by means of King +Charles le Bel, whose influence was great through the number of +benefices at his disposal. Suddenly, therefore, he transferred the call +to Lyons, where considerable trouble was experienced through the efforts +of Gerard Odo, a creature of the pope, and subsequently the successor of +Michele, to obtain relaxations of the Rule as regarded poverty. Still +the brethren stood firm, and these attempts were defeated, while a +constitution threatening with imprisonment all who should speak +indiscreetly and disrespectfully of John XXII. and his decretals +indicates the passions which were seething under the surface. Not long +after this we hear of a prosecution suddenly commenced against our old +acquaintance Ubertino da Casale, in spite of his Benedictine habit and +his quiet residence in Italy. He seems to have been suspected of having +furnished the arguments on the subject of the poverty of Christ in the +Protest of Sachsenhausen, and, September 16, 1325, an order was sent for +his arrest, but he got wind of it and escaped to Germany—the first of +the illustrious band of refugees who gathered around Louis of Bavaria, +though he appears to have made his peace in 1330. John seems to have at +last grown restive at the tacit insubordination of the Franciscans, who +did not openly deny his definitions as to the poverty of Christ, but +whom he knew to be secretly cherishing in their hearts the condemned +doctrine. In 1326 Michele issued decrees subjecting to a strict +censorship all writings by the brethren and enforcing one of the rules +which prohibited the discussion of doubtful opinions, thus muzzling the +Order in the hope of averting dissension; but it was not in John’s +nature to rest satisfied with silence which covered opposition, and in +August, 1327, he advanced to the attack. In the bull <i>Quia nonnunquam</i>, +addressed to archbishops and inquisitors, he declared that many still +believed in the poverty of Christ in spite of his having pronounced such +belief a heresy, and that those who entertained it should be treated as +heretics. He therefore now orders the prelates and inquisitors to +prosecute them vigorously, and though the Franciscans are not specially +named, the clause which deprives the accused of all papal<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_144" id="page_144"></a>{144}</span> privileges +and subjects them to the ordinary jurisdictions sufficiently shows that +they were the object of the assault. It is quite possible that this was +provoked by some movement among the remains of the moderate Spirituals +of Italy—men who came to be known as Fraticelli—who had never indulged +in the dangerous enthusiasms of the Olivists, but who were ready to +suffer martyrdom in defence of the sacred principles of poverty. Such +men could not but have been at once excited by the papal denial of +Christ’s poverty, and encouraged by finding the Order at large driven +into antagonism with the Holy See. Sicily had long been a refuge for the +more zealous when forced to flee from Italy. At this time we hear of +their crossing back to Calabria, and of John writing to Niccolò da +Reggio, the Minister of Calabria, savage instructions to destroy them +utterly. Lists are to be made out and sent to him of all who show them +favor, and King Robert is appealed to for aid in the good work. Robert, +in spite of his close alliance with the pope, and the necessity of the +papal favor for his ambitious plans, was sincerely on the side of the +Franciscans. He seems never to have forgotten the teachings of Arnaldo +de Vilanova, and as his father, Charles the Lame, had interfered to +protect the Spirituals of Provence, so now both he and his queen did +what they could with the angry pope to moderate his wrath, and at the +same time he urged the Order to stand firm in defence of the Rule. In +the protection which he afforded he did not discriminate closely between +the organized resistance of the Order under its general, and the +irregular mutiny of the Fraticelli. His dominions, as well as Sicily, +served as a refuge for the latter. With the troubles provoked by John +their numbers naturally grew. Earnest spirits, dissatisfied with +Michele’s apparent acquiescence in John’s new heresy, would naturally +join them. They ranged themselves under Henry da Ceva, who had fled to +Sicily from persecution under Boniface VIII.; they elected him their +general minister and formed a complete independent organization, which, +when John triumphed over the Order, gathered in its recalcitrant +fragments and constituted a sect whose strange persistence under the +fiercest persecution we shall have to follow for a century and a +half.<a name="FNanchor_153_153" id="FNanchor_153_153"></a><a href="#Footnote_153_153" class="fnanchor">[153]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_145" id="page_145"></a>{145}</span></p> + +<p>On the persecution of these insubordinate brethren Michele da Cesena +could afford to look with complacency, and he evidently desired to +regard the bull of August, 1327, as directed against them. He maintained +his attitude of submission. In June the pope had summoned him from Rome +to Avignon, and he had excused himself on the ground of sickness. His +messengers with his apologies were graciously received, and it was not +until December 2 that he presented himself before John. The pope +subsequently declared that he had been summoned to answer for secretly +encouraging rebels and heretics, and doubtless the object was to be +assured of his person, but he was courteously welcomed, and the +ostensible reason given for sending for him was certain troubles in the +provinces of Assisi and Aragon, in which Michele obediently changed the +ministers. Until April, 1328, he remained in the papal court, apparently +on the best of terms with John.<a name="FNanchor_154_154" id="FNanchor_154_154"></a><a href="#Footnote_154_154" class="fnanchor">[154]</a></p> + +<p>Meanwhile the quarrel between the empire and the papacy had been +developing apace. In the spring of 1326 Louis suddenly and without due +preparation undertook an expedition to Italy, at the invitation of the +Ghibellines, for his imperial coronation. When he reached Milan in April +to receive the iron crown John sternly forbade his further progress, and +on this being disregarded, proceeded to excommunicate him afresh. Thus +commenced another prolonged series of citations and sentences for +heresy, including the preaching of a crusade with Holy Land indulgences +against the impenitent sinner. Unmoved by this, Louis slowly made his +way to Rome, which he entered January 7, 1327, and where he was crowned +on the 17th, in contemptuous defiance of papal prerogative, by four +syndics elected by the people, after which, according to usage, he +exchanged the title of King of the Romans for that of Emperor. As the +defender of the faith he proceeded to try the pope on the charge of +heresy, based upon his denial of the poverty of Christ. April 14 he +promulgated a law authorizing the prosecution and sentence <i>in absentia</i> +of those notoriously defamed for treason or heresy, thus imitating the +papal injustice of<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_146" id="page_146"></a>{146}</span> which he himself complained bitterly; and, on the +17th, sentence of deposition was solemnly read to the assembled people +before the basilica of St. Peter. It recited that it was rendered at the +request of the clergy and people of Rome; it recapitulated the crimes of +the pope, whom it stigmatized as Antichrist; it pronounced him a heretic +on account of his denying the poverty of Christ, deposed him from the +papacy, and threatened confiscation on all who should render him support +and assistance.<a name="FNanchor_155_155" id="FNanchor_155_155"></a><a href="#Footnote_155_155" class="fnanchor">[155]</a></p> + +<p>As a pope was necessary to the Church, and as the college of cardinals +were under excommunication as fautors of heresy, recourse was had to the +primitive method of selection: some form of election by the people and +clergy of Rome was gone through on May 12, and a new Bishop of Rome was +presented to the Christian world in the person of Pier di Corbario, an +aged Franciscan of high repute for austerity and eloquence. He was +Minister of the province of the Abruzzi and papal penitentiary. He had +been married, his wife was still living, and he was said to have entered +the Order without her consent, which rendered him “irregular” and led to +an absurd complication, for the woman, who had never before complained +of his leaving her, now came forward and put in her claims to be bought +off. He assumed the name of Nicholas V., a college of cardinals was +readily created for him, he appointed nuncios and legates and proceeded +to degrade the Guelfic bishops and replace them with Ghibellines. In the +confusion attendant upon these revolutionary proceedings it can be +readily imagined that the Fraticelli emerged from their hiding-places +and indulged in glowing anticipations of the future which they fondly +deemed their own.<a name="FNanchor_156_156" id="FNanchor_156_156"></a><a href="#Footnote_156_156" class="fnanchor">[156]</a></p> + +<p>Although the Franciscan prefect of the Roman province assembled a +chapter at Anagni which pronounced against Pier di Corbario, and ordered +him to lay aside his usurped dignity, it was impossible that the Order +should escape responsibility for the rebellion, nor is it likely that +Michele da Cesena was not privy to the whole proceeding. He had remained +quietly at Avignon, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_147" id="page_147"></a>{147}</span> John had manifested no abatement of cordiality +until April 9, when, on being summoned to an audience, the pope attacked +him on the subject of the Chapter of Perugia, which six years before had +asserted the poverty of Christ and the apostles. Michele stoutly +defended the utterances of the chapter, saying that if they were +heretical then Nicholas IV. and the other popes who had affirmed the +doctrine were heretics. Then the papal wrath exploded. Michele was a +headstrong fool, a fautor of heretics, a serpent nourished in the bosom +of the Church; and when the stream of invective had exhausted itself he +was placed under constructive arrest, and ordered not to leave Avignon +without permission, under pain of excommunication, of forfeiture of +office, and of future disability. A few days later, on April 14, in the +secrecy of the Franciscan convent, he relieved his feelings by executing +a solemn notarial protest, in the presence of William of Ockham, +Bonagrazia, and other trusty adherents, in which he recited the +circumstances, argued that the pope either was a heretic or no pope, for +either his present utterances were erroneous or else Nicholas IV. had +been a heretic; in the latter case Boniface VIII. and Clement V., who +had approved the Bull <i>Exiit qui seminat</i>, were likewise heretics, their +nominations of cardinals were void, and the conclave which elected John +was illegal. He protested against whatever might be done in derogation +of the rights of the Order, that he was in durance and in just fear, and +that what he might be forced to do would be null and void. The whole +document is a melancholy illustration of the subterfuges rendered +necessary by an age of violence.<a name="FNanchor_157_157" id="FNanchor_157_157"></a><a href="#Footnote_157_157" class="fnanchor">[157]</a></p> + +<p>Michele was detained in Avignon while the general chapter of the Order +was held at Bologna, to which John sent Bertrand, Bishop of Ostia, with +instructions to have another general chosen. The Order, however, was +stubborn. It sent a somewhat defiant message to the pope and re-elected +Michele, requesting him moreover to indicate Paris as the next place of +assemblage, to be held, according to rule, in three years, to which he +assented. In view of the drama which was developing in Rome he might +reasonably fear for liberty or life. Preparations were made for his +escape. A galley, furnished, according to John, by the Emperor Louis, +but according to other and more trustworthy accounts, by Genoese<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_148" id="page_148"></a>{148}</span> +refugees, was sent to Aigues-mortes. Thither he fled, May 26, +accompanied by Ockham and Bonagrazia. The Bishop of Porto sent by John +in hot haste after him, had an interview with him on the deck of his +galley, but failed to induce him to return. He reached Pisa on June 9, +and there ensued a war of manifestoes of unconscionable length, in which +Michele was pronounced excommunicate and deposed, and John was proved to +be a heretic who had rightfully forfeited the papacy. Michele could only +carry on a wordy conflict, while John could act. Bertrand de la Tour, +Cardinal of San Vitale, was appointed Vicar-general of the Order, +another general chapter was ordered to assemble in Paris, June, 1329, +and preparations were made for it by removing all provincials favorable +to Michele, and appointing in their places men who could be relied on. +Out of thirty-four who had met in Bologna only fourteen were seen in +Paris; Michele was deposed and Gerard Odo was elected in his place; but +even under this pressure no declaration condemning the poverty of Christ +could be obtained from the chapter. The mass of the Order, reduced to +silence, remained faithful to the principles represented by its deposed +general, until forced to acquiescence by the arbitrary measures so +freely employed by the pope and the examples made of those who dared to +express opposition. Still John was not disposed to relax the Franciscan +discipline, and when, in 1332, Gerard Odo, in the hope of gaining a +cardinal’s hat, persuaded fourteen provincial ministers to join him in +submitting a gloss which would have virtually annulled the obligation of +poverty, his only reward was the ridicule of the pope and sacred +college.<a name="FNanchor_158_158" id="FNanchor_158_158"></a><a href="#Footnote_158_158" class="fnanchor">[158]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_149" id="page_149"></a>{149}</span></p> + +<p>The settlement of the question depended much more upon political than +upon religious considerations. Louis had abandoned Rome and established +himself in Pisa with his pope, his cardinals, and his Franciscans, but +the Italians were becoming tired of their kaiser. It mattered little +that in January, 1329, he indulged in the childish triumph of solemnly +burning John XXII. in effigy; he was obliged soon after to leave the +city, and towards the end of the year he returned to Germany, carrying +with him the men who were to defend his cause with all the learning of +the schools, and abandoning to their fate those of his partisans who +were unable to follow him.<a name="FNanchor_159_159" id="FNanchor_159_159"></a><a href="#Footnote_159_159" class="fnanchor">[159]</a> The proceedings which ensued at Todi +will serve to show how promptly the Inquisition tracked his retreating +footsteps, and how useful it was as a political agency in reducing +rebellious communities to submission.</p> + +<p>The Todini were Ghibelline. In 1327, when John XXII. had ordered +Francisco Damiani, Inquisitor of Spoleto, to proceed vigorously against +Mucio Canistrario of Todi as a rebel against the Church, and Mucio had +accordingly been imprisoned, the people had risen in insurrection and +liberated the captive, while the inquisitor had been forced to fly for +his life. In August, 1328, they had welcomed Louis as emperor and Pier +di Corbario as pope, and had ordered their notaries to use the regnal +years of the latter in their instruments; they had, moreover, attacked +and taken the Guelf city of Orvieto and, like all the cities which +adhered to Louis, they had expelled the Dominicans. In August, 1329, +abandoned by Louis, proceedings were commenced against them by the +Franciscan, Frà Bartolino da Perugia, the inquisitor, who announced his +intention of making a thorough inquest of the whole district of Assisi +against all Patarins and heretics, against those who assert things not +to be sins which the Church teaches to be sins, or are minor sins which +the Church holds to be greater, against those who understand the +Scriptures in a sense different from what the Holy Spirit demands, +against those who talk against the state and observance of the Roman +Church and its<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_150" id="page_150"></a>{150}</span> teachings, and against those who have detracted from the +dignity and person of the pope and his constitutions. Under this +searching examinations were made as to the acts of the citizens during +the visit of Louis, any sign of respect paid to him being regarded as a +crime, and two sets of prosecutions were commenced—one against the +Ghibellines of the city and the other against the “rebellious” +Franciscans. These latter were summoned to reply to five articles—1, If +they believed in, favored, or adhered to the Bavarian and the intrusive +antipope; 2, If they had marched with a cross to meet these heretics on +their entrance into Todi; 3, If they had obeyed or done reverence to the +Bavarian as emperor or to P. di Corbario as pope; 4, If they had taught +or preached that the constitutions of John were heretical or himself a +heretic; 5, If, after Michele da Cesena was condemned and deposed for +heresy, they had adhered to him and his errors. These interrogations +show how conveniently the religious and political questions were mingled +together, and how thorough was the investigation rendered possible by +the machinery of the Inquisition. The proceedings dragged on, and, July +1, 1330, John condemned the whole community as heretics and fautors of +heresy. July 7 he sent this sentence to the legate, Cardinal Orsini, +with instructions to cite the citizens peremptorily and to try them, +according to the inquisitorial formula, “<i>summarie et de plano et sine +strepitu et figura</i>” Under this the Todini finally made submission, the +cardinal sent Frà Bartolino and his colleague thither, and the city was +reconciled, subject to the papal approval. They had been obliged to make +a gift of ten thousand florins to Louis, and now a fine of equal amount +was levied upon them, besides one hundred lire imposed on each of one +hundred and thirty-four citizens. Apparently the terms exacted were not +satisfactory to John, for a papal brief of July 20, 1331, declared the +submission of the citizens deceitful, and ordered the interdict renewed. +The last document which we have in the case is one of June 1, 1332, in +which the legate sends to the Bishop of Todi a list of one hundred and +ninety-seven persons, including Franciscans, parish priests, heads of +religious houses, nobles, and citizens, who are ordered to appear before +him at Orvieto on June 15, to stand trial on the inquisitions which have +been found against them. That the proceedings were pushed to the bitter +end there can be no doubt, for when in this year the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_151" id="page_151"></a>{151}</span> General Gerard Odo +proposed to revoke the commission of Frà Bartolino, John intervened and +extended it for the purpose of enabling him to continue the prosecutions +to a definite sentence. This is doubtless a fair specimen of the minute +persecution which was going on wherever the Ghibellines were not strong +enough to defend themselves by force of arms.<a name="FNanchor_160_160" id="FNanchor_160_160"></a><a href="#Footnote_160_160" class="fnanchor">[160]</a></p> + +<p>As for the unhappy antipope, his fate was even more deplorable. Confided +at Pisa by Louis to the care of Count Fazio da Doneratico, the leading +noble of the city, he was concealed for a while in a castle in Maremma. +June 18, 1329, the Pisans rose and drove out the imperialist garrison, +and in the following January they were reconciled to the Church. A part +of the bargain was the surrender of Pier di Corbario, to whom John +promised to show himself a kind father and benevolent friend, besides +enriching Fazio for the betrayal of his trust. After making public +abjuration of his heresies in Pisa, Pier was sent, guarded by two state +galleys, to Nice, where he was delivered to the papal agents. In every +town on the road to Avignon he was required publicly to repeat his +abjuration and humiliation. August 25, 1330, with a halter around his +neck, he was brought before the pope in public consistory. Exhausted and +broken with shame and suffering, he flung himself at his rival’s feet +and begged for mercy, abjuring and anathematizing his heresies, and +especially that of the poverty of Christ. Then, in a private consistory, +he was made again to confess a long catalogue of crimes, and to accept +such penance as might be awarded him. No humiliation was spared him, and +nothing was omitted to make his abject recantation complete. Having thus +rendered him an object of contempt and deprived him of all further power +of harm, John mercifully spared him bodily torment. He was confined in +an apartment in the papal palace, fed from the papal table, and allowed +the use of books, but no one was admitted to see him without a special +papal order. His wretched life soon came to an end, and when he died, in +1333, he was buried in the Franciscan habit. Considering the ferocity of +the age, his treatment is one of the least discreditable acts in the +career of John XXII. It was hardly to be expected, after the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_152" id="page_152"></a>{152}</span> savage +vindictiveness of the Ernulphine curse which he had published, April 20, +1329, on his already fallen rival—“May he in this life feel the wrath +of Peter and Paul, whose church he has sought to confound! May his +dwelling-place be deserted, and may there be none to live under his +roof! May his children be orphans, and his wife a widow! May they be +driven forth from their hearth-stones to beggary! May the usurer devour +their substance, and strangers seize the work of their hands! May the +whole earth fight against him, may the elements be his enemies, may the +merits of all the saints at rest confound him and wreak vengeance on him +through life!”<a name="FNanchor_161_161" id="FNanchor_161_161"></a><a href="#Footnote_161_161" class="fnanchor">[161]</a></p> + +<p>During the progress of this contest public opinion was by no means +unanimous in favor of John, and the Inquisition was an efficient +instrumentality in repressing all expression of adverse sentiments. In +1328, at Carcassonne, a certain Germain Frevier was tried before it for +blaspheming against John, and stigmatizing his election as simoniacal +because he had promised never to set foot in stirrup till he should set +out for Rome. Germain, moreover, had declared that the Franciscan pope +was the true pope, and that if he had money he would go there and join +him and the Bavarian. Germain was not disposed to martyrdom; at first he +denied, then, after being left to his reflections in prison for five +months, he pleaded that he had been drunk and knew not what he was +saying; a further delay showed him that he was helpless, he confessed +his offences and begged for mercy.<a name="FNanchor_162_162" id="FNanchor_162_162"></a><a href="#Footnote_162_162" class="fnanchor">[162]</a></p> + +<p>Another case, in 1329, shows us what were the secret feelings of a large +portion of the Franciscan Order, and the means required to keep it in +subordination. Before the Inquisition of Carcassonne, Frère Barthelémi +Bruguière confessed that in saying mass and coming to the prayer for the +pope he had hesitated which of the two popes to pray for, and had +finally desired his prayer to be for whichever was rightfully the head +of the Church. Many of his brethren, he said, were in the habit of +wishing that God would give John XXII. so much to do that he would +forget the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_153" id="page_153"></a>{153}</span> Franciscans, for it seemed to them that his whole business +was to afflict them. It was generally believed among them that their +general, Michele, had been unjustly deposed and excommunicated. In a +large assembly of friars he had said, “I wish that antipope was a +Dominican, or of some other Order,” when another rejoined, “I rejoice +still more that the antipope is of our Order, for if he was of another +we should have no friend, and now at least we have the Italian,” whereat +all present applauded. For a while Frère Barthelémi held out, but +imprisonment with threats of chains and fasting broke down his +resolution, and he threw himself upon the mercy of the inquisitor, Henri +de Chamay. That mercy consisted in a sentence of harsh prison for life, +with chains on hands and feet and bread and water for food. Possibly the +Dominican inquisitor may have felt pleasure in exhibiting a Franciscan +prisoner, for he allowed Barthelémi to retain his habit; and it shows +the minute care of John’s vindictiveness that a year later he wrote +expressly to Henri de Chamay reciting that, as the delinquent had been +expelled from the Order, the habit must be stripped from him and be +delivered to the Franciscan authorities.<a name="FNanchor_163_163" id="FNanchor_163_163"></a><a href="#Footnote_163_163" class="fnanchor">[163]</a></p> + +<p>In Germany the Franciscans for the most part remained faithful to +Michele and Louis, and were of the utmost assistance to the latter in +the struggle. The test was the observance of the interdict which for so +many years suspended divine service throughout the empire, and was a +sore trial to the faithful. To a great extent this was disregarded by +the Franciscans. It was to little purpose that, in January, 1331, John +issued a special bull directed against them, deprived of all privileges +and immunities those who recognized Louis as emperor and celebrated +services in interdicted places, and ordered all prelates and inquisitors +to prosecute them. On the other hand, Louis was not behindhand in +enforcing obedience by persecution wherever he had the power. An +imperial brief of June, 1330, addressed to the magistrates of Aix, +directs them to assist and protect those teachers of the truth, the +Franciscans Siegelbert of Landsberg and John of Royda, and to imprison +all their brethren whom they may designate as rebels to the empire and +to the Order until the general, Michele, shall decide what is to be done +with them. This shows that even in Germany<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_154" id="page_154"></a>{154}</span> the Order was not unanimous, +but doubtless the honest Franciscan, John of Winterthur, reflects the +feelings of the great body when he says that the reader will be struck +with horror and stupor on learning the deeds with which the pope +convulsed the Church. Inflamed by some madness, he sought to argue +against the poverty of Christ, and when the Franciscans resisted him he +persecuted them without measure. The Dominicans encouraged him, and he +largely rewarded them. The traditional enmity between the Orders found +ample gratification. The Dominicans, to excite contempt for the +Franciscans, exhibited paintings of Christ with a purse, putting in his +hand to take out money; nay, to the horror of the faithful, on the walls +of their monasteries, in the most frequented places, they pictured +Christ hanging on the cross with one hand nailed fast, and with the +other putting money in a pouch suspended from his girdle. Yet rancor and +religious zeal did not wholly extinguish patriotism among the +Dominicans; they were, moreover, aggrieved by the sentence of heresy +passed upon Master Eckart, which may perhaps explain the fact that +Tauler supported Louis, as also did Margaret Ebner, one of the Friends +of God, and the most eminent Dominican sister of the day. It is true +that many Dominican convents were closed for years, and their inmates +scattered and exiled for persistently refusing to celebrate, but others +complied unwillingly with the papal mandates. At Landshut they had +ceased public service, but when the emperor came there they secretly +arranged with the Duke of Teck to assail their house with torches and +threaten to burn it down, so that they might have the excuse of +constraint for resuming public worship, and the comedy was successfully +carried out. In fact, the General Chapter of 1328 complained that in +Germany the brethren in many places were notably negligent in publishing +the papal bulls about Louis.<a name="FNanchor_164_164" id="FNanchor_164_164"></a><a href="#Footnote_164_164" class="fnanchor">[164]</a></p> + +<p>All this, however, was but an episode in the political struggle, which +was to be decided by the rivalries between the houses of Wittelsbach, +Hapsburg, and Luxemburg, and the intrigues of France. Louis gradually +succeeded in arousing and centring<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_155" id="page_155"></a>{155}</span> upon himself the national spirit, +aided therein by the arrogant disdain with which John XXII. and his +successors received his repeated offers of qualified submission. When, +in 1330, Louis had temporarily secured the support of John of Luxemburg, +King of Bohemia, and the Duke of Austria, and they offered themselves as +sureties that he would fulfil what might be required of him, provided +the independence of the empire was recognized, John retorted that Louis +was a heretic and thus incapacitated; he was a thief and a robber, a +wicked man who consorted with Michele, Ockham, Bonagrazia, and +Marsiglio; not only had he no title to the empire, but the state of +Christendom would be inconceivably deplorable if he were recognized. +After the death of John in December, 1334, another attempt was made, but +it suited the policy of France and of Bohemia to prolong the strife, and +Benedict XII. was as firm as his predecessor. Louis was at all times +ready to sacrifice his Franciscan allies, but the papacy demanded the +right practically to dictate who should be emperor, and by a skilful use +of appeals to the national pride Louis gradually won the support of an +increasing number of states and cities. In 1338 the convention of Rhense +and the Reichstag of Frankfort formally proclaimed as a part of the law +of the empire that the choice of the electors was final, and that the +papacy had no confirmatory power. The interdict was ordered not to be +observed, and in all the states adhering to Louis ecclesiastics were +given the option of resuming public worship within eight days or of +undergoing a ten years’ exile. It was some relief to them in this +dilemma that the Roman curia sold absolutions in such cases for a +florin.<a name="FNanchor_165_165" id="FNanchor_165_165"></a><a href="#Footnote_165_165" class="fnanchor">[165]</a></p> + +<p>In the strife between Louis and the papacy the little colony of +Franciscan refugees at Munich was of the utmost service to the imperial +cause, but their time was drawing to an end. Michele da Cesena died +November 29, 1342, his latest work being a long manifesto proving that +John had died an unrepentant heretic, and that his successors in +defending his errors were likewise heretics; if but one man in +Christendom holds the true faith, that man in<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_156" id="page_156"></a>{156}</span> himself is the Church. +The dithyrambic palinode which passes as his death-bed recantation is +clearly a forgery, and there can be no doubt that Michele persisted to +the end. When dying he handed the seal of the Order over to William of +Ockham, who used it as Vicar-general; he had already, in April, 1342, +appointed two citizens of Munich, John Schito and Grimold Treslo, as +syndics and procurators of the Order, the latter of whom subsequently +assumed the generalate. Bonagrazia died in June, 1347, declaring with +the last breath of his indomitable soul that the cause of Louis was +righteous. The date of William of Ockham’s death is uncertain, but it +occurred between 1347 and 1350.<a name="FNanchor_166_166" id="FNanchor_166_166"></a><a href="#Footnote_166_166" class="fnanchor">[166]</a></p> + +<p>Thus dropped off, one by one, the men who had so gallantly defended the +doctrine of the poverty of Christ. As regards the political conceptions +which were the special province of Marsiglio and Ockham, their work was +done, and they could exercise no further influence over the +uncontrollable march of events. With the death of Benedict XII., in +1342, Louis made renewed efforts for pacification, but John of Bohemia +was intriguing to secure the succession for his house, and they were +fruitless, except to strengthen Louis by demonstrating the impossibility +of securing terms tolerable to the empire. Still the intrigue went on, +and in July, 1346, the three ecclesiastical electors, Mainz, Trèves, and +Cologne, with Rodolph of Saxony, and John of Bohemia, assembled at +Rhense under the impulsion of Clement VI. and elected the son of John, +Charles Margrave of Moravia, as a rival king of the Romans. The +movement, however, had no basis of popular support, and when Louis +hastened to the Rhinelands all the cities and nearly all the princes and +nobles adhered to him. Had the election been postponed for a few weeks +it would never have taken place, for the next month occurred the battle +of Crécy, where the gallant knight, John of Bohemia, died a chivalrous +death, Charles, the newly-elected king, saved his life by flight, and +French influence was temporarily eclipsed. Thus unauspiciously +commenced, the reign of Charles IV. had little promise of duration, +when, in October,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_157" id="page_157"></a>{157}</span> 1347, Louis, while indulging in his favorite pastime +of hunting, was struck with apoplexy and fell dead from his horse. The +hand of God might well be traced in the removal of all the enemies of +the Holy See, and Charles had no further organized opposition to +dread.<a name="FNanchor_167_167" id="FNanchor_167_167"></a><a href="#Footnote_167_167" class="fnanchor">[167]</a></p> + +<p>Desirous of obtaining the fullest advantage from this unlooked-for +good-fortune, Clement VI. commissioned the Archbishop of Prague and the +Bishop of Bamberg to reconcile all communities and individuals who had +incurred excommunication by supporting the Bavarian, with a formula of +absolution by which they were obliged to swear that they held it heresy +for an emperor to depose a pope, and that they would never obey an +emperor until he had been approved by the pope. This excited intense +disgust, and in many places it could not be enforced. The teachings of +Marsiglio and Ockham had at least borne fruit in so far that the papal +pretensions to virtually controlling the empire were disdainfully +rejected. The German spirit thus aroused is well exemplified by what +occurred at Basle, a city which had observed the interdict and was eager +for its removal. When Charles and the Bishop of Bamberg appeared before +the gates they were received by the magistrates and a great crowd of +citizens. Conrad of Barenfels, the burgomaster, addressed the bishop: +“My Lord of Bamberg, you must know that we do not believe, nor will we +confess, that our late lord, the Emperor Louis, ever was a heretic. +Whomsoever the electors or a majority of them shall choose as King of +the Romans we will hold as such, whether he applies to the pope or not, +nor will we do anything else that is contrary to the rights of the +empire. But if you have power from the pope and are willing to remit all +our sins, so be it.” Then, turning to the people, he called out, “Do you +give to me and to Conrad Münch power to ask for the absolution of your +sins?” The crowd shouted assent; the two Conrads took an oath in +accordance with this; divine services were resumed, and the king and +bishop entered the town.<a name="FNanchor_168_168" id="FNanchor_168_168"></a><a href="#Footnote_168_168" class="fnanchor">[168]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_158" id="page_158"></a>{158}</span></p> + +<p>Yet the question as to the poverty of Christ, which had been put forward +by John and Louis as the ostensible cause of quarrel, and which had been +so warmly embraced by a portion at least of the German Franciscans, sank +completely out of sight north of the Alps with the death of Louis and +the extinction of the Munich colony of refugees. Germany had her own +hordes of mendicants, regular and irregular, in the Beguines and +Beghards, who seem to have troubled themselves but little about points +so purely speculative; and though we occasionally hear of Fraticelli in +those regions, it is rather as a convenient name employed by monkish +chroniclers than as really representing a distinctive sect.</p> + +<p>It was otherwise in the South, and especially in Italy, the native home +of Franciscanism and of the peculiar influences which moulded the +special ascetic development of the Order. There the impulses which had +led the earlier Spirituals to endure the extremity of persecution in +vindication of the holiness of absolute poverty were still as strong as +ever. Under Boniface and Clement and during the earlier years of John +its professors had lain in hiding or had sought the friendly refuge of +Sicily. In the confusion of the Franciscan schism they had emerged and +multiplied. With the downfall of the antipope and the triumph of John +they were once more proscribed. In the quarrel over the poverty of +Christ, that tenet had naturally become the distinguishing mark of the +sectaries, and its condemnation by John necessarily entailed the +consequence of denying the papal authority and asserting the heresy of +the Holy See. Yet there can be no doubt that among the austerer members +of the orthodox Order who accepted the definitions of the papacy there +was much sympathy felt for the rebellious dissidents. Resistance to the +imperious will of John XXII. having failed, there were abundant stories +of visions and miracles circulated from convent to convent, as to the +wrath of God and of St. Francis visited upon those who infringed upon +the holy vow of poverty. The <i>Liber Conformitatum</i> is manifestly the +expression of the aspirations of those who wished to enforce the Rule in +all its strictness as the direct revelation of the Holy Spirit. Such men +felt that the position of their proscribed brethren was logically +correct, and they were unable to reconcile the decrees of Nicholas III. +with those of John XXII. One of these, described as a man much beloved +of God, applied to St. Birgitta to resolve his doubts, whereupon<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_159" id="page_159"></a>{159}</span> she +had two visions in which the Virgin sent him her commands to say to all +who believed that the pope was no pope, and that priests do not truly +consecrate the host in the mass, that they were heretics filled with +diabolical iniquity. All this points to a strong secret sympathy with +the Fraticelli which extended not only among the people, but among the +friars and occasionally even among the prelates, explaining the ability +of the sectaries to maintain their existence from generation to +generation in spite of almost unremitting persecution by the +Inquisition.<a name="FNanchor_169_169" id="FNanchor_169_169"></a><a href="#Footnote_169_169" class="fnanchor">[169]</a></p> + +<p>In 1335, one of the earliest cares of Benedict XII. after his accession +was the repression of these <i>Fratres de paupere Vita</i>, as they styled +themselves. They still in many places publicly displayed their contumacy +by wearing the short and narrow gowns of the Spirituals. They still held +Michele to be their general, insulted the memory of John XXII., and were +earnestly and successfully engaged in proselytism. Moreover, they were +openly protected by men of rank and power. All the inquisitors, from +Treviso and Lombardy to Sicily, were commanded to free the Church from +these impious hypocrites by vigorous action, and directions were sent to +the prelates to lend efficient assistance. There were some, at least, of +the latter who did not respond, for in 1336 Francesco, Bishop of +Camerino, and Giacopo, Bishop of Firmo, were summoned to answer for +favoring the sectaries and permitting them to live in their dioceses. +The whole Order, in fact, was still infected with these dangerous +doctrines, and could not be brought to view the dissidents with proper +abhorrence. Benedict complained that in the kingdom of Naples many +Franciscan convents gave shelter to these perverse brethren, and in a +bull regulating the Order issued this same year he alludes to those +among them who wear peculiar vestments and, under a pretended exterior +of sanctity, maintain heresies condemned by the Church of Rome; all +such, together with those who protect them, are to be imprisoned until +they submit. It was not always easy to enforce obedience to these +mandates. The Bishop of Camerino was stubborn, and the next year, 1337, +Frà Giovanni di Borgo, the inquisitor of<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_160" id="page_160"></a>{160}</span> the Mark of Ancona, was +instructed to proceed severely against him and other fautors of these +heretics. By his active operations Frà Giovanni incurred the ill-will of +the nobles of his district, who had sufficient influence with the +general, Gerard Odo, to procure his replacement by his associate Giacomo +and subsequently by Simone da Ancona, but the Cardinal Legate Bertrand +intervened, and Benedict restored him with high encomiums on his +efficiency. Although persecution was thus active, it is probable that +few of the sectaries had the spirit of martyrdom, and that they recanted +under pressure, but there was no hesitation in inflicting the full +punishment of heresy on those who were persistent. June 3, 1337, at +Venice, Frà Francesco da Pistoia was burned for pertinaciously asserting +the poverty of Christ in contempt of the definitions of John XXII., nor +was he the only victim.<a name="FNanchor_170_170" id="FNanchor_170_170"></a><a href="#Footnote_170_170" class="fnanchor">[170]</a></p> + +<p>The test of heresy, as I have said, was the assertion that Christ and +the apostles held no property. This appears from the abjuration of Frà +Francesco d’ Ascoli in 1344, who recants that belief and declares that +in accordance with the bulls of John XXII. he holds it to be heretical. +That such continued to be the customary formula appears from Eymerich, +who instructs his inquisitor to make the penitent declare under oath, “I +swear that I believe in my heart and profess that our Lord Jesus Christ +and his apostles while in this mortal life held in common the things +which Scripture declares them to have had, and that they had the right +of giving, selling, and alienating them.”<a name="FNanchor_171_171" id="FNanchor_171_171"></a><a href="#Footnote_171_171" class="fnanchor">[171]</a></p> + +<p>The heresy was thus so purely an artificial one, created by the Holy +See, that perhaps it is not difficult to understand the sympathy excited +by these poor and self-denying ascetics, who bore all the external marks +of what the Church had for ages taught to be exceeding holiness. +Camerino continued to be a place of refuge. In 1343 Clement VI. ordered +the Bishops of Ancona and Osimo to cite before him within three months +Gentile, Lord of Camerino, for various offences, among which was +protecting the Fraticelli, impeding the inquisitors in the prosecution +of their duties, and despising<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_161" id="page_161"></a>{161}</span> for several years the excommunication +which they had pronounced against him. Even the inquisitors themselves, +especially in Franciscan districts, were not always earnest in the work, +possibly because there was little prospect of profitable confiscations +to be procured from those who regarded the possession of property as a +sin, and in 1346 Clement found himself obliged to reprove them sharply +for their tepidity. In such districts the Fraticelli showed themselves +with little concealment. When, in 1348, Cola di Rienzo fled from Rome +after his first tribuneship, he betook himself to the Fraticelli of +Monte Maiella; he was charmed with their holiness and poverty, entered +the Order as a Tertiary, and deplored that men so exemplary should be +persecuted by the pope and the Inquisition. Tuscany was full of them. It +was in vain that about this period Florence adopted severe laws for +their repression, placing them under the ban, empowering any one to +capture them, and deliver them to the Inquisition, and imposing a fine +of five hundred lire on any official declining, when summoned by the +inquisitors, to assist in their arrest. The very necessity of enacting +such laws shows how difficult it was to stimulate the people to join the +persecution. Even this appears to have been ineffectual. There is extant +a letter from Giovanni delle Celle of Vallombrosa to Tommaso di Neri, a +Fraticello of Florence, in which the former attacks the fatuity of the +latter in making an idol of poverty; the letter was answered and led to +a controversy which seems to have been conducted openly.<a name="FNanchor_172_172" id="FNanchor_172_172"></a><a href="#Footnote_172_172" class="fnanchor">[172]</a></p> + +<p>Yet, trivial as was apparently the point at issue, it was impossible +that men could remain contentedly under the ban of the Church without +being forced to adopt principles destructive of the whole ecclesiastical +organization. They could only justify themselves by holding that they +were the true Church, that the papacy was heretical and had forfeited +its claim of obedience, and could no longer guide the faithful to +salvation. It is an interesting proof of the state of public opinion in +Italy, that in spite of the thoroughly organized machinery of +persecution, men who held these doctrines were able to disseminate them +almost publicly and<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_162" id="page_162"></a>{162}</span> to make numerous proselytes. About the middle of +the century they circulated throughout Italy a document written in the +vernacular, “so that it can be understood by every one,” giving their +reasons for separating themselves from pope and prelate. It is +singularly temperate in tone and logical in structure. The argument is +drawn strictly from Scripture and from the utterances of the Church +itself, and from even the standpoint of a canonist it is unanswerable. +There are no apocalyptic hysterics, no looking forward to Antichrist or +to new ages of the world, no mysticism. There is not even any reference +to St. Francis, nor any claim that his Rule is inspired and inviolable. +Yet none the less the whole body of the Church is declared to be +heretic, and all the faithful are summoned to cut loose from it.</p> + +<p>The reasons alleged for this are three—First, heresy; second, simony; +third, fornication. As to the first, John XXII. is proved to be a +heretic by the bulls pronouncing heretical the doctrine that Christ and +the apostles possessed nothing. This is easily done by reason of the +definitions of the previous popes confirmed by the Council of Vienne. +The corollary of course follows that all his successors and their +cardinals are heretics. As regards simony, the canons of the Decretum +and the utterances of the doctors are quoted to show that it is heresy. +As regards fornication, it was easy to cite the canons embodying the +Hildebrandine doctrine that the sacraments of fornicating priests are +not to be received. It is true that there are many priests who are not +fornicators, but there are none who are not simonists—who have not +given or received money for the sacraments. Even if he could be found +who is innocent on all these heads, it would be necessary for him to +separate himself from the rest, for, as Raymond of Pennaforte shows in +his Summa, those are guilty of mortal sin and idolatry who receive the +sacraments of heretics. The Fraticelli, therefore, have been obliged to +withdraw from a heretical church, and they issue this manifesto to +justify their course. If in any way it is erroneous, they ask to have +the error pointed out; and if it is correct, the faithful are bound to +join them, because, after the facts are known, association with prelates +and clergy thus heretical and excommunicate will involve in heresy all +who are guilty of it.<a name="FNanchor_173_173" id="FNanchor_173_173"></a><a href="#Footnote_173_173" class="fnanchor">[173]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_163" id="page_163"></a>{163}</span></p> + +<p>All the Fraticelli, however, were not uniformly agreed upon all points. +In the above document a leading argument is drawn from the assumed +vitiation of the sacraments in polluted hands—a dangerous tenet, +constantly recurring to plague the successors of Hildebrand—which we do +not find in other utterances of the sectaries. In fact, we find them, in +1362, divided into two branches, one of which recognized as its leader +Tommaso, ex-Bishop of Aquino, and held that as John XXII. and his +successors were heretics, the sacrament of ordination derived from them +was void, and reordination was required of all ecclesiastics entering +the sect. The other, which took its name from Felipe of Majorca, was +regularly organized under a general minister, and, while equally +regarding the popes as heretics, recognized the ordinations of the +establishment. All branches of the sect, however, drew ample store of +reasons from the venality and corruption of the Church, which was +doubtless their most convincing argument with the people. There is +extant a letter in the vulgar tongue from a frate to two female +devotees, arguing, like the more formal manifesto, that they are bound +to withdraw from the communion of the heretical church. This is the +beast with seven horns, which are: 1, supreme pride; 2, supreme cruelty; +3, supreme folly or wrath; 4, supreme deceit and inimitable falsehood; +5, supreme carnality or lust; 6, supreme cupidity or avarice; 7, supreme +hatred of truth, or malice. The ministers of this heretic church have no +shame in publicly keeping concubines, and in selling Christ for money in +the sacraments. This letter further indicates the legitimate descent of +the Fraticelli from the Spirituals by a quotation from Joachim to show +that St. Francis is Noah, and the faithful few of his children are those +who are saved with him in the Ark.<a name="FNanchor_174_174" id="FNanchor_174_174"></a><a href="#Footnote_174_174" class="fnanchor">[174]</a></p> + +<p>A still closer connection may be inferred from a bull of Urban V., +issued about 1365, instructing inquisitors to be active in exterminating +heretics, and describing for their information the different heresies. +The Fraticelli are represented as indulging in gluttony and +lasciviousness under the cover of strict external sanctity, pretending +to be Franciscan Tertiaries, and begging publicly or living in their own +houses. It is possible, however, that his description<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_164" id="page_164"></a>{164}</span> of their holding +assemblies in which they read Olivi’s “Postil on the Apocalypse” and his +other works, but chiefly the account of his death, is rather borrowed +from Bernard Gui’s account of the Spirituals of Languedoc, than a +correct statement of the customs of the Fraticelli of his time.<a name="FNanchor_175_175" id="FNanchor_175_175"></a><a href="#Footnote_175_175" class="fnanchor">[175]</a></p> + +<p>Of the final shape which the heresy assumed we have an authoritative +account from its ruthless exterminator, the Inquisitor Giacomo della +Marca. In his “Dialogue with a Fraticello,” written about 1450, there is +no word about the follies of the Spirituals, or any extraneous dogmas. +The question turns wholly on the poverty of Christ and the heresy of +John’s definitions of the doctrine. The Fraticelli stigmatize the +orthodox as Joannistæ, and in turn are called Michaelistæ, showing that +by this time the extravagances of the Spirituals had been forgotten, and +that the heretics were the direct descendants of the schismatic +Franciscans who followed Michele da Cesena. The disorders and immorality +of the clergy still afforded them their most effective arguments in +their active missionary work. Giacomo complains that they abused the +minds of the simple by representing the priests as simonists and +concubinarians, and that the people, imbued with this poison, lost faith +in the clergy, refused to confess to them, to attend their masses, to +receive their sacraments, and to pay their tithes, thus becoming +heretics and pagans and children of the devil, while fancying themselves +children of God.<a name="FNanchor_176_176" id="FNanchor_176_176"></a><a href="#Footnote_176_176" class="fnanchor">[176]</a></p> + +<p>The Fraticelli thus formed one or more separate organizations, each of +which asserted itself to be the only true Church. In the scanty +information which we possess, it is impossible to trace in detail the +history of the fragmentary parts into which they split, and we can only +say in general terms that the sect did not consist simply of anchorites +and friars, but had its regular clergy and laity, its bishops and their +supreme head or pope, known as the Bishop of Philadelphia, that being +the name assigned to the community. In 1357 this position was filled by +Tommaso, the ex-Bishop of Aquino; chance led to the discovery of such a +pope in Perugia in 1374; in 1429 we happen to know that a certain +Rainaldo filled the position, and shortly after a frate named Gabriel.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_165" id="page_165"></a>{165}</span> +There is even talk of a chief of the laity who styled himself Emperor of +the Christians.<a name="FNanchor_177_177" id="FNanchor_177_177"></a><a href="#Footnote_177_177" class="fnanchor">[177]</a></p> + +<p>It was in vain that successive popes ordered the Inquisition to take the +most active measures for the suppression of the sect, and that +occasional holocausts rewarded their exertions, as when, under Urban V. +nine were burned at Viterbo, and in 1389 Frà Michele Berti de Calci +suffered the same fate at Florence. This last case reveals in its +details the popular sympathy which favored the labors of the Fraticelli. +Frà Michele had been sent to Florence as a missionary by a congregation +of the sect which met in a cavern in the Mark of Ancona. He preached in +Florence and made many converts, and was about leaving the city, April +19, when he was betrayed by five female zealots, who sent for him +pretending to seek conversion. His trial was short. A colleague saved +his life by recantation, but Michele was firm. When brought up in +judgment to be degraded from the priesthood he refused to kneel before +the bishop, saying that heretics are not to be knelt to. In walking to +the place of execution many of the crowd exchanged words of cheer with +him, leading to considerable disturbance, and when tied to a stake in a +sort of cabin which was to be set on fire, a number put their heads +inside to beg him to recant. The place was several times filled with +smoke to frighten him, but he was unyielding, and after his incremation +there were many people, we are told, who regarded him as a saint.<a name="FNanchor_178_178" id="FNanchor_178_178"></a><a href="#Footnote_178_178" class="fnanchor">[178]</a></p> + +<p>Proceedings such as this were not likely to diminish the favor with +which the Fraticelli were popularly regarded. The two Sicilies continued +to be thoroughly interpenetrated with the heresy. When, in 1362, Luigi +di Durazzo made his abortive attempt at rebellion, he regarded the +popularity of the Fraticelli as an element<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_166" id="page_166"></a>{166}</span> of sufficient importance for +him to publicly proclaim sympathy with them, to collect them around him, +and have Tommaso of Aquino celebrate mass for him. Francesco Marchisio, +Archdeacon of Salerno, was a Fraticello, in spite of which he was +elevated to the see of Trivento in 1362, and occupied it till his death +about twenty years later. In 1372 Gregory XI. was shocked to learn that +in Sicily the bones of Fraticelli were venerated as the relics of +saints, that chapels and churches were built in their honor, and that on +their anniversaries the populace flocked thither with candles to worship +them; but it is not likely that his instructions to the inquisitors to +put an end to these unseemly manifestations of mistaken piety were +successful. At Perugia, in 1368, the magistrates were induced to throw +many of the Fraticelli into prison, but to so little purpose that the +people persisted in regarding them as the true children of St. Francis +and in giving them shelter, while the Franciscans were despised on +account of the laxity of their observance, the luxury of their houses, +the costliness of their vestments, and the profusion of their table. +They were ridiculed and insulted in the streets until they scarce dared +to venture in public; if one chanced to let the collar of his shirt show +above his gown, some one would pull up the linen and ask the jeering +crowd if this was the austerity of St. Francis. As a last resort, in +1374, they sent for Paoluccio of Foligno and a public disputation was +arranged with the Fraticelli. Paoluccio turned the tide of popular favor +by proving that obedience to the pope was of greater moment than +obedience to the Rule, and the Fraticelli were driven from the town. +Even then the Inquisition seems not to have dared to prosecute +them.<a name="FNanchor_179_179" id="FNanchor_179_179"></a><a href="#Footnote_179_179" class="fnanchor">[179]</a></p> + +<p>The proselyting efforts of the Fraticelli were by no means confined to +Italy. Believing themselves the only true Church, it was their duty to +carry salvation throughout the world, and there were<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_167" id="page_167"></a>{167}</span> earnest spirits +among them who were ready to dare as much as the orthodox among the +infidels and barbarians. Already, in 1344, Clement VI. found himself +obliged to address the archbishops, bishops, and all the faithful +throughout Armenia, Persia, and the East, warning them against these +emissaries of Satan, who were seeking to scatter among them the seeds of +error and schism. He had no inquisitors to call upon in those regions, +but he ordered the prelates to inquire after them and to punish them, +authorizing them, with a singular lack of perception, to invoke, if +necessary, the aid of the secular arm. The Fraticelli made at least one +convert of importance, for in 1346 Clement felt himself obliged to cite +for appearance within four months no less a personage than the +Archbishop of Seleucia, who, infected with pseudo-minorite errors, had +written in Armenian and was circulating throughout Asia a postil on St. +John in which he asserted the forbidden doctrine of the poverty of +Christ. In 1354 Innocent VI. heard of Fraticellian missionaries laboring +among the Chazars of the Crimea, and he forthwith ordered the Bishop of +Caffa to repress them with inquisitorial methods. In 1375 Gregory XI. +learned that they were active in Egypt, Syria, and Asia, and he promptly +ordered the Franciscan provincial of those regions to enforce on them +the severity of the laws. One, named Lorenzo Carbonello, had ventured to +Tunis, to infect with his heresy the Christians of that kingdom, +whereupon Gregory commanded Giacomo Patani and Guillen de Ripoll, the +captains of the Christian troops in the service of the Bey of Tunis, to +seize him and send him in chains to the Archbishop of Naples or of Pisa. +Doubtless, if the command was obeyed, it led the unthinking Moslem to +thank Allah that they were not Christians.<a name="FNanchor_180_180" id="FNanchor_180_180"></a><a href="#Footnote_180_180" class="fnanchor">[180]</a></p> + +<p>In Languedoc and Provence the rigorous severity with which the +Spirituals had been exterminated seems to have exercised a wholesome +influence in repressing the Fraticelli, but nevertheless a few cases on +record shows the existence of the sect. In 1336 we hear of a number +confined in the papal dungeons of Avignon—among them a papal +chaplain—and that Guillaume Lombard, the judge of ecclesiastical +causes, was ordered to exert against them<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_168" id="page_168"></a>{168}</span> the full severity of the +laws. In 1354 two Tuscan Fraticelli, Giovanni da Castiglione and +Francesco d’ Arquata, were arrested at Montpellier for holding that John +XXII. had forfeited his authority by altering the definitions of the +bull <i>Exiit</i>, and that his successors were not the true Church. Innocent +VI. caused them to be brought before him, but all efforts to make them +recant were vain; they went tranquilly to the stake, singing <i>Gloria in +excelsis</i>, and were reverenced as martyrs by a large number of their +brethren. Two others, named Jean de Narbonne and Maurice had not long +before met the same fate at Avignon. In northern France we hear little +of the heresy. The only recorded case seems to be that of Denis +Soulechat, a professor of the University of Paris, who taught in 1363 +that the law of divine love does away with property, and that Christ and +the apostles held none. Summoned by the Inquisitor Guillaume Rochin, he +abjured before the Faculty and then appealed to the pope. At Avignon, +when he endeavored to purge himself before an assembly of theologians, +he only added new errors to his old ones, and was sent back to the +Cardinal of Beauvais and the Sorbonne with orders to make him recant, +and to punish him properly with the advice of the inquisitor. In 1368 he +was forced to a public abjuration.<a name="FNanchor_181_181" id="FNanchor_181_181"></a><a href="#Footnote_181_181" class="fnanchor">[181]</a></p> + +<p>In Spain a few cases show that the heresy extended across the Pyrenees. +In Valencia, Fray Jayme Justi and the Tertiaries Guillermo Gelabert and +Marti Petri, when arrested by R. de Masqueta, commissioner of the +Inquisitor Leonardo de Puycerda, appealed to Clement VI., who ordered +the Bishop of Valencia to release them on their giving bail not to leave +the city until their case should be decided at Avignon. They must have +had wealthy disciples, for security was furnished in the heavy sum of +thirty thousand sols, and they were discharged from prison. The papal +court was in no hurry with the case—probably it was forgotten—when, in +1353, Clement learned that the two Tertiaries were dead, and that Justi +was in the habit of leaving the city and spreading his pestiferous +doctrines among the people. He therefore ordered<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_169" id="page_169"></a>{169}</span> Hugo, Bishop of +Valencia, and the Inquisitor Nicolas Roselli to prosecute the case +forthwith. Justi must have recanted, for he was merely imprisoned for +life, while the bones of the two Tertiaries were dug up and burned. Even +more obdurate was Fray Arnaldo Mutaner, who for nineteen years infected +Puycerda and Urgel with the same heresy. He was contumacious and refused +to appear when summoned to abjure. After consultation with Gregory XI., +Berenger Darili, Bishop of Urgel, condemned him, and so did Eymerich. +Pursuit apparently grew hot, and he fled to the East. The last we hear +of him is in 1373, when Gregory ordered his vicar, the Franciscan +Arnaud, to seize him and send him in chains to the papal court, but +whether the effort was successful we have no means of knowing. A bull of +Martin V. in 1426 shows the continued existence of Fraticelli in Aragon +and Catalonia, and the necessity of active measures for their +extirpation.<a name="FNanchor_182_182" id="FNanchor_182_182"></a><a href="#Footnote_182_182" class="fnanchor">[182]</a></p> + +<p>It was probably a heresy of the same nature which, in 1442, was +discovered in Durango, Biscay. The heresiarch was the Franciscan Alonso +de Mella, brother of Juan, Cardinal-bishop of Zamora, and the sectaries +were known as Cerceras. The story that Alonso taught indiscriminate +sexual intercourse is doubtless one of the customary exaggerations. King +Juan II., in the absence of the Inquisition, sent the Franciscan, +Francisco de Soria, and Juan Alonso Cherino, Abbot of Alcalá la Real, to +investigate the matter, with two alguazils and a sufficient force. The +heretics were seized and carried, some to Valladolid and some to Santo +Domingo de la Calçada, where torture was used to extract confession, and +the obstinate ones were burned in considerable numbers. Fray Alonso de +Mella, however, managed to escape and fled to Granada, it is said, with +some of his girls; but he did not avert his fate, for he was +<i>acañavereado</i> by the Moors—that is, put to a lingering death with +pointed sticks. The affair must have made a profound impression on the +popular mind, for even until modern times the people of Durango were +reproached by their neighbors with the “<i>autos de Fray Alonso</i>” and in +1828 an overzealous alcalde, to obliterate all record of the matter, +burned the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_170" id="page_170"></a>{170}</span> original documents of the process, which till then had +reposed quietly among the records of the parish church.<a name="FNanchor_183_183" id="FNanchor_183_183"></a><a href="#Footnote_183_183" class="fnanchor">[183]</a></p> + +<p> </p> + +<p>The violent measures of John XXII., followed up by his successors, for a +while effectually repressed the spiritual asceticism of the Franciscans. +Yet it was impossible that impulses which were so marked a +characteristic of the age should be wholly obliterated in an Order in +which they had become traditional. We see this in the kindness +manifested by the Franciscans to the Fraticelli when it could be done +without too much risk, and we cannot doubt that there were many who +aspired to imitate the founder without daring to overleap the bounds of +obedience. Such men could not but look with alarm and disgust at the +growing worldliness of the Order under the new dispensation of John. +When the Provincial of Tuscany could lay aside five hundred florins out +of the alms given to his brethren, and then lend this sum to the +Hospital of S. Maria of Siena at ten per cent. per annum, although so +flagrant a violation of his vows and of the canons against usury brought +upon him the penalty of degradation, it required a divine visitation to +impress his sin upon the minds of his fellows, and he died in 1373 in +great agony and without the sacraments. Various other manfestations +about the same time indicate the magnitude of the evil and the +impossibility of suppressing it by human means. Under Boniface IX., +Franciscans, we are told, were in the habit of seeking dispensations to +enable them to hold benefices and even pluralities; and the pope decreed +that any Mendicant desiring to be transferred to a non-Mendicant Order +should, as a preliminary, pay a hundred gold florins to the papal +camera. Under such a system there could be scarce a pretence of +maintaining the holy poverty which had been the ideal of Francis and his +followers.<a name="FNanchor_184_184" id="FNanchor_184_184"></a><a href="#Footnote_184_184" class="fnanchor">[184]</a></p> + +<p>Yet the ardent thirst of poverty and the belief that in it lay the only +assured path to salvation were too widely diffused to be repressed. +Giovanni Colombini, a rich and ambitious citizen<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_171" id="page_171"></a>{171}</span> of Siena had his +thoughts accidentally directed to heaven. His career strikingly +resembles that of Peter Waldo, save that the Church, grown wiser, +utilized his zeal instead of antagonizing him. The Order of Jesuats +which he founded was approved by Urban V. in 1367. It was an order of +lay brethren under the Augustinian Rule, vowed to poverty and devoted to +the care of the sick, not unlike that of the Cellites or Alexians of the +Rhinelands.<a name="FNanchor_185_185" id="FNanchor_185_185"></a><a href="#Footnote_185_185" class="fnanchor">[185]</a></p> + +<p>It was inevitable that there should be dissatisfaction among the more +ascetic Franciscans, and that the more zealous of these should seek some +remedy short of heresy. In 1350 Gentile of Spoleto obtained from Clement +VI. authorization for some houses of stricter observance. Immediately +the experience of Angelo and Liberato was repeated. The wrath of the +Conventuals was excited. The innovators were accused of adopting the +short and narrow gowns which had been the distinguishing mark of the +dreaded Olivists. In the General Chapter of 1353, the General Farignano +was urged to exterminate them by the measures which had proved so +effective in Languedoc. To this he did not assent, but he set spies to +work to obtain evidence against them, and soon was able to accuse them +of receiving Fraticelli. They admitted the fact, but argued that this +had been in the hope of converting the heretics, and when they proved +obstinate they had been expelled—but they had not been reported to the +Inquisition as duty required. Armed with this, Farignano represented to +Innocent VI. the grave dangers of the innovation, and obtained a +revocation of the papal authorization. The brethren were dispersed, +Gentile and two companions were thrown into prison at Orvieto; his +coadjutor, Frà Martino, a most exemplary man, who shone in miracles +after death, died the next year, and the rest were reduced to obedience. +After prolonged captivity Gentile was released, and died in 1362, worn +out with fruitless labors to restore the discipline of the Order.<a name="FNanchor_186_186" id="FNanchor_186_186"></a><a href="#Footnote_186_186" class="fnanchor">[186]</a></p> + +<p>More fortunate was his disciple, Paoluccio da Trinci, of Foligno, a +simple and unlearned friar, who had obtained from his kinsman,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_172" id="page_172"></a>{172}</span> Ugolino, +Lord of Foligno, a dungeon in which to gratify his thirst for +asceticism. Though he had permission for this from his superiors, he +suffered much from the hostility of the laxer brethren, but his +austerities gained him great popular reverence and many disciples. In +1368 the General Farignano chanced to attend a provincial chapter at +Foligno, and was persuaded to ask of Ugolino a spot called Brulliano, in +the mountains between Foligno and Camerino, as a hermitage for Paoluccio +and his followers. After his request was granted he dreaded a schism in +the Order and wished to recall it, but Ugolino held him to his purpose. +The place was wild, rocky, marshy, unwholesome, infested with serpents, +and almost uninhabited. Thither Paoluccio led his brethren, and they +were forced to adopt the sabots or wooden shoes, which became the +distinguishing foot-gear of their Order. Their reputation spread apace; +converts flocked to them; their buildings required enlargement; +associate houses were founded in many places, and thus arose the +Observantines, or Franciscans of strict observance—an event in the +history of the Church only second in importance to the original +foundation of the Mendicant Orders.<a name="FNanchor_187_187" id="FNanchor_187_187"></a><a href="#Footnote_187_187" class="fnanchor">[187]</a></p> + +<p>When Paoluccio died, in 1390, he was already reckoned as a provincial +within the Order. After an interval he was succeeded by his coadjutor, +Giovanni Stronconi. In 1405 began the marvellous career of St. +Bernardino of Siena, who counts as the formal founder of the +Observantines. They had merely been called the Brethren of the +Hermitages until the Council of Constance established them as an +organization virtually independent of the Conventuals, when they took +the name by which they have since been known. Everywhere their +institution spread. New houses arose, or those of the Conventuals were +reformed and given over to them. Thus in 1426 they were introduced into +the province of Strassburg through the intervention of Matilda of Savoy, +wife of the Palsgrave Louis the Bearded. Familiar in her youth with +their virtues, she took occasion at Heidelberg to point out to her +husband the Franciscans in their convent garden below them, amusing +themselves with military exercises. It resulted in the reform of all the +houses in his dominions and the introduction of the Observantine +discipline, not without serious trouble. In 1453<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_173" id="page_173"></a>{173}</span> Nicholas of Cusa, as +legate, forced all the houses in the diocese of Bamberg to adopt the +Observantine discipline, under threat of forfeiting their privileges. In +1431 the holy house on Mt. Alverno, the Franciscan Mecca, was made over +to them, and in 1434 the guardianship of the Holy Places in Jerusalem. +In 1460 we hear of their penetrating to distant Ireland. It is not to be +supposed that the Conventuals submitted quietly to the encroachments and +triumphs of the hated ascetics whom for a century and a half they had +successfully baffled and persecuted. Quarrels, sharper and bitterer even +than those with the Dominicans, were of constant occurrence, and were +beyond the power of the popes to allay. A promising effort at reunion +attempted by Capistrano in 1430, under the auspices of Martin V., was +defeated by the incurable laxity of the Conventuals, and there was +nothing left for both sides but to continue the war. In 1435 the strife +rose to such a pitch in France that Charles VII. was obliged to appeal +to the Council of Basle, which responded with a decree in favor of the +Observantines. The struggle was hopeless. The corruption of the +Conventuals was so universally recognized that even Pius II. does not +hesitate to say that, though they generally excel as theologians, virtue +is the last thing about which most of them concern themselves. In +contrast with this the holiness of the new organization won for it the +veneration of the people, while the unflagging zeal with which it served +the Holy See secured for it the favor of the popes precisely as the +Mendicant Orders had done in the thirteenth century. At first merely a +branch of the Franciscans, then placed under a virtually independent +vicar-general, at length Leo X., after vainly striving to heal the +differences, gave the Observantines a general minister and reduced the +Conventuals to a subordinate position under a general master.<a name="FNanchor_188_188" id="FNanchor_188_188"></a><a href="#Footnote_188_188" class="fnanchor">[188]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_174" id="page_174"></a>{174}</span></p> + +<p>A religious revival such as this brought into service a class of men who +were worthy representatives of the Peter Martyrs and Guillem Arnauds of +the early Inquisition. Under their ruthless energy the Fraticelli were +doomed to extinction. The troubles of the Great Schism had allowed the +heretics to flourish almost unnoticed and unmolested, but after the +Church had healed its dissensions at Constance and had entered upon a +new and vigorous life, it set to work in earnest to eradicate them. +Hardly had Martin V. returned to Italy from Constance when he issued +from Mantua, November 14, 1418, a bull in which he deplores the increase +of the abominable sect in many parts, and especially in the Roman +province. Fortified with the protection of the temporal lords, they +abuse and threaten the bishops and inquisitors who attempt to repress +them. The bishops and inquisitors are therefore instructed to proceed +against them vigorously, without regard to limits of jurisdiction, and +to prosecute their protectors, even if the latter are of episcopal or +regal dignity, which sufficiently indicates that the Fraticelli had +found favor with those of highest rank in both Church and State. This +accomplished little, for in a subsequent bull of 1421 Martin alludes to +the continued increase of the heresy, and tries the expedient of +appointing the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_175" id="page_175"></a>{175}</span> Cardinals of Albano and Porto as special commissioners +for its suppression. The cardinals proved as inefficient as their +predecessors. In 1423 the General Council of Siena was greatly +scandalized at finding that at Peniscola there was a heretic pope with +his college of cardinals, apparently flourishing without an attempt at +concealment, and the Gallican nation made several ineffectual efforts to +induce the council to take active measures against the secular +authorities under whose favor these scandals were allowed to exist. How +utterly the machinery of persecution had broken down is illustrated by +the case of three Fraticelli who had at this period been detected in +Florence—Bartolommeo di Matteo, Giovanni di Marino of Lucca, and +Bartolommeo di Pietro of Pisa. Evidently distrusting the Florentine +Inquisition, which was Franciscan, Martin V. specially intrusted the +matter to his legates then presiding over the Council of Siena. On the +sudden dissolution of the council the legates returned to Rome, except +the Dominican General, Leonardo of Florence, who went to Florence. To +him, therefore, Martin wrote, April 24, 1424, empowering him to +terminate the case himself, and expressly forbidding the Inquisitor of +Florence from taking any part in it. In September of the same year +Martin instructed Piero, Abbot of Rosacio, his rector of the Mark of +Ancona, to extirpate the Fraticelli existing there, and the difficulty +of the undertaking was recognized in the unwonted clemency which +authorized Piero to reconcile even those who had been guilty of repeated +relapses.<a name="FNanchor_189_189" id="FNanchor_189_189"></a><a href="#Footnote_189_189" class="fnanchor">[189]</a></p> + +<p>Some new motive force was evidently required. There were laws in +abundance for the extermination of heresy, and an elaborate organization +for their enforcement, but a paralysis seemed to have fallen upon it, +and all the efforts of the Holy See to make it do its duty was in vain. +The problem was solved when, in 1426, Martin boldly overslaughed the +Inquisition and appointed two Observantines as inquisitors, without +limitation of districts and with power to appoint deputies, thus +rendering them supreme over the whole of Italy. These were the men whom +we have so often met before where heresy was to be combated—San +Giovanni da<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_176" id="page_176"></a>{176}</span> Capistrano, and the blessed Giacomo da Monteprandone, +generally known as della Marca—both full of zeal and energy, who richly +earned their respective canonization and beatification by lifelong +devotion and by services which can scarce be overestimated. It is true +that Giacomo was commissioned only as a missionary, to preach to the +heretics and reconcile them, but the difference was practically +undiscoverable, and when, a quarter of a century later, he fondly looked +back over the exploits of his youth, he related with pride how the +heretics fled from before his face, abandoned their strongholds, and +left their flocks to his mercy. Their headquarters seem to have been in +the Mark of Ancona, and chiefly in the dioceses of Fabriano and Jesi. +There the new inquisitors boldly attacked them. There was no resistance. +Such of the teachers as could do so sought safety in flight, and the +fate of the rest may be guessed from the instructions of Martin in 1428 +to Astorgio, Bishop of Ancona, his lieutenant in the Mark, with respect +to the village of Magnalata. As it had been a receptacle of heretics, it +is to be levelled with the earth, never to be rebuilt. Stubborn heretics +are to be dealt with according to the law—that is, of course, to be +burned, as Giacomo della Marca tells us was the case with many of them. +Those who repent may be reconciled, but their leaders are to be +imprisoned for life, and are to be tortured, if necessary, to force them +to reveal the names of their fellows elsewhere. The simple folk who have +been misled are to be scattered around in the vicinage where they can +cultivate their lands, and are to be recompensed by dividing among them +the property confiscated from the rest. The children of heretic parents +are to be taken away and sent to a distance, where they can be brought +up in the faith. Heretic books are to be diligently searched for +throughout the province; and all magistrates and communities are to be +warned that any favor or protection shown to heretics will be visited +with forfeiture of municipal rights.<a name="FNanchor_190_190" id="FNanchor_190_190"></a><a href="#Footnote_190_190" class="fnanchor">[190]</a></p> + +<p>Such measures ought to have been effective, as well as the device of +Capistrano, who, after driving the Fraticelli out of Massacio and +Palestrina, founded Observantine houses there to serve as citadels of +the faith, but the heretics were stubborn and enduring.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_177" id="page_177"></a>{177}</span> When Eugenius +IV. succeeded to the papacy he renewed Capistrano’s commission in 1432 +as a general inquisitor against the Fraticelli. We have no details of +his activity during this period, but he was doubtless busily employed, +though he was deprived of the assistance of Giacomo, who until 1440 was, +as we have seen, at work among the Cathari of Bosnia and the Hussites of +Hungary. The Fraticelli of Ancona were still troublesome, for, on his +return from Asia in 1441, Giacomo was sent thither as special inquisitor +for their suppression. When, in 1447, Nicholas V. ascended the papal +throne, he made haste to renew Capistrano’s commission, and in 1449 a +combined attack was made on the heretics of the Mark, possibly +stimulated by the capture, in his own court, of a bishop of the +Fraticelli named Matteo, disguised in a Franciscan habit. Nicholas +himself went to Fabriano, while Capistrano and Giacomo scoured the +country. Magnalata had been rebuilt in spite of the prohibition, and it, +with Migliorotta, Poggio, and Merulo, was brought back to the faith, by +what means we can well guess. Giacomo boasts that the heretics gave five +hundred ducats to a bravo to slay Capistrano, and on one occasion two +hundred and on another one hundred and fifty to procure his own death, +but the assassins in each case were touched with compunction and came in +and made confession—doubtless a profitable revelation for sharpers to +make, for no one acquainted with Italian society at that period can +imagine that such sums would not have effected their object. The +inquisitors, however, were specially protected by Heaven. Capistrano’s +legend relates that on one occasion the heretics waited for him in +ambush. His companions passed in safety, and when he followed alone, +absorbed in meditation and prayer, a sudden whirlwind, with torrents of +rain, kept his assailants in their lair, and he escaped. Giacomo was +similarly divinely guarded. At Matelica a heretic concealed himself in a +chapel of the Virgin, to assail the inquisitor as he passed, but the +Virgin appeared to him with threats so terrible that he fell to the +ground and lay there till the neighbors carried him to a hospital, and +it was three months before he was able to seek Giacomo at Fermo and +abjure.<a name="FNanchor_191_191" id="FNanchor_191_191"></a><a href="#Footnote_191_191" class="fnanchor">[191]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_178" id="page_178"></a>{178}</span></p> + +<p>The unlucky captives were brought before Nicholas at Fabriano and +burned. Giacomo tells us that the stench lasted for three days and +extended as far as the convent in which he was staying. He exerted +himself to save the souls of those whose bodies were forfeit by reason +of relapse, and succeeded in all cases but one. This hardened heretic +was the treasurer of the sect, named Chiuso. He refused to recant, and +would not call upon God or the Virgin or the saints for aid, but simply +said “Fire will not burn me.” His endurance was tested to the utmost. +For three days he was burned piecemeal at intervals, but his resolution +never gave way, and at last he expired impenitent, in spite of the +kindly efforts to torture him to heaven.<a name="FNanchor_192_192" id="FNanchor_192_192"></a><a href="#Footnote_192_192" class="fnanchor">[192]</a></p> + +<p>After this we hear little of the Fraticelli, although the sect still +continued to exist for a while in secret. In 1467 Paul II. converted a +number of them who were brought from Poli to Rome. Eight men and six +women, with paper mitres on their heads, were exposed to the jeers of +the populace on a high scaffold at the Aracœli, while the papal vicar +and five bishops preached for their conversion. Their penance consisted +in imprisonment in the Campidoglio, and in wearing a long robe bearing a +white cross on breast and back. It was probably on this occasion that +Rodrigo Sanchez, a favorite of Paul’s, and subsequently Bishop of +Palencia, wrote a treatise on the poverty of Christ, in which he proved +that ecclesiastics led apostolic lives in the midst of their +possessions. In 1471 Frà Tommaso di Scarlino was sent to Piombino and +the maritime parts of Tuscany to drive out some Fraticelli who had been +discovered there. This is the last allusion to them that I have met +with, and thereafter they may be considered as virtually extinct. That +they soon passed completely out of notice may be inferred from the fact +that in 1487, when the Spanish Inquisition persecuted some +Observantines, Innocent VIII. issued a general order that any +Franciscans imprisoned by Dominican inquisitors should be handed over +for trial to their own superiors, and that no such prosecutions should +be thereafter undertaken.<a name="FNanchor_193_193" id="FNanchor_193_193"></a><a href="#Footnote_193_193" class="fnanchor">[193]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_179" id="page_179"></a>{179}</span></p> + +<p>The Observantine movement may be credited with the destruction of the +Fraticelli, not so much by furnishing the men and the zeal required for +their violent suppression as by supplying an organization in which +ascetic longings could be safely gratified, and by attracting to +themselves the popular veneration which had so long served as a +safeguard to the heretics. When we read of Capistrano’s reputation among +his countrymen—how in Vicenza, in 1451, the authorities had to shut the +city gates to keep out the influx of surging crowds, and when he walked +the streets he had to be accompanied by a guard of Frati to keep off the +people seeking to touch him with sticks or to secure a fragment of his +garment as a relic; how in Florence, in 1456, an armed guard was +requisite to prevent his suffocation—we can realize the tremendous +influence exercised by him and his fellows in diverting the current of +public opinion to the Church which they represented. Like the Mendicants +of the thirteenth century, they restored to it much of the reverence +which it had forfeited, in spite of the relaxation and self-indulgence +to which, if Poggio is to be believed, many of them speedily +degenerated.<a name="FNanchor_194_194" id="FNanchor_194_194"></a><a href="#Footnote_194_194" class="fnanchor">[194]</a></p> + +<p>Not less effective was the refuge which the Observantines afforded to +those whose morbid tendencies led them to seek superhuman austerity. The +Church having at last recognized the necessity of furnishing an outlet +for these tendencies, as the old Fraticelli died or were burned there +were none to take their place, and the sect disappears from view without +leaving a trace behind it. Ascetic zeal must indeed have been intense +when it could not be satiated by such a life as that of Lorenzo da +Fermo, who died in 1481 at the age of one hundred and ten, after passing +ninety years with the Observantines. For forty of these years he lived +on Mont Alverno, wearing neither cowl nor sandals—bareheaded and +barefooted in the severest weather, and with the thinnest garments. If +there were natures which craved more than this, the Church had learned +either to utilize or to control them. Thus was organized the Order of +the Strict Observance, better known as the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_180" id="page_180"></a>{180}</span> Recollects. The Conde de +Sotomayor, of the noblest blood of Spain, had entered the Franciscan +Order, and, becoming dissatisfied with its laxity, obtained from +Innocent VIII., in 1487, authority to found a reformed branch, which he +established in the wilds of the Sierra Morena. In spite of the angry +opposition of both Conventuals and Observantines, it proved successful +and spread permanently through France and Italy. An irregular and +unfortunate effort in the same direction was made not long after by +Matteo da Tivoli, a Franciscan whose thirst for supreme asceticism had +led him to adopt the life of a hermit, with about eighty followers, in +the Roman province. They threw off all obedience to the Order, under the +influence of Satan, who appeared to Matteo in the guise of Christ. He +was seized and imprisoned, and commenced to doubt the reality of his +mission, when another vision confirmed him. He succeeded in escaping +with a comrade, and lived in caves among the mountains with numerous +disciples, illuminated by God and gifted with miraculous power. He +organized his followers into an independent Order, with general, +provincials, and guardians, but the Church succeeded in breaking it up +in 1495, Matteo finally returning to the Conventuals, while most of his +disciples entered the Observantines.<a name="FNanchor_195_195" id="FNanchor_195_195"></a><a href="#Footnote_195_195" class="fnanchor">[195]</a></p> + +<p> </p> + +<p>In reviewing this history of the morbid aberrations of lofty impulses, +it is impossible not to recognize how much the Church lost in vitality, +and how much causeless suffering was inflicted by the theological +arrogance and obstinate perversity of John XXII. With tact and +discretion the zeal of the Fraticelli could have been utilized, as was +subsequently that of the Observantines. The ceaseless quarrels of the +Conventuals with the latter explain the persecutions endured by the +Spirituals and the Fraticelli. Paoluccio was fortunate in finding men +high in station who were wise enough to protect his infant organization +until it had demonstrated its usefulness and was able to defend itself, +but there never was a time, even when it was the most useful weapon in +the hands of the Holy See, when the Conventuals would not, had they been +able, have treated it as inhumanly as they had treated the followers of +Angelo and Olivi and Michele da Cesena.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_181" id="page_181"></a>{181}</span></p> + +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_IV" id="CHAPTER_IV"></a>CHAPTER IV.<br /><br /> +<small>POLITICAL HERESY UTILIZED BY THE CHURCH.</small></h2> + +<p>T<small>HE</small> identification of the cause of the Church with that of God was no +new thing. Long before the formulation of laws against heresy and the +organization of the Inquisition for its suppression, the advantage had +been recognized of denouncing as heretics all who refused obedience to +the demands of prelate and pope. In the quarrel between the empire and +papacy over the question of the investitures, the Council of Lateran, in +1102, required all the bishops in attendance to subscribe a declaration +anathematizing the new heresy of disregarding the papal anathema, and +though the Church as yet was by no means determined on the death-penalty +for ordinary heresy, it had no hesitation as to the punishment due to +the imperialists who maintained the traditional rights of the empire +against its new pretensions. In that same year the monk Sigebert, who +was by no means a follower of the antipope Alberto, was scandalized at +the savage cruelty of Paschal II. in exhorting his adherents to the +slaughter of all the subjects of Henry IV. Robert the Hierosolymitan of +Flanders, on his return from the first crusade, had taken up arms +against Henry IV. and had signalized his devotion by depopulating the +Cambresis, whereupon Paschal wrote to him with enthusiastic praises of +this good work, urging him to continue it as quite as pious as his +labors to recover the Holy Sepulchre, and promising remission of sins to +him and to all his ruthless soldiery. Paschal himself became a heretic +when, in 1111, yielding to the violence of Henry V., he conceded the +imperial right of investiture of bishops and abbots, although when +Bruno, Bishop of Segni and Abbot of Monte Casino, boldly proved his +heresy to his face, he deprived the audacious reasoner of the abbacy and +sent him back to his see. In his settlement with Henry, he had broken a +consecrated host, each taking<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_182" id="page_182"></a>{182}</span> half, and had solemnly said, “Even as +this body of Christ is divided, so let him be divided from the kingdom +of Christ who shall attempt to violate our compact;” but the stigma of +heresy was unendurable, and in 1112 he presided over the Council of +Lateran, which pronounced void his oath and his bulls. When Henry +complained that he had violated his oath, he coolly replied that he had +promised not to excommunicate Henry, but not that he should not be +excommunicated by others. If Paschal was not forced literally to abjure +his heresy he did so constructively, and the principle was established +that even a pope could not abandon a claim of which the denial had been +pronounced heretical. When, not long afterwards, the German prelates +were required at their consecration to abjure all heresy, and especially +the Henrician, the allusion was not to the errors of Henry of Lausanne, +but to those of the emperor who had sought to limit the encroachments of +the Holy See on the temporal power.<a name="FNanchor_196_196" id="FNanchor_196_196"></a><a href="#Footnote_196_196" class="fnanchor">[196]</a></p> + +<p>As heresy, rightly so called, waxed and grew more and more threatening, +and the struggle for its suppression increased in bitterness and took an +organized shape under a formidable body of legislation, and as the +application of the theory of indulgences gave to the Church an armed +militia ready for mobilization without cost whenever it chose to +proclaim danger to the faith, the temptation to invoke the fanaticism of +Christendom for the defence or extension of its temporal interests +inevitably increased in strength. In so far as such a resort can be +justified, the Albigensian crusades were justified by a real antagonism +of faith which foreboded a division of Christianity, and their success +irresistibly led to the application of the same means to cases in which +there was not the semblance of a similar excuse. Of these one of the +earliest, as well as one of the most typical, was that of the +Stedingers.</p> + +<p>The Stedingers were a mixed race who had colonized on the lower Weser +the lands which their industry won from the overflow of river and sea, +their territory extending southward to the neighborhood of Bremen. A +rough and semi-barbarous folk, no doubt—hardy herdsmen and fishermen, +with perhaps an occasional<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_183" id="page_183"></a>{183}</span> tendency to piracy in the ages which +celebrated the exploits of the Vikings of Jomsburg. They were freemen +under the spiritual care of the Archbishops of Bremen, who in return +enjoyed their tithes. This tithe question had been immemorially a +troublesome one, ever since a tincture of Christianity had overspread +those regions. In the eleventh century Adam of Bremen tells us that +throughout the archiepiscopate the bishops sold their benedictions and +the people were not only abandoned to lust and gluttony, but refused to +pay their tithes. The Stedingers were governed by judges of their own +choice, administering their own laws, until, about 1187, trouble arose +from the attempts of the Counts of Oldenburg to extend their authority +over the redeemed marshes and islands, by building a castle or two which +should keep the population in check. There were few churches, and, as +the parishes were large, the matrons were accustomed to carry their +daughters to mass in wagons. The garrisons were in the habit of sallying +forth and seizing these women to solace their solitude, till the people +arose, captured the castles, slew the garrisons, and dug a ditch across +a neck of their territory, leaving only one gate for entrance. John +Count of Oldenburg recovered his castles, but after his death the +Stedingers reasserted their independence. Among their rights they +included the non-payment of tithes, and they treated with contumely the +priests sent to compel their obedience. They strengthened their +defences, and their freedom from feudal and ecclesiastical tyranny +attracted to them refugees from all the neighboring lands. Hartwig, +Archbishop of Bremen, when on his way to the Holy Land in 1197, is said +to have asked Celestin III. to preach a crusade against them as +heretics, but this is evidently an error, for the Albigensian wars had +not as yet suggested the employment of such methods. Matters became more +embroiled when some monks who ventured to inculcate upon the peasants +the duty of tithe-paying were martyred. Still worse was it when a +priest, irritated at the smallness of an oblation offered at Easter by a +woman of condition, in derision slipped into her mouth the coin in place +of the Eucharist. Unable to swallow it, and fearing to commit sacrilege, +the woman kept it in her mouth till her return home, when she ejected it +in some clean linen and discovered the trick. Enraged at this insult her +husband slew the priest, and thus increased the general ferment. After +his return Hartwig endeavored,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_184" id="page_184"></a>{184}</span> in 1207, to reduce the recalcitrant +population, but without success, except to get some money.<a name="FNanchor_197_197" id="FNanchor_197_197"></a><a href="#Footnote_197_197" class="fnanchor">[197]</a></p> + +<p>Yet the Stedingers were welcomed as fully orthodox when their aid was +wanted in the struggle which raged from 1208 till 1217, between the +rival archbishops of Bremen, first between Waldemar and Burchard, and +then between Waldemar and Gerhardt. Ranged at first on the side of +Waldemar, after the triumph of Frederic II. over Otho their defection to +Gerhardt was decisive, and in 1217 the latter obtained his +archiepiscopal seat, where he held his allies in high favor until his +death in 1219. He was succeeded by Gerhardt II., of the House of Lippe, +a warlike prelate who endeavored to overthrow the liberties of Bremen +itself, and to levy tolls on all the commerce of the Weser. The +Stedinger tithes were not likely to escape his attention. Other +distractions, including a war with the King of Denmark and strife with +the recalcitrant citizens of Bremen, prevented any immediate effort to +subjugate the Stedingers, but at length his hands were free. His +brother, Hermann Count of Lippe, came to his assistance with other +nobles, for the independence of the Weser peasant-folk was of evil +import to the neighboring feudal lords. To take advantage of the ice in +those watery regions the expedition set forth in December, 1229, under +the leadership of the count and the archbishop. The Stedingers resisted +valiantly. On Christmas Day a battle was fought in which Count Hermann +was slain and the crusaders put to flight. To celebrate the triumph the +victors in derision appointed mock officials, styling one emperor, +another pope, and others archbishops and bishops, and these issued +letters under these titles—a sorry jest, which when duly magnified +represented them as rebels against all temporal and spiritual +authority.<a name="FNanchor_198_198" id="FNanchor_198_198"></a><a href="#Footnote_198_198" class="fnanchor">[198]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_185" id="page_185"></a>{185}</span></p> + +<p>It was evident that some more potent means must be found to overcome the +indomitable peasantry, and the device adopted was suggested by the +success, in 1230, of the crusade preached by Wilbrand, Bishop of +Utrecht, against the free Frisians in revenge for their slaying his +predecessor Otho, a brother of Archbishop Gerhardt, and imprisoning his +other brother, Dietrich, Provost of Deventer, after their victory of +Coevorden. It was scarce possible not to follow this example. At a synod +held in Bremen in 1230, the Stedingers were put to the ban as the vilest +of heretics, who treated the Eucharist with contempt too horrible for +description, who sought responses from wise-women, made waxen images, +and wrought many other works of darkness.<a name="FNanchor_199_199" id="FNanchor_199_199"></a><a href="#Footnote_199_199" class="fnanchor">[199]</a></p> + +<p>Doubtless there were remnants of pagan superstition in Steding, such as +we shall hereafter see existing throughout many parts of Christendom, +which served as a foundation for these accusations, but that in fact +there were no religious principles involved, and that the questions at +issue were purely political, is indicated by the praise which Frederic +II., in an epistle dated June 14, 1230, bestows on the Stedingers for +the aid which they had rendered to a house of the Teutonic Knights, and +his exhortation that they should continue to protect it. We learn, +moreover, that everywhere the peasantry openly favored them and joined +them when opportunity permitted. It was simply an episode in the +extension of feudalism and sacerdotalism. The scattered remains of the +old Teutonic tribal independence were to be crushed, and the combined +powers of Church and State were summoned to the task. How readily such +accusations could be imposed on the credulity of the people we have seen +from the operations of Conrad of Marburg, and the stories to which he +gave currency of far-pervading secret rites of demon-worship. Yet the +preliminaries of a crusade consumed time, and during 1231 and 1232 +Archbishop Gerhardt had all he could do to withstand the assaults of the +victorious peasants, who twice captured and destroyed the castle of +Schlütter, which he had rebuilt to protect his territories from their +incursions; he sought support in Rome, and in October, 1232, after +ordering an investigation of the heresy by the Bishops of Lubeck, +Ratzeburg, and Minden, Gregory IX. came to<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_186" id="page_186"></a>{186}</span> his aid with bulls addressed +to the Bishops of Minden, Lubeck, and Verden, ordering them to preach +the cross against the rebels. In these there is nothing said about +tithes, but the Stedingers are described as heretics of the worst +description, who deny God, worship demons, consult seeresses, abuse the +sacrament, make wax figurines to destroy their enemies, and commit the +foulest excesses on the clergy, sometimes nailing priests to the wall +with arms and legs spread out, in derision of the Crucified. Gregory’s +long pontificate was devoted to two paramount objects—the destruction +of Frederic II. and the suppression of heresy. The very name of heretic +seemed to awake in him a wrath which deprived him of all reasoning +powers, and he threw himself into the contest with the unhappy peasants +of the Weser marshes as unreservedly as he did into that which Conrad of +Marburg was contemporaneously waging with the powers of darkness in the +Rhinelands. In January, 1233, he wrote to the Bishops of Paderborn, +Hildesheim, Verden, Münster, and Osnabrück, ordering them to assist +their brethren of Ratzeburg, Minden, and Lubeck, whom he had +commissioned to preach a crusade, with full pardons, against the +heretics called Stedingers, who were destroying the faithful people of +those regions. An army had meanwhile been collected which accomplished +nothing during the winter against the steadfast resolution of the +peasants, and dispersed on the expiration of its short term of service. +In a papal epistle of June 17, 1233, to the Bishops of Minden, Lubeck, +and Ratzeburg, this lack of success is represented as resulting from a +mistaken belief on the part of the crusaders that they were not getting +the same indulgences as those granted for the Holy Land, leading them to +withdraw after gaining decisive advantages. The bishops are therefore +ordered to preach a new crusade in which there shall be no error as to +the pardons to be earned, unless meanwhile the Stedingers shall submit +to the archbishop and abandon their heresies. Already, however, another +band of crusaders had been organized, which, towards the end of June, +1233, penetrated eastern Steding, on the right bank of the Weser. This +district had hitherto kept aloof from the strife, and was defenceless. +The crusaders devastated the land with fire and sword, slaying without +distinction of age or sex, and manifesting their religious zeal by +burning all the men who were captured. The crusade came to an inglorious +end, however; for, encouraged<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_187" id="page_187"></a>{187}</span> by its easy success, Count Burchard of +Oldenburg, its leader, was emboldened to attack the fortified lands on +the west bank, when he and some two hundred crusaders were slain and the +rest were glad to escape with their lives.<a name="FNanchor_200_200" id="FNanchor_200_200"></a><a href="#Footnote_200_200" class="fnanchor">[200]</a></p> + +<p>Matter’s were evidently growing serious. The success of the Stedingers +in battling for the maintenance of their independence was awakening an +uneasy feeling among the populations, and the feudal nobles were no less +interested than the prelates in subduing what might prove to be the +nucleus of a dangerous and far-reaching revolt. The third crusade was +therefore preached with additional energy over a wider circle than +before, and preparations were made for an expedition in 1234 on a scale +to crush all resistance. Dominicans spread like a cloud over Holland, +Flanders, Brabant, Westphalia, and the Rhinelands, summoning the +faithful to defend religion. In Friesland they had little success, for +the population sympathized with their kindred and were rather disposed +to maltreat the preachers, but elsewhere their labors were abundantly +rewarded. Bulls of February 11 take under papal protection the +territories of Henry Raspe of Thuringia, and Otho of Brunswick, who had +assumed the cross—the latter, however, only with a view to +self-protection, for he was an enemy of Archbishop Gerhardt. The +heaviest contingent came from the west, under Hendrik, Duke of Brabant, +consisting, it is said, of forty thousand men led by the <i>preux +chevalier</i>, Florent, Count of Holland, together with Thierry, Count of +Cleves, Arnoul of Oudenarde, Rasso of Gavres, Thierry of Dixmunde, +Gilbert of Zotteghem, and other nobles, eager to earn salvation and +preserve their feudal rights. Three hundred ships from Holland gave +assurance that the maritime part of the expedition should not be +lacking. Apparently warned by the disastrous outcome of his zeal in the +affair of Conrad of Marburg, Gregory at the last moment seems to have +felt some misgiving, and in March, 1234, sent to Bishop Guglielmo, his +legate in North Germany, orders to endeavor by peaceful means to bring +about the reconciliation of the peasants,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_188" id="page_188"></a>{188}</span> but the effort came too late. +In April the hosts were already assembling, and the legate did, and +probably could do, nothing to avert the final blow. Overwhelming as was +the force of the crusaders, the handful of peasants met it with their +wonted resolution. At Altenesch, on May 27, they made their stand and +resisted with stubborn valor the onslaught of Hendrik of Brabant and +Florent of Holland; but, in the vast disparity of numbers, Thierry of +Cleves was able to make a flank attack with fresh troops which broke +their ranks, when they were slaughtered unsparingly. Six thousand were +left dead upon the field, besides those drowned in the Weser in the vain +attempt at flight, and we are asked to believe that the divine favor was +manifested in that only seven of the crusaders perished. The land now +lay defenceless before the soldiers of the Lord, who improved their +victory by laying it waste with fire and sword, sparing neither age nor +sex. Six centuries later, on May 27, 1834, a monument was solemnly +dedicated on the field of Altenesch to the heroes who fell in desperate +defence of their land and liberty.<a name="FNanchor_201_201" id="FNanchor_201_201"></a><a href="#Footnote_201_201" class="fnanchor">[201]</a></p> + +<p>Bald as was the pretence for this frightful tragedy, the Church assumed +all the responsibility and kept up the transparent fiction to the last. +When the slaughter and devastation were over, came the solemn farce of +reconciling the heretics. As the land had been so long under their +control, their dead were buried indistinguishably with the remains of +the orthodox, so, November 28, 1234, Gregory graciously announced that +the necessity of exhumation would be waived in view of the impossibility +of separating the one from the other, but that all cemeteries must be +consecrated anew to overcome the pollution of the heretic bodies within +them. Considerable time must have been consumed in the settlement of all +details, for it is not until August, 1236, that Gregory writes to the +archbishop that, as the Stedingers have abandoned their rebellion and +humbly supplicated for reconciliation, he is<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_189" id="page_189"></a>{189}</span> authorized to reconcile +them on receiving proper security that they will be obedient for the +future and make proper amends for the past. In this closing act of the +bloody drama it is noteworthy that there is no allusion to any of the +specific heresies which had been alleged as a reason for the +extermination of the heretics. Perhaps the breaking of Conrad of +Marburg’s bubble had shown the falsity of the charges, but whether this +were so or not those charges had been wholly supererogatory except as a +means of exciting popular animosity. Disobedience to the Church was +sufficient; resistance to its claims was heresy, punishable here and +hereafter with all the penalties of the temporal and spiritual +swords.<a name="FNanchor_202_202" id="FNanchor_202_202"></a><a href="#Footnote_202_202" class="fnanchor">[202]</a></p> + +<p> </p> + +<p>It is not to be supposed that Gregory neglected to employ in his own +interest the moral and material forces which he had thus put at the +disposal of Gerhardt of Bremen. When, in 1238, he became involved in a +quarrel with the Viterbians and their leader Aldobrandini, he commuted +the vow of the Podestà of Spoleto to serve in Palestine into service +against Viterbo, and he freely offered Holy Land indulgences to all who +would enlist under his banner. In 1241 he formally declared the cause of +the Church to be more important than that of Palestine, when, being in +want of funds to carry on his contest with Frederic II., he ordered that +crusaders be induced to commute their vows for money, while still +receiving full indulgences, or else be persuaded to turn their arms +against Frederic in the crusade which he had caused to be preached +against him. Innocent IV. pursued the same policy when he had set up a +rival emperor in the person of William of Holland, and a crusade was +preached in 1248 for a special expedition to Aix-la-Chapelle, of which +the capture was necessary in order to his coronation, and vows for +Palestine were redeemed that the money should be handed over to him. +After Frederic’s death his son Conrad IV. was the object of similar +measures, and all who bore arms in his favor against William of Holland +were the subject of papal anathemas. To maintain the Italian interests +of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_190" id="page_190"></a>{190}</span> papacy, men slaughtered each other in holy wars all over Europe. +The disastrous expedition to Aragon which cost Philippe le Hardi his +life in 1284 was a crusade preached by order of Martin IV. to aid +Charles of Anjou, and to punish Pedro III. for his conquest of Sicily +after the Sicilian Vespers.<a name="FNanchor_203_203" id="FNanchor_203_203"></a><a href="#Footnote_203_203" class="fnanchor">[203]</a></p> + +<p>With the systematization of the laws against heresy and the organization +of the Inquisition, proceedings of this nature assume a more regular +shape, especially in Italy. It was in their character as Italian princes +that the popes found the supreme utility of the Holy Office. Frederic +II. had been forced to pay for his coronation not only by the edict of +persecution, but by the confirmation of the grant of the Countess +Matilda. Papal ambition thus stimulated aspired to the domination of the +whole of Italy, and for this the way seemed open with the death of +Frederic in 1250, followed by that of Conrad in 1254. When the hated +Suabians passed away, the unification of Italy under the triple crown +seemed at hand, and Innocent IV., before his death in December, 1254, +had the supreme satisfaction of lording it in Naples, the most powerful +pope that the Holy See had known. Yet the nobles and cities were as +unwilling to subject themselves to the Innocents and Alexanders as to +the Frederics, and the turbulent factions of Guelf and Ghibelline +maintained the civil strife in every corner of central and upper Italy. +To the papal policy it was an invaluable assistance to have the power of +placing in every town of importance an inquisitor whose devotion to Rome +was unquestioned, whose person was inviolable, and who was authorized to +compel the submissive assistance of the secular arm under terror of a +prosecution for heresy in the case of slack obedience. Such an agent +could cope with podestà and bishop, and even an unruly populace rarely +ventured a resort to temporary violence. The statutes of the republics, +as we have seen, were modified and moulded to adapt them to the fullest +development of the new power, under the excuse of facilitating the +extermination of heresy, and the Holy Office became the ultimate +expression of the serviceable devotion of the Mendicant Orders to the +Holy See. From this point of view we are able to appreciate the full +significance<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_191" id="page_191"></a>{191}</span> of the terrible bulls <i>Ad extirpanda</i>, described in a +previous chapter.</p> + +<p>It was possibly with a view thus to utilize the force of both Orders +that the Inquisitions of northern and central Italy were divided between +them, and their respective provinces permanently assigned to each. Nor +perhaps would we err in recognizing an object in the assignment to the +Dominicans, who were regarded as sterner and more vigorous than their +rivals, of the province of Lombardy, which not only was the hot-bed of +heresy, but which retained some recollections of the ancient +independence of the Ambrosian Church, and was more susceptible to +imperial influences from Germany.</p> + +<p>With the development of the laws against heresy, and the organization of +special tribunals for the application of those laws, it was soon +perceived that an accusation of heresy was a peculiarly easy and +efficient method of attacking a political enemy. No charge was easier to +bring, none so difficult to disprove—in fact, from what we have seen of +the procedure of the Inquisition, there was none in which acquittal was +so absolutely impossible where the tribunal was desirous of +condemnation. When employed politically the accused had the naked +alternative of submission or of armed resistance. No crime, moreover, +according to the accepted legal doctrines of the age, carried with it a +penalty so severe for a potentate who was above all other laws. Besides, +the procedure of the Inquisition required that when a suspected heretic +was summoned to trial, his first step was humbly to swear to stand to +the mandates of the Church, and perform whatever penance it should see +fit to impose in case he failed to clear himself of the suspicion. Thus +an immense advantage was gained over a political enemy by merely citing +him to appear, when he was obliged either to submit himself in advance +to any terms that might be dictated to him, or, by refusing to appear, +expose himself to condemnation for contumacy with its tremendous +temporal consequences.</p> + +<p>It mattered little what were the grounds on which a charge of heresy was +based. In the intricate intrigues and factional strife which seethed and +boiled in every Italian city, there could be no lack of excuse for +setting the machinery of the Inquisition in motion whenever there was an +object to be attained. With the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_192" id="page_192"></a>{192}</span> organization of the Hildebrandine +theocracy the heretical character of simple disobedience, which had been +implied rather than expressed, came to be distinctly formulated. Thomas +Aquinas did not shrink from proving that resistance to the authority of +the Roman Church was heretical. By embodying in the canon law the bull +<i>Unam Sanctam</i> the Church accepted the definition of Boniface VIII. that +whoever resists the power lodged by God in the Church resists God, +unless, like a Manichæan, he believes in two principles, which shows him +to be a heretic. If the supreme spiritual power errs, it is to be judged +of God alone; there is no earthly appeal. “We say, declare, define, and +pronounce that it is necessary to salvation that every human creature be +subjected to the Roman pontiff.” Inquisitors, therefore, were fully +justified in laying it down as an accepted principle of law that +disobedience to any command of the Holy See was heresy; so was any +attempt to deprive the Roman Church of any privilege which it saw fit to +claim. As a corollary to this was the declaration that inquisitors had +power to levy war against heretics and to give it the character of a +crusade by granting all the indulgences offered for the succor of the +Holy Land. Armed with such powers, it would be difficult to exaggerate +the importance of the Inquisition as a political instrument.<a name="FNanchor_204_204" id="FNanchor_204_204"></a><a href="#Footnote_204_204" class="fnanchor">[204]</a></p> + +<p>Incidental allusion has been made above to the application of these +methods in the cases of Ezzelin da Romano and Uberto Pallavicino, and we +have seen their efficacy even in the tumultuous lawlessness of the +period as one of the factors in the ruin of those powerful chiefs. When +the crusade against Ezzelin was preached in the north of Europe he was +represented to the people simply as a powerful heretic who was +persecuting the faith. Even more conspicuous was the application of this +principle in the great<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_193" id="page_193"></a>{193}</span> struggle on which all the rest depended, which +in fact decided the destiny of the whole peninsula. The destruction of +Manfred was an actual necessity to the success of the papal policy, and +for years the Church sought throughout Europe a champion who could be +allured by the promise of an earthly crown and assured salvation. In +1255 Alexander IV. authorized his legate, Rustand, Bishop of Bologna, to +release Henry III. of England from his crusader’s vow if he would turn +his arms against Manfred, and the bribe of the Sicilian throne was +offered to Henry’s son, Edmund of Lancaster. When Rustand preached the +crusade against Manfred and offered the same indulgences as for the Holy +Land the ignorant islanders wondered greatly at learning that the same +pardons could be earned for shedding Christian blood as for that of the +infidel. They did not understand that Manfred was necessarily a heretic, +and that, as Alexander soon afterwards declared to Rainerio Saccone, it +was more important to defend the faith at home than in foreign lands. In +1264, when Alphonse of Poitiers was projecting a crusade, Urban IV. +urged him to change his purpose and assail Manfred. Finally, when +Charles of Anjou was induced to strive for the glittering prize, all the +enginery of the Church was exerted to raise for him an army of crusaders +with a lavish distribution of the treasures of salvation. The shrewd +lawyer, Clement IV., seconded and justified the appeal to arms by a +formal trial for heresy. Just as the crusade was bursting upon him, +Clement was summoning him to present himself for trial as a suspected +heretic. The term assigned to him was February 2, 1266; Manfred had more +pressing cares at the moment, and contented himself with sending +procurators to offer purgation for him. As he did not appear personally, +Clement, on February 21, called upon the consistory to declare him +condemned as a contumacious heretic, arguing that his excuse that the +enemy were upon him was invalid, since he had only to give up his +kingdom to avert attack. As but five days after this, on February 26, +Manfred fell upon the disastrous field of Benevento, the legal +proceedings had no influence on the result, yet none the less do they +serve to show the spirit in which Rome administered against its +political opponents the laws which it had enacted against heresy.<a name="FNanchor_205_205" id="FNanchor_205_205"></a><a href="#Footnote_205_205" class="fnanchor">[205]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_194" id="page_194"></a>{194}</span></p> + +<p>This was the virtual destruction of the imperial power in Italy. With +the Angevines on the throne of Naples and the empire nullified by the +Great Interregnum and its consequences, the popes had ample opportunity +to employ the penalties for heresy to gratify hatred or to extend their +power. How they used the weapon for the one purpose is seen when +Boniface VIII. quarrelled with the Colonnas and condemned them as +heretics, driving the whole family out of Italy, tearing down their +houses and destroying their property; though after Sciarra Colonna +vindicated his orthodoxy by capturing and causing the death of Boniface +at Anagni, Benedict XI. made haste to reverse the sentence, except as to +confiscation.<a name="FNanchor_206_206" id="FNanchor_206_206"></a><a href="#Footnote_206_206" class="fnanchor">[206]</a> How the principle worked when applied to temporal +aggrandizement may be estimated from the attempt of Clement V. to gain +possession of Ferrara. When the Marchese Azzo d’ Este died, in 1308, he +left no legitimate heirs, and the Bishop of Ferrara was Frà Guido +Maltraverso, the former inquisitor who had succeeded in burning the +bones of Armanno Pongilupo. He forthwith commenced intriguing to secure +the city for the Holy See, which had some shadowy claims arising under +the donations of Charlemagne. Clement V. eagerly grasped at the +opportunity. He pronounced the rights of the Church unquestionable, and +condoled with the Ferrarese on their having been so long deprived of the +sweetness of clerical rule and subjected to those who devoured them. +There were two pretenders, Azzo’s brother Francesco and his natural son +Frisco. The Ferrarese desired neither; they even<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_195" id="page_195"></a>{195}</span> manifested a disregard +for the blessings promised them by Clement and proclaimed a republic. +Frisco sought the aid of the Venetians, while Francesco secured the +support of the Church. Frisco obtained possession, but fled when +Francesco advanced with the papal legate, Arnaldo di Pelagrua, who +assumed the domination of the city—as a contemporary chronicler +observes, Francesco had no reason to be disappointed, for ecclesiastics +always act like rapacious wolves. Then, with the aid of the Venetians, +Frisco regained possession, and peace was made in December, 1308. This +was but the commencement of the struggle for the unhappy citizens. In +1309 Clement proclaimed a crusade against the Venetians. March 7 he +issued a bull casting an interdict over Venice with confiscation of all +its possessions, excommunicating the doge, the senate, and all the +gentlemen of the republic, and offering Venetians to slavery throughout +the world. As their ships sailed to every port, many Venetian merchants +were reduced to servitude throughout Christendom. The legate assiduously +preached the crusade, and all the bishops of the region assembled at +Bologna with such forces as they could raise. Multitudes took the cross +to gain the indulgence, Bologna alone furnishing eight thousand troops, +and the legate advanced with an overwhelming army. After severe fighting +the Venetians were defeated with such slaughter that the legate, to +avert a pestilence, offered an indulgence to every man who would bury a +dead body, and the fugitives drowned in the Po were so numerous that the +water was corrupted and rendered unfit to drink. All the prisoners taken +he blinded and sent to Venice, and on entering the city he hanged all +the adherents of Frisco. Appointing a governor in the name of the +Church, he returned to Avignon and was splendidly rewarded for his +services in the cause of Christ, while Clement unctuously congratulated +the Ferrarese on their return to the sweet bosom of the Church, and +declared that no one could, without sighs and tears, reflect upon their +miseries and afflictions under their native rulers. In spite of this the +ungrateful people, chafing under the foreign domination, arose in 1310 +and massacred the papalists. Then the legate returned with a Bolognese +force, regained possession and hanged the rebels, with the exception of +one, who bought off his life. Fresh tumults occurred, with bloody +reprisals and frightful atrocities on both sides until, in 1314. +Clement,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_196" id="page_196"></a>{196}</span> wearied with his prize, made it over to Sancha, wife of Robert +of Naples. The Gascon garrison excited the hatred of the people, who in +1317 invited Azzo, son of Francesco, to come to their relief. After a +stubborn resistance the Gascons surrendered on promise of life, but the +fury of the people would not be restrained, and they were slain to the +last man. From this brief episode in the history of an Italian city we +can conceive what was the influence of papal ambition stimulated by the +facility with which its opponents could be condemned as heretics and +armies be raised at will to defend the faith.<a name="FNanchor_207_207" id="FNanchor_207_207"></a><a href="#Footnote_207_207" class="fnanchor">[207]</a></p> + +<p>John XXII. was not a pope to allow the spiritual sword to rust in the +sheath, and we have seen incidentally the use which he made of the +charge of heresy in his mortal combat with Louis of Bavaria. Still more +characteristic were his proceedings against the Visconti of Milan. On +his accession in August, 1316, his first thought was to unite Italy +under his overlordship, and to keep the empire beyond the Alps, for +which the contested election of Louis of Bavaria and Frederic of Austria +seemed to offer full opportunity. Early in December he despatched +Bernard Gui, the Inquisitor of Toulouse, and Bertrand, Franciscan +Minister of Aquitaine, as nuncios to effect that purpose. Neither Guelfs +nor Ghibellines were inclined to accept his views—the Ferrarese +troubles, not as yet concluded, were full of pregnant warnings. +Especially<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_197" id="page_197"></a>{197}</span> recalcitrant were the three Ghibelline chiefs of Lombardy, +Matteo Visconti, known as the Great, who ruled over the greater part of +the region and still retained the title of Imperial Vicar bestowed on +him by Henry VII., Cane della Scala, Lord of Verona, and Passerino of +Mantua. They received his envoys with all due honor, but found excuses +for evading his commands. In March, 1317, John issued a bull in which he +declared that all the imperial appointments had lapsed on the death of +Henry, that until his successor had received the papal approval all the +power of the empire vested in the Holy See, and that whoever presumed to +exercise those powers without permission was guilty of treason to the +Church. Papal imperiousness on one side and Ghibelline stubbornness on +the other rendered a rupture inevitable. It is not our province to trace +the intricate maze of diplomatic intrigue and military activity which +followed, with the balance of success preponderating decidedly in favor +of the Ghibellines. April 6, 1318, came a bull decreeing excommunication +on Matteo, Cane, Passerino, and all who refused obedience. This was +speedily followed by formal monitions and citations to trial on charges +of heresy, Matteo and his sons being the chief objects of persecution. +It was not difficult to find materials for these, furnished by refugees +from Milan at the papal court—Bonifacio di Farra, Lorenzo Gallini, and +others. The Visconti were accused of erring in the faith, especially as +to the resurrection, of invoking the devil, with whom they had compacts, +of protecting Guglielma; they were fautors of heretics and impeders of +the Inquisition; they had robbed churches, violated nuns, and tortured +and slain priests. The Visconti remained contumaciously absent and were +duly condemned as heretics. Matteo summoned a conference of the +Ghibelline chiefs at Soncino, which treated the action of the pope as an +effort to resuscitate the failing cause of the Guelfs. A Ghibelline +league was formed with Can Grande della Scala as captain of its forces. +To meet this John called in the aid of France, appointed Philippe de +Valois Imperial Vicar, and procured a French invasion which proved +bootless. Then he sent his son or nephew, Cardinal Bertrand de Poyet as +legate, with the title of “pacifier,” at the head of a crusading army +raised by a lavish distribution of indulgences. As Petrarch says, he +assailed Milan as though it were an infidel city, like Memphis or +Damascus, and Poyet, whose ferocity was a proof of his paternity,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_198" id="page_198"></a>{198}</span> came +not as an apostle, but as a robber. A devastating war ensued, with +little advantage to the papalists, but the spiritual sword proved more +effective than the temporal. May 26, 1321, the sentence of condemnation +was solemnly promulgated in the Church of San Stefano at Bassegnano, and +was repeated by the inquisitors March 14, 1322, at Valenza.<a name="FNanchor_208_208" id="FNanchor_208_208"></a><a href="#Footnote_208_208" class="fnanchor">[208]</a></p> + +<p>Strange as it may seem, these proceedings appear to have had a decisive +influence on public opinion. It is true that when, in the seventeenth +century, Paolo Sarpi alluded to these transactions and assumed that +Matteo’s only crime was his adherence to Louis of Bavaria, Cardinal +Albizio admitted the fact, and argued that those who adhered to a +schismatic and heretic emperor, and disregarded the censures of the +Church, rendered themselves suspect of heresy and became formal +heretics. Yet this was not the impression at the time, and John had +recognized that something more was required than such a charge of mere +technical heresy. The Continuation of Nangis, which reflects with +fidelity the current of popular thought, recounts the sins of Matteo and +his sons, described in the papal sentence, as a new heresy arisen in +Lombardy, and the papalist military operations as a righteous crusade +for its suppression. Although this was naturally a French view of the +matter, it was not confined to France. In Lombardy Matteo’s friends were +discouraged and his enemies took fresh heart. A peace party speedily +formed itself in Milan, and the question was openly asked whether the +whole region should be sacrificed for the sake of one man. In spite of +Matteo’s success in buying off Frederic of Austria, whom John had bribed +with gold and promises to intervene with an army, the situation grew +untenable even for his seasoned nerves. It is, perhaps, worthy of +mention that Francesco Garbagnate, the old Guglielmite, association with +whom was one of the proofs of heresy alleged against Matteo, was one of +the efficient<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_199" id="page_199"></a>{199}</span> agents in procuring his downfall, for Matteo had +estranged him by refusing him the captaincy of the Milanese militia. +Matteo sent to the legate to beg for terms, and was told that nothing +short of abdication would be listened to; he consulted the citizens and +was given to understand that Milan would not expose itself to ruin for +his sake. He yielded to the storm—perhaps his seventy-two years had +somewhat weakened his powers of resistance—he sent for his son +Galeazzo, with whom he had quarrelled, and resigned to him his power, +with an expression of regret that his quarrel with the Church had made +the citizens his enemies. From that time forth he devoted himself to +visiting the churches. In the Chiesa Maggiore he assembled the clergy, +recited the Symbol in a loud voice, crying that it had been his faith +during life, and that any assertion to the contrary was false, and of +this he caused a public instrument to be drawn up. Departing thence like +to one crazed, he hastened to Monza to visit the Church of S. Giovanni +Battista, where he was taken sick and was brought back to the Monastery +of Cresconzago, and died within three days, on June 27, to be thrust +into unconsecrated ground. The Church might well boast that its ban had +broken the spirit of the greatest Italian of the age.<a name="FNanchor_209_209" id="FNanchor_209_209"></a><a href="#Footnote_209_209" class="fnanchor">[209]</a></p> + +<p>The younger Visconti—Galeazzo, Lucchino, Marco, Giovanni, and +Stefano—were not so impressionable, and rapidly concentrated the +Ghibelline forces which seemed to be breaking in pieces. To give them +their <i>coup de grâce</i>, the pope, December 23, 1322, ordered Aicardo, the +Archbishop of Milan, and the Inquisition to proceed against the memory +of Matteo. January 13, 1323, from the safe retreat of Asti, Aicardo and +three inquisitors, Pace da Vedano, Giordano da Montecucho, and Honesto +da Pavia, cited him for appearance on February 25, in the Church of +Santa Maria at Borgo, near Alessandria, to be tried and judged, whether +present or not, and this citation they affixed on the portals of Santa +Maria and of the cathedral of Alessandria. On the appointed day they +were there, but a military demonstration of Marco Visconti disturbed +them, to the prejudice of the faith and impeding of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_200" id="page_200"></a>{200}</span> Inquisition. +Transferring themselves to the securer walls of Valenza, they heard +witnesses and collected testimony, and on March 14 they condemned Matteo +as a defiant and unrepentant heretic. He had imposed taxes on the +churches and collected them by violence; he had forcibly installed his +creatures as superiors in monasteries and his concubines in nunneries; +he had imprisoned ecclesiastics and tortured them—some had died in +prison and others still lingered there; he had expelled prelates and +seized their lands; he had prevented the transmission of money to the +papal camera, even sums collected for the Holy Land; he had intercepted +and opened letters between the pope and the legates; he had attacked and +slain crusaders assembled in Milan for the Holy Land; he had disregarded +excommunication, thus showing that he erred in the faith as to the +sacraments and the power of the keys; he had prevented the interdict +laid upon Milan from being observed; he had obstructed prelates from +holding synods and visiting their dioceses, thus favoring heresies and +scandals; his enormous crimes show that he is an offshoot of heresy, his +ancestors having been suspect and some of them burned, and he has for +officials and confidants heretics, such as Francesco Garbagnate, on whom +crosses had been imposed; he has expelled the Inquisition from Florence +and impeded it for several years; he interposed in favor of Maifreda who +was burned; he is an invoker of demons, seeking from them advice and +responses; he denies the resurrection of the flesh; he has endured papal +excommunication for more than three years, and when cited for +examination into his faith he refused to appear. He is, therefore, +condemned as a contumacious heretic, all his territories are declared +confiscated, he himself deprived of all honors, station, and dignities, +and liable to the penalties decreed for heresy, his person to be +captured, and his children and grandchildren subjected to the customary +disabilities.<a name="FNanchor_210_210" id="FNanchor_210_210"></a><a href="#Footnote_210_210" class="fnanchor">[210]</a></p> + +<p>This curious farrago of accusations is worth reciting, as it shows what +was regarded as heresy in an opponent of the temporal power of the +papacy—that the simplest acts of self-defence against an enemy who was +carrying on active war against him were gravely treated as heretical, +and constituted valid reasons for inflicting all the tremendous +penalties prescribed by the laws for lapses<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_201" id="page_201"></a>{201}</span> in faith. Politically, +however, the portentous sentence was inoperative. Galeazzo maintained +the field, and in February, 1324, inflicted a crushing defeat on the +papal troops, the cardinal-legate barely escaping by flight, and his +general, Raymondo di Cardona being carried a prisoner to Milan. Fresh +comminations were necessary to stimulate the faithful, and March 23 John +issued a bull condemning Matteo and his five sons, reciting their evil +deeds for the most part in the words of the inquisitorial sentence, +though the looseness of the whole incrimination is seen in the omission +of the most serious charge of all—that of demon-worship—and the +defence of Maifreda is replaced by a statement that Matteo had +interfered to save Galeazzo, who was now stated to have been a +Guglielmite. The bull concludes by offering Holy Land indulgences to all +who would assail the Visconti. This was followed, April 12, by another, +reciting that the sons of Matteo had been by competent judges duly +convicted and sentenced for heresy, but in spite of this, Berthold of +Nyffen, calling himself Imperial Vicar of Lombardy, and other +representatives of Louis of Bavaria, had assisted the said heretics in +resisting the faithful Catholics who had taken up arms against them. +They are therefore allowed two months in which to lay down their +pretended offices and submit, as they have rendered themselves +excommunicate and subject to all the penalties, spiritual and temporal, +of fautorship.<a name="FNanchor_211_211" id="FNanchor_211_211"></a><a href="#Footnote_211_211" class="fnanchor">[211]</a></p> + +<p>It is scarce worth while to pursue further the dreary details of these +forgotten quarrels, except to indicate that the case of the Visconti was +in no sense exceptional, and that the same weapons were employed by John +against all who crossed his ambitious schemes. The Inquisitor Accursio +of Florence had proceeded in the same way against Castruccio of Lucca, +as a fautor of heretics; the inquisitors of the March of Ancona had +condemned Guido Malapieri, Bishop of Arezzo, and other Ghibellines for +supporting Louis of Bavaria. Frà Lamberto del Cordiglio, Inquisitor of +Romagnuola, was ordered to use his utmost exertions to punish those +within his district. Louis of Bavaria, in his appeal of 1324, states +that the same prosecutions were brought, and sentences for heresy +pronounced, against Cane della Scala, Passerino, the Marquises of +Montferrat, Saluces, Ceva, and others, the Genoese, the Lucchese,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_202" id="page_202"></a>{202}</span> and +the cities of Milan, Como, Bergamo, Cremona, Vercelli, Trino, Vailate, +Piacenza, Parma, Brescia, Alessandria, Tortona, Albenga, Pisa, Aretino, +etc. We have a specimen of Frà Lamberto’s operations in a sentence +pronounced by him, February 28, 1328, against Bernardino, Count of Cona. +He had already condemned for heresy Rainaldo and Oppizo d’ Este, in +spite of which Bernardino had visited them in Ferrara, had eaten and +drunk with them, and was said to have entered into a league with them. +For these offences Lamberto summoned him to stand trial before the +Inquisition. He duly appeared, and admitted the visit and banquet, but +denied the alliance. Lamberto proceeded to take testimony, called an +assembly of experts, and in due form pronounced him a fautor of +heretics, condemning him, as such, to degradation from his rank and +knighthood, and incapacity to hold any honors; his estates were +confiscated to the Church, his person was to be seized and delivered to +the Cardinal-legate Bertrand or to the Inquisition, and his descendants +for two generations were declared incapable of holding any office or +benefice. All this was for the greater glory of God, for when, in 1326, +John begged the clergy of Ireland to send him money, it was, he said, +for the purpose of defending the faith against the heretics of Italy. +Yet the Holy See was perfectly ready, when occasion suited, to admit +that this wholesale distribution of damnation was a mere prostitution of +its control over the salvation of mankind. After the Visconti had been +reconciled with the papacy, in 1337, Lucchino, who was anxious to have +Christian burial for his father, applied to Benedict XII. to reopen the +process. In February of that year, accordingly, Benedict wrote to Pace +da Vedano, who had conducted the proceedings against the Visconti and +against the citizens of Milan, Novara, Bergamo, Cremona, Como, Vercelli, +and other places for adhering to them, and who had been rewarded with +the bishopric of Trieste, requiring him to send by Pentecost all the +documents concerning the trial. The affair was protracted, doubtless +owing to political vicissitudes, but at length, in May, 1341, Benedict +took no shame in pronouncing the whole proceedings null and void for +irregularity and injustice. Still the same machinery was used against +Bernabo Visconti, who was summoned by Innocent VI. to appear at Avignon +on March 1, 1363, for trial as a heretic, and as he only sent a +procurator, he was promptly condemned by Urban V. on March 3,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_203" id="page_203"></a>{203}</span> and a +crusade was preached against him. In 1364 he made his peace, but in 1372 +the perennial quarrel broke out afresh, he was excommunicated by Gregory +XI., and in January, 1373, he was summoned to stand another trial for +heresy on March 28.<a name="FNanchor_212_212" id="FNanchor_212_212"></a><a href="#Footnote_212_212" class="fnanchor">[212]</a></p> + +<p>In the same way heresy was the easiest charge to bring against Cola di +Rienzo when he disregarded the papal sovereignty over Rome. When he +failed to obey the summons to appear he was duly excommunicated for +contumacy; the legate Giovanni, Bishop of Spoleto, held an inquisition +on him, and in 1350 he was formally declared a heretic. The decision was +sent to the Emperor Charles IV., who held him at that time prisoner in +Prague, and who dutifully despatched him to Avignon. There, on a first +examination, he was condemned to death, but he made his peace, and there +appeared to be an opportunity of using him to advantage; he was +therefore finally pronounced a good Christian, and was sent back to Rome +with a legate.<a name="FNanchor_213_213" id="FNanchor_213_213"></a><a href="#Footnote_213_213" class="fnanchor">[213]</a></p> + +<p>The Maffredi of Faenza afford a case very similar to that of the +Visconti. In 1345 we find them in high favor with Clement VI. In 1350 +they are opposing the papal policy of aggrandizement in Romagnuola. +Cited to appear in answer to charges of heresy, they refuse to do so, +and in July, 1352, are excommunicated for contumacy. In June, 1354, +Innocent VI. recites their persistent endurance of this excommunication, +and gives them until October 10 to put in an appearance. On that day he +condemns them as contumacious heretics, declares them deprived of all +lands and honors, and subject to the canonical and civil penalties of +heresy. To execute the sentence was not so easy, but in 1356 Innocent +offered Louis, King of Hungary, who had shown his zeal against the +Cathari<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_204" id="page_204"></a>{204}</span> of Bosnia, three years’ tithe of the Hungarian churches if he +would put down those sons of damnation, the Maffredi, who have been +sentenced as heretics, and other adversaries of the Church, including +the Ordelaffi of Friuli. Frà Fortanerio, Patriarch of Grado, was also +commissioned to preach a crusade against them, and succeeded in raising +an army under Malatesta of Rimini. The appearance of forty thousand +Hungarians in the Tarvisina frightened all Italy; the Maffredi +succumbed, and in the same year Innocent ordered their absolution and +reconciliation.<a name="FNanchor_214_214" id="FNanchor_214_214"></a><a href="#Footnote_214_214" class="fnanchor">[214]</a></p> + +<p>It would be easy to multiply instances, but these will probably suffice +to show the use made by the Church of heresy as a political agent, and +of the Inquisition as a convenient instrumentality for its application. +When the Great Schism arose it was natural that the same methods should +be employed by the rival popes against each other. As early as 1382 we +find Charles III. of Naples confiscating the property of the Bishop of +Trivento, just dead, as that of a heretic because he had adhered to +Clement VII. In the commission issued in 1409 by Alexander V. to Pons +Feugeyron, as Inquisitor of Provence, the adherents of Gregory XII. and +of Benedict XIII. are enumerated among the heretics whom he is to +exterminate. It happened that Frère Étienne de Combes, Inquisitor<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_205" id="page_205"></a>{205}</span> of +Toulouse, held to the party of Benedict XIII., and he retaliated by +imprisoning a number of otherwise unimpeachable Dominicans and +Franciscans, including the Provincial of Toulouse and the Prior of +Carcassonne, for which the provincial, as soon as he had an opportunity, +removed him and appointed a successor, giving rise to no little +trouble.<a name="FNanchor_215_215" id="FNanchor_215_215"></a><a href="#Footnote_215_215" class="fnanchor">[215]</a></p> + +<p>The manner in which the Inquisition was used as an instrument by the +contending factions in the Church is fairly illustrated by the +adventures of John Malkaw, of Prussian Strassburg (Brodnitz). He was a +secular priest and master of theology, deeply learned, skilful in +debate, singularly eloquent, and unflinching even to rashness. Espousing +the cause of the Roman popes against their Avignonese rivals with all +the enthusiasm of his fiery nature, he came to the Rhinelands in 1390, +where his sermons stirred the popular heart and proved an effective +agency in the strife. After some severe experiences in Mainz at the +hands of the opposite faction, he undertook a pilgrimage to Rome, but +tarried at Strassburg, where he found a congenial field. The city had +adhered to Urban VI. and his successors, but the bishop, Frederic of +Blankenheim, had alienated a portion of his clergy by his oppressions. +In the quarrel he excommunicated them; they appealed to Rome and had the +excommunication set aside, whereupon he went over, with his following, +to Clement VII., the Avignonese antipope, giving rise to inextricable +confusion. The situation was exactly suited to Malkaw’s temperament; he +threw himself into the turmoil, and his fiery eloquence soon threatened +to deprive the antipapalists of their preponderance. According to his +own statement he quickly won over some sixteen thousand schismatics and +neutrals, and the nature of his appeals to the passions of the hour may +be guessed by his own report of a sermon in which he denounced Clement +VII. as less than a man, as worse than the devil, whose portion was with +Antichrist, while his followers were all condemned schismatics and +heretics; neutrals, moreover, were the worst of men and were deprived of +all sacraments. Besides this he assailed with the same unsparing +vehemence the deplorable morals of the Strassburg clergy, both regular +and secular, and in a few weeks he<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_206" id="page_206"></a>{206}</span> thus excited the bitterest +hostility. A plot was made to denounce him secretly in Rome as a +heretic, so that on his arrival there he might be seized by the +Inquisition and burned; his wonderful learning, it was said, could only +have been acquired by necromancy; he was accused of being a runaway +priest, and it was proposed to arrest him as such, but the people +regarded him as an inspired prophet and the project was abandoned. After +four weeks of this stormy agitation he resumed his pilgrimage, stopping +at Basle and Zurich for missionary work, and finally reached Rome in +safety. On his return, in crossing the Pass of St. Bernard, he had the +misfortune to lose his papers. News of this reached Basle, and on his +arrival there the Mendicants, to whom he was peculiarly obnoxious, +demanded of Bishop Imer that he should be arrested as a wanderer without +license. The bishop, though belonging to the Roman obedience, yielded, +but shortly dismissed him with a friendly caution to return to his home. +His dauntless combativeness, however, carried him back to Strassburg, +where he again began to preach under the protection of the burgomaster, +John Bock. On his previous visit he had been personally threatened by +the Dominican inquisitor, Böckeler—the same who in 1400 persecuted the +Winkelers—and it was now determined to act with vigor. He had preached +but three sermons when he was suddenly arrested, without citation, by +the familiars of the inquisitor and thrown in prison, whence he was +carried in chains to the episcopal castle of Benfeld and deprived of his +books and paper and ink. Sundry examinations followed, in which his rare +dexterity scarce enabled him to escape the ingenious efforts to entrap +him. Finally, on March 31, 1391, Böckeler summoned an assembly, +consisting principally of Mendicants, where he was found guilty of a +series of charges, which show how easily the accusation of heresy could +be used for the destruction of any man. His real offence was his attacks +on the schismatics and on the corruption of the clergy, but nothing of +this appears in the articles. It was assumed that he had left his +diocese without the consent of his bishop, and this proved him to be a +Lollard; that he discharged priestly functions without a license, +showing him to be a Vaudois; because his admirers ate what he had +already bitten, he was declared to belong to the Brethren of the Free +Spirit; because he forbade the discussion as to whether Christ was alive +when pierced with the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_207" id="page_207"></a>{207}</span> lance, he was asserted to have taught that +doctrine, and, therefore, to be a follower of Jean Pierre Olivi. All +this was surely enough to warrant his burning, if he should obstinately +refuse to recant, but apparently it was felt that the magistracy would +decline to execute the sentence, and the assembly contented itself with +referring the matter to the bishop and asking his banishment from the +diocese. Nothing further is known of the trial, but as, in 1392, Malkaw +is found matriculating himself in the University of Cologne, the bishop +probably did as he was asked.</p> + +<p>We lose sight of Malkaw until about 1414, when we meet him again in +Cologne. He had maintained his loyalty to the Roman obedience, but that +obedience had been still further fractioned between Gregory XII. and +John XXIII. Malkaw’s support of the former was accompanied with the same +unsparing denunciation of John as he had formerly bestowed on the +Avignonese antipopes. The Johannites were heretics, fit only for the +stake. Cologne was as attractive a field for the audacious polemic as +the Strassburg of a quarter of a century earlier. Two rival candidates +for the archbishopric were vindicating their claims in a bloody civil +war, one of them as a supporter of Gregory, the other of John. Malkaw +was soon recognized as a man whose eloquence was highly dangerous amid +an excitable population, and again the Inquisition took hold of him as a +heretic. The inquisitor, Jacob of Soest, a Dominican and professor in +the university, seems to have treated him with exceptional leniency, for +while the investigation was on foot he was allowed to remain in the St. +Ursula quarter, on parole. He broke his word and betook himself to +Bacharach, where, under the protection of the Archbishop of Trèves, and +of the Palsgrave Louis III., both Gregorians, he maintained the fight +with his customary vehemence, assailing the inquisitor and the +Johannites, not only in sermons, but in an incessant stream of pamphlets +which kept them in a state of indignant alarm. When Cardinal John of +Ragusa, Gregory’s legate to the Council of Constance, came to Germany. +Malkaw had no difficulty in procuring from him absolution from the +inquisitorial excommunication, and acquittal of the charge of heresy; +and this was confirmed when on healing the schism the council, in July, +1415, declared null and void all prosecutions and sentences arising from +it. Still, the wounded pride of the inquisitor and of the University<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_208" id="page_208"></a>{208}</span> of +Cologne refused to be placated, and for a year they continued to seek +from the Council the condemnation of their enemy. Their deputies, +however, warned them that the prosecution would be prolonged, difficult, +and costly, and they finally came to the resolution that the action of +the Cardinal of Ragusa should be regarded as binding, so long as Malkaw +kept away from the territory of Cologne, but should be disregarded if he +ventured to return—a very sensible, if somewhat illogical, conclusion. +The obstinacy with which Benedict XIII. and Clement VIII. maintained +their position after the decision of the Council of Constance prolonged +the struggle in southwestern Europe, and as late as 1428 the remnants of +their adherents in Languedoc were proceeded against as heretics by a +special papal commissioner.<a name="FNanchor_216_216" id="FNanchor_216_216"></a><a href="#Footnote_216_216" class="fnanchor">[216]</a></p> + +<p>When the schism was past the Inquisition could still be utilized to +quell insubordination. Thomas Connecte, a Carmelite of Britanny, seems +to have been a character somewhat akin to John Malkaw. In 1428 we hear +of him in Flanders, Artois, Picardy, and the neighboring provinces, +preaching to crowds of fifteen or twenty thousand souls, denouncing the +prevalent vices of the time. The <i>hennins</i>, or tall head-dresses worn by +women of rank, were the object of special vituperation, and he used to +give boys certain days of pardon for following ladies thus attired, and +crying “<i>au hennin</i>” or even slyly pulling them off. Moved by the +eloquence of his sermons, great piles would be made of dice, tables, +chess-boards, cards, nine-pins, head-dresses, and other matters of vice +and luxury, which were duly burned. The chief source, however, of the +immense popular favor which he enjoyed was his bitter lashing of the +corruption of all ranks of the clergy, particularly their public +concubinage, which won him great applause and honor. He seems to have +reached the conclusion that the only cure for this universal sin was the +restoration of clerical marriage. In 1432 he went to Rome in the train +of the Venetian ambassadors, to declaim against the vices of the curia. +Usually there was a good-natured indifference to these attacks—a +toleration born of contempt—but the moment was unpropitious. The +Hussite heresy had commenced in similar wise, and its persistence was a +warning<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_209" id="page_209"></a>{209}</span> not to be disregarded. Besides, at that time Eugenius IV. was +engaged in a losing struggle with the Council of Basle, which was bent +on reforming the curia, in obedience to the universal demand of +Christendom, and Sigismund’s envoys were representing to Eugenius, with +more strength than courtliness, the disastrous results to be expected +from his efforts to prorogue the council. Connecte might well be +suspected of being an emissary of the fathers of Basle, or, if not, his +eloquence at least was a dangerous element in the perturbed state of +public opinion. Twice Eugenius sent for him, but he refused to come, +pretending to be sick; then the papal treasurer was sent to fetch him, +but on his appearing Thomas jumped out of the window and attempted to +escape. He was promptly secured and carried before Eugenius, who +commissioned the Cardinals of Rouen and Navarre to examine him. These +found him suspect of heresy; he was duly tried and condemned as a +heretic, and his inconsiderate zeal found a lasting quietus at the +stake.<a name="FNanchor_217_217" id="FNanchor_217_217"></a><a href="#Footnote_217_217" class="fnanchor">[217]</a></p> + +<p> </p> + +<p>There are certain points of resemblance between Thomas Connecte and +Girolamo Savonarola, but the Italian was a man of far rarer intellectual +and spiritual gifts than the Breton. With equal moral earnestness, his +plans and aspirations were wider and of more dangerous import, and they +led him into a sphere of political activity in which his fate was +inevitable from the beginning.</p> + +<p>In Italy the revival of letters, while elevating the intellectual +faculties, had been accompanied with deeper degradation in both the +moral and spiritual condition of society. Without removing superstition, +it had rendered scepticism fashionable, and it had weakened the +sanctions of religion without supplying another basis for morality. The +world has probably never seen a more defiant disregard of all law, human +and divine, than that displayed by both the Church and the laity during +the pontificates of Sixtus IV. and Innocent VIII. and Alexander VI. +Increase of culture and of wealth seemed only to afford new attractions +and enlarged opportunities for luxury and vice, and from the highest to +the lowest there was indulgence of unbridled appetites,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_210" id="page_210"></a>{210}</span> with a cynical +disregard even of hypocrisy. To the earnest believer it might well seem +that God’s wrath could not much longer be restrained, and that +calamities must be impending which would sweep away the wicked and +restore to the Church and to mankind the purity and simplicity fondly +ascribed to primitive ages. For centuries a succession of +prophets—Joachim of Flora, St. Catharine of Siena, St. Birgitta of +Sweden, the Friends of God, Tommasino of Foligno, the Monk +Telesforo—had arisen with predictions which had been received with +reverence, and as time passed on and human wickedness increased, some +new messenger of God seemed necessary to recall his erring children to a +sense of the retribution in store for them if they should continue deaf +to his voice.</p> + +<p>That Savonarola honestly believed himself called to such a mission, no +one who has impartially studied his strange career can well doubt. His +lofty sense of the evils of the time, his profound conviction that God +must interfere to work a change which was beyond human power, his +marvellous success in moving his hearers, his habits of solitude and of +profound meditation, his frequent ecstasies with their resultant visions +might well, in a mind like his, produce such a belief, which, moreover, +was one taught by the received traditions of the Church as within the +possibilities of the experience of any man. Five years before his first +appearance in Florence, a young hermit who had been devotedly serving in +a leper hospital at Volterra, came thither, preaching and predicting the +wrath to come. He had had visions of St. John and the angel Raphael, and +was burdened with a message to unwilling ears. Such things, we are told +by the diarist who happens to record this, were occurring every day. In +1491 Rome was agitated by a mysterious prophet who foretold dire +calamities impending in the near future. There was no lack of such +earnest men, but, unlike Savonarola, their influence and their fate were +not such as to preserve their memory.<a name="FNanchor_218_218" id="FNanchor_218_218"></a><a href="#Footnote_218_218" class="fnanchor">[218]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_211" id="page_211"></a>{211}</span></p> + +<p>When, in his thirtieth year, Savonarola came to Florence, in 1481, his +soul was already full of his mission as a reformer. Such opportunity as +he had of expressing his convictions from the pulpit he used with +earnest zeal, but he produced little effect upon a community sunk in +shameless debauchery, and in the Lent of 1486 he was sent to Lombardy. +For three years he preached in the Lombard cities, gradually acquiring +the power of touching the hearts and consciences of men, and when he was +recalled to Florence in 1489, at the instance of Lorenzo de’ Medici, he +was already known as a preacher of rare ability. The effect of his +vigorous eloquence was enhanced by his austere and blameless life, and +within a year he was made Prior of San Marco—the convent of the +Observantine Dominicans, to which Order he belonged. In 1494 he +succeeded in re-establishing the ancient separation of the Dominican +province of Tuscany from that of Lombardy, and when he was appointed +Vicar-general of the former he was rendered independent of all authority +save that of the general, Giovacchino Torriani, who was well affected +towards him.<a name="FNanchor_219_219" id="FNanchor_219_219"></a><a href="#Footnote_219_219" class="fnanchor">[219]</a></p> + +<p>He claimed to act under the direct inspiration of God, who dictated his +words and actions and revealed to him the secrets of the future. Not +only was this accepted by the mass of the Florentines, but by some of +the keenest and most cultured intellects of the age, such as Francesco +Pico della Mirandola and Philippe de Commines. Marsilio Ficino, the +Platonist, admitted it, and went further by declaring, in 1494, that +only Savonarola’s holiness had saved Florence for four years from the +vengeance of God on its wickedness. Nardi relates that when, in 1495, +Piero de’ Medici was making a demonstration upon Florence, he personally +heard Savonarola predict that Piero would advance to the gates and +retire without accomplishing anything, which duly came to pass. Others +of his prophecies were fulfilled, such as those of the deaths of Lorenzo +de’ Medici and Charles VIII. and the famine of 1497, and his fame spread +throughout Italy, while in Florence his influence became<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_212" id="page_212"></a>{212}</span> dominant. +Whenever he preached, from twelve to fifteen thousand persons hung upon +his lips, and in the great Duomo of Santa Maria del Fiore it was +necessary to build scaffolds and benches to accommodate the thronging +crowds, multitudes of whom would have cast themselves into fire at a +word from him. He paid special attention to children, and interested +them so deeply in his work that we are told they could not be kept in +bed on the mornings when he preached, but would hurry to the church in +advance of their parents. In the processions which he organized +sometimes five or six thousand boys would take part, and he used them +most effectively in the moral reforms which he introduced in the +dissolute and pleasure-loving city. The boys of Frà Girolamo were +regularly organized, with officers who had their several spheres of duty +assigned to them, and they became a terror to evil-doers. They entered +the taverns and gambling-houses and put a stop to revelry and dicing and +card-playing, and no woman dared to appear upon the streets save in +fitting attire and with a modest mien. “Here are the boys of the Frate” +was a cry which inspired fear in the most reckless, for any resistance +to them was at the risk of life. Even the annual horse-races of +Santo-Barnabo were suppressed, and it was a sign of Girolamo’s waning +influence when, in 1497, the Signoria ordered them resumed, saying, “Are +we all to become monks?” From the gayest and wickedest of cities +Florence became the most demure, and the pious long looked back with +regret to the holy time of Savonarola’s rule, and thanked God that they +had been allowed to see it.<a name="FNanchor_220_220" id="FNanchor_220_220"></a><a href="#Footnote_220_220" class="fnanchor">[220]</a></p> + +<p>In one respect we may regret his puritanism and the zeal of his boys. +For the profane mummeries of the carnival in 1498 he substituted a +bonfire of objects which he deemed immodest or improper, and the +voluntary contributions for this purpose were supplemented by the energy +of the boys, who entered houses and palaces and carried off whatever +they deemed fit for the holocaust. Precious illuminated MSS., ancient +sculptures, pictures, rare tapestries, and priceless works of art thus +were mingled with the gewgaws<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_213" id="page_213"></a>{213}</span> and vanities of female attire, the +mirrors, the musical instruments, the books of divination, astrology, +and magic, which went to make up the total. We can understand the +sacrifice of copies of Boccaccio, but Petrarch might have escaped even +Savonarola’s severity of virtue. In this ruthless <i>auto de fé</i>, the +value of the objects was such that a Venetian merchant offered the +Signoria twenty thousand scudi for them, which was answered by taking +the would-be chapman’s portrait and placing it on top of the pyre. We +cannot wonder that the pile had to be surrounded the night before by +armed guards to prevent the <i>tiepidi</i> from robbing it.<a name="FNanchor_221_221" id="FNanchor_221_221"></a><a href="#Footnote_221_221" class="fnanchor">[221]</a></p> + +<p>Had Savonarola’s lot been cast under the rigid institutions of feudalism +he would probably have exercised a more lasting influence on the moral +and religious character of the age. It was his misfortune that in a +republic such as Florence the temptation to take part in politics was +irresistible. We cannot wonder that he eagerly embraced what seemed to +be an opportunity of regenerating a powerful state, through which he +might not unreasonably hope to influence all Italy, and thus effect a +reform in Church and State which would renovate Christendom. This, as he +was assured by the prophetic voice within him, would be followed by the +conversion of the infidel, and the reign of Christian charity and love +would commence throughout the world.</p> + +<p>Misled by these dazzling day-dreams, he had no scruple in making a +practical use of the almost boundless influence which he had acquired +over the populace of Florence. His teachings led to the revolution which +in 1494 expelled the Medici, and he humanely averted the pitiless +bloodshed which commonly accompanied such movements in the Italian +cities. During the Neapolitan expedition of Charles VIII., in 1494, he +did much to cement the alliance of the republic with that monarch, whom +he regarded as the instrument destined by God to bring about the reform +of Italy. In the reconstruction of the republic in the same year he had, +perhaps, more to do than any one else, both in framing its structure and +dictating its laws; and when he induced the people to proclaim Jesus +Christ as the King of Florence, he perhaps himself hardly recognized +how, as the mouthpiece of God, he was inevitably assuming the position +of a dictator. It was not only in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_214" id="page_214"></a>{214}</span> pulpit that he instructed his +auditors as to their duties as citizens and gave vent to his inspiration +in foretelling the result, for the leaders of the popular party were +constantly in the habit of seeking his advice and obeying his wishes. +Yet, personally, for the most part, he held himself aloof in austere +retirement, and left the management of details to two confidential +agents, selected among the friars of San Marco—Domenico da Pescia, who +was somewhat hot-headed and impulsive, and Salvestro Maruffi, who was a +dreamer and somnambulist. In thus descending from the position of a +prophet of God to that of the head of a faction, popularly known by the +contemptuous name of <i>Piagnoni</i> or Mourners, he staked his all upon the +continued supremacy of that faction, and any failure in his political +schemes necessarily was fatal to the larger and nobler plans of which +they were the unstable foundation. In addition to this, his resolute +adherence to the alliance with Charles VIII. finally made his removal +necessary to the success of the policy of Alexander VI. to unite all the +Italian states against the dangers of another French invasion.<a name="FNanchor_222_222" id="FNanchor_222_222"></a><a href="#Footnote_222_222" class="fnanchor">[222]</a></p> + +<p>As though to render failure certain, under a rule dating from the +thirteenth century, the Signoria was changed every two months, and thus +reflected every passing gust of popular passion. When the critical time +came everything turned against him. The alliance with France, on which +he had staked his credit both as a statesman and a prophet, resulted +disastrously. Charles VIII. was glad at Fornovo to cut his way back to +France with shattered forces, and he never returned, in spite of the +threats of God’s wrath which Savonarola repeatedly transmitted to him. +He not only left Florence isolated to face the league of Spain, the +papacy, Venice, and Milan, but he disappointed the dearest wish of the +Florentines by violating his pledge to restore to them the stronghold of +Pisa. When the news of this reached Florence, January 1, 1496, the +incensed populace held Savonarola responsible, and a crowd around San +Marco at night amused itself with loud threats to burn “the great hog of +a Frate.” Besides this was the severe distress occasioned by the +shrinking of trade and commerce in the civic disturbances, by the large +subsidies paid to Charles VIII., and<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_215" id="page_215"></a>{215}</span> by the drain of the Pisan war, +leading to insupportable taxation and the destruction of public credit, +to all which was added the fearful famine of 1497, followed by +pestilence; such a succession of misfortunes naturally made the +unthinking masses dissatisfied and ready for a change. The <i>Arrabbiati</i>, +or faction in opposition, were not slow to take advantage of this +revulsion of feeling, and in this they were supported by the dangerous +classes and by all those on whom the puritan reform had pressed heavily. +An association was formed, known as the Compagnacci, composed of +reckless and dissolute young nobles and their retainers, with Doffo +Spini at their head and the powerful house of Altoviti behind them, +whose primary object was Savonarola’s destruction, and who were ready to +resort to desperate measures at the first favorable opportunity.<a name="FNanchor_223_223" id="FNanchor_223_223"></a><a href="#Footnote_223_223" class="fnanchor">[223]</a></p> + +<p>Such opportunity could not fail to come. Had Savonarola contented +himself with simply denouncing the corruptions of the Church and the +curia he would have been allowed to exhale his indignation in safety, as +St. Birgitta, Chancellor Gerson, Cardinal d’Ailly, Nicholas de +Clemangis, and so many others among the most venerated ecclesiastics had +done. Pope and cardinal were used to reviling, and endured it with the +utmost good-nature, so long as profitable abuses were not interfered +with, but Savonarola had made himself a political personage of +importance whose influence at Florence was hostile to the policy of the +Borgias. Still, Alexander VI. treated him with good-natured indifference +which for a while almost savored of contempt. When at last his +importance was recognized, an attempt was made to bribe him with the +archbishopric of Florence and the cardinalate, but the offer was spurned +with prophetic indignation—“I want no hat but that of martyrdom, +reddened with my own blood!” It was not till July 21, 1495, after +Charles VIII. had abandoned Italy and left the Florentines to face +single-handed the league of which the papacy was the head, that any +antagonism was manifested towards him, and then it assumed the form of a +friendly summons to Rome to give an account of the revelations and +prophecies which he had from God. To this he replied, July 31, excusing +himself<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_216" id="page_216"></a>{216}</span> on the ground of severe fever and dysentery; the republic, +moreover, would not permit him to leave its territories for fear of his +enemies, as his life had already been attempted by both poison and +steel, and he never quitted his convent without a guard; besides, the +unfinished reforms in the city required his presence. As soon as +possible, however, he would come to Rome, and meanwhile the pope would +find what he wanted in a book now printing, containing his prophecies on +the renovation of the Church and the destruction of Italy, a copy of +which would be submitted to the holy father as soon as ready.<a name="FNanchor_224_224" id="FNanchor_224_224"></a><a href="#Footnote_224_224" class="fnanchor">[224]</a></p> + +<p>However lightly Savonarola might treat this missive, it was a warning +not to be disregarded, and for a while he ceased preaching. Suddenly, on +September 8, Alexander returned to the charge with a bull intrusted to +the rival Franciscans of Santa Croce, in which he ordered the reunion of +the Tuscan congregation with the Lombard province; Savonarola’s case was +submitted to the Lombard Vicar general, Sebastiano de Madiis; Domenico +da Pescia and Salvestro Maruffi were required within eight days to +betake themselves to Bologna, and Savonarola was commanded to cease +preaching until he should present himself in Rome. To this Savonarola +replied September 29, in a labored justification, objecting to +Sebastiano as a prejudiced and suspected judge, and winding up with a +request that the pope should point out any errors in his teaching, which +he would at once revoke, and submit whatever he had spoken or written to +the judgment of the Holy See. Almost immediately after this the +enterprise of Piero de’ Medici against Florence rendered it impossible +for him to keep silent, and, without awaiting the papal answer, on +October 11 he ascended the pulpit and vehemently exhorted the people to +unite in resisting the tyrant. In spite of this insubordination +Alexander was satisfied with Savonarola’s nominal submission, and on +October 16 replied, merely ordering him to preach no more in public or +in private until he could conveniently come to Rome, or a fitting person +be sent to Florence to decide his case; if he obeyed, then all the papal +briefs were suspended. To Alexander the whole affair was simply one of +politics. The position of Florence under Savonarola’s influence<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_217" id="page_217"></a>{217}</span> was +hostile to his designs, but he did not care to push the matter further, +provided he could diminish the Frate’s power by silencing him.<a name="FNanchor_225_225" id="FNanchor_225_225"></a><a href="#Footnote_225_225" class="fnanchor">[225]</a></p> + +<p>His voice, however, was too potent a factor in Florentine affairs for +his friends in power to consent to his silence. Long and earnest efforts +were made to obtain permission from the pope that he should resume his +exhortations during the coming Lent, and at length the request was +granted. The sermons on Amos which he then delivered were not of a +character to placate the curia, for, besides lashing its vices with +terrible earnestness, he took pains to indicate that there were limits +to the obedience which he would render to the papal commands. These +sermons produced an immense sensation, not only in Florence, but +throughout Italy, and on Easter Sunday, April 3, 1496, Alexander +assembled fourteen Dominican masters of theology, to whom he denounced +their audacious comrade as heretical, schismatic, disobedient, and +superstitious. It was admitted that he was responsible for the +misfortunes of Piero de’ Medici, and it was resolved, with but one +dissentient voice, that means must be found to silence him.<a name="FNanchor_226_226" id="FNanchor_226_226"></a><a href="#Footnote_226_226" class="fnanchor">[226]</a></p> + +<p>Notwithstanding this he continued, without interference, to preach at +intervals until November 2. Even then it is a significant tribute to his +power that Alexander again had recourse to indirect means to suppress +him. On November 7, 1496, a papal brief was issued creating a +congregation of Rome and Tuscany and placing it under a Vicar-general +who was to serve for two years, and be ineligible to reappointment +except after an interval. Although the first Vicar-general was Giacomo +di Sicilia, a friend of Savonarola, the measure was ingeniously framed +to deprive him of independence, and he might at any moment be +transferred from Florence to another post. To this Savonarola replied +with open defiance. In a printed “<i>Apologia della Congregazione di San +Marco</i>,” he declared that the two hundred and fifty friars of his +convent would resist to the death, in spite of threats and +excommunication, a measure which would result in the perdition of their +souls. This was a declaration of open war, and on November 26<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_218" id="page_218"></a>{218}</span> he boldly +resumed preaching. The series of sermons on Ezekiel, which he then +commenced and continued through the Lent of 1497, shows clearly that he +had abandoned all hope of reconciliation with the pope. The Church was +worse than a beast, it was an abominable monster which must be purified +and renovated by the servants of God, and in this work excommunication +was to be welcomed. To a great extent, moreover, these sermons were +political speeches, and indicate how absolutely Savonarola from the +pulpit dictated the municipal affairs of Florence. The city had been +reduced almost to despair in the unequal contest with Pisa, Milan, +Venice, and the papacy, but the close of the year 1496 had brought some +unexpected successes which seemed to justify Savonarola’s exhortations +to trust in God, and with the reviving hopes of the republic his credit +was to some extent restored.<a name="FNanchor_227_227" id="FNanchor_227_227"></a><a href="#Footnote_227_227" class="fnanchor">[227]</a></p> + +<p>Still Alexander, though his wrath was daily growing, shrank from an open +rupture and trial of strength, and an effort was made to utilize against +Savonarola the traditional antagonism of the Franciscans. The +Observantine convent of San Miniato was made the centre of operations, +and thither were sent the most renowned preachers of the Order—Domenico +da Poza, Michele d’ Aquis, Giovanni Tedesco, Giacopo da Brescia, and +Francesco della Puglia. It is true that when, January 1, 1497, the +Piagnoni, strengthened by recent successes in the field, elected +Francesco Valori as Gonfaloniero di Giustizia, he endeavored to stop the +Franciscans from preaching, prohibited them from begging bread and wine +and necessaries, and boasted that he would starve them out, and one of +them was absolutely banished from the city, but the others persevered, +and Savonarola was freely denounced as an impostor from the pulpit of +Santo-Spirito during Lent. Yet this had no effect upon his followers, +and his audiences were larger and more enthusiastic than ever. No better +success awaited a nun of S. Maria di Casignano, who came to Florence on +the same errand.<a name="FNanchor_228_228" id="FNanchor_228_228"></a><a href="#Footnote_228_228" class="fnanchor">[228]</a></p> + +<p>The famine was now at its height, and pestilence became threatening. The +latter gave the Signoria, which was now composed of Arrabbiati, an +excuse for putting a stop to this pulpit warfare, which doubtless +menaced the peace of the city, and on May 3<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_219" id="page_219"></a>{219}</span> all preaching after +Ascension Day (May 4) was forbidden for the reason that, with the +approach of summer, crowds would facilitate the dissemination of the +plague. That passions were rising beyond control was shown when, the +next day, Savonarola preached his farewell sermon in the Duomo. The +doors had been broken open in advance, and the pulpit was smeared with +filth. The Compagnacci had almost openly made preparations to kill him; +they gathered there in force, and interrupted the discourse with a +tumult, during which the Frate’s friends gathered around him with drawn +swords and conveyed him away in safety.<a name="FNanchor_229_229" id="FNanchor_229_229"></a><a href="#Footnote_229_229" class="fnanchor">[229]</a></p> + +<p>The affair made an immense sensation throughout Italy, and the +sympathies of the Signoria were shown by the absence of any attempt to +punish the rioters. Encouraged by this evidence of the weakness of the +Piagnoni, on May 13 Alexander sent to the Franciscans a bull ordering +them to publish Savonarola as excommunicate and suspect of heresy, and +that no one should hold converse with him. This, owing to the fears of +the papal commissioner charged with it, was not published till June 18. +Before the existence of the bull was known, on May 22, Savonarola had +written to Alexander an explanatory letter, in which he offered to +submit himself to the judgment of the Church; but two days after the +excommunication was published he replied to it with a defence in which +he endeavored to prove that the sentence was invalid, and on June 25 he +had the audacity to address to Alexander a letter of condolence on the +murder of his son, the Duke of Gandia. Fortunately for him another +revulsion in municipal politics restored his friends to power on July 1, +the elections till the end of the year continued favorable, and he did +not cease to receive and administer the sacraments, though, under the +previous orders of the Signoria, there was no preaching. It must be +borne in mind that at this period there was a spirit of insubordination +abroad which regarded the papal censures with slender respect. We have +seen above (Vol. II. p. 137) that in 1502 the whole clergy of France, +acting under a decision of the University of Paris, openly defied an +excommunication launched at them by Alexander VI. It was the same now in +Florence. How little the Piagnoni recked of the excommunication is seen +by a petition presented September 17 to<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_220" id="page_220"></a>{220}</span> the Signoria, by the children +of Florence, asking that their beloved Frate be allowed to resume +preaching, and by a sermon delivered in his defence, October 1, by a +Carmelite who declared that in a vision God had told him that Savonarola +was a holy man, and that all his opponents would have their tongues torn +out and be cast to the dogs. This was flat rebellion against the Holy +See, but the only punishment inflicted on the Carmelite by the episcopal +officials was a prohibition of further preaching. Meanwhile the Signoria +had made earnest but vain attempts to have the excommunication removed, +and Savonarola had indignantly refused an offer of the Cardinal of Siena +(afterwards Pius III.) to have it withdrawn on the payment of five +thousand scudi to a creditor of his. Yet, in spite of this disregard of +the papal censures, Savonarola considered himself as still an obedient +son of the Church. He employed the enforced leisure of this summer in +writing the <i>Trionfo della Croce</i>, in which he proved that the papacy is +supreme, and that whoever separates himself from the unity and doctrine +of Rome separates himself from Christ.<a name="FNanchor_230_230" id="FNanchor_230_230"></a><a href="#Footnote_230_230" class="fnanchor">[230]</a></p> + +<p>January, 1498, saw the introduction of a Signoria composed of his +zealous partisans, who were not content that a voice so potent should be +hushed. It was an ancient custom that they should go in a body and make +oblations at the Duomo on Epiphany, which was the anniversary of the +Church, and on that day citizens of all parties were astounded at seeing +the still excommunicated Savonarola as the celebrant, and the officials +humbly kiss his hand. Not content with this act of rebellion, it was +arranged that he should recommence preaching. A new Signoria was to be +elected for March, the people were becoming divided in their allegiance +to him, and his eloquence was held to be indispensable for his own +safety and for the continuance in power of the Piagnoni. Accordingly, on +February 11 he again appeared in the Duomo, where the old benches and +scaffolds had been replaced to accommodate the crowd. Yet many of the +more timid Piagnoni abstained from listening to an excommunicate: +whether just or unjust, they argued, the sentence of the Church was to +be feared.<a name="FNanchor_231_231" id="FNanchor_231_231"></a><a href="#Footnote_231_231" class="fnanchor">[231]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_221" id="page_221"></a>{221}</span></p> + +<p>In the sermons on Exodus preached during this Lent—the last which he +had the opportunity of uttering—Savonarola was more violent than ever. +His position was such that he could only justify himself by proving that +the papal anathema was worthless, and this he did in terms which excited +the liveliest indignation in Rome. A brief was despatched to the +Signoria, February 26, commanding them, under pain of interdict, to send +Savonarola as a prisoner to Rome. This received no attention, but at the +same time another letter was sent to the canons of the Duomo ordering +them to close their church to him, and March 1 he appeared there to say +that he would preach at San Marco, whither the crowded audience followed +him. His fate, however, was sealed the same day by the advent to power +of a government composed of a majority of Arrabbiati, with one of his +bitterest enemies, Pier Popoleschi, at its head as Gonfaloniero di +Giustizia. Yet he was too powerful with the people to be openly +attacked, and occasion for his ruin had to be awaited.<a name="FNanchor_232_232" id="FNanchor_232_232"></a><a href="#Footnote_232_232" class="fnanchor">[232]</a></p> + +<p>The first act of the new Signoria was an appeal to the pope, March 4, +excusing themselves for not obeying his orders and asking for clemency +towards Savonarola, whose labors had been so fruitful, and whom the +people of Florence believed to be more than man. Possibly this may have +been insidiously intended to kindle afresh the papal anger; at all +events, Alexander’s reply shows that he recognized fully the advantage +of the situation. Savonarola is “that miserable worm” who in a sermon +recently printed had adjured God to deliver him to hell if he should +apply for absolution. The pope will waste no more time in letters; he +wants no more words from them, but acts. They must either send their +monstrous idol to Rome, or segregate him from all human society, if they +wish to escape the interdict which will last until they submit. Yet +Savonarola is not to be perpetually silenced, but, after due +humiliation, his mouth shall be again opened.<a name="FNanchor_233_233" id="FNanchor_233_233"></a><a href="#Footnote_233_233" class="fnanchor">[233]</a></p> + +<p>This reached Florence March 13 and excited a violent discussion. We have +seen that an interdict inflicted by the pope might<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_222" id="page_222"></a>{222}</span> be not merely a +deprivation of spiritual privileges, but that it might comprehend +segregation from the outside world and seizure of person and property +wherever found, which was ruin to a commercial community. The merchants +and bankers of Florence received from their Roman correspondents the +most alarming accounts of the papal wrath and of his intention to expose +their property to pillage. Fear took possession of the city, as rumors +spread from day to day that the dreaded interdict had been proclaimed. +It shows the immense influence still wielded by Savonarola that, after +earnest discussions and various devices, the Signoria could only bring +itself, March 17, to send to him five citizens at night to beg him to +suspend preaching for the time. He had promised that, while he would not +obey the pope, he would respect the wishes of the civil power, but when +this request reached him he replied that he must first seek the will of +Him who had ordered him to preach. The next day, from the pulpit of San +Marco, he gave his answer—“Listen, for this is what the Lord saith: In +asking this Frate to give up preaching it is to Me that the request is +made, and not to him, for it is I who preach; it is I who grant the +request and who do not grant it. The Lord assents as regards the +preaching, but not as regards your salvation.”<a name="FNanchor_234_234" id="FNanchor_234_234"></a><a href="#Footnote_234_234" class="fnanchor">[234]</a></p> + +<p>It was impossible to yield more awkwardly or in a manner more convincing +of self-deception, and Savonarola’s enemies grew correspondingly bold. +The Franciscans thundered triumphantly from the pulpits at their +command; the disorderly elements, wearied with the rule of +righteousness, commenced to agitate for the license which they could see +was soon to be theirs. Profane scoffers commenced to ridicule the Frate +openly in the streets, and within a week placards were posted on the +walls urging the burning of the palaces of Francesco Valori and Paolo +Antonio Soderini, two of his leading supporters. The agents of the Duke +of Milan were not far wrong when they exultingly wrote to him predicting +the speedy downfall of the Frate, by fair means or foul.<a name="FNanchor_235_235" id="FNanchor_235_235"></a><a href="#Footnote_235_235" class="fnanchor">[235]</a></p> + +<p>Just at this juncture there came to light a desperate expedient to which +Savonarola had recourse. After giving Alexander fair warning, March 13, +to look to his safety, for there could no longer<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_223" id="page_223"></a>{223}</span> be truce between them, +Savonarola appealed to the sovereigns of Christendom, in letters +purporting to be written under the direct command of God and in his +name, calling upon the monarchs to convoke a general council for the +reformation of the Church. It was diseased, from the highest to the +lowest, and on account of its intolerable stench God had not permitted +it to have a lawful head. Alexander VI. was not pope and was not +eligible to the papacy, not only by reason of the simony through which +he had bought the tiara, and the wickedness which, when exposed, would +excite universal execration, but also because he was not a Christian, +and not even a believer in God. All this Savonarola offered to prove by +evidence and by miracles which God would execute to convince the most +sceptical. This portentous epistle, with trifling variants, was to be +addressed to the Kings of France, Spain, England, and Hungary, and to +the emperor. A preliminary missive from Domenico Mazzinghi to Giovanni +Guasconi, Florentine Ambassador in France, happened to be intercepted by +the Duke of Milan, who was hostile to Savonarola, and who promptly +forwarded it to the pope.<a name="FNanchor_236_236" id="FNanchor_236_236"></a><a href="#Footnote_236_236" class="fnanchor">[236]</a></p> + +<p>Alexander’s wrath can easily be conceived. It was not so much the +personal accusations, which he was ready to dismiss with cynical +indifference, as the effort to bring about the convocation of a council +which, since those of Constance and Basle, had ever been the cry of the +reformer and the terror of the papacy. In the existing discontent of +Christendom it was an ever-present danger. So recently as 1482 the +half-crazy Andreas, Archbishop of Krain, had set all Europe in an uproar +by convoking from Basle a council on his own responsibility, and defying +for six months, under the protection of the magistrates, the efforts of +Sixtus IV. and the anathemas of the inquisitor, Henry Institoris, until +Frederic III., after balancing awhile, had him thrown into jail. In the +same year, 1482, Ferdinand and Isabella, by the threat of calling a +council, brought Sixtus to renounce the claim of filling the sees of +Spain with his own creatures. In 1495 a rumor was current that the +emperor was about to cite the pope to a council to be held in<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_224" id="page_224"></a>{224}</span> Florence. +Some years earlier the rebellious Cardinal Giuliano della Rovere, who +had fled to France, persistently urged Charles VIII. to assemble a +general council; in 1497 Charles submitted the question to the +University of Paris, and the University pronounced in its favor. Wild as +was Savonarola’s notion that he could, single-handed, stimulate the +princes to such action, it was, nevertheless, a dart aimed at the mortal +spot of the papacy, and the combat thereafter was one in which no +quarter could be given.<a name="FNanchor_237_237" id="FNanchor_237_237"></a><a href="#Footnote_237_237" class="fnanchor">[237]</a></p> + +<p>The end, in fact, was inevitable, but it came sooner and more +dramatically than the shrewdest observer could have anticipated. It is +impossible, amid the conflicting statements of friends and foes, to +determine with positiveness the successive steps leading to the strange +<i>Sperimento del Fuoco</i> which was the proximate occasion of the +catastrophe, but it probably occurred in this wise: Frà Girolamo being +silenced, Domenico da Pescia took his place. Matters were clearly +growing desperate, and in his indiscreet zeal Domenico offered to prove +the truth of his master’s cause by throwing himself from the roof of the +Palazzo de’ Signori, by casting himself into the river, or by entering +fire. Probably this was only a rhetorical flourish without settled +purpose, but the Franciscan, Francesco della Puglia, who was preaching +with much effect at the Church of Santa-Croce, took it up and offered to +share the ordeal with Frà Girolamo. The latter, however, refused to +undertake it unless a papal legate and ambassadors from all Christian +princes could be present, so that it might be made the commencement of a +general reform in the Church. Frà Domenico then accepted the challenge, +and on March 27 or 28 he caused to be affixed to the portal of +Santa-Croce a paper in which he offered to prove, by argument or +miracle, these propositions: I. The Church<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_225" id="page_225"></a>{225}</span> of God requires renovation; +II. The Church is to be scourged; III. The Church will be renovated; IV. +After chastisement Florence will be renovated and will prosper; V. The +infidel will be converted; VI. The excommunication of Frà Girolamo is +void; VII. There is no sin in not observing the excommunication. Frà +Francesco reasonably enough said that most of these propositions were +incapable of argument, but, as a demonstration was desired, he would +enter fire with Frà Domenico, although he fully expected to be burned; +still, he was willing to make the sacrifice in order to liberate the +Florentines from their false idol.<a name="FNanchor_238_238" id="FNanchor_238_238"></a><a href="#Footnote_238_238" class="fnanchor">[238]</a></p> + +<p>Passions were fierce on both sides, and eager partisans kept the city in +an uproar. To prevent an outbreak the Signoria sent for both disputants +and caused them to enter into a written agreement, March 30, to undergo +this strange trial. Three hundred years earlier it would have seemed +reasonable enough, but the Council of Lateran, in 1215, had reprobated +ordeals of all kinds, and they had been definitely marked with the ban +of the Church. When it came to the point Frà Francesco said that he had +no quarrel with Domenico; that if Savonarola would undergo the trial, he +was ready to share it, but with any one else he would only produce a +champion—and one was readily found in the person of Frà Giuliano +Rondinelli, a noble Florentine of the Order. On the other side, all the +friars of San Marco, nearly three hundred in number, signed the +agreement pledging to submit themselves to the ordeal, and Savonarola +declared that in such a cause any one could do so without risk. So great +was the enthusiasm that when, on the day before the trial, he preached +on the subject in San-Marco, all the audience rose in mass, and offered +to take Domenico’s place in vindicating the truth. The conditions +prescribed by the Signoria were, that if the Dominican champion +perished, whether alone or with his rival, Savonarola should leave the +city until officially recalled; if the Franciscan alone succumbed, then +Frà Francesco should do likewise; and the same was decreed for either +side that should decline the ordeal at the last moment.<a name="FNanchor_239_239" id="FNanchor_239_239"></a><a href="#Footnote_239_239" class="fnanchor">[239]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_226" id="page_226"></a>{226}</span></p> + +<p>The Signoria appointed ten citizens to conduct the trial, and fixed it +for April 6, but postponed it for a day in hopes of receiving from the +pope a negative answer to an application for permission—a refusal which +came, but came too late, possibly delayed on purpose. On April 7, +accordingly, the preparations were completed. In the Piazza de’ Signori +a huge pile of dry wood was built the height of a man’s eyes, with a +central gangway through which the champions were to pass. It was +plentifully supplied with gunpowder, oil, sulphur, and spirits, to +insure the rapid spread of the flames, and when lighted at one end the +contestants were to enter at the other, which was to be set on fire +behind them, so as to cut off all retreat. An immense mass of earnest +spectators filled the piazza, and every window and house-top was +crowded. These were mostly partisans of Savonarola, and the Franciscans +were cowed until cheered by the arrival of the Compagnacci, the young +nobles fully armed on their war-horses, and each accompanied by eight or +ten retainers—some five hundred in all, with Doffo Spini at their +head.<a name="FNanchor_240_240" id="FNanchor_240_240"></a><a href="#Footnote_240_240" class="fnanchor">[240]</a></p> + +<p>First came on the scene the Franciscans, anxious and terrified. Then +marched in procession the Dominicans, about two hundred in number, +chanting psalms. Both parties went before the Signoria, when the +Franciscans, professing fear of magic arts, demanded that Domenico +should change his garments. Although this was promptly acceded to, and +both champions were clothed anew, considerable time was consumed in the +details. The Dominicans claimed that Domenico should be allowed to carry +a crucifix in his right hand and a consecrated wafer in his left. An +objection being made to the crucifix he agreed to abandon it, but was +unmoved by the cry of horror with which the proposition as to the host +was received. Savonarola was firm. It had been revealed to Frà Salvestro +that the sacrament was indispensable, and the matter was hotly disputed +until the shades of evening fell, when the Signoria announced that the +ordeal was abandoned, and the Franciscans withdrew, followed by the +Dominicans. The crowd which had patiently waited through torrents of +rain, and a storm in which the air seemed filled with howling demons, +were enraged<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_227" id="page_227"></a>{227}</span> at the loss of the promised spectacle, and a heavy armed +escort was necessary to convey the Dominicans in safety back to San +Marco. Had the matter been one with which reason had anything to do, we +might perhaps wonder that it was regarded as a triumph for the +Franciscans; but Savonarola had so confidently promised a miracle, and +had been so implicitly believed by his followers, that they accepted the +drawn battle as a defeat, and as a confession that he could not rely on +the interposition of God. Their faith in their prophet was shaken, while +the exultant Compagnacci lavished abuse on him, and they had not a word +to utter in his defence.<a name="FNanchor_241_241" id="FNanchor_241_241"></a><a href="#Footnote_241_241" class="fnanchor">[241]</a></p> + +<p>His enemies were prompt in following up their advantage. The next day +was Palm Sunday. The streets were full of triumphant Arrabbiati, and +such Piagnoni as showed themselves were pursued with jeers and pelted +with stones. At vespers, the Dominican Mariano de’ Ughi attempted to +preach in the Duomo, which was crowded, but the Compagnacci were there +in force, interrupted the sermon, ordered the audience to disperse, and +those who resisted were assailed and wounded. Then arose the cry, “To +San Marco!” and the crowd hurried thither. Already the doors of the +Dominican church had been surrounded by boys whose cries disturbed the +service within, and who, when ordered to be silent, had replied with +showers of stones which compelled the entrance to be closed. As the +crowd surged around, the worshippers were glad to escape with their +lives through the cloisters. Francesco Valori and Paolo Antonio Soderini +were there in consultation with Savonarola. Soderini made good his exit +from the city; Valori was seized while skirting the walls, and carried +in front of his palace, which had already been attacked by the +Compagnacci. Before his eyes, his wife, who was pleading with the +assailants from a window, was slain with a missile, one of his children +and a female servant were wounded, and the palace was sacked and burned, +after which he was struck from behind and killed by his enemies of the +families Tornabuoni and Ridolfi.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_228" id="page_228"></a>{228}</span> Two other houses of Savonarola’s +partisans were likewise pillaged and burned.<a name="FNanchor_242_242" id="FNanchor_242_242"></a><a href="#Footnote_242_242" class="fnanchor">[242]</a></p> + +<p>In the midst of the uproar there came forth successive proclamations +from the Signoria ordering Savonarola to quit the Florentine territories +within twelve hours, and all laymen to leave the church of San Marco +within one hour. Although these were followed by others threatening +death to any one entering the church, they virtually legalized the riot, +showing what had doubtless been the secret springs that set it in +motion. The assault on San Marco then became a regular siege. Matters +had for some time looked so threatening that during the past fortnight +the friars had been secretly providing themselves with arms. These they +and their friends used gallantly, even against the express commands of +Savonarola, and a <i>melée</i> occurred in which more than a hundred on both +sides were killed and wounded. At last the Signoria sent guards to +capture Savonarola and his principal aids, Domenico and Salvestro, with +a pledge that no harm should be done to them. Resistance ceased; the two +former were found in the library, but Salvestro had hidden himself, and +was not captured till the next day. The prisoners were ironed hand and +foot and carried through the streets, where their guards could not +protect them from kicks and buffets by the raging mob.<a name="FNanchor_243_243" id="FNanchor_243_243"></a><a href="#Footnote_243_243" class="fnanchor">[243]</a></p> + +<p>The next day there was comparative quiet. The revolution in which the +aristocracy had allied itself with the dangerous classes was complete. +The Piagnoni were thoroughly cowed. Opprobrious epithets were freely +lavished on Savonarola by the victors, and any one daring to utter a +word in his defence would have been slain on the spot. To render the +triumph permanent, however, it was necessary first to discredit him +utterly with the people and then to despatch him. No time was lost in +preparing to give a judicial appearance to the foregone conclusion. +During the day a tribunal of seventeen members selected from among his +special enemies, such as Doffo Spini, was nominated, which set promptly +to work on April 10, although its formal commission, including power to +use torture, was not made out until the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_229" id="page_229"></a>{229}</span> 11th. Papal authority to +disregard the clerical immunity of the prisoners was applied for, but +the proceedings were not delayed by waiting for the answer, which, of +course, was favorable, and two papal commissioners were adjoined to the +tribunal. Savonarola and his companions, still ironed hand and foot, +were carried to the Bargello. The official account states that he was +first interrogated kindly, but as he would not confess he was threatened +with torture, and this proving ineffectual he was subjected to three and +a half <i>tratti di fune</i>. This was a customary form of torture, known as +the strappado, which consisted in tying the prisoner’s hands behind his +back, then hoisting him by a rope fastened to his wrists, letting him +drop from a height and arresting him with a jerk before his feet reached +the floor. Sometimes heavy weights were attached to the feet to render +the operation more severe. Officially it is stated that this first +application was sufficient to lead him to confess freely, but the +general belief at the time was that it was repeated with extreme +severity.<a name="FNanchor_244_244" id="FNanchor_244_244"></a><a href="#Footnote_244_244" class="fnanchor">[244]</a></p> + +<p>Be this as it may, Savonarola’s nervous organization was too sensitive +for him to endure agony which he knew would be indefinitely prolonged by +those determined to effect a predestined result. He entreated to be +released from the torture and promised to reveal everything. His +examination lasted until April 18, but<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_230" id="page_230"></a>{230}</span> even in his complying frame of +mind the resultant confession required to be manipulated before it could +be made public. For this infamous piece of work a fitting instrument was +at hand. Ser Ceccone was an old partisan of the Medici whose life had +been saved by Savonarola’s secretly giving him refuge in San Marco, and +who now repaid the benefit by sacrificing his benefactor. As a notary he +was familiar with such work, and under his skilful hands the incoherent +answers of Savonarola were moulded into a narrative which is the most +abject of self-accusations and most compromising to all his +friends.<a name="FNanchor_245_245" id="FNanchor_245_245"></a><a href="#Footnote_245_245" class="fnanchor">[245]</a></p> + +<p>He is made to represent himself as being from the first a conscious +impostor, whose sole object was to gain power by deceiving the people. +If his project of convoking a council had resulted in his being chosen +pope he would not have refused the position, but if not he would at all +events have become the foremost man in the world. For his own purposes +he had arrayed the citizens against each other and caused a rupture +between the city and the Holy See, striving to erect a government on the +Venetian model, with Francesco Valori as perpetual doge. The animus of +the trial is clearly revealed in the scant attention paid to his +spiritual aberrations, which were the sole offences for which he could +be convicted, and the immense detail devoted to his political activity, +and to his relations with all obnoxious citizens whom it was desired to +involve in his ruin. Had there been any pretence of observing ordinary +judicial forms, the completeness with which he was represented as +abasing himself would have overreached its purpose. In forcing him to +confess that he was no prophet, and that he had always secretly believed +the papal excommunication to be valid, he was relieved from the charge +of persistent heresy, and he could legally be only sentenced to penance; +but, as there<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_231" id="page_231"></a>{231}</span> was no intention of being restricted to legal rules, the +first object was to discredit him with the people, after which he could +be judicially murdered with impunity.<a name="FNanchor_246_246" id="FNanchor_246_246"></a><a href="#Footnote_246_246" class="fnanchor">[246]</a></p> + +<p>The object was thoroughly attained. On April 19, in the great hall of +the council, the confession was publicly read in the presence of all who +might see fit to attend. The effect produced is well described by the +honest Luca Landucci, who had been an earnest and devout, though timid, +follower of Frà Girolamo, and who now grieved bitterly at the +disappearance of his illusions, and at the shattering of the gorgeous +day-dreams in which the disciples had nursed themselves. Deep was his +anguish as he listened to the confession of one “whom we believed to be +a prophet and who now confessed that he was no prophet, and that what he +preached was not revealed to him by God. I was stupefied and my very +soul was filled with grief to see the destruction of such an edifice, +which crumbled because it was founded on a lie. I had expected to see +Florence a new Jerusalem, whence should issue the laws and the splendor +and the example of the holy life; to see the renovation of the Church, +the conversion of the infidel, and the rejoicing of the good. I found +the reverse of all this, and I swallowed the dose”—a natural enough +metaphor, seeing that Landucci was an apothecary.<a name="FNanchor_247_247" id="FNanchor_247_247"></a><a href="#Footnote_247_247" class="fnanchor">[247]</a></p> + +<p>Yet even with this the Signoria was not satisfied. On April 21 a new +trial was ordered; Savonarola was tortured again, and further avowals of +his political action were wrung from him,<a name="FNanchor_248_248" id="FNanchor_248_248"></a><a href="#Footnote_248_248" class="fnanchor">[248]</a> while a general arrest +was made of those who were compromised by his confessions, and those of +Domenico and Salvestro, creating a terror so widespread that large +numbers of his followers fled from the city. On the 27th the prisoners +were taken to the Bargello and so tortured that during the whole of the +afternoon their shrieks were heard by the passers-by, but nothing was +wrung<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_232" id="page_232"></a>{232}</span> from them to incriminate Savonarola. The officials in power had +but a short time for action, as their term of office ended with the +month, although by arbitrary and illegal devices they secured successors +of their own party. Their last official act, on the 30th, was the exile +of ten of the accused citizens, and the imposition on twenty-three of +various fines, amounting in all to twelve thousand florins.<a name="FNanchor_249_249" id="FNanchor_249_249"></a><a href="#Footnote_249_249" class="fnanchor">[249]</a></p> + +<p>The new government which came in power May 1 at once discharged the +imprisoned citizens, but kept Savonarola and his companions. These, as +Dominicans, were not justiciable by the civil power, but the Signoria +immediately applied to Alexander for authority to condemn and execute +them. He refused, and ordered them to be delivered to him for judgment, +as he had already done when the news reached him of Savonarola’s +capture. To this the republic demurred, doubtless for the reason +privately alleged to the ambassador, that Savonarola was privy to too +many state secrets to be intrusted to the Roman curia; but it suggested +that the pope might send commissioners to Florence to conduct the +proceedings in his name. To this he assented. In a brief of May 11 the +Bishop of Vaison, the suffragan of the Archbishop of Florence, is +instructed to degrade the culprits from holy orders, at the requisition +of the commissioners who had been empowered to conduct the examination +and trial to final sentence. In the selection of these commissioners the +Inquisition does not appear. Even had it not fallen too low in popular +estimation to be intrusted with an affair of so much moment, in Tuscany +it was Franciscan, and to have given special authority to the existing +inquisitor, Frà Francesco da Montalcino, would have been injudicious in +view of the part taken by the Franciscans in the downfall of Savonarola. +Alexander showed his customary shrewdness in selecting for the miserable +work the Dominican general, Giovacchino Torriani, who bore the +reputation of a kind-hearted and humane man. He was but a +stalking-horse, however, for the real actor was his associate, Francesco +Romolino, a clerk of Lerida, whose zeal in the infamous business was +rewarded with the cardinalate and archbishopric of Palermo. After all, +their duties were only ministerial<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_233" id="page_233"></a>{233}</span> and not judicial, for the matter had +been prejudged at Rome. Romolino openly boasted, “We shall have a fine +bonfire, for I bring the sentence with me,”<a name="FNanchor_250_250" id="FNanchor_250_250"></a><a href="#Footnote_250_250" class="fnanchor">[250]</a></p> + +<p>The commissioners reached Florence May 19, and lost no time in +accomplishing their object. The only result of the papal intervention +was to subject the victims to a surplusage of agony and shame. For +form’s sake, the papal judges could not accept the proceedings already +had, but must inflict on Savonarola a third trial. Brought before +Romolino on the 20th, he retracted his confession as extorted by +torture, and asserted that he was an envoy of God. Under the +inquisitorial formulas this retraction of confession rendered him a +relapsed heretic, who could be burned without further ceremony, but his +judges wanted to obtain information desired by Alexander, and again the +sufferer was repeatedly subjected to the strappado, when he withdrew his +retraction. Special inquiries were directed to ascertain whether the +Cardinal of Naples had been privy to the design of convoking a general +council, and under the stress of reiterated torture Savonarola was +brought to admit this on the 21st, but on the 22d he withdrew the +assertion, and the whole confession, although manipulated by the skilful +hand of Ser Ceccone, was so nearly a repetition of the previous one that +it was never given to the public. This mattered little, however, for the +whole proceedings were a barefaced mockery of justice. From some +oversight Domenico da Pescia’s name had not been included in the papal +commission. He was an individual of no personal importance, but some +zealous Florentine warned Romolino that there might be danger in sparing +him, when the commissioner carelessly replied “A <i>frataccio</i> more or +less makes no difference,” and his name was added to the sentence. He +was an impenitent heretic, for with heroic firmness he had borne the +most excruciating torture without retracting his faith in his beloved +prophet.<a name="FNanchor_251_251" id="FNanchor_251_251"></a><a href="#Footnote_251_251" class="fnanchor">[251]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_234" id="page_234"></a>{234}</span></p> + +<p>The accused were at least spared the torment of suspense. On the 22d +judgment was pronounced. They were condemned as heretics and +schismatics, rebels from the Church, sowers of tares and revealers of +confessions, and were sentenced to be abandoned to the secular arm. To +justify relaxation, it was requisite that the culprit should be a +relapsed or a defiant heretic, and Savonarola was not regarded as coming +under either category. He had always declared his readiness to retract +anything which Rome might define as erroneous. He had confessed all that +had been required of him, nor was his retraction when removed from +torture treated as a relapse, for he and his companions were admitted to +communion before execution, without undergoing the ceremony of +abjuration, which shows that they were not considered as heretics, nor +cut off from the Church. In fact, as though to complete the irregularity +of the whole transaction, Savonarola himself was allowed to act as the +celebrant, and to perform the sacred mysteries on the morning of the +execution. All this went for nothing, however, when a Borgia was eager +for revenge. On the previous evening a great pile had been built in the +piazza. The next morning, May 23, the ceremony of degradation from holy +orders was performed in public, after which the convicts were handed +over to the secular magistrates. Was it hypocrisy or remorse that led +Romolino at this moment to give to his victims, in the name of +Alexander, plenary indulgence of their sins, thus restoring them to a +state of primal innocence? Irregular as the whole affair had been, it +was rendered still more so by the Signoria, which modified the customary +penalty to hanging before the burning, and the three martyrs endured +their fate in silence.<a name="FNanchor_252_252" id="FNanchor_252_252"></a><a href="#Footnote_252_252" class="fnanchor">[252]</a></p> + +<p>The utmost care was taken that the bodies should be utterly consumed, +after which every fragment of ashes was scrupulously gathered up and +thrown into the Arno, in order to prevent the preservation of relics. +Yet, at the risk of their lives, some earnest disciples secretly managed +to secure a few floating coals, as well<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_235" id="page_235"></a>{235}</span> as some fragments of garments, +which were treasured and venerated even to recent times. Though many of +the believers, like honest Landucci, were disillusioned, many were +persistent in the faith, and for a long while lived in the daily +expectation of Savonarola’s advent, like a new Messiah, to work out the +renovation of Christianity and the conversion of the infidel—the +realization of the splendid promises with which he had beguiled himself +and them. So profound and lasting was the impression made by his +terrible fate that for more than two centuries, until 1703, the place of +execution was secretly strewed with flowers on the night of the +anniversary, May 23.<a name="FNanchor_253_253" id="FNanchor_253_253"></a><a href="#Footnote_253_253" class="fnanchor">[253]</a></p> + +<p>The papal commissioners reaped a harvest by summoning to Rome the +followers of Savonarola, and then speculating on their fears by selling +them exemptions. Florence itself was not long in realizing the strength +of the reaction against the puritanic methods which Savonarola had +enforced. The streets again became filled with reckless desperadoes, +quarrels and murders were frequent, gambling was unchecked, and license +reigned supreme. Nardi tells us that it seemed as if decency and virtue +had been prohibited by law, and the common remark was, that since the +coming of Mahomet no such scandal had been inflicted upon the Church of +God. As Landucci says, it seemed as if hell had broken loose. As though +in very wantonness to show the Church what were the allies whom it had +sought in the effort to crush unwelcome reform, on the following +Christmas eve a horse was brought into the Duomo, and deliberately +tortured to death, goats were let loose in San Marco, and in all the +churches assafœtida was placed in the censers; nor does it seem that any +punishment was visited upon the perpetrators of these public sacrileges. +The Church had used the sceptics to gain her ends, and could not +complain of the manner in which they repaid her for her assistance in +the unholy alliance.<a name="FNanchor_254_254" id="FNanchor_254_254"></a><a href="#Footnote_254_254" class="fnanchor">[254]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_236" id="page_236"></a>{236}</span></p> + +<p>Savonarola had built his house upon the sand, and was swept away by the +waters. Yet, in spite of his execution as a heretic, the Church has +tacitly confessed its own crime by admitting that he was no heretic, but +rather a saint, and the most convenient evasion of responsibility was +devoutly to refer the whole matter, as Luke Wadding does, to the +mysterious judgment of God. Even Torriani and Romolino, after burning +him, when they ordered, May 27, under pain of excommunication, all his +writings to be delivered up to them for examination, were unable to +discover any heretical opinions, and were obliged to return them without +erasures. Perhaps it might have been as well to do this before +condemning him. Paul III. declared that he would hold as a heretic any +one who should assail the memory of Frà Girolamo; and Paul IV. had his +works rigorously examined by a special congregation, which declared that +they contained no heresy. Fifteen of his sermons, denunciatory of +ecclesiastical abuses, and his treatise <i>De Veritate Prophetica</i>, were +placed upon the index as unfitted for general reading, <i>donec +corrigantur</i>, but not as heretical. Benedict XIV., in his great work, +<i>De Servorum Dei Beatificatione</i>, includes Savonarola’s name in a list +of the saints and men illustrious for sanctity. Images of him graced +with the nimbus of sanctity were allowed to be publicly sold, and St. +Filippo Neri kept one of these constantly by him. St. Francesco di Paola +held him to be a saint. St. Catarina Ricci used to invoke him as a +saint, and considered his suffrage peculiarly efficacious; when she was +canonized, her action with regard to this was brought before the +consistory, and was thoroughly discussed. Prospero Lambertini, +afterwards Benedict XIV., was the <i>Promotor fidei</i>, and investigated the +matter carefully, coming to the conclusion that this in no degree +detracted from the merits of St. Catarina. Benedict XIII. also examined +the case thoroughly, and, dreading a renewal of the old controversy as +to the justice of Savonarola’s sentence, ordered the discussion to cease +and the proceedings to continue without reference to it, which was a +virtual decision in favor of the martyr’s saintliness. In S. Maria +Novella and S. Marco he is pictured as a saint, and in the frescos of +the Vatican Raphael included him among the doctors of the Church. The +Dominicans long cherished his memory, and were greatly disposed to +regard him as a genuine prophet and uncanonized saint. When Clement<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_237" id="page_237"></a>{237}</span> +VIII., in 1598, hoped to acquire Ferrara, he is said to have made a vow +that if successful he would canonize Savonarola, and the hopes of the +Dominicans grew so sanguine that they composed a litany for him in +advance. In fact, in many of the Dominican convents of Italy during the +sixteenth century, on the anniversary of his execution an office was +sung to him as to a martyr. His marvellous career thus furnishes the +exact antithesis of that of his Ferrarese compatriot, Armanno +Pongilupo—the one was venerated as a saint and then burned as a +heretic, the other was burned as a heretic and then venerated as a +saint.<a name="FNanchor_255_255" id="FNanchor_255_255"></a><a href="#Footnote_255_255" class="fnanchor">[255]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_238" id="page_238"></a>{238}</span></p> + +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_V" id="CHAPTER_V"></a>CHAPTER V.<br /><br /> +<small>POLITICAL HERESY UTILIZED BY THE STATE.</small></h2> + +<p>I<small>T</small> was inevitable that secular potentates should follow the example of +the Church in the employment of a weapon so efficient as the charge of +heresy, when they chanced to be in the position of controlling the +ecclesiastical organization.</p> + +<p>A typical illustration of this is seen when, during the anarchy which +prevailed in Rome after the death of Innocent VII. in 1406, Basilio +Ordelaffi incurred the enmity of the Colonnas and the Savelli, and they +found that the easiest way to deal with him was through the Inquisition. +Under their impulsion it seized him and two of his adherents, Matteo and +Merenda. Through means procured by his daughter, Ordelaffi escaped from +prison and was condemned <i>in contumaciam</i>. The others +confessed—doubtless under torture—the heresies attributed to them, +were handed over to the secular arm, and were duly burned. Their houses +were torn down, and on their sites in time were erected two others, one +of which afterwards became the dwelling of Michael Angelo and the other +of Salvator Rosa.<a name="FNanchor_256_256" id="FNanchor_256_256"></a><a href="#Footnote_256_256" class="fnanchor">[256]</a></p> + +<p>Secular potentates, however, had not waited till the fifteenth century +to appreciate the facilities afforded by heresy and the Inquisition for +the accomplishment of their objects. Already a hundred years earlier the +methods of the Inquisition had suggested to Philippe le Bel the great +crime of the Middle Ages—the destruction of the Order of the Temple.</p> + +<p>When, in 1119, Hugues de Payen and Geoffroi de Saint-Adhémar with seven +companions devoted themselves to the pious task of keeping the roads to +Jerusalem clear of robbers, that pilgrims might traverse them in safety, +and when Raymond du Puy about<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_239" id="page_239"></a>{239}</span> the same time organized the Poor Brethren +of the Hospital of St. John, they opened a new career which was +irresistibly attractive to the warlike ardor and religious enthusiasm of +the age. The strange combination of monasticism and chivalry +corresponded so exactly to the ideal of Christian knighthood that the +Military Orders thus founded speedily were reckoned among the leading +institutions of Europe. At the Council of Troyes, in 1128, a Rule, drawn +up it is said by St. Bernard, was assigned to Hugues and his associates, +who were known as the Poor Soldiers of the Temple. They were assigned a +white habit, as a symbol of innocence, to which Eugenius III. added a +red cross, and their standard, <i>Bauséant</i>, half black and half white, +with its legend, “<i>Non nobis Domine</i>,” soon became the rallying-point of +the Christian chivalry. The Rule, based upon that of the strict +Cistercian Order, was exceedingly severe. The members were bound by the +three monastic vows of obedience, poverty, and chastity, and these were +enforced in the statutes of the Order with the utmost rigor. The +applicant for admission was required to ask permission to become the +serf and slave of the “House” forever, and was warned that he henceforth +surrendered his own will irrevocably. He was promised bread and water +and the poor vestments of the House; and if after death gold or silver +were found among his effects his body was thrust into unconsecrated +ground, or, if buried, it was exhumed. Chastity was prescribed in the +same unsparing fashion, and even the kiss of a mother was +forbidden.<a name="FNanchor_257_257" id="FNanchor_257_257"></a><a href="#Footnote_257_257" class="fnanchor">[257]</a></p> + +<p>The fame of the Order quickly filled all Europe; knights of the noblest +blood, dukes and princes, renounced the world to serve Christ in its +ranks, and soon in its general chapter three hundred knights were +gathered, in addition to serving brethren. Their possessions spread +immensely. Towns and villages and churches and manors were bestowed upon +them, from which the revenues<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_240" id="page_240"></a>{240}</span> were sent to the Grand Master, whose +official residence was Jerusalem, together with the proceeds of the +collections of an organized system of beggary, their agents for which +penetrated into every corner of Christendom. Scarce had the Order been +organized when, in 1133, the mighty warrior, Alonso I. of Aragon, known +as <i>el Batallador</i> and also as <i>el Emperador</i>, because his rule extended +over Navarre and a large portion of Castile, dying without children, +left his whole dominions to the Holy Sepulchre and to the Knights of the +Temple and of the Hospital in undivided thirds; and though the will was +not executed, the knights were promised and doubtless received +compensation from his successor, Ramiro el Monje. More practical was the +liberality of Philip Augustus, in 1222, when he left the two Orders two +thousand marks apiece absolutely, and the enormous sum of fifty thousand +marks each on condition of keeping in service for three years three +hundred knights in the Holy Land. We can understand how, in 1191, the +Templars could buy the Island of Cyprus from Richard of England for +twenty-five thousand silver marks, although they sold it the next year +for the same price to Gui, King of Jerusalem. We can understand, also, +that this enormous development began to excite apprehension and +hostility. At the Council of Lateran, in 1179, there was bitter strife +between the prelates and the Military Orders, resulting in a decree +which required the Templars to surrender all recently acquired churches +and tithes—an order which, in 1186, Urban III. defined as meaning all +acquired within the ten years previous to the council.<a name="FNanchor_258_258" id="FNanchor_258_258"></a><a href="#Footnote_258_258" class="fnanchor">[258]</a></p> + +<p>This indicates that already the prelates were beginning to feel jealous +of the new organization. In fact, the antagonism which<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_241" id="page_241"></a>{241}</span> we have already +traced in the thirteenth century between the Mendicant Orders and the +secular clergy was but the repetition of that which had long existed +with respect to the Military Orders. These from the first were the +especial favorites of the Holy See, whose policy it was to elevate them +into a militia depending solely on Rome, thus rendering them an +instrument in extending its influence and breaking down the independence +of the local churches. Privileges and immunities were showered upon +them: they were exempted from tolls and tithes and taxes of all kinds; +their churches and houses were endowed with the right of asylum; their +persons enjoyed the inviolability accorded to ecclesiastics; they were +released from all feudal obligations and allegiance; they were +justiciable only by Rome; bishops were forbidden to excommunicate them, +and were even ordered to refer to the Roman curia all the infinite +questions which arose in local quarrels. In 1255, after the misfortunes +of the crusade of St. Louis, alms given to their collectors were +declared to entitle the donors to Holy Land indulgences. In short, +nothing was omitted by the popes that would stimulate their growth and +bind them firmly to the chair of St. Peter.<a name="FNanchor_259_259" id="FNanchor_259_259"></a><a href="#Footnote_259_259" class="fnanchor">[259]</a></p> + +<p>Thus it was inevitable that antagonism should spring up between the +secular hierarchy and the Military Orders. The Templars were continually +complaining that the prelates were endeavoring to oppress them, to +impose exactions, and to regain by various devices the jurisdiction from +which the popes had relieved them; their right of asylum was violated; +the priests interfered with their begging collectors, and repressed and +intercepted the pious legacies designed for them; the customary quarrels +over burials and burial-fees were numerous, for, until the rise of the +Mendicants, and even afterwards, it was a frequent thing for nobles to +order their sepulture in the Temple or the Hospital. To these complaints +the popes ever lent a ready ear, and the favoritism which they +manifested only gave a sharper edge to the hostility of the defeated +prelates. In 1264 there was a threatened rupture between the papacy and +the Temple. Étienne de Sissy, Marshal of the Order and Preceptor of +Apulia, refused to assist<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_242" id="page_242"></a>{242}</span> in the crusade preparing against Manfred, and +was removed by Urban IV. When ordered to resign his commission he boldly +replied to Urban that no pope had ever interfered with the internal +affairs of the Order, and that he would resign his office only to the +Grand Master who had conferred it. Urban excommunicated him, but the +Order sustained him, being discontented because the succors levied for +the Holy Land were diverted to the papal enterprise against Manfred. The +following year a new pope, Clement IV., in removing the excommunication, +bitterly reproached the Order for its ingratitude, and pointed out that +only the support of the papacy could sustain it against the hostility of +the bishops and princes, which apparently was notorious. Still the Order +held out, and in common with the Hospitallers and Cistercians, refused +to pay a tithe to Charles of Anjou, in spite of which Clement issued +numerous bulls confirming and enlarging its privileges.<a name="FNanchor_260_260" id="FNanchor_260_260"></a><a href="#Footnote_260_260" class="fnanchor">[260]</a></p> + +<p>That this antagonism on the part of temporal and spiritual potentates +had ample justification there can be little doubt. If, as we have seen, +the Mendicant Orders rapidly declined from the enthusiastic +self-abnegation of Dominic and Francis, such a body as the Templars, +composed of ambitious and warlike knights, could hardly be expected long +to retain its pristine ascetic devotion. Already, in 1152, the selfish +eagerness of the Grand Master, Bernard de Tremelai, to secure the spoils +of Ascalon nearly prevented the capture of that city, and the fall of +the Kingdom of Jerusalem was hastened when, in 1172, the savage ferocity +of Eudes de Saint-Amand,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_243" id="page_243"></a>{243}</span> then Grand Master, prevented the conversion of +the King of the Assassins and all his people. It was not without show of +justification that about this time Walter Mapes attributes the +misfortunes of the Christians of the East to the corruption of the +Military Orders. By the end of the century we have seen from King +Richard’s rejoinder to Foulques de Neuilly that Templar was already +synonymous with pride, and in 1207 Innocent III. took the Order to task +in an epistle of violent denunciation. His apostolic ears, he said, were +frequently disturbed with complaints of their excesses. Apostatizing +from God and scandalizing the Church, their unbridled pride abused the +enormous privileges bestowed upon them. Employing doctrines worthy of +demons, they give their cross to every tramp who can pay them two or +three pence a year, and then assert that these are entitled to +ecclesiastical services and Christian burial, even though laboring under +excommunication. Thus ensnared by the devil they ensnare the souls of +the faithful. He forbears to dwell further on these and other +wickednesses by which they deserve to be despoiled of their privileges, +preferring to hope that they will free themselves from their turpitude. +A concluding allusion to their lack of respect towards papal legates +probably explains the venomous vigor of the papal attack, but the +accusations which it makes touch points on which there is other +conclusive evidence. Although by the statutes of the Order the purchase +of admission, directly or indirectly, was simony, entailing expulsion on +him who paid and degradation on the preceptor who was privy to it, there +can be no doubt that many doubtful characters thus effected entrance +into the Order. The papal letters and privileges so freely bestowed upon +them were moreover largely abused, to the vexation and oppression of +those with whom they came in contact, for, exclusively justiciable in +the Roman curia, they were secure against all pleaders who could not +afford that distant, doubtful, and expensive litigation. The evils +thence arising were greatly intensified when the policy was adopted of +forming a class of serving brethren, by whom their extensive properties +were cultivated and managed without the cost of hired labor. Churls of +every degree, husbandmen, shepherds, swineherds, mechanics, household +servants, were thus admitted into the Order, until they constituted at +least nine tenths of it, and although these were distinguished by a +brown mantle in place of the white garment<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_244" id="page_244"></a>{244}</span> of the knights, and although +they complained of the contempt and oppression with which they were +treated by their knightly brethren, nevertheless, in their relations +with the outside world, they were full members of the Order, shrouded +with its inviolability and entitled to all its privileges, which they +were not likely by moderation to render less odious to the +community.<a name="FNanchor_261_261" id="FNanchor_261_261"></a><a href="#Footnote_261_261" class="fnanchor">[261]</a></p> + +<p>Thus the knights furnished ample cause for external hostility and +internal disquiet, though there is probably no ground for the accusation +that, in 1229, they betrayed Frederic II. to the infidel, and, in 1250, +St. Louis to the Soldan of Egypt. Yet Frederic II. doubtless had ample +reason for dissatisfaction with their conduct during his crusade, which +he revenged by expelling them from Sicily in 1229, and confiscating +their property; and though he recalled them soon after and assumed to +restore their possessions, he retained a large portion. Still, pious +liberality continued to increase the wealth of the Order, though as the +Christian possessions in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_245" id="page_245"></a>{245}</span> East shrank more and more, people began to +attribute the ceaseless misfortunes to the bitter jealousy and animosity +existing between the rival Orders of the Temple and the Hospital, which +in 1243 had broken out into open war in Palestine, to the great comfort +of the infidel. A remedy was naturally sought in a union of the two +Orders, together with that of the Teutonic Knights. At the Council of +Lyons, in 1274, Gregory N. vainly endeavored to effect this, but the +countervailing influences, including, it was said, the gold of the +brethren, were too powerful. In these reproaches perhaps the Orders were +held to an undeserved accountability, for while their quarrels and the +general misconduct of the Latins in Palestine did much to wreck the +kingdom of Jerusalem, the real responsibility lay rather with the +papacy. When thousands of heretics were sent as crusaders in punishment, +the glory of the service was fatally tarnished. When money raised and +vows taken for the Holy Land were diverted to the purposes of the papal +power in Italy, when the doctrine was publicly announced that the home +interests of the Holy See were more important than the recovery of the +Holy Sepulchre, the enthusiasm of Christendom against the infidel was +chilled. When salvation could be trained at almost any time by a short +term of service near home in the quarrels of the Church, whether on the +Weser or in Lombardy, the devotion which had carried thousands to the +Syrian deserts found a less rugged and a safer path to heaven. It is +easy thus to understand how in the development of papal aggrandizement +through the thirteenth century recruits and money were lacking to +maintain against the countless hordes of Tartars the conquests of +Godfrey of Bouillon. In addition to all this the Holy Land was made a +penal settlement whither were sent the malefactors of Europe, rendering +the Latin colony a horde of miscreants whose crimes deserved and whose +disorders invited the vengeance of Heaven.<a name="FNanchor_262_262" id="FNanchor_262_262"></a><a href="#Footnote_262_262" class="fnanchor">[262]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_246" id="page_246"></a>{246}</span></p> + +<p>With the fall of Acre, in 1291, the Christians were driven definitely +from the shores of Syria, causing intense grief and indignation +throughout Europe. In that disastrous siege, brought on by the perfidy +of a band of crusaders who refused to observe an existing truce, the +Hospital won more glory than the Temple, although the Grand Master, +Guillaume de Beaujeu, had been chosen to command the defence, and fell +bravely fighting for the cross. After the surrender and massacre, his +successor, the monk Gaudini, sailed for Cyprus with ten knights, the +sole survivors of five hundred who had held out to the last. Again, not +without reason, the cry went up that the disaster was the result of the +quarrels between the Military Orders, and Nicholas IV. promptly sent +letters to the kings and prelates of Christendom asking their opinions +on the project of uniting them, in view of the projected crusade which +was to sail on St. John’s day, 1293, under Edward I. of England. At +least one affirmative answer was received from the provincial council of +Salzburg, but ere it reached Rome Nicholas was dead. A long interregnum, +followed by the election of the hermit Pier Morrone, put an end to the +project for the time, but it was again<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_247" id="page_247"></a>{247}</span> taken up by Boniface VIII., to +be interrupted and laid aside, probably by his engrossing quarrel with +Philippe le Bel. What was the drift of public opinion at the time is +probably reflected in a tract on the recovery of the Holy Land addressed +to Edward I. It is there proposed that the two Orders, whose scandalous +quarrels have rendered them the object of scorn, shall be fused together +and confined to their eastern possessions, which should be sufficient +for their support, while their combined revenues from their western +property, estimated at eight hundred thousand livres Tournois per annum, +be employed to further the crusade. Evidently the idea was spreading +that their wealth could be seized and used to better purpose than it was +likely to be in their hands.<a name="FNanchor_263_263" id="FNanchor_263_263"></a><a href="#Footnote_263_263" class="fnanchor">[263]</a></p> + +<p>Thus the Order was somewhat discredited in popular estimation when, in +1297, Jacques de Molay, whose terrible fate has cast a sombre shadow +over his name through the centuries, was elected Grand Master, after a +vigorous and bitter opposition by the partisans of Hugues de Peraud. A +few years of earnest struggle to regain a foothold in Palestine seemed +to exhaust the energy and resources of the Order, and it became +quiescent in Cyprus. Its next exploit, though not official, was not of a +nature to conciliate public opinion. Charles de Valois, the evil genius +of his brother Philippe le Bel, and of his nephews, in 1300 married +Catherine, granddaughter of Baldwin II. of Constantinople, and titular +empress. In 1306 he proposed to make good his wife’s claims on the +imperial throne, and he found a ready instrument in Clement V., who +persuaded himself that the attempt would not be a weakening of +Christianity in the East, but a means of recovering Palestine, or at +least of reducing the Greek Church to subjection. He therefore +endeavored to unite the Italian republics and princes in this crusade +against Christians. Charles II. of Naples undertook an expedition in +conjunction with the Templars. A fleet was fitted out under the command +of Roger, a Templar of high reputation for skill and audacity. It +captured Thessalonica, but in place of actively pursuing Andronicus II., +the Templars turned their<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_248" id="page_248"></a>{248}</span> arms against the Latin princes of Greece, +ravaged cruelly the shores of Thrace and the Morea, and returned with +immense booty, having aroused enmities which were an element in their +downfall. In contrast to this the Hospitallers were acquiring fresh +renown as the champions of Christ by gallantly conquering, after a four +years’ struggle, the island of Rhodes, in which they so long maintained +the cause of Christianity in the East. In 1306 Clement V. sent for de +Molay and Guillaume de Villaret, Grand Master of the Hospitallers, to +consult about a new crusade and the often discussed project of the union +of the Orders. He told them to come as secretly as possible, but while +the Hospitaller, engrossed with preparations for the siege of Rhodes, +excused himself, de Molay came in state, with a retinue of sixty +knights, and manifested no intention of returning to his station in the +East. This well might arouse the question whether the Templars were +about to abandon their sphere of duty, and if so, what were the +ambitious schemes which might lead them to transfer their headquarters +to France. The Teutonic knights in withdrawing from the East were +carving out for themselves a kingdom amid the Pagans of northeastern +Europe. Had the Templars any similar aspirations nearer home?<a name="FNanchor_264_264" id="FNanchor_264_264"></a><a href="#Footnote_264_264" class="fnanchor">[264]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_249" id="page_249"></a>{249}</span></p> + +<p>Suspicions of the kind might not unnaturally be excited, and yet be +wholly without foundation. Modern writers have exercised their ingenuity +in conjecturing that there was a plot on hand for the Templars to seize +the south of France and erect it into an independent kingdom. The Order +had early multiplied rapidly in the provinces from the Garonne to the +Rhone; it is assumed that they were deeply tinctured with Catharism, and +held relations with the concealed heretics in those regions. All this is +the sheerest assumption without the slightest foundation. There was not +a trace of Catharism in the Order,<a name="FNanchor_265_265" id="FNanchor_265_265"></a><a href="#Footnote_265_265" class="fnanchor">[265]</a> and we have seen how by this +time the Cathari of Languedoc had been virtually exterminated, and how +the land had been Gallicized by the Inquisition. Such an alliance would +have been a source of weakness, not of strength, for it would have +brought upon them all Europe in arms, and had there been a shred of +evidence to that effect, Philippe le Bel would have made the most of it. +Neither can it be assumed that they were intriguing with the +discontented, orthodox population. Bernard Délicieux and the Carcassais +would never have turned to the feeble Ferrand of Majorca if they could +have summoned to their assistance the powerful Order of the Temple. Yet +even the Order of the Temple, however great might have been its +aggregate, was fatally weakened for such ambitious projects by being +scattered in isolated fragments over the whole extent of Europe; and its +inability to concentrate its forces for either aggression or defence was +shown when it surrendered with scarce an effort at self-preservation in +one country after another. Besides, it was by no means so numerous and +wealthy as has been popularly supposed. The dramatic circumstances of +its destruction have inflamed the imagination of all who have written +about it, leading to a not unnatural exaggeration in contrasting its +prosperity and its misery. An anonymous contemporary tells us that the +Templars were so<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_250" id="page_250"></a>{250}</span> rich and powerful that they could scarce have been +suppressed but for the secret and sudden movement of Philippe le Bel. +Villani, who was also a contemporary, says that their power and wealth +were well-nigh incomputable. As time went on conceptions became +magnified by distance. Trithemius assures us that it was the richest of +all the monastic Orders, not only in gold and silver, but in its vast +dominions, towns and castles in all the lands of Europe. Modern writers +have even exceeded this in their efforts to present definite figures. +Maillard de Chambure assumes that at the time of its downfall it +numbered thirty thousand knights with a revenue of eight million livres +Tournois. Wilcke estimates its income at twenty million thalers of +modern money, and asserts that in France alone it could keep in the +field an army of fifteen thousand cavaliers. Zöckler calculates its +income at fifty-four millions of francs, and that it numbered twenty +thousand knights. Even the cautious Havemann echoes the extravagant +statement that in wealth and power it could rival all the princes of +Christendom, while Schottmüller assumes that in France alone there were +fifteen thousand brethren, and over twenty thousand in the whole +Order.<a name="FNanchor_266_266" id="FNanchor_266_266"></a><a href="#Footnote_266_266" class="fnanchor">[266]</a></p> + +<p>The peculiar secrecy in which all the affairs of the Order were shrouded +renders such estimates purely conjectural. As to numbers, it has been +overlooked that the great body of members were serving brethren, not +fighting-men—herdsmen, husbandmen, and menials employed on the lands +and in the houses of the knights, and adding little to their effective +force. When they considered it a legitimate boast that in the one +hundred and eighty years of their active existence twenty thousand of +the brethren had perished in Palestine, we can see that at no time could +the roll of knights have exceeded a few thousand at most. At the Council +of Vienne the dissolution of the Order was urged on the ground that more +than two thousand depositions of witnesses had been taken, and as these +depositions covered virtually all the prisoners<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_251" id="page_251"></a>{251}</span> examined in France, +England, Spain, Italy, and Germany, whose evidence could be used, it +shows that the whole number can only have been insignificant in +comparison with what had been generally imagined. Cyprus was the +headquarters of the Order after the fall of Acre, yet at the time of the +seizure there were but one hundred and eighteen members there of all +ranks, and the numbers with which we meet in the trials everywhere are +ludicrously out of proportion with the enormous total popularly +attributed to the Order. A contemporary, of warmly papalist sympathies, +expresses his grief at the penalties righteously incurred by fifteen +thousand champions of Christ, which may be taken as an approximate guess +at the existing number; and if among these we assume fifteen hundred +knights, we shall probably be rather over than under the reality. As for +the wealth of the Order, in the general effort to appropriate its +possessions it was every one’s interest to conceal the details of the +aggregate, but we chance to have a standard which shows that the +estimates of its supereminent riches are grossly exaggerated. In 1244 +Matthew Paris states that it possessed throughout Christendom nine +thousand manors, while the Hospitallers had nineteen thousand. Nowhere +was it more prosperous than in Aquitaine, and about the year 1300, in a +computation of a tithe granted to Philippe le Bel, in the province of +Bordeaux, the Templars are set down at six thousand livres, the +Hospitallers at the same, while the Cistercians are registered for +twelve thousand. In the accounts of a royal collector in 1293 there are +specified in Auvergne fourteen Temple preceptories, paying in all three +hundred and ninety-two livres, while the preceptories of the +Hospitallers number twenty-four, with a payment of three hundred and +sixty-four livres. It will be remembered that a contemporary writer +estimates the combined revenues of the two Orders at eight hundred +thousand livres Tournois per annum, and of this the larger portion +probably belonged to the Hospital.<a name="FNanchor_267_267" id="FNanchor_267_267"></a><a href="#Footnote_267_267" class="fnanchor">[267]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_252" id="page_252"></a>{252}</span></p> + +<p>Yet the wealth of the Order was more than sufficient to excite the +cupidity of royal freebooters, and its power and privileges quite enough +to arouse distrust in the mind of a less suspicious despot than Philippe +le Bel. Many ingenious theories have been advanced to explain his +action, but they are superfluous. In his quarrel with Boniface VIII., +though the Templars were accused of secretly sending money to Rome in +defiance of his prohibition, they stood by him and signed an act +approving and confirming the assembly of the Louvre in June, 1303, where +Boniface was formally accused of heresy, and an appeal was made to a +future council to be assembled on the subject. So cordial, in fact, was +the understanding between the king and the Templars that royal letters +of July 10, 1303, show that the collection of all the royal revenues +throughout France was intrusted to Hugues de Peraud, the Visitor of +France, who had narrowly missed obtaining the Grand Mastership of the +Order. In June, 1304, Philippe confirmed all their privileges, and in +October he issued an Ordonnance granting them additional ones and +speaking of their merits in terms of warm appreciation. They lent him, +in 1299, the enormous sum of five hundred thousand livres for the dowry +of his sister. As late as 1306, when Hugues de Peraud had suffered a +loss of two thousand silver marks deposited with Tommaso and Vanno +Mozzi, Florentine bankers, who fraudulently disappeared, Philippe +promptly intervened and ordered restitution of the sum by Aimon, Abbot +of S. Antoine, who had gone security for the bankers. When in his +extreme financial straits he debased the coinage until a popular +insurrection was excited in Paris, it was in the Temple that he took +refuge, and it was the Templars that defended him against the assaults +of the mob. But these very obligations were too great to be incurred by +a monarch who was striving to render himself absolute, and the +recollection of them could hardly fail to suggest that the Order was a +dangerous factor in a kingdom where feudal<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_253" id="page_253"></a>{253}</span> institutions were being +converted into a despotism. While it might not have strength to sever a +portion of the provinces and erect an independent principality, it might +at any moment become a disagreeable element in a contest with the great +feudatories to whom the knights were bound by common sympathies and +interests. He was engaged in reducing them to subjection by the +extension of the royal jurisdiction, and the Templars were subject to no +jurisdiction save that of the Holy See. They were not his subjects; they +owed him no obedience or allegiance; he could not summon them to perform +military service as he could his bishops, but they enjoyed the right to +declare war and make peace on their own account without responsibility +to any one; they were clothed in all the personal inviolability of +ecclesiastics, and he possessed no means of control over them as he did +with the hierarchy of the Gallican Church. They were exempt from all +taxes and tolls and customs dues; their lands contributed nothing to his +necessities, save when he could wring from the pope the concession of a +tithe. While thus in every way independent of him, they were bound by +rules of the blindest and most submissive obedience to their own +superiors. The command of the Master was received as an order from God; +no member could have a lock upon a bag or trunk, could bathe or let +blood, could open a letter from a kinsman without permission of his +commander, and any disobedience forfeited the habit and entailed +imprisonment in chains, with its indelible disabilities. It is true that +in 1295 there had been symptoms of turbulence in the Order, when the +intervention of Boniface VIII. was required to enforce subjection to the +Master, but this had passed away, and the discipline within its ranks +was a religious obligation which rendered it vastly more efficient for +action than the elastic allegiance of the vassal to his seigneur. Such a +body of armed warriors was an anomaly in a feudal organization, and when +the Templars seemed to have abandoned their military activity in the +East, Philippe, in view of their wealth and numbers in France, may well +have regarded them as a possible obstacle to his schemes of monarchical +aggrandizement to be got rid of at the first favorable moment. At the +commencement of his reign he had endeavored to put a stop to the +perpetual acquisitions of both the religious Orders and the Templars, +through which increasing bodies of land were falling under mainmorte, +and the fruitlessness<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_254" id="page_254"></a>{254}</span> of the effort must have strengthened his +convictions of its necessity. If it be asked why he attacked the +Templars rather than the Hospitallers, the answer is probably to be +found in the fact that the Temple was the weaker of the two, while the +secrecy shrouding its ritual rendered it an object of popular +suspicion.<a name="FNanchor_268_268" id="FNanchor_268_268"></a><a href="#Footnote_268_268" class="fnanchor">[268]</a></p> + +<p>Walsingham asserts that Philippe’s design in assailing the Templars was +to procure for one of his younger sons the title of King of Jerusalem, +with the Templar possessions as an appanage. Such a project was +completely within the line of thought of the time, and would have +resulted in precipitating Europe anew upon Syria. It may possibly have +been a motive at the outset, and was gravely discussed in the Council of +Vienne in favor of Philippe le Long, but it is evident that no sovereign +outside of France would have permitted the Templar dominions within his +territories to pass under the control of a member of the aspiring house +of Capet.<a name="FNanchor_269_269" id="FNanchor_269_269"></a><a href="#Footnote_269_269" class="fnanchor">[269]</a></p> + +<p>For the explanation of Philippe’s action, however, we need hardly look +further than to financial considerations. He was in desperate straits +for money to meet the endless drain of the Flemish war. He had imposed +taxes until some of his subjects were in revolt, and others were on the +verge of it. He had debased the currency until he earned the name of the +Counterfeiter, had found himself utterly unable to redeem his promises, +and had discovered by experience that of all financial devices it was +the most costly and ruinous. His resources were exhausted and his +scruples were few. The stream of confiscations from Languedoc was +beginning to run dry, while the sums which it had supplied to the royal +treasury for more than half a century had shown the profit which was +derivable from well-applied persecution of heresy. He had just carried<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_255" id="page_255"></a>{255}</span> +out a financial expedient of the same kind as his dealings with the +Templars, by arresting all the Jews of the kingdom simultaneously, +stripping them of their property, and banishing them under pain of +death. A memorandum of questions for consideration, still preserved in +the Trésor des Chartres, shows that he expected to benefit in the same +way from the confiscation of the Templar possessions, while, as we shall +see, he overlooked the fact that these, as ecclesiastical property, were +subject to the imprescriptible rights of the Church.<a name="FNanchor_270_270" id="FNanchor_270_270"></a><a href="#Footnote_270_270" class="fnanchor">[270]</a></p> + +<p>The stories about Squin de Florian, a renegade Templar, and Noffo Dei, a +wicked Florentine, both condemned to death and concocting the +accusations to save themselves, are probably but the conception of an +imaginative chronicler, handed down from one annalist to another.<a name="FNanchor_271_271" id="FNanchor_271_271"></a><a href="#Footnote_271_271" class="fnanchor">[271]</a> +Such special interposition was wholly unnecessary. The foolish secrecy +in which the Templars enveloped their proceedings was a natural stimulus +of popular curiosity and suspicion. Alone among religious Orders, the +ceremonies of reception were conducted in the strictest privacy; +chapters were held at daybreak with doors closely guarded, and no +participant was allowed to speak of what was done, even to a +fellow-Templar not concerned in the chapter, under the heaviest penalty +known—that of expulsion. That this should lead to gossip and stories of +rites too repulsive and hideous to bear the light was inevitable. It was +the one damaging fact against them, and when Humbert Blanc, Preceptor of +Auvergne, was asked on his trial why such secrecy was observed if they +had nothing to conceal, he could only answer “through folly.” Thus it +was common report that the neophyte was subjected to the humiliation of +kissing the posteriors of his preceptor—a report which the Hospitallers +took special pleasure in circulating. That unnatural lusts should be +attributed to the Order is easily understood, for it was a prevalent +vice of the Middle Ages, and one to which monastic communities were +especially<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_256" id="page_256"></a>{256}</span> subject; as recently as 1292 a horrible scandal of this kind +had led to the banishment of many professors and theologians of the +University of Paris. Darker rumors were not lacking of unchristian +practices introduced in the Order by a Grand Master taken prisoner by +the Soldan of Babylon, and procuring his release under promise of +rendering them obligatory on the members. There was also a legend that +in the early days of the Order two Templars were riding on one horse in +a battle beyond seas. The one in front recommended himself to Christ and +was sorely wounded; the one behind recommended himself to him who best +could help, and he escaped. The latter was said to be the demon in human +shape who told his wounded comrade that if he would believe him the +Order would grow in wealth and power. The Templar was seduced, and +thence came error and unbelief into the organization. We have seen how +readily such stories obtained credence throughout the Middle Ages, how +they grew and became embroidered with the most fantastic details. The +public mind was ripe to believe anything of the Templars; a spark only +was needed to produce a conflagration.<a name="FNanchor_272_272" id="FNanchor_272_272"></a><a href="#Footnote_272_272" class="fnanchor">[272]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_257" id="page_257"></a>{257}</span></p> + +<p>Philippe’s ministers and agents—Guillaume de Nogaret, Guillaume de +Plaisian, Renaud de Roye, and Enguerrand de Marigny—were quite fitted +to appreciate such an opportunity to relieve the royal exchequer, nor +could they be at a loss in finding testimony upon which to frame a +formidable list of charges, for we have already seen how readily +evidence was procured from apparently respectable witnesses convicting +Boniface VIII. of crimes equally atrocious. In the present case the task +was easier: the Templars could have been no exception to the general +demoralization of the monastic Orders, and in their ranks there must +have been many desperate adventurers, ready for any crime that would +bring a profit. Expelled members there were in plenty who had been +ejected for their misdeeds, and who could lose nothing by gratifying +their resentments. Apostates also were there who had fled from the Order +and were liable to imprisonment if caught, besides the crowd of +worthless ribalds whom the royal agents could always secure when +evidence for any purpose was wanted. These were quietly collected by +Guillaume de Nogaret, and kept in the greatest secrecy at Corbeil under +charge of the Dominican, Humbert. Heresy was, of course, the most +available charge to bring. The Inquisition was there as an unfailing +instrument to secure conviction. Popular rumor, no matter by whom +affirmed, was sufficient to require arrest and trial, and when once on +trial there were few indeed from whom the inquisitorial process could +not wring conviction. When once the attempt was determined upon the +result was inevitable.<a name="FNanchor_273_273" id="FNanchor_273_273"></a><a href="#Footnote_273_273" class="fnanchor">[273]</a></p> + +<p>Still, the attempt could not be successful without the concurrence of +Clement V., for the inquisitorial courts, both of the Holy Office and of +the bishops, were under papal control, and, besides, public opinion +would require that the guilt of the Order should<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_258" id="page_258"></a>{258}</span> be proved in other +lands besides France. To enable Philippe to enjoy the expected +confiscations in his own dominions, confiscation must be general +throughout Europe, and for this the co-operation of the Holy See was +essential. Clement subsequently declared that Philippe broached the +subject to him in all its details before his coronation at Lyons, +November 14, 1305,<a name="FNanchor_274_274" id="FNanchor_274_274"></a><a href="#Footnote_274_274" class="fnanchor">[274]</a> but the papal bulls throughout the whole matter +are so infected with mendacity that slender reliance is to be placed on +their statements. Doubtless there was some discussion about the current +reports defaming the Order, but Clement is probably not subject to the +imputation which historians have thrown upon him, that his summons to de +Molay and de Villaret in 1306 was purely a decoy. It seems to me +reasonable to conclude that he sent for them in good faith, and that de +Molay’s own imprudence in establishing himself in France, as though for +a permanence, excited at once the suspicions and cupidity of the king, +and ripened into action what had previously been merely a vague +conception.<a name="FNanchor_275_275" id="FNanchor_275_275"></a><a href="#Footnote_275_275" class="fnanchor">[275]</a></p> + +<p>If such was the case, Philippe was not long in maturing the project, nor +were his agents slow in gathering material for the accusation. In his +interview with Clement at Poitiers, in the spring of 1307, he vainly +demanded the condemnation of the memory of Boniface VIII., and, failing +in this, he brought forward the charges against the Templars, while +temporarily dropping the other matter, but with equal lack of immediate +result. Clement sent for de Molay, who came to him with Raimbaud de +Caron, Preceptor of Cyprus, Geoffroi de Gonneville, Preceptor of +Aquitaine and Poitou, and Hugues de Peraud, Visitor of France, the +principal officers of the Order then in the kingdom. The charges were +communicated to them in all their foulness. Clement<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_259" id="page_259"></a>{259}</span> subsequently had +the audacity to declare to all Europe that de Molay before his arrest +confessed their truth in the presence of his subordinates and of +ecclesiastics and laymen, but this is a manifest lie. The Templars +returned to Paris evidently relieved of all anxiety, thinking that they +had justified themselves completely, and de Molay, on October 12, the +eve of the arrest, had the honor to be one of the four pall-bearers at +the obsequies of Catharine, wife of Charles de Valois, evidently for the +purpose of lulling him with a sense of security. Nay, more, on August +24, Clement had written to Philippe urging him to make peace with +England, and referring to his charges against the Templars in their +conversations at Lyons and Poitiers, and the representations on the +subject made by his agents. The charges, he says, appear to him +incredible and impossible, but as de Molay and the chief officers of the +Order had complained of the reports as injurious, and had repeatedly +asked for an investigation, offering to submit to the severest +punishment if found guilty, he proposes in a few days, on his return to +Poitiers, to commence, with the advice of his cardinals, an examination +into the matter, for which he asks the king to send him the proofs.<a name="FNanchor_276_276" id="FNanchor_276_276"></a><a href="#Footnote_276_276" class="fnanchor">[276]</a></p> + +<p>No impression had evidently thus far been made upon Clement, and he was +endeavoring, in so far as he dared, to shuffle the affair aside. +Philippe, however, had under his hands the machinery requisite to attain +his ends, and he felt assured that when the Church was once committed to +it, Clement would not venture to withdraw. The Inquisitor of France, +Guillaume de Paris, was his confessor as well as papal chaplain, and +could be relied upon. It was his official duty to take cognizance of all +accusations of heresy, and to summon the secular power to his +assistance, while his awful authority overrode all the special +immunities and personal inviolability of the Order. As the Templars were +all defamed for heresy by credible witnesses, it was strictly according +to legal form for Frère Guillaume to summon Philippe to arrest those +within his territories and bring them before the Inquisition for trial. +As<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_260" id="page_260"></a>{260}</span> the enterprise was a large one, secrecy and combined operations were +requisite for its success, and Philippe, as soon as Clement’s letter had +shown him that he was not to expect immediate papal co-operation, lost +no time. He always asserted that he had acted under requisition from the +inquisitor, and excused his haste by declaring that his victims were +collecting their treasures and preparing to fly. On September 14 royal +letters were sent out to the king’s representatives throughout France, +ordering the simultaneous arrest, under authority from Frère Guillaume, +of all members of the Order on October 13, and the sequestration of all +property. Frère Guillaume, on September 20, addressed all inquisitors +and all Dominican priors, sub-priors, and lectors, commissioning them to +act, and reciting the crimes of the Templars, which he characterized as +sufficient to move the earth and disturb the elements. He had, he said, +examined the witnesses, he had summoned the king to lend his aid, and he +cunningly added that the pope was informed of the charges. The royal +instructions were that the Templars when seized were to be strictly +guarded in solitary confinement; they were to be brought before the +inquisitorial commissioners one by one; the articles of accusation were +to be read over to them; they were to be promised pardon if they would +confess the truth and return to the Church, and be told that otherwise +they were to be put to death, while torture was not to be spared in +extracting confession. The depositions so obtained were to be sent to +the king as speedily as possible, under the seals of the inquisitors. +All Templar property was to be sequestrated and careful inventories be +made out. In undertaking an act which would shock public opinion in no +common fashion, it was necessary that it should be justified at once by +the confessions wrung from the prisoners, and nothing was to be spared, +whether by promises, threats, or violence, to secure the result.<a name="FNanchor_277_277" id="FNanchor_277_277"></a><a href="#Footnote_277_277" class="fnanchor">[277]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_261" id="page_261"></a>{261}</span></p> + +<p>This was all strictly in accordance with inquisitorial practice, and the +result corresponded with the royal expectations. Under the able +management of Guillaume de Nogaret, to whom the direction of the affair +was confided, on October 13 at daybreak the arrests took place +throughout the land, but few of the Templars escaping. Nogaret himself +took charge of the Paris Temple, where about a hundred and forty +Templars, with de Molay and his chief officials at their head, were +seized, and the vast treasure of the Order fell into the king’s hands. +The air had been thick with presages of the impending storm, but the +Templars underrated the audacity of the king and had made no +preparations to avert the blow. Now they were powerless in the hands of +the unsparing tribunal which could at will prove them guilty out of +their own mouths, and hold them up to the scorn and detestation of +mankind.<a name="FNanchor_278_278" id="FNanchor_278_278"></a><a href="#Footnote_278_278" class="fnanchor">[278]</a></p> + +<p>Philippe’s first care was to secure the support of public opinion and +allay the excitement caused by this unexpected move. The next day, +Saturday, October 14, the masters of the university and the cathedral +canons were assembled in Nôtre Dame, where Guillaume de Nogaret, the +Prévôt of Paris, and other royal officials made a statement of the +offences which had been proved against the Templars. The following day, +Sunday the 15th, the people were invited to assemble in the garden of +the royal palace, where the matter was explained to them by the +Dominicans and the royal spokesmen, while similar measures were adopted +throughout the kingdom. On Monday, the 16th, royal letters were +addressed to all the princes of Christendom announcing the discovery of +the Templar heresy, and urging them to aid the king in the defence of +the faith by following his example. At once<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_262" id="page_262"></a>{262}</span> the Inquisition was set +busily at work. From October 19 to November 24 Frère Guillaume and his +assistants were employed in recording the confessions of a hundred and +thirty-eight prisoners captured in the Temple, and so efficacious were +the means employed that but three refused to admit at least some of the +charges. What these methods were the records of course fail to show, +for, as we have seen, the official confession was always made after +removal from the torture-chamber, and the victim was required to swear +that it was free and unconstrained, without fear or force, though he +knew that if he retracted what he had uttered or promised to utter on +the rack he would be liable to fresh torture, or to the stake as a +relapsed heretic. The same scenes were enacting all over France, where +the commissioners of Frère Guillaume, and sometimes Frère Guillaume +himself, with the assistance of the royal officials, were engaged in the +same work. In fact, the complaisant Guillaume, in default of proper +material for labor so extensive, seems occasionally to have commissioned +the royal deputies to act. A few of the reports of these examinations +have been preserved, from Champagne, Normandy, Querci, Bigorre, +Beaucaire, and Languedoc, and in these the occasional allusions to +torture show that it was employed whenever necessary. In all cases, of +course, it was not required, for the promise of pardon and the threat of +burning would frequently suffice, in conjunction with starvation and the +harshness of the prison. The rigor of the application of the +inquisitorial process is shown by the numerous deaths and the occasional +suicides prompted by despair to which the records bear testimony. In +Paris alone, according to the testimony of Ponsard de Gisiac, thirty-six +Templars perished under torture; at Sens, Jacques de Saciac said that +twenty-five had died of torment and suffering, and the mortality +elsewhere was notorious. When a number of the Templars subsequently +repeated their confessions before the pope and cardinals in consistory, +they dwelt upon the excessive tortures which they had endured, although +Clement in reporting the result was careful to specify that their +confessions were free and unconstrained. De Molay, of course, was not +spared. He was speedily brought into a complying state of mind. Although +his confession, October 24, is exceedingly brief, and only admits a +portion of the errors charged, yet he was induced to sign a letter +addressed to the brethren stating<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_263" id="page_263"></a>{263}</span> that he had confessed and +recommending them to do the same, as having been deceived by ancient +error. As soon as he and other chiefs of the Order were thus committed, +the masters and students of all the faculties of the university were +summoned to meet in the Temple; the wretched victims were brought before +them and were required to repeat their confessions, which they did, with +the addition that these errors had prevailed in the Order for thirty +years and more.<a name="FNanchor_279_279" id="FNanchor_279_279"></a><a href="#Footnote_279_279" class="fnanchor">[279]</a></p> + +<p>The errors charged against them were virtually five: I. That when a +neophyte was received the preceptor led him behind the altar, or to the +sacristy or other secret place, showed him a crucifix and made him +thrice renounce the prophet and spit upon the cross. II. He was then +stripped, and the preceptor kissed him thrice, on the posteriors, the +navel, and the mouth. III. He was then told that unnatural lust was +lawful, and it was commonly indulged in throughout the Order. IV. The +cord which the Templars wore over the shirt day and night as a symbol of +chastity had been consecrated by wrapping it around an idol in the form +of a human head with a great beard, and this head was adored in the +chapters, though only known to the Grand Master and the elders. V. The +priests of the Order do not consecrate the host in celebrating mass. +When, in August, 1308, Clement sent throughout Europe a series of +articles for the interrogation of the accused, drawn up for him by +Philippe, and varying according to different recensions from +eighty-seven to one hundred and twenty-seven in number, these charges +were elaborated, and varied on the basis of the immense mass of +confessions which had meanwhile been obtained. The indecent kisses were +represented as mutual between the receptor and the received; disbelief +in the sacrament of the altar was asserted; a cat was said to appear in +the chapters and to be worshipped; the Grand Master or preceptor +presiding in a chapter was held to have power of absolving from all sin; +all brethren<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_264" id="page_264"></a>{264}</span> were instructed to acquire property for the Order by fair +means or foul, and all the above were declared to be fixed and absolute +rules of the Order, dating from a time beyond the memory of any member. +Besides these, it was reproached for the secrecy of its proceedings and +neglect in the distribution of alms. Even this however, did not satisfy +the public imagination, and the most absurd exaggerations found +credence, such as we have so frequently seen in the case of other +heresies. The Templars were said to have admitted betraying St. Louis +and the stronghold of Acre, and that they had such arrangements with the +Soldan of Babylon that if a new crusade were undertaken the Christians +would all be sold to him. They had conveyed away a portion of the royal +treasure, to the great injury of the kingdom. The cord of chastity was +magnified into a leather belt, worn next the skin, and the <i>mahommerie</i> +of this girdle was so powerful that as long as it was worn no Templar +could abandon his errors. Sometimes a Templar who died in this false +belief was burned, and of his ashes a powder was made which confirmed +the neophytes in their infidelity. When a child was born of a virgin to +a Templar it was roasted, and of its fat an ointment was made wherewith +to anoint the idol worshipped in the chapters, to which, according to +other rumors, human sacrifices were offered. Such were the stories which +passed from mouth to mouth and served to intensify popular +abhorrence.<a name="FNanchor_280_280" id="FNanchor_280_280"></a><a href="#Footnote_280_280" class="fnanchor">[280]</a></p> + +<p>It is, perhaps, necessary at this point to discuss the still mooted +question as to the guilt or innocence of the Order. Disputants have from +various motives been led to find among the Templars Manichæan, Gnostic, +and Cabalistic errors justifying their destruction. Hammer-Purgstall +boasted that he had discovered and identified no less than thirty +Templar images, in spite of the fact that at the time of their sudden +arrest the Inquisition, aided by the eager creatures of Philippe, was +unable to lay its hands on a single one. The only thing approaching it +was a metal reliquary in the form of a female head produced from the +Paris Temple, which, on being opened, was found to contain a small skull +preserved as a relic of the eleven thousand virgins.<a name="FNanchor_281_281" id="FNanchor_281_281"></a><a href="#Footnote_281_281" class="fnanchor">[281]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_265" id="page_265"></a>{265}</span></p> + +<p>This fact alone would serve to dispose of the gravest of the charges, +for, if the depositions of some of the accused are to be believed, these +idols were kept in every commandery and were employed in every reception +of a neophyte. With regard to the other accusations, not admitting thus +of physical proof, it is to be observed that much has been made by +modern theorists of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_266" id="page_266"></a>{266}</span> fact that the rules and statutes of the Order +were reserved exclusively for its chiefs, and it has been assumed that +in them were developed the secret mysteries of the heresy. Yet nothing +of the kind was alleged in the proceedings; the statutes were never +offered in evidence by the prosecution, although many of them must have +been obtained in the sudden seizure, and this for the best of reasons. +Sedulously as they were destroyed, two or three copies escaped, and +these, carefully collated, have been printed. They breathe nothing but +the most ascetic piety and devotion to the Church, and the numerous +illustrative cases cited in them show that up to a period not long +anterior to the destruction of the Order there were constant efforts +made to enforce the rigid Rule framed by St. Bernard and promulgated by +the Council of Troyes in 1128. Thus there is absolutely no external +evidence against the Order, and the proof rests entirely upon +confessions extracted by the alternative of pardon or burning, by +torture, by the threat of torture, or by the indirect torture of prison +and starvation, which the Inquisition, both papal and episcopal, know so +well how to employ. We shall see, in the development of the affair, that +when these agencies were not employed no admissions of criminality could +be obtained.<a name="FNanchor_282_282" id="FNanchor_282_282"></a><a href="#Footnote_282_282" class="fnanchor">[282]</a> No one who had studied the criminal jurisprudence<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_267" id="page_267"></a>{267}</span> of +the later Middle Ages will attach the slightest weight to confessions +obtained under such conditions. We have seen, in the case of the +Stedingers, how easy it was to create belief in the most groundless +charges. We have seen, under Conrad of Marburg, how readily the fear of +death and the promise of absolution would cause nobles of birth and +station to convict themselves of the foulest and most impossible +offences. We shall see, when we come to consider persecution for +witchcraft, with what facility the rack and strappado procured from +victims of all ranks confessions of participating in the Sabbat, and of +holding personal intercourse with demons, of charming away harvests, of +conjuring hail-storms, and of killing men and cattle with spells. Riding +through the air on a broomstick, and commerce with incubi and succubi +rest upon evidence of precisely the same character and of much greater +weight than that upon which the Templars were convicted, for the witch +was sure of burning if she confessed, and had a chance of escaping if +she could endure the torture, while the Templar was threatened with +death for obstinacy, and was promised immunity as a reward for +confession. If we accept the evidence against the Templar we cannot +reject it in the case of the witch.</p> + +<p>As the testimony thus has no intrinsic weight, the only scientific +method of analyzing the affair is to sift the whole mass of confessions, +and determine their credibility according to the internal evidence which +they afford of being credible or otherwise. Several hundred depositions +have reached us, taken in France, England, and Italy, for the most part +naturally those incriminating the Order, for the assertions of innocence +were usually suppressed, and the most damaging witnesses were made the +most of. These are sufficiently numerous to afford us ample material for +estimating the character of the proof on which the Order was condemned, +and to obtain from them a reasonable approximation to the truth requires +only the application of a few tests suggested by common-sense.</p> + +<p>There is, firstly, the extreme inherent improbability that a rich,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_268" id="page_268"></a>{268}</span> +worldly, and ambitious body of men like the Templars should be secretly +engaged in the dangerous and visionary task of laying the foundations of +a new religion, which would bring them no advantage if they succeeded in +supplanting Christianity, and which was certain to lead them to +destruction in the infinite chances of detection. To admit this is to +ascribe to them a spiritual exaltation and a readiness for martyrdom +which we might expect from the asceticism of a Catharan or a Dolcinist, +but not from the worldliness which was the real corroding vice of the +Order. Secondly, if the Templars were thus engaged in the desperate +enterprise of propagating a new faith under the eyes of the Inquisition, +they would be wary in initiating strangers; they would exercise extreme +caution as to the admission of members, and only reveal to them their +secrets by degrees, as they found them worthy of confidence and +zealously willing to incur the risk of martyrdom. Thirdly, if a new +dogma were thus secretly taught as an indispensable portion of the Rule, +its doctrines would be rigidly defined and its ritual be closely +administered. The witnesses who confessed to initiation would all tell +the same story and give the same details.</p> + +<p>Thus evidence of the weightiest and most coherent character would be +requisite to overcome the inherent improbability that the Templars could +be embarked in an enterprise so insane, in place of which we have only +confessions extracted by the threat or application of torture, and not a +single instance of a persistent heretic maintaining the belief imputed +to him. Turning to the testimony to see whether it comports with the +conditions which we have named, we find that no discrimination whatever +was exercised in the admission of neophytes. Not a single witness speaks +of any preliminary preparation, though several intimate that they +obtained entrance by making over their property to the Order.<a name="FNanchor_283_283" id="FNanchor_283_283"></a><a href="#Footnote_283_283" class="fnanchor">[283]</a> +Indeed, one of the charges was, that there was no preliminary probation, +and that the neophyte at once became a professed member in full +standing, which, as explained by a knight of Mas Deu, was because their +services were considered to be at once required against the +Saracens.<a name="FNanchor_284_284" id="FNanchor_284_284"></a><a href="#Footnote_284_284" class="fnanchor">[284]</a> Youths and even children of tender years were admitted, +although in violation of the statutes<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_269" id="page_269"></a>{269}</span> of the Order, of ages ranging +from ten or eleven years upward.<a name="FNanchor_285_285" id="FNanchor_285_285"></a><a href="#Footnote_285_285" class="fnanchor">[285]</a> High-born knights, priding +themselves on their honor, priests, laborers, husbandmen, menials of all +kinds were brought in, and, if we are to believe their evidence, they +were without notice obliged, by threats of death and lifelong +imprisonment, to undergo the severest personal humiliation, and to +perform the awful task of renouncing their Saviour and spitting on, or +even more outrageously defiling, the cross which was the object of their +veneration and the symbol of their faith. Such a method of propagating +heresy by force in the Europe of the Inquisition, of trusting such +fearful secrets to children and to unwilling men of all conditions, is +so absurd that its mere assertion deprives the testimony of all claim to +credence.</p> + +<p>Equally damaging to the credibility of the evidence is the +self-contradictory character of its details. It was obtained by +examining the accused on a series of charges elaborately drawn up, and +by requiring answers to each article in succession, so that the general +features of the so-called confessions were suggested in advance. Had the +charges been true there could have been little variation in the answers, +but in place of a definite faith or a systematic ritual we find every +possible variation that could suggest itself to witnesses striving to +invent stories that should satisfy their torturers. Some say that they +were taught Deism—that God in heaven alone was to be worshipped.<a name="FNanchor_286_286" id="FNanchor_286_286"></a><a href="#Footnote_286_286" class="fnanchor">[286]</a> +Others, that they were forced to renounce God.<a name="FNanchor_287_287" id="FNanchor_287_287"></a><a href="#Footnote_287_287" class="fnanchor">[287]</a> The usual formula +reported, however, was simply to renounce Christ, or Jesus, while others +were called upon to renounce Notre Sire, or la Profeta, or Christ, the +Virgin, and the Saints.<a name="FNanchor_288_288" id="FNanchor_288_288"></a><a href="#Footnote_288_288" class="fnanchor">[288]</a> Some professed that they could not +recollect whether their renunciation had been of God or of Christ.<a name="FNanchor_289_289" id="FNanchor_289_289"></a><a href="#Footnote_289_289" class="fnanchor">[289]</a> +Sometimes<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_270" id="page_270"></a>{270}</span> we hear that instruction was given that they should not +believe in Christ, that he was a false prophet, that he suffered for his +own sins, but more frequently that the only reason alleged was that such +was the Rule of the Order.<a name="FNanchor_290_290" id="FNanchor_290_290"></a><a href="#Footnote_290_290" class="fnanchor">[290]</a> It was the same with the idol which has +so greatly exercised the imagination of commentators. Some witnesses +swore that it was produced whenever a neophyte was received, and that +its adoration was a part of the ceremony; others that it was only +exhibited and worshipped in the secrecy of chapters; by far the greater +number, however, had never seen it or heard of it. Of those who +professed to have seen it, scarce two described it alike, within the +limits suggested by the articles of accusation, which spoke of it as a +head. Sometimes it is black, sometimes white, sometimes with black hair, +and sometimes white and black mixed, and again with a long white beard. +Some witnesses saw its neck and shoulders covered with gold; one +declared that it was a demon (<i>Maufé</i>) on which no one could look +without trembling; another that it had for eyes carbuncles which lighted +up the room; another that it had two faces; another three faces; another +four legs, two behind and two before, and yet another said it was a +statue with three heads. On one occasion it is a picture, on another a +painting on a plaque, on another a small female figure which the +preceptor draws from under his garments, and on another the statue of a +boy, a cubit in height, sedulously concealed in the treasury of the +preceptory. According to the testimony of one witness it degenerated +into a calf. Sometimes it is called the Saviour, and sometimes Bafomet +or Maguineth—corruptions of Mahomet—and is worshipped as Allah. +Sometimes it is God, creating all things, causing the trees to bloom and +the grass to germinate, and then again it is a friend of God who can +approach him and intercede for the suppliant. Sometimes it gives +responses, and sometimes it is accompanied or replaced by the devil in +the form of a black or gray cat or raven, who occasionally answers the +questions addressed to him, the performance winding up, like the +witches’ Sabbat, with the introduction of demons in the form of +beautiful women.<a name="FNanchor_291_291" id="FNanchor_291_291"></a><a href="#Footnote_291_291" class="fnanchor">[291]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_271" id="page_271"></a>{271}</span></p> + +<p>Similar contradictions are observable in the evidence as to the ritual +of reception. The details laid down in the Rule are accurately and +uniformly described, but when the witnesses come to<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_272" id="page_272"></a>{272}</span> speak of the +sacrilegious rites imputed to them, they flounder among almost every +variation that could suggest itself to their imaginations. Usually +renunciation of God or Christ and spitting on the cross are both +required, but in many cases renunciation without spitting suffices, and +in as many more spitting without renunciation.<a name="FNanchor_292_292" id="FNanchor_292_292"></a><a href="#Footnote_292_292" class="fnanchor">[292]</a> Occasionally +spitting is not sufficient, but trampling is added, and even urination; +indeed some over-zealous witnesses declared that the Templars assembled +yearly to perform the latter ceremony, while others, while admitting the +sacrilege of their reception rites, say that the yearly adoration of the +cross on Good Friday, prescribed in the Rule, was also observed with +great devotion.<a name="FNanchor_293_293" id="FNanchor_293_293"></a><a href="#Footnote_293_293" class="fnanchor">[293]</a> Generally a plain cross is described as the object +of contempt, but sometimes a crucifix is used, or a painting of the +crucifixion in an illuminated missal; the cross on the preceptor’s +mantle is a common device, and even two straws laid crosswise on the +ground suffices. In some cases spitting thrice upon the ground was only +required, without anything being said as to its being in disrespect of +Christ.<a name="FNanchor_294_294" id="FNanchor_294_294"></a><a href="#Footnote_294_294" class="fnanchor">[294]</a> Many witnesses declared that the sacrilege was performed in +full view of the assembled brethren, others that the neophyte was taken +into a dark corner, or behind the altar, or into another room carefully +closed; in one case it took place in a field, in another in a grange, in +another in a cooper-shop, and in another<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_273" id="page_273"></a>{273}</span> in a room used for the +manufacture of shoes.<a name="FNanchor_295_295" id="FNanchor_295_295"></a><a href="#Footnote_295_295" class="fnanchor">[295]</a> As a rule the preceptor was represented as +enforcing it, but in many cases the duty was confided to one or more +serving brethren, and in one instance the person officiating had his +head hidden in a cowl.<a name="FNanchor_296_296" id="FNanchor_296_296"></a><a href="#Footnote_296_296" class="fnanchor">[296]</a> Almost universally it formed part of the +ceremonies of reception, sometimes even before the vows were +administered or the mantle bestowed, but generally at the conclusion, +after the neophyte was fully committed, but there were occasional +instances in which it was postponed until a later hour, or to the next +day, or to longer intervals, extending, in one or two cases, to months +and years.<a name="FNanchor_297_297" id="FNanchor_297_297"></a><a href="#Footnote_297_297" class="fnanchor">[297]</a> Some witnesses declared that it formed part of all +receptions; others that it had been enforced in their case, but they had +never seen it or heard of it in other receptions at which they had been +present. In general they swore that they were told it was a rule of the +Order, but some said that it was explained to them as a joke, and others +that they were told to do it with the mouth and not with the heart. One, +indeed, deposed that he had been offered the choice between renouncing +Christ, spitting on the cross, and the indecent kiss, and he selected +the spitting.<a name="FNanchor_298_298" id="FNanchor_298_298"></a><a href="#Footnote_298_298" class="fnanchor">[298]</a> In fact, the evidence as to the enforcement of the +sacrilege is hopelessly contradictory. In many cases the neophyte was +excused after a slight resistance; in others he was thrust into a dark +dungeon until he yielded. Egidio, Preceptor of San Gemignano of +Florence, stated that he had known two recalcitrant neophytes carried in +chains to Rome, where they perished in prison, and Niccolò Regino, +Preceptor of Grosseto, said that recusants were slain, or sent to +distant parts, like Sardinia, where they ended their days. Geoffroi de +Charney, Preceptor of Normandy, swore that he enforced it upon the first +neophyte whom he received, but that he never did so afterwards, and Gui +Dauphin, one of the high officers of the Order, said virtually the same +thing; Gaucher de Liancourt, Preceptor of Reims, on the other hand, +testified that he had required it in all cases, for<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_274" id="page_274"></a>{274}</span> if he had not he +would have been imprisoned for life, and Hugues de Peraud, the Visitor +of France, declared that it was obligatory on him.<a name="FNanchor_299_299" id="FNanchor_299_299"></a><a href="#Footnote_299_299" class="fnanchor">[299]</a></p> + +<p>It would be a work of supererogation to pursue this examination further. +The same irreconcilable confusion reigns in the evidence as to the other +charges—the cord of chastity, the obscene kiss, the mutilation of the +canon of the mass,<a name="FNanchor_300_300" id="FNanchor_300_300"></a><a href="#Footnote_300_300" class="fnanchor">[300]</a> the power of absolution assigned to the Grand +Master, the license for unnatural crime. It might be argued, as these +witnesses had been received into the Order at times varying from fifty +to sixty years previous to within a few months, and at places so widely +apart as Palestine and England, that these variations are explicable by +local usages or by a gradually perfected belief and ritual. An +investigation of the confessions shows, however, that no such +explanation will suffice; there can be no grouping as to the time or +place of the ceremony. Yet there can be a grouping which is of supreme +significance, a grouping as to the tribunal through which the witness +passed. This is often very notable among the two hundred and twenty-five +who were sent to the papal commission from various parts of France, and +examined in 1310 and 1311. As a rule they manifested extreme anxiety +that their present depositions should accord with those which they had +made when subject to inquisition by the bishops—doubtless they made +them as nearly so as their memories would permit—and it is easy to see +how greater or less rigor, or how concert between those confined in the +same prison, had led to the concoction of stories such as would satisfy +their<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_275" id="page_275"></a>{275}</span> judges. Thus the confessions obtained by the Ordinary of Poitiers +have a character distinct from those extorted by the Bishop of Clermont, +and we can classify the penitents of the Bishop of Le Mans, the +Archbishop of Sens, the Archbishop of Tours, the Bishops of Amiens, +Rodez, Macon, in fact of nearly all the prelates who took part in the +terrible drama.<a name="FNanchor_301_301" id="FNanchor_301_301"></a><a href="#Footnote_301_301" class="fnanchor">[301]</a></p> + +<p>Another feature indicating the untrustworthy character of the evidence +is that large numbers of the witnesses swore that they had confessed the +sacrilege committed to priests and friars of all kinds, to bishops, and +even to papal penitentiaries, and had received absolution by the +imposition of penance, usually of a trifling character, such as fasting +on Fridays for a few months or a year.<a name="FNanchor_302_302" id="FNanchor_302_302"></a><a href="#Footnote_302_302" class="fnanchor">[302]</a> No ordinary confessor could +absolve for heresy; it was a sin reserved for the inquisitor, papal or +episcopal. The most that the confessor could have done would have been +to send the penitent to some one competent to grant absolution, which +would only have been administered under the heaviest penance, including +denunciation of the Order. To suppose, in fact, that thousands of men, +during a period of fifty or a hundred years, could have been entrapped +into such a heresy without its becoming matter of notoriety, is in +itself so violent an assumption as to deprive the whole story of all +claims upon belief.</p> + +<p>Thus the more closely the enormous aggregate of testimony is examined +the more utterly worthless it appears, and this is confirmed by the fact +that nowhere could compromising evidence be obtained without the use of +inquisitorial methods. Had thousands of men been unwillingly forced to +abjure their faith and been terrorized into keeping the dread secret, as +soon as the pressure was removed by the seizure there would have been a +universal eagerness to unburden the conscience and seek reconciliation +with the Church. No torture would have been requisite to obtain all the +evidence required. In view, therefore, of the extreme improbability<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_276" id="page_276"></a>{276}</span> of +the charge, of the means employed to obtain proof for its support, and +the lack of coherence in the proof so obtained, it appears to me that no +judicial mind in possession of the facts can hesitate to pronounce a +sentence, not merely of not proven, but of acquittal. The theory that +there were inner grades in the Order, by which those alone to be trusted +were initiated in its secret doctrines, is perfectly untenable. As there +is no evidence of any kind to support it, it is a matter of mere +conjecture, which is sufficiently negatived by the fact that with scarce +an exception those who confessed, whether ploughmen or knights, relate +the sacrilege as taking place on their admission. If the witnesses on +whom the prosecution relied are to be believed at all, the infection +pervaded the whole Order.</p> + +<p>Yet it is by no means improbable that there may have been some +foundation for the popular gossip that the neophyte at his reception was +forced to kiss the posteriors of his preceptor. As we have seen, a large +majority of the Order consisted of serving brethren on whom the knights +looked down with infinite contempt. Some such occasional command on the +part of a reckless knight, to enforce the principle of absolute +obedience, in admitting a plebeian to nominal fraternity and equality, +would not have been foreign to the manners of the age. Who can say, +moreover, that men, soured with the disillusion of life within the +Order, chafing under the bonds of their irrevocable vow, and perhaps +released from all religious convictions amid the license of the East, +may not occasionally have tested the obedience of a neophyte by bidding +him to spit at the cross on the mantle that had grown hateful to +him?<a name="FNanchor_303_303" id="FNanchor_303_303"></a><a href="#Footnote_303_303" class="fnanchor">[303]</a> No one who recognizes the wayward perversity<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_277" id="page_277"></a>{277}</span> of human nature, +or who is familiar with the condition of monasticism at the period, can +deny the possibilities of such occasional performances, whether as +brutal jokes or spiteful assertions of supremacy, but the only rational +conclusion from the whole tremendous tragedy is that the Order was +innocent of the crime for which it was punished.</p> + +<p> </p> + +<p>While Philippe was seizing his prey, Clement, at Poitiers, was occupied +in the equally lucrative work of sending collectors throughout Germany +to exact a tithe of all ecclesiastical revenues for the recovery of the +Holy Land. When aroused from this with the news that Philippe, under the +authority of Frère Guillaume the inquisitor, had thus taken decided and +irrevocable action in a matter which was still before him for +consideration, his first emotion naturally was that of wounded pride and +indignation, sharpened perhaps by the apprehension that he would not be +able to secure his share of the spoils. He dared not publicly disavow +responsibility for the act, and what would be the current of public +opinion outside of France no man could divine. In this cruel dilemma he +wrote to Philippe, October 27, 1307, expressing his indignation that the +king should have taken action in a matter which the brief of August 24 +showed to be receiving papal consideration. Carefully suppressing the +fact of the intervention of the Inquisition which legally justified the +whole proceeding, Clement<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_278" id="page_278"></a>{278}</span> sought a further ground of complaint by +reminding the king that Templars were not under royal jurisdiction, but +under that of the Holy See, and he had committed a grave act of +disobedience in seizing their persons and property, both of which must +be forthwith delivered to two cardinals sent for the purpose. These were +Berenger de Frédole, Cardinal of SS. Nereo and Achille, and Étienne de +Suissi of S. Ciriaco, both Frenchmen and creatures of Philippe, who had +procured their elevation to the sacred college. He seems to have had no +trouble in coming to an understanding with them, for, though the trials +and tortures were pushed unremittingly, another letter of Clement’s, +December 1, praises the king for putting the matter in the hands of the +Holy See, and one of Philippe’s of December 24 announces that he had no +intention of infringing on the rights of the Church and does not intend +to abandon his own; he has, he says, delivered the Templars to the +cardinals, and the administration of their property shall be kept +separate from that of the crown. Clement’s susceptibilities being thus +soothed, even before the trials at Paris were ended he issued, November +22, the bull <i>Pastoralis præeminentiæ</i>, addressed to all the potentates +of Europe, in which he related what Philippe had done at the requisition +of the Inquisitor of France, in order that the Templars might be +presented to the judgment of the Church; how the chiefs of the Order had +confessed the crimes imputed to them; how he himself had examined one of +them who was employed about his person and had confirmed the truth of +the allegations. Therefore he orders all the sovereigns to do likewise, +retaining the prisoners and holding their property in the name of the +pope and subject to his order. Should the Order prove innocent the +property is to be restored to it, otherwise it is to be employed for the +recovery of the Holy Land.<a name="FNanchor_304_304" id="FNanchor_304_304"></a><a href="#Footnote_304_304" class="fnanchor">[304]</a> This<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_279" id="page_279"></a>{279}</span> was the irrevocable act which +decided the fate of the Templars, as we shall see hereafter when we +consider the action of the princes of Europe outside of France.</p> + +<p>Philippe thus had forced Clement’s hand, and Clement was fairly +committed to the investigation, which in the hands of the Inquisition +could only end in the destruction of the Order. Secure in his position, +the king pushed on the examination of the prisoners throughout the +kingdom, and the vigilance of his agents is shown in the case of two +German Templars returning home, whom they arrested at Chaumont and +delivered to the Inquisitor of the Three Bishoprics. One was a priest, +the other a serving brother, and the inquisitor in reporting to Philippe +says that he had not tortured the latter because he was very sick, but +that neither had admitted that there was in the Order aught that was not +pure and holy. The examinations went on during the winter of 1308, when +Clement unexpectedly put a stop to them. What was his motive we can only +conjecture; probably he found that Philippe’s promises with regard to +the Templar possessions were not likely to be fulfilled, and that an +assertion of his control was necessary. Whatever his reasons, he +suddenly suspended in the premises the power of all the inquisitors and +bishops in France and evoked to himself the cognizance of the whole +affair, alleging that the suddenness of the seizure without consulting +him, although so near and so accessible, had excited in him grave +suspicions, which had not been allayed by the records of the +examinations submitted to him, for these were of a character rather to +excite incredulity—though in November he had proclaimed to all +Christendom his conviction of their truth. It shows how completely the +whole judicial proceedings were inquisitional that this brought them to +an immediate close, provoking Philippe to uncontrollable wrath. Angrily +he wrote to Clement that he had sinned greatly: even popes, he hints, +may fall into heresy; he had wronged all the prelates and inquisitors of +France; he had inspired the Templars with hopes and they were retracting +their confessions, especially Hugues de Peraud, who had had the honor of +dining with the cardinal-deputies. Evidently some intrigue was on foot, +and Clement was balancing, irresolute as to which side offered most +advantage, and satisfied at least to show to Philippe that he was +indispensable. Philippe at first was disposed to assert his +independence<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_280" id="page_280"></a>{280}</span> and claim jurisdiction, and he applied to the University +for an opinion to support his claims, but the Faculty of Theology +replied, March 25, 1308, as it could not help doing: the Templars were +religious and consequently exempt from secular jurisdiction; the only +cognizance which a secular court could have over heresy was at the +request of the Church after it had abandoned the heretic; in case of +necessity the secular power could arrest a heretic, but it could only be +for the purpose of delivering him to the ecclesiastical court; and +finally the Templar property must be held for the purpose for which it +was given to the Order.<a name="FNanchor_305_305" id="FNanchor_305_305"></a><a href="#Footnote_305_305" class="fnanchor">[305]</a></p> + +<p>Philippe, thus foiled, proceeded to bring a still stronger pressure to +bear on Clement. He appealed to his subservient bishops and summoned a +national assembly, to meet April 15 in Tours, to deliberate with him on +the subject of the Templars. Already, at the Assembly of Paris in 1302, +he had called in the Tiers-État and had learned to value its support in +his quarrel with Boniface, and now he again brought in the communes, +thus founding the institution of the States-General. After some delay +the assembly met in May. In his summons Philippe had detailed the crimes +of the Templars as admitted facts which ought to arouse for their +punishment not only arms and the laws, but brute cattle and the four +elements. He desired his subjects to participate in the pious work, and +therefore he ordered the towns to select each two deputies zealous for +the faith. From a gathering collected under such impulsion it was not +difficult, in spite of the secret leaning of the nobles to the +proscribed Order, to procure a virtually unanimous expression of opinion +that the Templars deserved death.<a name="FNanchor_306_306" id="FNanchor_306_306"></a><a href="#Footnote_306_306" class="fnanchor">[306]</a></p> + +<p>With the prestige of the nation at his back, Philippe went from Tours, +at the end of May, to Clement at Poitiers, accompanied by a strong +deputation, including his brothers, his sons, and his councillors.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_281" id="page_281"></a>{281}</span> Long +and earnest were the disputations over the affair, Philippe urging, +through his spokesman, Guillaume de Plaisian, that the Templars had been +found guilty and that immediate punishment should follow; Clement +reiterating his grievance that an affair of such magnitude, exclusively +appertaining to the Holy See, should be carried on without his +initiative. A body like the Order of the Temple had powerful friends all +over Europe whose influence with the curia was great, and the papal +perplexities were manifold as one side or the other preponderated; but +Clement had irrevocably committed himself in the face of all Europe by +his bull of November 22, and it was in reality but a question of the +terms on which he would allow the affair to go on in France by removing +the suspension of the powers of the Inquisition. The bargaining was +sharp, but an agreement was reached. As Clement had reserved the matter +for papal judgment, it was necessary that some show of investigation +should be had. Seventy-two Templars were drawn from the prisons of Paris +to be examined by the pope and sacred college, that they might be able +to assert personal knowledge of their guilt. Clement might well shrink +from confronting de Molay and the chiefs of the Order whom he was +betraying, while at the same time they could not be arbitrarily omitted. +They were therefore stopped at Chinon near Tours, under pretext of +sickness, while the others were sent forward to Poitiers. From the 28th +of June to July 1 they were solemnly examined by five cardinals friendly +to Philippe deputed for the purpose. The official report of the +examinations shows the care which had been exercised in the selection of +those who were to perform this scene in the drama. A portion of them +were spontaneous witnesses who had left, or had tried to leave, the +Order. The rest, with the terrible penalty for retraction impending over +them, confirmed the confessions made before the Inquisition, which in +many cases had been extracted by torture. Then, July 2, they were +brought before the pope in full consistory and the same scene was +enacted. Thus the papal jurisdiction was recognized; Clement in his +subsequent bulls could speak of his own knowledge, and could declare +that the accused had confessed their errors spontaneously and without +coercion, and had humbly begged for absolution and reconciliation.<a name="FNanchor_307_307" id="FNanchor_307_307"></a><a href="#Footnote_307_307" class="fnanchor">[307]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_282" id="page_282"></a>{282}</span></p> + +<p>The agreement duly executed between Clement and Philippe bore that the +Templars should be delivered to the pope, but be guarded in his name by +the king; that their trials should be proceeded with by the bishops in +their several dioceses, to whom, at the special and earnest request of +the king, the inquisitors were adjoined—but de Molay and the Preceptors +of the East, of Normandy, Poitou, and Provence, were reserved for the +papal judgment; the property was to be placed in the hands of +commissioners named by the pope and bishops, to whom the king was +secretly to add appointees of his own, but he was to pledge himself in +writing that it should be employed solely for the Holy Land. Clement +assumed that the fate of the Order, as an institution, was too weighty a +question to be decided without the intervention of a general council, +and it was decided to call one in October, 1310. The Cardinal of +Palestrina was named as the papal representative in charge of the +persons of the Templars—a duty which he speedily fulfilled by +transferring them to the king under condition that they should be held +at the disposition of the Church. Clement performed his part of the +bargain by removing, July 5, the suspension of the inquisitors and +bishops, and restoring their jurisdiction in the matter. Directions were +sent at the same time to each of the bishops in France to associate with +himself two cathedral canons, two Dominicans, and two Franciscans, and +proceed with the trials of the individual Templars within his diocese, +admitting inquisitors to participate at will, but taking no action +against the Order as a whole; all persons were ordered, under pain of +excommunication, to arrest Templars and deliver them to the inquisitors +or episcopal officials, and Philippe furnished twenty copies of royal +letters commanding his subjects to restore to the papal deputies all +property, real and personal, of the Order.<a name="FNanchor_308_308" id="FNanchor_308_308"></a><a href="#Footnote_308_308" class="fnanchor">[308]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_283" id="page_283"></a>{283}</span></p> + +<p>Although Clement declared in his bulls to Europe that Philippe had +manifested his disinterestedness by surrendering all the Templar +property, the question was one which gave rise to a good deal of skilful +fencing on both sides. It is not worth while to pursue the affair in its +details, but we shall see how in the end Philippe successfully cheated +his partner in the game and retained the control which he apparently +gave up.<a name="FNanchor_309_309" id="FNanchor_309_309"></a><a href="#Footnote_309_309" class="fnanchor">[309]</a></p> + +<p>The rival powers having thus come to an understanding about their +victims, proceedings were resumed with fresh energy. Clement made up for +his previous hesitation with ample show of zeal. De Molay and the chief +officials with him were detained at Chinon until the middle of August, +when the Cardinals of SS. Nereo and Achille, of S. Ciriaco and of S. +Angelo, were sent thither to examine them. These reported, August 20, to +Philippe, that on the 17th and following days they had interrogated the +Grand Master, the Master of Cyprus, the Visitor of France, and the +Preceptors of Normandy and Poitou, who had confirmed their previous +confessions and had humbly asked for absolution and reconciliation, +which had been duly given them, and the king is asked to pardon them. +There are two things noteworthy in this which illustrate the duplicity +pervading the whole affair. In the papal bulls of August 12, five days +before this examination was commenced, its results are fully set forth, +with the assertion that the confessions were free and spontaneous. +Moreover, when, in November, 1309, this bull was read over by the papal +commission to de Molay, on hearing its recital of what he was said to +have confessed he was stupefied, and, crossing himself twice, said he +wished to God the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_284" id="page_284"></a>{284}</span> custom of the Saracens and Tartars were observed +towards persons so perverse, for they beheaded or cut in two those who +thus perverted the truth. He might have said more had not Guillaume de +Plaisian, the royal agent, who pretended to be his friend, cautioned him +as to the risk which he ran in thus constructively retracting his +confession, and he contented himself with asking for time for +consideration.<a name="FNanchor_310_310" id="FNanchor_310_310"></a><a href="#Footnote_310_310" class="fnanchor">[310]</a></p> + +<p>On August 12 Clement issued a series of bulls which regulated the +methods of procedure in the case, and showed that he was prepared fully +to perform his part of the agreement with Philippe. The bull <i>Faciens +misericordiam</i>, addressed to the prelates of Christendom, recited at +great length the proceedings thus far taken against the accused, and the +guilt which they had spontaneously acknowledged; it directed the +bishops, in conjunction with inquisitorial commissioners appointed by +the pope, to summon all Templars before them and make inquisition +concerning them. After this provincial councils were to be summoned, +where the guilt or innocence of the individuals was to be determined, +and in all the proceedings the local inquisitors had a right to take +part. The results of the inquisitions, moreover, were to be promptly +transmitted to the pope. With this was enclosed a long and elaborate +series of articles on which the accused were to be examined—articles +drawn up in Paris by the royal officials—and the whole was ordered to +be published in the vernacular in all parish churches. The bull <i>Regnans +in cælis</i>, addressed to all princes and prelates, repeated the narrative +part of the other, and ended by convoking, for October 1, 1310, a +general council at Vienne, to decide as to the fate of the Order, to +consult as to the recovery of the Holy Land, and to take such action as +might be required for the reformation of the Church. By another bull, +<i>Faciens misericordiam</i>, dated August 8, a formal summons was issued to +all and singular of the Templars to appear before the council, +personally or by procurators, on a certain day, to answer to the charges +against the Order, and the Cardinal of Palestrina, who was in charge of +them, was ordered to produce de Molay and the Preceptors of France, +Normandy, Poitou, Aquitaine, and Provence to receive sentence. This was +the simplest requirement of judicial procedure, and the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_285" id="page_285"></a>{285}</span> manner in which +it was subsequently eluded forms one of the darkest features in the +whole transaction. Finally there were other bulls elaborately providing +for the payment of the papal commissioners and inquisitors, and ordering +the Templar possessions everywhere to be sequestrated to await the +result of the trial, and to be devoted to the Holy Land in case of +condemnation. Much, it was stated, had already been wickedly seized and +appropriated, and all persons were summoned to make restitution, under +pain of excommunication. All debtors to the Order were summoned to pay, +and all persons cognizant of such debts or of stolen property were +required to give information. The series of bulls was completed by one +of December 30, to be read in all churches, declaring all Templars to be +suspect of heresy, ordering their capture as such and delivery to the +episcopal ordinaries, and forbidding all potentates and prelates from +harboring them or showing them any aid or favor, under pain of +excommunication and interdict. At the same time another bull was +directed to all the princes of Christendom, commanding them to seize any +Templars who might as yet not have been arrested.<a name="FNanchor_311_311" id="FNanchor_311_311"></a><a href="#Footnote_311_311" class="fnanchor">[311]</a></p> + +<p>The prosecution of the Templars throughout Europe was thus organized. +Even such distant points as Achaia, Corsica, and Sardinia were not +neglected. The large number of special inquisitors to be appointed was a +work of time, and the correspondence between Philippe and Clement on the +subject shows that they virtually were selected by the king. In France +the work of prosecution was speedily set on foot, and, after a respite +of some six months, the Templars found themselves transferred from the +improvised inquisitorial tribunals set on foot by Frère Guillaume to the +episcopal courts as provided by Clement. In every diocese<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_286" id="page_286"></a>{286}</span> the bishops +were soon busily at work. Curiously enough, some of them doubted whether +they could use torture, and applied for instructions, to which Clement +answered that they were to be governed by the written law, which removed +their misgivings. The papal instructions indicate that these proceedings +only concerned those Templars who had not passed through the hands of +Frère Guillaume and his commissioners, but there seems to have been +little distinction observed as to this. Clement urged forward the +proceedings with little regard to formality, and authorized the bishops +to act outside of their respective dioceses, and without respect to the +place of origin of the accused. The sole object evidently was to extract +from them satisfactory confessions, as a preparation for the provincial +councils which were to be summoned for their final judgment. Those who +had already confessed were not likely to retract. Before the papal +commission in 1310, Jean de Cochiac exhibited a letter from Philippe de +Vohet and Jean de Jamville, the papal and royal custodians of the +prisoners, to those confined at Sens at the time the Bishop of Orleans +was sent there to examine them (the archbishopric of Sens was then +vacant), warning them that those who revoked the confessions made before +“<i>los quizitor</i>” would be burned as relapsed. Vohet, when summoned +before the commission, admitted the seal to be his, but denied +authorizing the letter, and the commission prudently abstained from +pushing the investigation further. The nervous anxiety manifested by +most of those brought before the commission that their statements should +accord with what they had said before the bishops, shows that they +recognized the danger which they incurred.<a name="FNanchor_312_312" id="FNanchor_312_312"></a><a href="#Footnote_312_312" class="fnanchor">[312]</a></p> + +<p>The treatment of those who refused to confess varied with the temper of +the bishops and their adjuncts. The records of their tribunals have +mostly disappeared, and we are virtually left to gather what we can from +the utterances of a few witnesses who made to the commission chance +allusions to their former experiences. Yet the proceedings before the +Bishop of Clermont would show that they were not in all cases treated +with undue harshness. He had sixty-nine Templars, of whom forty +confessed,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_287" id="page_287"></a>{287}</span> and twenty-nine refused to admit any evil in the Order. Then +he assembled them and divided them into the two groups. The recusants +declared that they adhered to their assertion, and that if they should +subsequently confess through fear of torture, prison, or other +affliction, they protested that they should not be believed, and that it +should not prejudice them, nor does it appear that any constraint was +afterwards put upon them. The others were asked whether they had any +defence to offer, or whether they were ready for definitive sentence, +when they unanimously declared that they had nothing to offer nor wished +to hear their sentence, but submitted themselves to the mercy of the +Church. What that mercy was we shall see hereafter. All bishops were not +as mild as he of Clermont, but in the fragmentary recitals before the +commission it is not always easy to distinguish the action of the +episcopal tribunals from that of Frère Guillaume’s inquisitors. A few +instances will suffice to show how, between the two, testimony was +obtained against the Order. Jean de Rompreye, a husbandman, declared +that he knew nothing but good of the Order, although he had confessed +otherwise before the Bishop of Orleans after being thrice tortured. +Robert Vigier, a serving brother, likewise denied the accusations, +though he had confessed them before the Bishop of Nevers at Paris, on +account of the fierceness of the torture, under which he understood that +three of his comrades, Gautier, Henri, and Chanteloup, had died. Bernard +de Vado, a priest, had been tortured by fire applied to the soles of the +feet to such an extent that a few days afterwards the bones of his heels +dropped out, in testimony of which he exhibited the bones. Nineteen +brethren from Périgord had confessed before the Bishop of Périgord +through torture and starvation—one of them had been kept for six months +on bread and water, without shoes or upper clothing. Guillaume d’Erré, +when brought before the Bishop of Saintes, had denied all the charges, +but after being put on bread and water and threatened with torture, had +confessed to renouncing Christ and spitting at the cross—a confession +which he now retracts. Thomas de Pamplona, under many tortures inflicted +on him at St. Jean d’Angely, had confirmed the confession made by de +Molay, and then, upon being put upon bread and water, had confessed +before the Bishop of Saintes to spitting at the cross, all of which he +now retracts. These instances might be multiplied<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_288" id="page_288"></a>{288}</span> out of the few who +had the hardihood to incur the risk of martyrdom attendant upon +withdrawing their confessions. Indeed, in the universal terror impressed +on the friendless and defenceless wretches, we cannot condemn those who +yielded, and can only admire the constancy of those who endured the +torture and braved the stake in defence of the Order. What was the +general feeling among them was voiced by Aymon de Barbara, who had +thrice been tortured, and had for nine weeks been kept on bread and +water. He pitifully said that he had suffered in body and soul, but as +for retracting his confession, he would not do so as long as he was in +prison. The mental struggles which the poor creatures endured are well +illustrated by Jean de Cormèle, Preceptor of Moissac, who when brought +before the commission hesitated and would not describe the ceremonies at +his own reception, though he declared that he had seen nothing wrong at +the reception of others. The recollection of the tortures which he had +endured in Paris, in which he had lost four teeth, completely unnerved +him, and he begged to have time for consideration. He was given until +the next day, and when he reappeared his resolution had broken down. He +confessed the whole catalogue of villainies; and when asked if he had +consulted any one, denied it, but said that he had requested a priest to +say for him a mass of the Holy Ghost that God might direct him what to +do.<a name="FNanchor_313_313" id="FNanchor_313_313"></a><a href="#Footnote_313_313" class="fnanchor">[313]</a></p> + +<p>These instances will illustrate the nature of the work in which the +whole episcopate of France was engaged during the remainder of the year +1308 and through 1309 and 1310. All this, however, concerned merely the +members of the Order as individuals. The fate of the Templar possessions +depended upon the judgment to be rendered on the Order as a body +corporate, and for this purpose Clement had assigned for it a day on +which it was to appear by its syndics and procurators before the Council +of Vienne, to put in its defence and show cause why it should not be +abolished. Seeing that the officers and members were scattered in prison +throughout Europe, this was a manifest impossibility, and some method +was imperatively required by which they could, at least constructively, +be represented, if only to hear their sentence.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_289" id="page_289"></a>{289}</span> Among the bulls of +August 12, 1308, therefore, there was one creating a commission, with +the Archbishop of Narbonne at its head, authorized to summon before it +all the Templars of France, to examine them, and to report the result. +Subsequent bulls of May, 1309, directed the commission to set to work, +and notified Philippe concerning it. August 8, 1309, the commission +assembled in the abbey of Sainte-Genevieve, and by letters addressed to +all the archbishops of the kingdom cited all Templars to appear before +them on the first working-day after Martinmas, and the Order itself to +appear by its syndics and procurators at the Council of Vienne, to +receive such sentence as God should decree. On the appointed day, +November 12, the commissioners reassembled, but no Templars appeared. +For a week they met daily, and daily the form was gone through of a +proclamation by the apparitor that if any one wished to appear for the +Order or its members the commission was ready to listen to him kindly, +but without result. On examining the replies of the prelates they were +found to have imperfectly fulfilled their duty. Philippe evidently +regarded the whole proceeding with distrust, and was not inclined to aid +it. A somewhat peremptory communication on November 18 was addressed to +the Bishop of Paris, explaining that their proceedings were not against +individuals, but against the whole Order; that no one was to be forced +to appear, but that all who so chose must be allowed to come. This +brought the bishop before them on November 22, with explanations and +apologies; and a summons to Philippe de Vohet and Jean de Jamville, the +papal and royal custodians of the Templars, brought those officials to +promise obedience. Yet the obstacles to the performance of their task +did not disappear. On the 22d they were secretly informed that some +persons had come to Paris in lay garments to defend the Order, and had +been thrown in prison. Thereupon they sent for Jean de Plublaveh, +<i>prévôt</i> of the Châtelet, who said that by royal order he had arrested +seven men said to be Templars in disguise, who had come with money to +engage advocates in defence of the Order, but on torturing two of them +he had found this not to be the case. The matter proved to be of little +significance except as manifesting the purpose of the king to control +the action of the commission.<a name="FNanchor_314_314" id="FNanchor_314_314"></a><a href="#Footnote_314_314" class="fnanchor">[314]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_290" id="page_290"></a>{290}</span></p> + +<p>At length the commission succeeded in securing the presence of de Molay, +of Hugues de Peraud, and of some of the brethren confined in Paris. De +Molay said he was not wise and learned enough to defend the Order, but +he would hold himself vile and miserable if he did not attempt it. Yet +he was a prisoner and penniless; he had not four deniers to spend, and +only a poor serving brother with whom to advise; he prayed to have aid +and counsel, and he would do his best. The commissioners reminded him +that trials for heresy were not conducted according to legal forms, that +advocates were not admitted, and they cautioned him as to the risk he +incurred in defending the Order after the confession which he had made. +Kindly they read over to him the report of the cardinals as to his +confession at Chinon; and on his manifesting indignation and +astonishment, Guillaume de Plaisian, who seems to have been watching the +proceedings on the part of the king, gave him, as we have already seen, +another friendly caution which closed his lips. He asked for delay, and +when he reappeared Guillaume de Nogaret was there to take advantage of +any imprudence. From the papal letters which had been read to him he +learned that the pope had reserved him and the other chiefs of the Order +for special judgment, and he therefore asked to have the opportunity of +appearing before the papal tribunal without delay. The shrewdness of +this device thus made itself apparent. It separated the leaders from the +rest; de Molay, Hugues de Peraud, and Geoffroi de Gonneville were led to +hope for special consideration, and selfishly abandoned their followers. +As for the brethren, their answers to the commission were substantially +that of Géraud de Caux—he was a simple knight, without horse, arms, or +land; he knew not how, and could not defend the Order.<a name="FNanchor_315_315" id="FNanchor_315_315"></a><a href="#Footnote_315_315" class="fnanchor">[315]</a></p> + +<p>By this time Philippe seems to have been satisfied that no harm could +come from the operations of the commission. His opposition disappeared, +and he graciously lent them his assistance. November 28, a second +summons was sent to the bishops threatening them with papal indignation +for a continuance of their neglect, and, what was far more efficacious, +it was accompanied with orders from Philippe directing his jailers to +afford to the episcopal officials access to the imprisoned Templars, +while the baillis were<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_291" id="page_291"></a>{291}</span> instructed to send to Paris, under sure guard, +all Templars desiring to defend their Order.<a name="FNanchor_316_316" id="FNanchor_316_316"></a><a href="#Footnote_316_316" class="fnanchor">[316]</a></p> + +<p>February 3, 1310, was the day named in this new citation. By the 5th +Templars began to pour in, nearly all eager to defend their Order. They +accumulated until the commission was embarrassed how to deal with them, +and finally, on March 28, five hundred and forty-six who had offered to +defend were assembled in the garden of the episcopal palace, where the +commissioners explained to them what was proposed, and suggested that +they should nominate six or eight or ten of their number to act as +procurators; they would not again have an opportunity of meeting, and +the commission would proceed on the 31st, but the procurators should +have access to them in their several prisons, and should agree with them +as to what defence should be offered. A promiscuous crowd, whose +differences of dialect rendered intercommunication impossible, abandoned +by their natural leaders and thus suddenly brought together, was not +fitted for deliberation on so delicate an emergency. Many hesitated +about acting without orders from the Master, for all initiative on the +part of subordinates was strictly forbidden by the Rule. The +commissioners seem to have been sincerely desirous of getting the matter +into some sort of shape, and finally, on the 31st, they ordered their +notaries to visit the houses in which the Templars were confined and +report their wishes and conclusions. This was a process requiring time, +and the reports of the notaries after making their daily rounds are +pitiful enough. The wretched prisoners floundered helplessly when called +upon to resolve as to their action. Most of them declared the Order to +be pure and holy, but knew not what to do in the absence of their +superiors. There was a general clamor, often on bended knees, for +readmission to the sacraments. Many begged to be assured that when they +died they should be buried in consecrated ground; others offered to pay +for a chaplain out of the miserable allowance doled to them; some asked +that the allowance be increased, others that they should have clothes to +cover their nakedness. They were urgent in the impossible request that +they should have experts and learned men to advise with and appear for +them, for they<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_292" id="page_292"></a>{292}</span> were simple and illiterate, chained in prison and unable +to act; and they further begged that security should be given to +witnesses, as all who had confessed were threatened with burning if they +should retract. A paper presented April 4 by those confined in the house +of the Abbot of Tiron is eloquent in its suggestiveness as to their +treatment, for the houses in which they were quartered had apparently +taken them on speculation. They assert the purity of the Order and their +readiness to defend it as well as men can who are fettered in prison and +pass the night in dark fosses. They further complain of the +insufficiency of their allowance of twelve deniers a day, for they pay +three deniers each per day for their beds; for hire of kitchen, napery, +and cloths, two sols six deniers per week; two sols for taking off and +replacing their fetters when they appear before the commission; for +washing, eighteen deniers a fortnight; wood and candles, four deniers a +day, and ferriage across from Nôtre Dame, sixteen deniers. It is evident +that the poor creatures were exploited relentlessly.<a name="FNanchor_317_317" id="FNanchor_317_317"></a><a href="#Footnote_317_317" class="fnanchor">[317]</a></p> + +<p>The outcome of the matter was that on April 7 nine representatives +presented a paper in the name of all, declaring that without authority +from the Master and Convent they could not appoint procurators, but they +offer themselves one and all in defence of the Order, and ask to be +present at the council or wherever it is on trial. They declare the +charges to be horrible and impossible lies fabricated by apostates and +fugitives expelled for crime from the Order, confirmed by torturing +those who uphold the truth, and encouraging liars with recompenses and +great promises. It is wonderful, they say, to see greater faith reposed +in those corrupted thus by worldly advantage than in those who, like the +martyrs of Christ, have died in torture with the palm of martyrdom, and +in the living who, for conscience’ sake, have suffered and daily suffer +in their dungeons so many torments, tribulations, and miseries. In the +universal terror prevailing they pray that when the brethren are +examined there may be present no laymen or others whom they may fear, +and that security may be<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_293" id="page_293"></a>{293}</span> assured them, for all who have confessed are +daily threatened with burning if they retract. In reply the +commissioners disavowed responsibility for their ill-usage, and promised +to ask that they be humanely treated in accordance with the orders of +the Cardinal of Palestrina, to whom they had been committed by the pope. +The Grand Master, they added, had been urged to defend the Order, but +had declined, and claimed that he was reserved for the pope.<a name="FNanchor_318_318" id="FNanchor_318_318"></a><a href="#Footnote_318_318" class="fnanchor">[318]</a></p> + +<p>Having thus given the Templars a nominal opportunity for defence, the +commissioners proceeded to take testimony, appointing four of the +representatives, Renaud de Provins, Preceptor of Orleans, Pierre de +Boulogne, procurator of the Order in the papal court, and Geoffroi de +Chambonnet and Bertrand de Sartiges, knights, to be present at the +swearing of the witnesses, and to do what might be requisite without +constituting them formal defenders of the Order. These four on April 13 +presented another paper in which, after alluding to the tortures +employed to extort confessions, they stated it to be a notorious fact +that to obtain testimony from Templars sealed royal letters had been +given them promising them liberty and large pensions for life, and +telling them that the Order was permanently abolished. This was +evidently intended as a protest to pave the way for disabling the +adverse witnesses, which, as we have seen, was the only defence in the +inquisitorial process, and with the same object they also asked for the +names of all witnesses. They did not venture to ask for a copy of the +evidence, but they earnestly requested that it should be kept secret, to +avert the danger that might otherwise threaten the witnesses. Subject to +the interruption of the Easter solemnities, testimony, mostly adverse to +the Order, continued to be taken up to May 9, from witnesses apparently +carefully selected for the purpose. On Sunday, May 10, the commissioners +were suddenly called together, at the request of Renaud de Provins and +his colleagues, to receive the startling announcement that the +provincial Council of Sens, which had been hastily assembled at Paris, +proposed to prosecute all the Templars who had offered to defend the +Order. Most of these had previously confessed; they had heroically taken +their lives in their hands when, by asserting the purity of the Order,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_294" id="page_294"></a>{294}</span> +they had constructively revoked their confessions. The four Templars +therefore appealed to the commissioners for protection, as the action of +the council would fatally interfere with the work in hand; they demanded +<i>apostoli</i>, and that their persons and rights and the whole Order should +be placed under the guardianship of the Holy See, and time and money be +allowed to prosecute the appeal. They further asked the commissioners to +notify the Archbishop of Sens to take no action while the present +examination was in progress, and that they be sent before him with one +or two notaries to make a protest, as they can find no one who dares to +draw up such an instrument for them. The commissioners were sorely +perplexed and debated the matter until evening, when they recalled the +Templars to say that while they heartily compassionated them they could +do nothing, for the Archbishop of Sens and the council were acting under +powers delegated by the pope.<a name="FNanchor_319_319" id="FNanchor_319_319"></a><a href="#Footnote_319_319" class="fnanchor">[319]</a></p> + +<p>It was no part of Philippe’s policy to allow the Order any opportunity +to be heard. The sudden rally of nearly six hundred members, after their +chiefs had been skilfully detached from them, and their preparations for +defence at the approaching council promised a struggle which he +proceeded to crush at the outset with his customary unscrupulous energy. +The opportunity was favorable, for after long effort he had just +obtained from Clement the archbishopric of Sens (of which Paris was a +suffragan see) for a youthful creature of his own, Philippe de Marigny, +brother of his minister Enguerrand, who took possession of the dignity +only on April 5. The bull <i>Faciens misericordiam</i> had prescribed that, +after the bishops had completed their inquests, provincial councils were +to be called to sit in judgment on the individual brethren. In pursuance +of this, the king through his archbishops was master of the situation. +Provincial councils were suddenly called, that for Sens to meet at +Paris, for Reims at Senlis, for Normandy at Pont de l’Arche, and for +Narbonne at Carcassonne, and a demonstration was organized which should +paralyze at once and forever all thought of further opposition to his +will. No time was wasted in any pretence of judicial proceedings, for +the canon law provided that relapsed heretics were to be condemned +without<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_295" id="page_295"></a>{295}</span> a hearing. On the 11th the Council of Sens was opened at Paris. +On the 12th, while the commissioners were engaged in taking testimony, +word was brought them that fifty-four of those who had offered to defend +the Order had been condemned as relapsed heretics for retracting their +confessions, and were to be burned that day. Hastily they sent to the +council Philippe de Vohet, the papal custodian of the Templars, and +Amis, Archdeacon of Orleans, to ask for delay. Vohet, they said, and +many others asserted that the Templars who died in prison declared on +peril of their souls that the crimes alleged were false; Renaud de +Provins and his colleagues had appealed before them from the council; if +the proposed executions took place the functions of the commission would +be impeded, for the witnesses that day and the day before were crazed +with terror and wholly unfit to give evidence. The envoys hurried to the +council-hall, where they were treated with contempt and told that it was +impossible that the commission could have sent such a message. The +fifty-four martyrs were piled in wagons and carried to the fields near +the convent of S. Antoine, where they were slowly tortured to death with +fire, refusing all offers of pardon for confession, and manifesting a +constancy which, as a contemporary tells us, placed their souls in great +peril of damnation, for it led the people into the error of believing +them innocent. The council continued its work, and a few days later +burned four more Templars, so that if there were any who still proposed +to defend the Order they might recognize what would be their fate. It +ordered the bones of Jean de Tourne, former treasurer of the Temple, to +be exhumed and burned; those who confessed and adhered to their +confessions were reconciled to the Church and liberated; those who +persisted in refusing to confess were condemned to perpetual prison. +This was rather more humane than the regular inquisitorial practice, but +it suited the royal policy of the moment. A few weeks later, at Senlis, +the Council of Reims burned nine more; at Pont de l’Arche three were +burned, and a number at Carcassonne.<a name="FNanchor_320_320" id="FNanchor_320_320"></a><a href="#Footnote_320_320" class="fnanchor">[320]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_296" id="page_296"></a>{296}</span></p> + +<p>This ferocious expedient accomplished its purpose. When, on the day +after the executions at Paris, May 13, the commission opened its +session, the first witness, Aimery de Villiers, threw himself on his +knees, pale and desperately frightened; beating his breast and +stretching forth his hands to the altar, he invoked sudden death and +perdition to body and soul if he lied. He declared that all the crimes +imputed to the Order were false, although he had, under torture, +confessed to some of them. When he had yesterday seen his fifty-four +brethren carried in wagons to be burned, and heard that they had been +burned, he felt that he could not endure it and would confess to the +commissioners or to any one else whatever might be required of him, even +that he had slain the Lord. In conclusion he adjured the commissioners +and the notaries not to reveal what he had said to his jailers, or to +the royal officials, for he would be burned like the fifty-four. Then a +previous witness, Jean Bertrand, came before the commission to +supplicate that his deposition be kept secret on account of the danger +impending over him. Seeing all this, the commission felt that during +this general terror it would be wise to suspend its sittings, and it did +so. It met again on the 18th to reclaim fruitlessly from the Archbishop +of Sens, Renaud de Provins, who had been put on trial before the +council. Pierre de Boulogne was likewise snatched away and could not be +obtained again. Many of the Templars who had offered to defend the Order +made haste to withdraw, and all effort to provide for it an organized +hearing before the Council of Vienne was perforce abandoned. Whether +Clement was privy to this high-handed interruption of the functions of +his commission is perhaps doubtful, but he did nothing to rehabilitate +it, and his quiescence rendered him an accomplice. He had only +succeeded<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_297" id="page_297"></a>{297}</span> in betraying to a fiery death the luckless wretches whom he +had tempted to come forward.<a name="FNanchor_321_321" id="FNanchor_321_321"></a><a href="#Footnote_321_321" class="fnanchor">[321]</a></p> + +<p>On April 4, by the bull <i>Alma Mater</i>, Clement had postponed the Council +of Vienne from October, 1310, until October, 1311, in consequence of the +inquisition against the Templars requiring more time than had been +expected. There was, therefore, no necessity for haste on the part of +the commission, and it adjourned until November 3. Its members were long +in getting together, and it did not resume its sessions until December +17. Then Guillaume de Chambonnet and Bertrand de Sartiges were brought +before it, when they protested that they could not act for the Order +without the aid of Renaud de Provins and Pierre de Boulogne. These, the +commission informed them, had solemnly renounced the defence of the +Order, had returned to their first confessions, and had been condemned +to perpetual imprisonment by the Council of Sens, after which Pierre had +broken jail and fled. The two knights were offered permission to be +present at the swearing of the witnesses, with opportunity to file +exceptions, but they declared themselves unfitted for the task and +retired. Thus all pretence of affording the Order a chance to be heard +was abandoned, and the subsequent proceedings of the commission became +merely an <i>ex parte</i> accumulation of adverse testimony. It sat until +June, industriously hearing the witnesses brought before it: but as +those were selected by Philippe de Vohet and Jean de Jamville, care was +evidently taken as to the character of the evidence that should reach +it. Most of the witnesses, in fact, had been reconciled to the Church +through confession, abjuration, and absolution, and no longer belonged +to the Order which they had abandoned to its fate. Among the large +number of Templars who had refused to confess, only a few, and these +apparently by accident, were allowed to appear before it. There were +also a few who dared to retract what they had stated before the bishops, +but with these slender exceptions all the evidence was adverse to the +Order. In fact, it frequently happened that witnesses were sworn who +never reappeared to give their testimony, and that this was not +accidental is rendered probable by the fact that Renaud de Provins was +one of these. Finally, on June 5, the commission closed its labors and<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_298" id="page_298"></a>{298}</span> +transmitted without comment to Clement its records as part of the +material to guide the judgment of the assembled Church at the Council of +Vienne.<a name="FNanchor_322_322" id="FNanchor_322_322"></a><a href="#Footnote_322_322" class="fnanchor">[322]</a></p> + +<p> </p> + +<p>Before proceeding to the last scene of the drama at Vienne, it is +necessary to consider briefly the action taken with the Templars outside +of France. In England, Edward II., on October 30, 1307, replied to +Philippe’s announcement of October 16, to the effect that he and his +council have given the most earnest attention to the matter; it has +caused the greatest astonishment, and is so abominable as to be +well-nigh incredible, and, to obtain further information, he had sent +for his Seneschal of Agen. So strong were his convictions and so earnest +his desire to protect the threatened Order that on December 4 he wrote +to the Kings of Portugal, Castile, Aragon, and Naples that the +accusations must proceed from cupidity and envy, and begging them to +shut their ears to detraction and do nothing without deliberation, so +that an Order so distinguished for purity and honor should not be +molested until legitimately convicted. Not content with this, on the +10th he replied to Clement that the reputation of the Templars in +England for purity and faith is such that he cannot, without further +proof, believe the terrible rumors about them, and he begs the pope to +resist the calumnies of envious and wicked men. In a few days, however, +he received Clement’s bull of November 22, and could no longer doubt the +facts asserted by the head of Christendom. He hastened to obey its +commands, and on the 15th elaborate orders were already prepared and +sent out to all the sheriffs in England, with minute instructions to +capture all the Templars on January 10, 1308, including directions as to +the sequestration and disposition of their property, and this was +followed on the 20th by<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_299" id="page_299"></a>{299}</span> similar commands to the English authorities in +Ireland, Scotland, and Wales. Possibly Edward’s impending voyage to +Boulogne to marry Isabella, the daughter of Philippe le Bel, may have +had something to do with his sudden change of purpose.<a name="FNanchor_323_323" id="FNanchor_323_323"></a><a href="#Footnote_323_323" class="fnanchor">[323]</a></p> + +<p>The seizure was made accordingly, and the Templars were kept in +honorable durance, not in prison, awaiting papal action; for there seems +to have been no disposition on the part either of Church or State to +take the initiative. The delay was long, for though commissions were +issued August 12, 1308, to the papal inquisitors, Sicard de Lavaurand +the Abbot of Lagny, they did not start until September, 1309, and on the +13th of that month the royal safe-conducts issued for them show their +arrival in England. Then instructions were sent out to arrest all +Templars not yet seized and gather them together in London, Lincoln, and +York, for the examinations to be held, and the bishops of those sees +were strictly charged to be present throughout. Similar orders were sent +to Ireland and Scotland, where the inquisitors appointed delegates to +attend to the matter. It apparently was not easy to get the officials to +do their duty, for December 14 instructions were required to all the +sheriffs to seize the Templars who were wandering in secular habits +throughout the land, and in the following March and again in January, +1311, the Sheriff of York was scolded for allowing those in his custody +to wander abroad. Popular sympathy evidently was with the inculpated +brethren.<a name="FNanchor_324_324" id="FNanchor_324_324"></a><a href="#Footnote_324_324" class="fnanchor">[324]</a></p> + +<p>At length, on October 20, 1309, the papal inquisitors and the Bishop of +London sat in the episcopal palace to examine the Templars collected in +London. Interrogated singly on all the numerous articles of accusation, +they all asserted the innocence of the Order. Outside witnesses were +called in who mostly declared their belief to the same effect, though +some gave expression to the vague popular rumors and scandalous stories +suggested by the secrecy of proceedings within the Order. The +inquisitors were nonplussed. They had come to a country whose laws did +not recognize the use of torture, and without it they were powerless to<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_300" id="page_300"></a>{300}</span> +accomplish the work for which they had been sent. In their disgust they +finally applied to the king, and on December 15 they obtained from him +an order to the custodians of the prisoners to permit the inquisitors +and episcopal ordinaries to do with the bodies of the Templars what they +pleased, “in accordance with ecclesiastical law”—ecclesiastical law, by +the hideous perversion of the times, having come to mean the worst of +abuses, from which secular law still shrank. Either the jailers or the +episcopal officials interposed difficulties, for the mandate was +repeated March 1, 1310, and again March 8, with instructions to report +the cause if the previous one had not been obeyed. Still no evidence +worth the trouble was gained, though the examinations were prolonged +through the winter and spring until May 24, when three captured +fugitives were induced by means easily guessed to confess what was +wanted, of which use was made to the utmost. At length Clement grew +impatient under this lack of result. On August 6 he wrote to Edward that +it was reported that he had prohibited the use of torture as contrary to +the laws of the kingdom, and that the inquisitors were thus powerless to +extract confessions. No law or usage, he said, could be permitted to +override the canons provided for such cases, and Edward’s counsellors +and officials who were guilty of thus impeding the Inquisition were +liable to the penalties provided for that serious offence, while the +king himself was warned to consider whether his position comported with +his honor and safety, and was offered remission of his sins if he would +withdraw from it—perhaps the most suggestive sale of an indulgence on +record. Similar letters at the same time were sent to all the bishops of +England, who were scolded for not having already removed the impediment, +as they were in duty bound to do. Under this impulsion Edward, August +26, again ordered that the bishops and inquisitors should be allowed to +employ ecclesiastical law, and this was repeated October 6 and 23, +November 22, and April 28, 1311—in the last instances the word torture +being used, and in all of them the king being careful to explain that +what he does is through reverence for the Holy See. August 18, 1311, +similar instructions were sent to the Sheriff of York.<a name="FNanchor_325_325" id="FNanchor_325_325"></a><a href="#Footnote_325_325" class="fnanchor">[325]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_301" id="page_301"></a>{301}</span></p> + +<p>Thus for once the papal Inquisition found a foothold in England, but +apparently its methods were too repugnant to the spirit of the nation to +be rewarded with complete success. In spite of examinations prolonged +for more than eighteen months, the Templars could not be convicted. The +most that could be accomplished was, that in provincial councils held in +London and York in the spring and summer of 1311, they were brought to +admit that they were so defamed for heresy that they could not furnish +the purgation required by law; they therefore asked for mercy and +promised to perform what penance might be enjoined on them. Some of +them, moreover, submitted to a form of abjuration. The councils ordered +them scattered among different monasteries to perform certain penance +until the Holy See should decide as to the future of the Order. This was +the final disposition of the Templars in England. A liberal provision of +fourpence a day was made for their support, while two shillings was +assigned to William de la More, the Master of England, and on his death +it was continued to Humbert Blanc, the Preceptor of Auvergne, who, +fortunately for himself, was in England at the time of arrest, and was +caught there. This shows that they were not regarded as criminals, and +the testimony of Walsingham is that in the monasteries to which they +were assigned they comported themselves piously and righteously in every +respect. In Ireland and Scotland their examinations failed to procure +any proof against the Order, save the vague conjectures and stories of +outside witnesses industriously gathered together.<a name="FNanchor_326_326" id="FNanchor_326_326"></a><a href="#Footnote_326_326" class="fnanchor">[326]</a></p> + +<p> </p> + +<p>In Lorraine, as soon as news came of the seizure in France, the +Preceptor of Villencourt ordered the brethren under him to shave and +abandon their mantles, which was virtually releasing them from the +Order. Duke Thiebault followed the exterminating policy<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_302" id="page_302"></a>{302}</span> of Philippe +with complete success. A large number of the Templars were burned, and +he managed to secure most of their property.<a name="FNanchor_327_327" id="FNanchor_327_327"></a><a href="#Footnote_327_327" class="fnanchor">[327]</a></p> + +<p>In Germany our knowledge of what took place is somewhat fragmentary. The +Teutonic Order afforded a career for the German chivalry, and the +Templars were by no means so numerous as in France, their fate was not +so dramatic, and it attracted comparatively little attention from the +chroniclers. One annalist informs us that they were destroyed with the +assent of the Emperor Henry on account of their collusion with the +Saracens in Palestine and Egypt, and their preparation for establishing +a new empire for themselves among the Christians, which shows how little +impression on the popular mind was made by the assertion of their +heresies. For the most part, indeed, the action taken depended upon the +personal views of the princely prelates who presided over the great +archbishoprics. Burchard III. of Magdeburg was the first to act. Obliged +to visit the papal court in 1307 to obtain the pallium, he returned in +May, 1308, with orders to seize all the Templars in his province; and as +he was already hostile to them, he obeyed with alacrity. There were but +four houses in his territories: on these and their occupants he laid his +hands, leading to a long series of obscure quarrels, in which he +incurred excommunication from the Bishop of Halberstadt, which Clement +hastened to remove; by burning some of the more obstinate brethren, +moreover, he involved himself in war with their kindred, in which he +fared badly. As late as 1318 the Hospitallers are found complaining to +John XXII. that Templars were still in possession of the greater portion +of their property.<a name="FNanchor_328_328" id="FNanchor_328_328"></a><a href="#Footnote_328_328" class="fnanchor">[328]</a></p> + +<p>The bull <i>Faciens misericordiam</i> of August, 1308, sent to the German +prelates, reserved, with Clement’s usual policy, the Grand Preceptor of +Germany for papal judgment. With the exception of Magdeburg, its +instructions for active measures received slack<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_303" id="page_303"></a>{303}</span> obedience. It was not +to much purpose that, on December 30 of the same year, he wrote to the +Duke of Austria to arrest all the Templars in his dominions, and +commissioned the Ordinaries of Mainz, Trèves, Cologne, Magdeburg, +Strassburg, and Constance as special inquisitors within their several +dioceses, while he sent the Abbot of Crudacio as inquisitor for the rest +of Germany, ordering the prelates to pay him five gold florins a day. It +was not until 1310 that the great archbishops could be got to work, and +then the results were disappointing. Trèves and Cologne, in fact, made +over to Burchard of Magdeburg, in 1310, their authority as commissioners +for the seizure of the Templar lands, and Clement confirmed this with +instructions to proceed with vigor. As regards the persons of the +Templars, at Trèves an inquest was held in which seventeen witnesses +were heard, including three Templars, and resulting in their acquittal. +At Mainz the Archbishop Peter, who had incurred Clement’s displeasure by +transferring to his suffragans his powers as commissioner over the +Templar property, was at length forced to call a provincial council. May +11, 1310. Suddenly and unbidden there entered the Wild and Rheingraf, +Hugo of Salm, Commander of Grumbach, with twenty knights fully armed. +There were fears of violence, but the archbishop asked Hugo what he had +to say: the Templar asserted the innocence of the Order; those who had +been burned had steadfastly denied the charges, and their truth had been +proved by the crosses on their mantles remaining unburned—a miracle +popularly believed, which had much influence on public opinion. He +concluded by appealing to the future pope and the whole Church, and the +archbishop, to escape a tumult, admitted the protest. Clement, on +hearing of these proceedings, ordered the council to be reassembled and +to do its work. He was obeyed. The Wildgraf Frederic of Salm, brother of +Hugo and Master of the Rhine-province, offered to undergo the red-hot +iron ordeal, but it was unnecessary. Forty-nine witnesses, of whom +thirty-seven were Templars, were examined, and all swore to the +innocence of the Order. The twelve non-Templars, who were personages of +distinction, were emphatic in their declarations in its favor. Among +others, the Archpriest John testified that in a time of scarcity, when +the measure of corn rose from three sols to thirty-three, the commandery +at Mostaire fed a thousand persons a day. The result was a verdict of +acquittal,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_304" id="page_304"></a>{304}</span> which was so displeasing to the pope that he ordered +Burchard of Magdeburg to take the matter in hand and bring it to a more +satisfactory conclusion. Burchard seems to have eagerly obeyed but the +results have not reached us. Archbishop Peter continued to hope for some +adjustment, and when, after the Council of Vienne, he was forced to hand +over the Templar property to the Hospitallers, he required the latter to +execute an agreement to return the manor of Topfstadt if the pope should +restore the Order.<a name="FNanchor_329_329" id="FNanchor_329_329"></a><a href="#Footnote_329_329" class="fnanchor">[329]</a></p> + +<p> </p> + +<p>In Italy the Templars were not numerous, and the pope had better control +over the machinery for their destruction. In Naples the appeal of Edward +II. was in vain. The Angevine dynasty was too closely allied to the +papacy to hesitate, and when a copy of the bull <i>Pastoralis +prœeminentiœ</i>, of November 21, 1307, was addressed to Robert, Duke of +Calabria, son of Charles II., there was no hesitation in obedience. +Orders were speedily sent out to all the provinces under the Neapolitan +crown to arrest the Templars and sequestrate their property. Philip, +Duke of Achaia and Romania, the youngest son of Charles, was forthwith +commanded to carry out the papal instructions in all the possessions in +the Levant. January 3, 1308, the officials in Provence and Forcalquier +were instructed to make the seizure January 23. The Order was numerous +in those districts, but the members must have mostly fled, for only +forty-eight were arrested, who are said to have been tried and executed, +but a document of 1318 shows that Albert de Blacas, Preceptor of Aix and +St. Maurice, who had been imprisoned in 1308, was then still enjoying +the Commandery of St. Maurice, with consent of the Hospitallers. The +Templar movables were divided between the pope and king, and the landed +possessions were made over to the Hospital. In the kingdom of Naples +itself, some fragmentary reports of the papal commission sent<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_305" id="page_305"></a>{305}</span> in 1310 +to obtain evidence against the Order as a whole and against the Grand +Preceptor of Apulia, Oddo de Valdric, show that no obstacle was thrown +in the way of the inquisitors in obtaining by the customary methods the +kind of testimony desired. The same may be said of Sicily, where, as we +have seen, Frederic of Aragon had admitted the Inquisition in 1304.<a name="FNanchor_330_330" id="FNanchor_330_330"></a><a href="#Footnote_330_330" class="fnanchor">[330]</a></p> + +<p>In the States of the Church we have somewhat fuller accounts of the +later proceedings. Although we know nothing of what was done at the time +of arrest, there can be no doubt that in a territory subjected directly +to Clement his bull of November 22, 1307, was strictly obeyed; that all +members of the Order were seized and that appropriate means were +employed to secure confessions. When the papal commission was sent to +Paris to afford the Order an opportunity to prepare its defence at the +Council of Vienne, similar commissions, armed with inquisitorial powers, +were despatched elsewhere, and the report of Giacomo, Bishop of Sutri, +and Master Pandolfo di Sabello, who were commissioned in that capacity +in the Patrimony of St. Peter, although unfortunately not complete, +gives us an insight into the real object which underlay the ostensible +purpose of these commissions. In October, 1309, the inquisitors +commenced at Rome, where no one appeared before them, although they +summoned not only members of the Order, but every one who had anything +to say about it. In December they went to Viterbo, where five Templars +lay in prison, who declined to appear and defend the Order. In January, +1310, they proceeded to Spoleto without finding either Templars or other +witnesses. In February they moved to Assisi, where they adopted the form +of ordering all Templars and their fautors to be brought before them, +and this they repeated in March at Gubbio, but in both places without +result. In April, at Aquila, they summoned witnesses to ascertain +whether the Templars had any churches in the Abruzzi, but not even the +preceptor of the Hospitallers could give them any information. All the +Franciscans of the place were then assembled, but they knew nothing to +the discredit of the Order. A few days later, at Penna, they adopted a<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_306" id="page_306"></a>{306}</span> +new formula by inviting all Templars and others who desired to defend +the Order to appear before them. Here two Templars were found, who were +personally summoned repeatedly, but they refused, saying that they would +not defend the Order. One of them, Walter of Naples, was excused, owing +to doubts as to his being a Templar, but the other, named Cecco, was +brought before the inquisitors and told them of an idol kept for worship +in the treasure-chamber of a preceptory in Apulia. In May, at Chieti, +they succeeded in getting hold of another Templar, who confessed to +renouncing Christ, idol-worship, and other of the charges. By May 23 +they were back in Rome issuing citations, but again without result. The +following week they were back at Viterbo, resolved to procure some +evidence from the five captives imprisoned there, but the latter again +sent word that none of them wished to appear before the inquisitors or +to defend the Order. Five times in all they were summoned and five times +they refused, but the inquisitors were not to be balked. Four of the +prisoners were brought forward, and by means which can readily be +guessed were induced to talk. From the 7th of June to the 19th, the +inquisitors were employed in receiving their depositions as to +renouncing Christ, spitting on the cross, etc., all of which was duly +recorded as free and spontaneous. On July 3 the commissioners were at +Albano issuing the customary summons, but on the 8th their messenger +reported that he could find no Templars in Campania and Maritima; and a +session at Velletri on the 16th was similarly fruitless. The next day +they summoned other witnesses, but eight ecclesiastics who appeared had +nothing to tell. Then at Segni they heard five witnesses without +obtaining any evidence. Castel Fajole and Tivoli were equally barren, +but on the 27th, at Palombara, Walter of Naples was brought to them from +Penna, the doubts as to his membership of the Order having apparently +been removed. Their persistence in this case was rewarded with full +details of heretical practices. Here the record ends, the industrious +search of nine months through these extensive territories having +resulted in finding eight Templars, and obtaining seven incriminating +depositions.<a name="FNanchor_331_331" id="FNanchor_331_331"></a><a href="#Footnote_331_331" class="fnanchor">[331]</a> Even making allowance for those who may have succeeded +in escaping, it shows, like the rest of the Italian proceedings, how +scanty were the numbers of the Order in the Peninsula.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_307" id="page_307"></a>{307}</span></p> + +<p>In the rest of Italy Clement’s bull of 1307, addressed to the +archbishops and ordering an inquest, seems to have been somewhat slackly +obeyed. The earliest action on record is an order, in 1308, of Frà +Ottone, Inquisitor of Lombardy, requiring the delivery of three Templars +to the Podestà of Casale. Some further impulsion apparently was +requisite, and in 1309 Giovanni, Archbishop of Pisa, was appointed +Apostolic Nuncio in charge of the affair throughout Tuscany, Lombardy, +Dalmatia, and Istria, with a stipend of eight florins <i>per diem</i>, to be +assessed on the Templar property. In Ancona the Bishop of Fano examined +one Templar who confessed nothing, and nineteen other witnesses who +furnished no incriminating evidence, and in Romagnuola, Rainaldo, +Archbishop of Ravenna, and the Bishop of Rimini interrogated two +Templars at Cesena, both of whom testified to the innocence of the +Order. The archbishop, who was papal inquisitor against the Templars in +Lombardy, Tuscany, Tarvisina, and Istria, seems to have extended his +inquest over part of Lombardy, though no results are recorded. Papal +letters were published throughout Italy, empowering the inquisitors to +look after the Templar property, of which the Archbishops of Bologna and +Pisa were appointed administrators; it was farmed out and the proceeds +remitted to Clement. Rainaldo of Ravenna sympathized with the Templars, +and no very earnest efforts were to be expected of him. He called a +synod at Bologna in 1309, where some show was made of taking up the +subject, but no results were reached, and when, in 1310, his vicar, +Bonincontro, went to Ravenna with the papal bulls, he made no secret of +his favor towards the accused. At length Rainaldo was forced to action, +and issued a proclamation, November 25, 1310, reciting the papal +commands to hold provincial councils for the examination and judgment of +the Templars, in obedience to which he summoned one to assemble at +Ravenna in January, 1311, calling upon the inquisitors to bring thither +the evidence which they had obtained by the use of torture. The council +was held and the matter discussed, but no conclusion was reached. +Another was summoned to meet at Bologna on June 1, but was transferred +to Ravenna and postponed till June 18. To this the bishops were ordered +to bring all Templars of their dioceses under strict guard, the result +of which was that on June 16, seven knights were produced before the +council. They were sworn and interrogated <i>seriatim</i> on all the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_308" id="page_308"></a>{308}</span> +articles as furnished by the pope, which they unanimously denied. The +question was then put to the council whether they should be tortured, +and it was answered in the negative, in spite of the opposition of two +Dominican inquisitors present. It was decided that the case should not +be referred to the pope, in view of the nearness of the Council of +Vienne, but that the accused should be put upon their purgation. The +next day, however, when the council met this action was reversed and +there was a unanimous decision that the innocent should be acquitted and +the guilty punished, reckoning among the innocent those who had +confessed through fear of torture and had revoked, or who would have +revoked but for fear of repetition of torture. As for the Order as a +whole, the council recommended that it should be preserved if a majority +of the members were innocent, and if the guilty were subjected to +abjuration and punishment within the Order. In addition to the seven +knights there were five brethren who were ordered to purge themselves by +August 1, before Uberto, Bishop of Bologna, with seven conjurators; of +these the purgations of two are extant, and doubtless all succeeded in +performing the ceremony. It was no wonder that Clement was indignant at +this reversal of all inquisitorial usage and ordered the burning of +those who had thus relapsed—though the command was probably not obeyed, +as Bishop Bini assures us that no Templars were burned in Italy. The +council further, in appointing delegates to Vienne, instructed them that +the Order should not be abolished unless it was found to be thoroughly +corrupted. For Tuscany and Lombardy, Clement appointed as special +inquisitors Giovanni, Archbishop of Pisa, Antonio, Bishop of Florence, +and Pietro Giudici of Rome, a canon of Verona. These were instructed to +hold the inquests, one upon the brethren individually and one upon the +Order. They were troubled with no scruples as to the use of torture and, +as we shall presently see, secured a certain amount of the kind of +testimony desired. Venice kindly postponed the inevitable uprooting of +the Order, and when it eventually took place there was no unnecessary +hardship.<a name="FNanchor_332_332" id="FNanchor_332_332"></a><a href="#Footnote_332_332" class="fnanchor">[332]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_309" id="page_309"></a>{309}</span></p> + +<p>Cyprus was the headquarters of the Order. There resided the marshal, +Ayme d’Osiliers, who was its chief in the absence of the Grand Master, +and there was the “Convent,” or governing body. It was not until May, +1308, that the papal bull commanding the arrest reached the island, and +there could be no pretence of a secret and sudden seizure, for the +Templars were advised of what had occurred in France. They had many +enemies, for they had taken an active part in the turbulent politics of +the time, and it had been by their aid that the regent, Amaury of Tyre, +had been placed in power. He hastened to obey the papal commands, but +with many misgivings, for the Templars at first assumed an attitude of +defence. Resistance, however, was hopeless, and in a few weeks they +submitted; their property was sequestrated and they were kept in +honorable confinement, without being deprived of the sacraments. This +continued for two years, until, in April, 1310, the Abbot of Alet and +the Archpriest Tommaso of Rieti came as papal inquisitors to inquire +against them individually and the Order in general, under the guidance +of the Bishops of Limisso and Famagosta. The examination commenced May 1 +and continued until June 5, when it came abruptly to an end, in +consequence, doubtless, of the excitement caused by the murder of the +Regent Amaury. All the Templars on the island, seventy-five in number, +together with fifty-six other witnesses, were duly interrogated upon the +long list of articles of accusation. That the Templars were unanimous in +denying the charges and in asserting the purity of the Order shows that +torture cannot have been employed. More convincing as to their innocence +is the evidence of the other witnesses, consisting of ecclesiastics of +all ranks, nobles, and burghers, many of them political enemies, who yet +rendered testimony emphatically favorable. As some of them said, they +knew nothing but good of the Order. All dwelt upon its liberal +charities, and many described the fervor of the zeal with which the +Templars discharged their religious duties. A few alluded to the popular +suspicions aroused by the secrecy observed in the holding of chapters +and the admission of neophytes; the Dominican Prior of Nicosia spoke<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_310" id="page_310"></a>{310}</span> of +the reports brought from France by his brethren after the arrest and +Simon de Sarezariis, Prior of the Hospitallers, said that he had had +similar intelligence sent to him by his correspondents, but the evidence +is unquestionable that in Cyprus, where they were best known, among +friends and foes, and especially among those who had been in intimate +relations with the Templars for long periods, there was general sympathy +for the Order, and that there had been no evil attributed to it until +the papal bulls had so unqualifiedly asserted its guilt. All this, when +sent to Clement, was naturally most unsatisfactory, and when the time +approached for the Council of Vienne, he despatched urgent orders, in +August, 1311, to have the Templars tortured so as to procure +confessions. What was the result of this we have no means of +knowing.<a name="FNanchor_333_333" id="FNanchor_333_333"></a><a href="#Footnote_333_333" class="fnanchor">[333]</a></p> + +<p> </p> + +<p>In Aragon, Philippe’s letter of October 16, 1307, to Jayme II. was +accompanied with one from the Dominican, Fray Romeo de Bruguera, +asserting that he had been present at the confession made by de Molay +and others. Notwithstanding this, on November 17 Jayme, like Edward II., +responded with warm praises of the Templars of the kingdom, whom he +refused to arrest without absolute proof of guilt or orders from the +pope. To the latter he wrote two days later for advice and instructions, +and when, on December 1, he received Clement’s bull of November 22, he +could hesitate no longer. Ramon, Bishop of Valencia, and Ximenes de +Luna, Bishop of Saragossa, who chanced to be with him, received orders +to make in their respective dioceses diligent inquisition against the +Templars, and Fray Juan Llotger, Inquisitor-general of Aragon, was +instructed to extirpate the heresy. As resistance was anticipated, royal +letters were issued December 3 for the immediate arrest of all members +of the Order and the sequestration of their property, and the inquisitor +published edicts summoning them before him in the Dominican Convent of +Valencia, to answer for their faith, and prohibiting all local officials +from rendering them assistance. Jayme also summoned a council of the +prelates to meet January 6, 1308, to deliberate on the subject with the +inquisitor. A number of arrests were effected; some of the brethren +shaved and<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_311" id="page_311"></a>{311}</span> threw off their mantles and succeeded in hiding themselves; +some endeavored to escape by sea with a quantity of treasure, but +adverse storms cast them back upon the coast and they were seized. The +great body of the knights, however, threw themselves into their castles. +Ramon Sa Guardia, Preceptor of Mas Deu in Roussillon, was acting as +lieutenant of the Commander of Aragon, and fortified himself in Miravet, +while others occupied the strongholds of Ascon, Montço, Cantavieja, +Vilell, Castellot, and Chalamera. On January 20, 1308, they were +summoned to appear before the Council of Tarragona, but they refused, +and Jayme promised the prelates that he would use the whole forces of +the kingdom for their subjugation. This proved no easy task. The +temporal and spiritual lords promised assistance, except the Count of +Urgel, the Viscount of Rocaberti, and the Bishop of Girona; but public +sympathy was with the Templars. Many noble youths embraced their cause +and joined them in their castles, while the people obeyed slackly the +order to take up arms against them. The knights defended themselves +bravely. Castellot surrendered in November, soon after which Sa Guardia, +in Miravet, rejected the royal ultimatum that they should march out with +their arms and betake themselves by twos and threes to places of +residence, from which they were not to wander farther than two or three +bow-shots, receiving a liberal allowance for their support, while the +king should ask the pope to order the bishops and inquisitors to +expedite the process. In response to this Sa Guardia addressed Clement a +manly appeal, pointing out the services rendered to religion by the +Order; that many knights captured by the Saracens languished in prison +for twenty or thirty years, when by abjuring they could at once regain +their liberty and be richly rewarded—seventy of their brethren were at +that moment enduring such a fate. They were ready to appear in judgment +before the pope, or to maintain their faith against all accusers by +arms, as was customary with knights, but they had no prelates or +advocates to defend them, and it was the duty of the pope to do so. A +month after this Miravet was forced to surrender at discretion, and in +another month all the rest, except Montço and Chalamera, which held out +until near July, 1309. Clement at once took measures to get possession +of the Templar property, but Jayme refused to deliver it to the papal +commissioners, alleging that most of it had been derived<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_312" id="page_312"></a>{312}</span> from the +crown, and that he had made heavy outlays on the sieges; the most that +he would promise was that if the council should abolish the Order he +would surrender the property, subject to the rights and claims of the +crown. Clement seems to have sought a temporary compromise. In letters +of January 5, 1309, he announces that the Templars of Aragon and +Catalonia, like faithful sons of the Church, had written to him offering +to surrender their persons and property to the Holy See, and to obey his +commands in every way; he therefore sends his chaplain, Bertrand, Prior +of Cessenon, to receive them and transfer them to the custody and care +of the king, taking from him sealed letters that he holds them in the +name of the Holy See. Whether Jayme assented to this arrangement as to +the property does not appear, but he was not punctilious about the +persons of the Templars, and on July 14 he issued orders to the viguiers +to deliver them to the inquisitor and ordinaries when required. In 1310 +Clement sent to Aragon, as elsewhere, special papal inquisitors to +conduct the trials. They were met by the same difficulties as in +England: in Aragon torture was not recognized by the law, and in 1325 we +find the Cortes protesting against its use and against the inquisitorial +process as infractions of the recognized liberties of the land, and the +king admitting the protest and promising that such methods should not be +employed except for counterfeiters, and then only in the case of +strangers and vagabonds. Still the inquisitors did what they could. At +their request the king, July 5, 1310, ordered his baillis to put the +Templars in irons and to render their prison harsher. Then the Council +of Tarragona interfered and asked that they be kept in safe but not +afflictive custody, seeing that nothing had as yet proved their guilt, +and their case was still undecided. In accordance with this, on October +20, the king ordered that they should be free in the castles where they +were confined, giving their parole not to escape under pain of being +reputed heretics. This was not the way to obtain the desired evidence, +and Clement, March 18, 1311, ordered them to be tortured, and asked +Jayme to lend his aid to it, seeing that the proceedings thus far had +resulted only in “vehement suspicion.” This cruel command was not at +first obeyed. In May the Templars prayed the king to urge the Archbishop +of Tarragona to have their case decided in the council then impending, +and Jayme accordingly addressed the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_313" id="page_313"></a>{313}</span> archbishop to that effect, but +nothing was done, and in August he ordered them to be again put in +chains and harshly imprisoned. The papal representatives were evidently +growing impatient, as the time set for the Council of Vienne was +approaching, and the papal demands for adverse evidence remained +unsatisfied. Finally, on the eve of the assembling of the council, the +king yielded to the pope. September 29 he issued an order appointing +Umbert de Capdepont, one of the royal judges, to assist at the judgment, +when sentence should be rendered by the inquisitors, Pedro de Montclus +and Juan Llotger, along with the Bishops of Lerida and Vich, who had +been especially commissioned by the pope. We have no knowledge of the +details of the investigation, but there is evidence that torture was +unsparingly used, for there is a royal letter of December 3 ordering +medicaments to be prepared for those of the Templars who might need them +in consequence of sickness or torture. At last, in March, 1312, the +Archbishop of Tarragona asked to have them brought before his provincial +council, then about to assemble, and the king assented, but nothing was +done, probably because the Council of Vienne was still in session; but +after the dissolution of the Order had been proclaimed by Clement, and +the fate of the members was relegated to the local councils, one was +held, October 18, 1312, at Tarragona, which decided the question so long +pending. The Templars were brought before it and rigorously examined. +November 4 the sentence was publicly read, pronouncing an unqualified +acquittal from all the errors, crimes, and impostures with which they +were charged; they were declared beyond suspicion, and no one should +dare to defame them. In view of the dissolution of the Order the council +was somewhat puzzled to know what to do with them, but after prolonged +debate it was determined that until the pope should otherwise decree +they should reside in the dioceses in which their property lay, +receiving proper support from their sequestrated lands. This decree was +carried out, and when the property passed into the hands of the +Hospitallers it was burdened with these charges. In 1319 a list of +pensions thus payable by the Hospitallers would seem to show that the +Templars were liberally provided for, and received what was due to +them.<a name="FNanchor_334_334" id="FNanchor_334_334"></a><a href="#Footnote_334_334" class="fnanchor">[334]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_314" id="page_314"></a>{314}</span></p> + +<p>Jayme I. of Majorca was in no position to resist the pressure brought +upon him by Philippe le Bel and Clement. His little kingdom consisted of +the Balearic Isles, the counties of Roussillon and Cerdagne, the +Seignory of Montpellier and a few other scattered possessions at the +mercy of his powerful neighbor. He promptly therefore obeyed the papal +bull of November 22, 1307, and by the end of the month the Templars in +his dominions were all arrested. In Roussillon the only preceptory was +that of Mas Deu, which was one of the strongholds of the land, and there +the Templars were collected and confined to the number of twenty-five, +including the Preceptor, Ramon Sa Guardia, the gallant defender of +Miravet, who after his surrender was demanded by the King of Majorca and +willingly joined his comrades. We know nothing of what took place on the +islands beyond the fact of the arrest, but on the mainland we can follow +with some exactness the course of events. Roussillon constituted the +diocese of Elne, which was suffragan to the archbishopric of Narbonne. +May 5, 1309, the archbishop sent to Ramon Costa, Bishop of Elne, the +articles of accusation with the papal bull ordering an inquest. The good +bishop seems to have been in no haste to comply, but, pleading illness, +postponed the matter until January, 1310. Then, in obedience to the +instructions, he summoned two Franciscans and two Dominicans, and with +two of his cathedral canons he proceeded to interrogate the prisoners. +It is evident that no torture was employed, for in their prolonged +examinations they substantially agreed in asserting the purity and piety +of the Order, and their chaplain offered in evidence their book of +ritual for receptions in the vernacular, commencing, “<i>Quan aleum proom +requer la compaya de la Mayso</i>.” With manly indignation they refused to +believe that the Grand Master and chiefs of the Order had confessed to +the truth of the charges, but if they had done so they had lied in their +throats—or, as one of them phrased it, they were demons in human skin. +With regard to the cord of chastity, an humble peasant serving brother +explained not only that it was procured wherever they chose, but that if +it chanced to break<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_315" id="page_315"></a>{315}</span> while ploughing it was at once temporarily replaced +with one made of reeds. The voluminous testimony was forwarded, with a +simple certificate of its accuracy, by Bishop Ramon, August 31, 1310, +which shows that he was in no haste to transmit it. It could have proved +in no sense satisfactory, and there can be little doubt that the cruel +orders of Clement, in March, 1311, to procure confessions by torture +were duly obeyed, for Jean de Bourgogne, sacristan of Majorca, was +appointed by Clement inquisitor for the Templars in Aragon, Navarre, and +Majorca, and the same methods must unquestionably have been followed in +all the kingdoms. After the Council of Vienne there ensued a rather +curious controversy between the archbishops of Tarragona and Narbonne on +the subject. The former, with the Bishop of Valencia, was papal +custodian of Templar property in Aragon, Majorca, and Navarre. He seems +thus to have imagined that he held jurisdiction over the Templars of +Roussillon, for, October 15, 1313, he declared Ramon Sa Guardia absolved +and innocent, and directed him to live with his brethren at Mas Deu, +with a pension of three hundred and fifty livres, and the use of the +gardens and orchards, the other Templars having pensions ranging from +one hundred to thirty livres. Yet, in September, 1315, Bernard, +Archbishop of Narbonne, ordered Bishop Ramon’s successor Guillen to +bring to the provincial council which he had summoned all the Templars +imprisoned in his diocese, together with the documents relating to their +trials, in order that their persons might be disposed of. King Jayme I. +had died in 1311, but his son and successor, Sancho, intervened, saying +that Clement had placed the Templars in his charge, and he would not +surrender them without a papal order—the papacy at that time being +vacant, with little prospect of an early election. He added that if they +were to be punished it belonged to him to have them tried in his court, +and to protect his jurisdiction he appealed to the future pope and +council. This was effectual, and the Templars remained undisturbed. A +statement of pensions paid in 1319 shows that of the twenty-five +examined at Mas Deu in 1310 ten had died; the remainder, with one +additional brother, were drawing pensions amounting in the aggregate to +nine hundred and fifty livres a year. On the island of Majorca there +were still nine whose total pensions were three hundred and sixty-two +livres ten sols. In 1329 there were still nine Templars<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_316" id="page_316"></a>{316}</span> receiving +pensions allotted on the Preceptory of Mas Deu, though most of them had +retired to their houses, for they do not appear to have been restricted +as to their place of residence. By this time the indomitable Ramon Sa +Guardia’s name had disappeared. One by one they dropped off, until in +1350 there was but a single survivor, the knight Berenger dez Coll.<a name="FNanchor_335_335" id="FNanchor_335_335"></a><a href="#Footnote_335_335" class="fnanchor">[335]</a></p> + +<p>In Castile no action seems to have been taken until the bull <i>Faciens +misericordiam</i> of August 12, 1308, was sent to the prelates ordering +them to act in conjunction with the Dominican, Eymeric de Navas, as +inquisitor. Fernando IV. then ordered the Templars arrested, and their +lands placed in the hands of the bishops until the fate of the Order +should be determined. There was no alacrity, however, in pursuing the +affair, for it was not until April 15, 1310, that Archbishop Gonzalo of +Toledo cited the Master of Castile, Rodrigo Ybañez, and his brethren to +appear before him at Toledo. For the province of Compostella, comprising +Portugal, the archbishop held a council at Medina del Campo, where +thirty Templars and three other witnesses were examined, all of whom +testified in favor of the Order; a priest swore that he had heard the +confessions of many Templars on their death-beds, as well as others +mortally wounded by the infidel, and all were orthodox. No better +success attended inquests held by the Bishop of Lisbon at Medina Celi +and Orense. The only judicial action of which we have notice was that of +the Council of Salamanca for the province of Compostella, where the +Templars were unanimously acquitted, and the cruel orders to torture +them issued the next year by Clement seem to have been disregarded. +After the Order was dissolved the Templars for the most part continued +to lead exemplary lives. Many retired to the mountains and ended their +days as anchorites, and after death their bodies remained incorruptible, +in testimony of the saintliness of their martyrdom.<a name="FNanchor_336_336" id="FNanchor_336_336"></a><a href="#Footnote_336_336" class="fnanchor">[336]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_317" id="page_317"></a>{317}</span></p> + +<p>Portugal belonged ecclesiastically to the province of Compostella, and +the Bishop of Lisbon, commissioned to investigate the Order, found no +ground for the charges. The fate of the Templars there was exceptionally +fortunate, for King Diniz, grateful for their services in his wars with +the Saracens, founded a new Order, that of Jesus Christ, or de Avis, and +procured its approval in 1318 from John XXII. To this safe refuge the +Templars and their lands were transferred, the commander and many of the +preceptors retaining their rank, and the new Order was thus merely a +continuation of the old.<a name="FNanchor_337_337" id="FNanchor_337_337"></a><a href="#Footnote_337_337" class="fnanchor">[337]</a></p> + +<p> </p> + +<p>The period finally set for the Council of Vienne was approaching, and +thus far Clement had failed to procure any evidence of weight against +the Templars beyond the boundaries of France, where bishop and +inquisitor had been the tools of Philippe’s remorseless energy. Clement +may at the first have been Philippe’s unwilling accomplice, but if so he +had long since gone too far to retract. Whether, as believed by many of +his contemporaries, he was sharing the spoils, is of little moment. He +had committed himself personally to all Europe, in the bull of November +22, 1307, to the assertion of the Templars’ guilt, and had repeated this +emphatically in his subsequent utterances, with details admitting of no +retraction or explanation; he, as well as they, was on trial before +Christendom, and their acquittal by the council would be his conviction. +He was, therefore, no judge, but an antagonist, forced by the instinct +of self-preservation to destroy them, no matter through what +unscrupulous methods. As the council drew near his anxiety increased, +and he cast around for means to secure the testimony which should +justify him by proving the heresy of the Order. We have seen how he +urged Edward II. to introduce torture into the hitherto unpolluted +courts of England, and how he succeeded in having the brethren of Aragon +tortured in violation of the liberties of the land. These were but +specimens of a series of bulls, perhaps the most disgraceful that ever +proceeded from a vicegerent of God. From Cyprus to Portugal, prince and +prelate<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_318" id="page_318"></a>{318}</span> were ordered to obtain confessions by torture; in some places, +he said, it had been negligently and imprudently omitted, and the +omission must be repaired. The canons required that in such cases those +who refused to confess must be submitted to a “religious torturer” and +the truth thus be forced from them. So earnest was he that he wrote to +his legate in Rhodes to go to Cyprus and personally see that it was +done. The result in such cases was to be sent to him as speedily as +possible.<a name="FNanchor_338_338" id="FNanchor_338_338"></a><a href="#Footnote_338_338" class="fnanchor">[338]</a></p> + +<p>How much of human agony these inhuman orders caused can never be known. +It was not merely that those who had hitherto been spared the rack were +now subjected to it, but, in the eagerness to supplement the evidence on +hand, those who had already undergone torture were brought from their +dungeons and again subjected to it with enhanced severity, in order to +obtain from them still more extravagant admissions of guilt. Thus at +Florence thirteen Templars had been duly inquisitioned in 1310, and some +of them had confessed. Under the fresh papal urgency the inquisitors +again assembled in September, 1311, and put them through a fresh series +of examinations. Six of them yielded testimony in every way +satisfactory—the adoration of idols and cats and the rest. Seven of +them, however, were obstinate, and testified to the innocence of the +Order. The inquisitors showed their appreciation of what Clement wanted +by sending him only the six confessions. The other seven brethren, they +reported, had been duly tortured, but had stated nothing that was worth +the sending, as they were serving brethren or newly initiated members +who, presumably, were ignorant—although elsewhere the most damaging +evidence had been obtained from such brethren and utilized. Clement +evidently knew his man when he selected the Archbishop of Pisa as the +head of this inquisition. We happen to have another illustration of the +results of Clement’s urgency in preparing for the council. In the +Château d’Alais the Bishop of Nîmes held thirty-three Templars who had +already been examined and confessions extorted from some of them, which +had mostly been retracted. Under Clement’s orders for fresh tortures +twenty-nine survivors of these (four having meanwhile died in prison) +were brought out in August, 1311. Some of them had<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_319" id="page_319"></a>{319}</span> already been +tortured three years before, but now all were tortured again, with the +result of obtaining the kind of testimony required, including +demon-worship.<a name="FNanchor_339_339" id="FNanchor_339_339"></a><a href="#Footnote_339_339" class="fnanchor">[339]</a></p> + +<p>In spite of all these precautions it required the most arbitrary use of +both papal and kingly influence to force from the council a reluctant +assent to what was evidently regarded by Christendom as the foulest +injustice. It is, perhaps, significant that the acts of the council +vanished from the papal archives, and we are left to gather its +proceedings from such fragmentary allusions as occur in contemporary +chroniclers and from the papal bulls which record its results. Good +orthodox Catholics have even denied to it the right to be considered +Œcumenic, in spite of the presence of more than three hundred bishops +from all the states of Europe, the presidency of a pope, and the book of +canon laws which was adopted in it, no one knows how.<a name="FNanchor_340_340" id="FNanchor_340_340"></a><a href="#Footnote_340_340" class="fnanchor">[340]</a></p> + +<p>The first question to be settled was Clement’s demand that the Order +should be condemned without a hearing. He had, as we have seen, solemnly +summoned it to appear, through its chiefs and procurators, before the +council, and had ordered the Cardinal of<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_320" id="page_320"></a>{320}</span> Palestrina, whom he had +appointed their custodian, to present them for that purpose; he had +organized a commission expressly to listen to those who were willing to +defend it, and to arrange for them to nominate procurators, and he had +uttered no protest when Philippe’s savage violence had put an end to the +attempt. Now the council had met and the chiefs of the Order were not +brought before it. The subject was too delicate a one to be trusted to +the body of the council, and a picked convocation was formed of prelates +selected from the nations represented—Spain, France, Italy, Germany, +Hungary, England, Ireland, and Scotland—to discuss the matter with the +pope and cardinals. On a day in November, while this body was listening +to the reports sent in by the inquisitors, suddenly there appeared +before them seven Templars offering to defend the Order in the name, +they said, of fifteen hundred or two thousand brethren, refugees who +were wandering in the mountains of the Lyonnais. In place of hearing +them, Clement promptly cast them into prison, and when, a few days +later, two more, undeterred by the fate of their predecessors, made a +similar attempt, they were likewise incarcerated. Clement’s principal +emotion was fear for his own life from the desperation of the outcasts, +leading him to take extra precautions and to advise Philippe to do the +same. This was not calculated to make the prelates feel less keenly the +shame of what they were asked to do, for which the only reason alleged +was the injury to the Holy Land arising from the delay to be anticipated +from discussion; and when the matter came to a vote only one Italian +bishop and three Frenchmen (the Archbishops of Sens, Reims, and Rouen, +who had burned the relapsed Templars) were found to record themselves in +favor of the infamy of condemning the Order unheard. They might well +hesitate. In Germany, Italy, and Spain provincial councils had solemnly +declared that they could find no evil in the Order or its members. In +England the Templars had only confessed themselves defamed of heresy. In +France alone had there been any general confession of guilt. Even if +individuals were guilty, they had been condemned to appropriate penance, +and there was no warrant for destroying without a hearing so noble a +member of the Church Militant as the great Order of the Temple.<a name="FNanchor_341_341" id="FNanchor_341_341"></a><a href="#Footnote_341_341" class="fnanchor">[341]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_321" id="page_321"></a>{321}</span></p> + +<p>Clement vainly used every effort to win over the Council. The most that +he could do was to prolong the discussion until the middle of February, +1313, when Philippe, who had called a meeting of the Three Estates at +Lyons, hard by Vienne, came thence with Charles de Valois, his three +sons and a following numerous enough to impress the prelates with his +power. A royal order of March 14 to the Seneschal of Toulouse to make a +special levy to defray the expenses of the delegates sent by that city +successively to Tours, Poitiers, Lyons, and Vienne, “on the business of +the faith or of the Templars,” shows how the policy, begun at Tours, of +overawing the Church by pressure from the laity of the kingdom was +unscrupulously pursued to the end. Active discussions followed. Philippe +had dexterously brought forward again the question of the condemnation +of Boniface VIII. for heresy, which he had promised, a year previous, to +abandon. It was an impossibility to grant this without impugning the +legitimacy of Boniface’s cardinals and of Clement’s election, but it +served the purpose of affording an apparent concession. The combined +pressure brought to bear upon the council became too strong for further +resistance, and the Gordian knot was resolutely severed. In a secret +consistory of cardinals and prelates held March 22, Clement presented +the bull <i>Vox in excelso</i>, in which he admitted that the evidence did +not canonically justify the definitive condemnation of the Order, but he +argued that it had been so scandalized that no honorable men hereafter +could enter it, that delay would lead to the dilapidation of its +possessions with consequent damage to the Holy Land, and that, +therefore, its provisional abolition by the Holy See was expedient. +April 3 the second session of the council was held, in which the bull +was published, and Clement apologized for it by<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_322" id="page_322"></a>{322}</span> explaining that it was +necessary to propitiate his dear son, the King of France. If the popular +belief was that the sentence was rendered by Philippe’s command, it was +not without justification. Thus, after all this cruelty and labor, the +Order was abolished without being convicted. There can be little doubt +that the council acquiesced willingly in this solution of the question. +The individual members were thus relieved of responsibility, and they +felt that the Order had been so foully dealt with that policy required +injustice to be carried out to the bitter end.<a name="FNanchor_342_342" id="FNanchor_342_342"></a><a href="#Footnote_342_342" class="fnanchor">[342]</a></p> + +<p>The next point to be determined was the disposition of the Templar +property, which gave rise to a long and somewhat bitter debate. Various +plans were proposed, but finally Clement succeeded<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_323" id="page_323"></a>{323}</span> in procuring its +transfer to the Hospitallers. It may not be true that they bribed him +heavily to accomplish this, but such a belief prevailed extensively at +the time, and sufficiently illustrates the estimate entertained of him +by his contemporaries. May 2 the bull <i>Ad providam</i> announced that, +although in view of the proceedings thus far had the Order could not +legally be suppressed, it was provisionally and irrevocably abolished by +apostolic ordinance; it was placed under perpetual inhibition, and any +one presuming to enter it or to assume its habit incurred <i>ipso facto</i> +excommunication. All the property of the Order was assumed by the Holy +See, and was transferred to the Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem, +saving in the kingdoms of Castile, Aragon, Majorca, and Portugal. As +early as August, 1310, Jayme of Aragon had urged his brother monarchs to +unite with him in defending their claims before the papal court; and +though he disregarded Clement’s invitation to appear in person before +the council to state his reasons, the three kings took care to have +their views energetically represented. Elsewhere, all who occupied and +detained such property, no matter what their rank or station, were +required, under pain of excommunication, to hand it over to the +Hospitallers within a month after summons. This bull was sent to all +princes and prelates, and the latter were instructed to enforce the +surrender of the property by a vigorous use of excommunication and +interdict.<a name="FNanchor_343_343" id="FNanchor_343_343"></a><a href="#Footnote_343_343" class="fnanchor">[343]</a></p> + +<p>The burning question as to the property being thus settled, the less +material one as to the persons of the Templars was shuffled off by +referring them to their provincial councils for judgment, with the +exception of the chiefs of the Order still reserved to the Holy See. All +fugitives were cited to appear within a year before their bishops for +examination and sentence; failure to do so incurred <i>ipso facto</i> +excommunication, which if endured for another<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_324" id="page_324"></a>{324}</span> year became condemnation +for heresy. General instructions were given that the impenitent and +relapsed were to be visited with the utmost penalties of the law. Those +who, even under torture, denied all knowledge of error afforded a +problem insoluble to the wisdom of the council and were referred to the +provincial councils to be treated as justice and the equity of the +canons required: to those who confessed, the rigor of justice should be +tempered with abundant mercy. They were to be placed in the former +houses of the Order or in monasteries, taking care that no great number +should be herded together, and be decently maintained out of the +property of the Order. Interest in the subject, however, passed away +with the alienation of the property, and few provincial councils seem to +have been held save those of Tarragona and Narbonne already mentioned. +Many Templars rotted to death in their dungeons; some of the so-called +“relapsed” were burned; many wandered over Europe as homeless vagabonds; +others maintained themselves as best they might by manual labor. In +Naples, curiously enough, John XXII. in 1318 ordered them to be +supported by the Dominicans and Franciscans. When some attempted to +marry, John XXII. pronounced that their vows were still binding and +their marriages void, thus admitting that their reception had been +regular and not vitiated. He likewise assumed their orthodoxy when he +permitted them to enter other Orders. A certain number of them did so, +especially in Germany, where their fate was less bitter than elsewhere, +and where the Hospitallers welcomed them by formal resolution of the +Conference of Frankfurt-am-Mayn in 1317. The last Preceptor of +Brandenburg, Frederic of Alvensleben, was received into the Hospital +with the same preferment. In fact, popular sympathy in Germany seems to +have led to the assignment to them of revenues of which the Hospitallers +complained as an insupportable burden, and in 1318 John XXII. ordered +that they should not be so provided for as to enable them to lay up +money and live luxuriously, but should have merely a living and garments +suited to spiritual persons.<a name="FNanchor_344_344" id="FNanchor_344_344"></a><a href="#Footnote_344_344" class="fnanchor">[344]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_325" id="page_325"></a>{325}</span></p> + +<p>There remained to be disposed of de Molay and the other chiefs reserved +by Clement for his personal judgment—a reservation which, as we have +seen, by inspiring them with selfish hopes, led them to abandon their +brethren. When this purpose had been accomplished Clement for a while +seemed to forgot them in their drear captivity. It was not till December +22, 1313, that he appointed a commission of three cardinals, Arnaud of +S. Sabina, Nicholas of S. Eusebio, and Arnaldo of S. Prisca, to +investigate the proceedings against them and to absolve or condemn, or +to inflict penance proportionate to their offences, and to assign to +them on the property of the Order such pensions as were fitting. The +cardinals dallied with their duty until March 19, 1314, when, on a +scaffold in front of Nôtre Dame, de Molay, Geoffroi de Charney, Master +of Normandy, Hugues de Peraud, Visitor of France, and Godefroi de +Gonneville, Master of Aquitaine, were brought forth from the jail in +which for nearly seven years they had lain, to receive the sentence +agreed upon by the cardinals, in conjunction with the Archbishop of Sens +and some other prelates whom they had called in. Considering the +offences which the culprits had confessed and confirmed, the penance +imposed was in accordance with rule—that of perpetual imprisonment. The +affair was supposed to be concluded when, to the dismay of the prelates +and wonderment of the assembled crowd, de Molay and Geoffroi de Charney +arose. They had been guilty, they said, not of the crimes imputed to +them, but of basely betraying their Order to save their own lives. It +was pure and holy; the charges were fictitious and the confessions +false. Hastily the cardinals delivered them to the Prévôt of Paris, and +retired to deliberate on this unexpected contingency, but they were +saved all trouble. When the news was carried to Philippe he was furious. +A short consultation with his council only was required. The canons +pronounced that a relapsed heretic was to be burned without a hearing; +the facts were notorious and no formal judgment by the papal commission +need be waited for. That same day, by sunset, a pile was erected on a +small island in the Seine, the Isle des Juifs, near the palace garden. +There de Molay and de Charney were slowly burned to death, refusing all<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_326" id="page_326"></a>{326}</span> +offers of pardon for retraction, and bearing their torment with a +composure which won for them the reputation of martyrs among the people, +who reverently collected their ashes as relics. It remained for a modern +apologist of the Church to declare that their intrepid self-sacrifice +proved them to be champions of the devil. In their death they triumphed +over their persecutor and atoned for the pusillanimity with which they +had abandoned those committed to their guidance. Hugues de Peraud and +the Master of Aquitaine lacked courage to imitate them, accepted their +penance, and perished miserably in their dungeons. Raimbaud de Caron, +the Preceptor of Cyprus, had doubtless been already released by +death.<a name="FNanchor_345_345" id="FNanchor_345_345"></a><a href="#Footnote_345_345" class="fnanchor">[345]</a></p> + +<p>The fact that in little more than a month Clement died in torment of the +loathsome disease known as lupus, and that in eight months Philippe, at +the early age of forty-six, perished by an accident while hunting, +necessarily gave rise to the legend that de Molay had cited them before +the tribunal of God. Such stories were rife among the people, whose +sense of justice had been scandalized by the whole affair. Even in +distant Germany Philippe’s death was spoken of as a retribution for his +destruction of the Templars, and Clement was described as shedding tears +of remorse on his death-bed for three great crimes, the poisoning of +Henry VI. and the ruin of the Templars and Beguines. An Italian +contemporary, papalist in his leanings, apologizes for introducing a +story of a wandering outcast Templar carried from Naples to the presence +of Clement, bearding him to his face, condemned to the stake, and from +the flames summoning him and Philippe to the judgment-seat of God within +the year, which was marvellously fulfilled.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_327" id="page_327"></a>{327}</span> These tales show how the +popular heart was stirred and how the popular sympathies were +directed.<a name="FNanchor_346_346" id="FNanchor_346_346"></a><a href="#Footnote_346_346" class="fnanchor">[346]</a></p> + +<p>In fact, outside of France, where, for obvious reasons, contemporary +opinion was cautious in expression, the downfall of the Templars was +very largely attributed to the remorseless cupidity of Philippe and +Clement. Even in France public sentiment inclined in their favor. +Godefroi de Paris evidently goes as far as he dares when he says:</p> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">“Dyversement de ce l’en parle,<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Et ou monde en est grant bataille—<br /></span> +<span class="ist">—L’en puet bien décevoir l’yglise<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Mès l’en ne puet en nule guise<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Diex décevoir. Je n’en dis plus:<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Qui voudra dira le seurplus.”<br /></span> +</div></div> + +<p>It required courage animated by a lofty sense of duty when, at the +height of the persecution, the Dominican, Pierre de la Palu, one of the +foremost theologians of the day, voluntarily appeared before the papal +commission in Paris to say that he had been present at many examinations +where some of the accused confessed the charges and others denied them, +and it appeared to him that the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_328" id="page_328"></a>{328}</span> denials were worthy of confidence +rather than the confessions.<a name="FNanchor_347_347" id="FNanchor_347_347"></a><a href="#Footnote_347_347" class="fnanchor">[347]</a> As time wore on the conviction as to +their innocence strengthened. Boccaccio took their side. St. Antonino of +Florence, whose historical labors largely influenced opinion in the +fifteenth century, asserted that their downfall was attributable to the +craving for their wealth, and popular writers in general adopted the +same view. Even Raynaldus hesitates and balances arguments on either +side, and Campi assures us that in Italy, in the seventeenth century, +they were regarded by many as saints and martyrs. At length, about the +middle of the seventeenth century, the learned Du Puy undertook to +rehabilitate the memory of Philippe le Bel in a work of which the array +of documentary evidence renders it indispensable to the student. +Gürtler, who followed him with a history of the Templars, is evidently +unable to make up his mind. Since then<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_329" id="page_329"></a>{329}</span> the question has been argued pro +and con with a vehemence which promises to leave it one of the unsettled +problems of history.<a name="FNanchor_348_348" id="FNanchor_348_348"></a><a href="#Footnote_348_348" class="fnanchor">[348]</a></p> + +<p>Be this as it may, Philippe obtained the object of his desires. After +1307 his financial embarrassments visibly decreased. There was not only +the release from the obligation of the five hundred thousand livres +which he had borrowed of the Order, but its vast accumulations of +treasure and of valuables of all kinds fell into his hands and were +never accounted for. He collected all the debts due to it, and his +successors were still busy at that work as late as 1322. The extensive +banking business which the Templars had established between the East and +the West doubtless rendered this feature of the confiscation exceedingly +profitable, and it is safe to assume that Philippe enforced the rule +that debts due by convicted heretics were not to be paid. Despite his +pretence of surrendering the landed estates to the pope, he retained +possession of them till his death and enjoyed their revenues. Even those +in Guyenne, belonging to the English crown, he collected in spite of the +protests of Edward, and he claimed the Templar castles in the English +territories until Clement prevailed upon him to withdraw. The great +Paris Temple, half palace, half fortress, one of the architectural +wonders of the age, was retained with a grip which nothing but death +could loosen. After the property had been adjudged to the Hospitallers, +in May, 1312, by the Council of Vienne with Philippe’s concurrence, and +he had formally approved of it in August, Clement addressed him in +December several letters asking his assistance in recovering what had +been seized by individuals—assistance which doubtless was freely +promised; but in June, 1313, we find Clement remonstrating with him over +his refusal to permit Albert de Châteauneuf, Grand Preceptor of the +Hospital, to administer the property either of his own Order or that of +the Temple in France. In 1314 the General Chapter of the Hospital gave +unlimited authority to Leonardo and Francesco de Tibertis to take +possession of all the Temple property promised to the Order, and in +April an <i>arrêt</i> of Parlement recites that it had been given to the +Hospital at Philippe’s special request, and that he had invested +Leonardo de Tibertis with it; but there was<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_330" id="page_330"></a>{330}</span> a reservation that it was +liable for the expenses of the imprisoned Templars and for the costs +incurred by the king in pushing the trials. This was a claim elastic +both in amount and in the time required for settlement. Had Philippe’s +life been prolonged it is probable that no settlement would have been +made. As it was, the Hospitallers at last, in 1317, were glad to close +the affair by abandoning to Philippe le Long all claim on the income of +the landed estates which the crown had held for ten years, with an +arrangement as to the movables which virtually left them in the king’s +hands. They also assumed to pay the expenses of the imprisoned Templars, +and this exposed them to every species of exaction and pillage on the +part of the royal officials.<a name="FNanchor_349_349" id="FNanchor_349_349"></a><a href="#Footnote_349_349" class="fnanchor">[349]</a></p> + +<p>In fact, it is the general testimony that the Hospitallers were rather +impoverished than enriched by the splendid gift. There had been a +universal Saturnalia of plunder. Every one, king, noble, and prelate, +who could lay hands on a part of the defenceless possessions had done +so, and to reclaim it required large payments either to the holder or to +his suzerain. In 1286 the Margrave Otto of Brandenburg had entered the +Order of the Temple and had enriched it with extensive domains. These +the Margrave Waldemar seized, and did not surrender till 1322, nor was +the transfer confirmed till 1350, when the Hospital was obliged to pay +five hundred silver marks. In Bohemia many nobles seized and retained +Templar property; the chivalrous King John is said to have kept more +than twenty castles, and Templars themselves managed to hold some and +bequeath them to their heirs. Religious orders were not behindhand in +securing what they could out of the spoils—Dominicans, Carthusians, +Augustinians, Celestinians, all are named as participators. Even the +pious Robert of Naples had to be reminded by Clement that he had +incurred excommunication because he had not surrendered the Templar +property in Provence. In fact, he had secretly sent orders to his +seneschal not to<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_331" id="page_331"></a>{331}</span> deliver it to the Archbishops of Arles and Embrun, the +commissioners appointed by the pope, and before he was finally obliged +to make it over he realized what he could from it. Perhaps the Hospital +fared better in Cyprus than elsewhere, for when the papal nuncio, Peter, +Bishop of Rhodes, published the bull, November 7, 1313, the Templar +possessions seem to have been made over to it without contest. In +England, even the weakness of Edward II. made a feeble attempt to keep +the property. Clement had ordered him, February 25, 1309, to make it +over to the papal commissioners designated for the purpose, but he seems +to have paid no attention to the command. After the Council of Vienne we +find him, August 12, 1312, expressing to the Prior of the Hospital his +surprise that he is endeavoring under the color of papal letters to +obtain possession of it, to the manifest prejudice of the dignity of the +crown. Much of it had been farmed out and alienated to Edward’s +worthless favorites, and he resisted its surrender as long as he dared. +When forced to succumb he did so in a manner as self-abasing as +possible, by executing, November 24, 1313, a notarial instrument to the +effect that he protested against it, and only yielded out of fear of the +dangers to him and his kingdom to be apprehended from a refusal. It may +be doubted whether his orders were obeyed that it should be burdened +with the payment of the allowances to the surviving Templars. He +succeeded, however, in getting a hundred pounds from the Hospitallers +for the London Temple; and in 1317 John XXII. was obliged to intervene +with an order for the restitution of lands still detained by those who +had succeeded in occupying them.<a name="FNanchor_350_350" id="FNanchor_350_350"></a><a href="#Footnote_350_350" class="fnanchor">[350]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_332" id="page_332"></a>{332}</span></p> + +<p>The Spanish peninsula had been excepted from the operation of the bull +transferring the property to the Hospital, but subject to the further +discretion of Clement. As regards the kingdom of Majorca he exercised +this discretion in 1313 by giving King Sancho II. the personal property, +and ordering him to make over the real estate to the Hospital, under +condition that the latter should be subject to the duties which had been +performed by the Temple. Even this did not relieve the Hospitallers from +the necessity of bargaining with King Sancho. It was not until February, +1314, that the lands on the island of Majorca were surrendered to them +in consideration of an annual payment of eleven thousand sols, and an +allowance of twenty-two thousand five hundred sols to be made on the +mesne profits to be accounted for since the donation was made. All +profits previous to that time were to remain with the crown. No +documents are extant to show what was done on the mainland, but +doubtless there was a similar transaction. In addition to this the +pensions of the Templars assigned on the property were a heavy burden +for many years.<a name="FNanchor_351_351" id="FNanchor_351_351"></a><a href="#Footnote_351_351" class="fnanchor">[351]</a></p> + +<p>In Aragon there was less disposition to accede to the papal wishes. +Constant struggle with the Saracen had left memories of services +rendered, or sharpened the sense of benefits to come from some new Order +devoted wholly to national objects, which could not be expected of a +body like the Hospitallers, whose primary duty was devotion to the Holy +Land. The Templars had contributed largely to all the enterprises which +had enlarged the boundaries of the kingdom. They had rendered faithful +service to the monarchy in the council as well as in the field; to them +was in great part attributed the rescue of Jayme I. from the hands of de +Montfort, and they had been foremost in the glorious campaigns which had +earned for him the title of <i>el Conquistador</i>. Pedro III. and Jayme II. +had scarce had less reason for gratitude to them, and the latter, after +sacrificing them, naturally desired to use their forfeited property for +the establishment of a new Order from which he might expect similar +advantages, but Clement’s engagements with the Hospitallers were such +that he turned a deaf<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_333" id="page_333"></a>{333}</span> ear to the king’s repeated representations. On +the accession of John XXII., however, matters assumed a more favorable +aspect, and in 1317 Vidal de Vilanova, Jayme’s envoy, procured from him +a bull authorizing the formation of the Order of Nuestra Señora de +Montesa, affiliated to the Order of Calatrava, from which its members +were to be drawn. Its duties were defined to be the defence of the +coasts and frontier of Valencia from corsairs and Moors; the Templar +property in Aragon and Catalonia was made over to the Hospitallers, +while the new Order was to have in Valencia not only the possessions of +the Temple, but all those of the Hospital, except in the city of +Valencia and for half a league around it. In 1319 the preliminaries were +accomplished, and the new Order was organized with Guillen de Eril as +its Grand Master.<a name="FNanchor_352_352" id="FNanchor_352_352"></a><a href="#Footnote_352_352" class="fnanchor">[352]</a></p> + +<p>In Castile Alonso XI. retained for the crown the greater part of the +Templar lands, though, along the frontier, nobles and cities succeeded +in obtaining a portion. Some were given to the Orders of Santiago and +Calatrava, and the Hospitallers received little. After an interval of +half a century another effort was made, and in 1366 Urban V. ordered the +delivery within two months of all the Templar property to the +Hospitallers, but it is safe to assume that the mandate was disregarded, +though in 1387 Clement VII., the Avignonese antipope, confirmed some +exchanges made of Templar property by the Hospitallers with the Orders +of Santiago and Calatrava.<a name="FNanchor_353_353" id="FNanchor_353_353"></a><a href="#Footnote_353_353" class="fnanchor">[353]</a> Castile, as we have already seen, was +always singularly independent of the papacy. In Portugal, as mentioned +above, the property was handed over as a whole to the Order of Jesus +Christ.</p> + +<p>In the Morea, where the Templar possessions were extensive, Clement had, +as early as November 11, 1310, exercised rights of proprietorship by +ordering his administrators, the Patriarch of Constantinople and the +Archbishop of Patras, to lend to Gautier<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_334" id="page_334"></a>{334}</span> de Brienne, Duke of Athens, +all the proceeds which they had collected, and all that they might +collect for a year to come.<a name="FNanchor_354_354" id="FNanchor_354_354"></a><a href="#Footnote_354_354" class="fnanchor">[354]</a></p> + +<p>Thus disappeared, virtually without a struggle, an organization which +was regarded as one of the proudest, wealthiest, and most formidable in +Europe. It is not too much to say that the very idea of its destruction +could not have suggested itself, but for the facilities which the +inquisitorial process placed in able and unscrupulous hands to +accomplish any purpose of violence under the form of law. If I have +dwelt on the tragedy at a length that may seem disproportionate, my +apology is that it affords so perfect an illustration of the +helplessness of the victim, no matter how high-placed, when once the +fatal charge of heresy was preferred against him, and was pressed +through the agency of the Inquisition.</p> + +<hr style="width: 15%;" /> + +<p>The case of the learned theologian, Jean Petit, Doctor of Sorbonne, is +of no great historical importance, but it is worth noting as an example +of the use made of the charge of heresy as a weapon in political +warfare, and of the elastic definition by which heresy was brought to +include offences not easily justiciable in the ordinary courts.</p> + +<p>Under Charles VI. of France the royal power was reduced to a shadow. His +frequently recurring fits of insanity rendered him incapable of +governing, and the quarrels of ambitious princes of the blood reduced +the kingdom almost to a state of anarchy. Especially bitter was the feud +between the king’s brother, Louis, Duke of Orleans, and his cousin, Jean +sans Peur of Burgundy. Yet even that age of violence was startled when, +by the procurement of Jean sans Peur, the Duke of Orleans, in 1407, was +assassinated in the streets of Paris—a murder which remained unavenged +until 1419, when the battle-axe of Tanneguy du Châtel balanced the +account on the bridge of Montereau. Even Jean sans Peur felt the need of +some apology for his bloody deed, and he sought the assistance of Jean +Petit, who read before the royal court a thesis—the <i>Justificatio Ducis +Burgundiæ</i>—to prove that he had acted righteously and patriotically, +and that he deserved<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_335" id="page_335"></a>{335}</span> the thanks of king and people. Written in the +conventional scholastic style, the tract was not a mere political +pamphlet, but an argument based on premises of general principles. It is +a curious coincidence that, nearly three centuries earlier, another +Johannes Parvus, better known as John of Salisbury, the worthiest +representative of the highest culture of his day, in a purely +speculative treatise had laid down the doctrine that a tyrant was to be +put to death without mercy. According to the younger Jean Petit, “Any +tyrant can and ought properly to be slain by any subject or vassal, and +by any means, specially by treachery, notwithstanding any oath or +compact, and without awaiting judicial sentence or order.” This rather +portentous proposition was limited by defining the tyrant to be one who +is endeavoring through cupidity, fraud, sorcery, or evil mind to deprive +the king of his authority, and the subject or vassal is assumed to be +one who is inspired by loyalty, and him the king should cherish and +reward. It was not difficult to find Scriptural warrant for such +assertion in the slaying of Zimri by Phineas, and of Holofernes by +Judith; but Jean Petit ventured on debatable ground when he declared +that St. Michael, without awaiting the divine command and moved only by +natural love, slew Satan with eternal death, for which he was rewarded +with spiritual wealth as great as he was capable of receiving.<a name="FNanchor_355_355" id="FNanchor_355_355"></a><a href="#Footnote_355_355" class="fnanchor">[355]</a></p> + +<p>That this was not a mere lawyer’s pleading is shown by the fact that it +was written in the vernacular and exposed for sale. Doubtless Jean sans +Peur circulated it extensively, and it was doubtless convincing to those +who were already convinced. It might safely have been allowed to perish +in the limbo of forgetfulness, but when, some six years later, the +Armagnac faction obtained the upper hand, it was exhumed from the dust +as a ready means of attacking the Burgundians. Jean Petit himself, by +opportunely dying some years before, escaped a trial for heresy, but in +November, 1313, a national council was assembled in Paris to consider +nine propositions extracted from his work. Gérard, Bishop of Paris, and +Frère Jean Polet, the inquisitor, summoned the masters of theology of +the University to give their opinions,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_336" id="page_336"></a>{336}</span> which solemnly condemned the +propositions. The council debated the question with unwearied prolixity +through twenty-eight sessions, and finally, on February 23, 1314, it +adopted a sentence condemning the nine propositions to be burned as +erroneous in faith and morals, and manifestly scandalous. The sentence +was duly executed two days later on a scaffold in front of Nôtre Dame, +in presence of a vast crowd, to whom the famous doctor, Benoist Gencien, +elaborately explained the enormity of the heresy. Jean sans Peur +thereupon appealed to the Holy See from this sentence, and John XXIII. +appointed a commission of three cardinals—Orsini, Aquileia, and +Florence—to examine and report. Thus Jean Petit had succeeded in +becoming a European question, but in spite of this a royal ordonnance on +March 17 commanded all the bishops of the kingdom to burn the +propositions; on March 18, the University ordered them burned; on June 4 +there was a royal mandate to publish the condemnation; on December 4 the +University came to the royal court and delivered an oration on the +subject, and on December 27 Charles VI. addressed a royal letter to the +Council of Constance asking it to join in the condemnation. Evidently +the affair was exploited to the uttermost; and when, on January 4, 1315, +the long-delayed obsequies of the Duke of Orleans were performed in +Nôtre Dame, Chancellor Gerson preached a sermon before the king and the +court, the boldness of which excited general comment. The government of +the Duke of Orleans had been better than any which had succeeded it; the +death of the Duke of Burgundy was not counselled, but his humiliation +was advocated; the burning of Petit’s propositions was well done, but +more remained to do, and all this Gerson was ready to maintain before +all comers.<a name="FNanchor_356_356" id="FNanchor_356_356"></a><a href="#Footnote_356_356" class="fnanchor">[356]</a></p> + +<p>It was in this mood that Gerson went to Constance as head of the French +nation. In his first address to the council, March 23, 1415, he urged +the condemnation of the nine propositions. The trial of John XXIII., the +condemnation of Wickliff and of communion in both elements, and the +discussion over Huss for a while monopolized the attention of the +council, and no action was taken<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_337" id="page_337"></a>{337}</span> until June 15. Meanwhile Gerson found +an ally in the Polish nation. John of Falckenberg had written a tract +applying the arguments of Jean Petit to the slaying of Polish princes, +of which the Archbishop of Gnesen had readily procured the condemnation +by the University of Paris, and the Polish ambassador joined Gerson in +the effort to have both put under the ban. On June 15, Andrea Lascaris, +Bishop of Posen, proposed that a commission be appointed to conduct an +inquisition upon new heresies. Jean Petit was not alluded to, but it was +understood that his propositions were aimed at, for the only negative +vote was that of Martin, Bishop of Arras, the ambassador of Jean sans +Peur, who asserted that the object of the movement was to assail his +master; and he further protested against Cardinal Peter d’Ailly, who was +put on the commission with Orsini, Aquileia, and Florence, as well as +two representatives of the Italian nation and four each of the French, +English, and German. On July 6, after rendering judgment against Huss, +the council condemned as heretical and scandalous the proposition +<i>Quilibet tyrannus</i>, which was virtually the first of the nine condemned +in Paris. This did not satisfy the French, who wanted the judgment of +the University confirmed on the whole series. During the two years and a +half that the council remained assembled, Gerson was unwearied in his +efforts to accomplish this object. These heresies he declared to be of +more importance than those of Huss and Jerome, and bitterly he scolded +the fathers for leaving the good work unfinished. Interminable was the +wrangling and disputation, appeals from Charles VI. and the University +on the one side, and from the Duke of Burgundy on the other. John of +Falckenberg was thrown into prison, but nothing would induce the council +to take further action, and the affair at last died out. It is difficult +for us at the present day to understand the magnitude which it assumed +in the eyes of that generation. Gerson subsequently felt himself obliged +to meet the jeers of those who reproached him with having risked a +question of such importance before such a body as the council, and he +justified himself by alleging that he had acted under instructions from +the king and the University, and the Gallican Church as represented in +the province of Sens. Moreover, he argued, when the council had +manifested such zeal in condemning the Wickliffite doctrines and in +burning Huss and Jerome, he would have been<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_338" id="page_338"></a>{338}</span> rash and unjust to suppose +that it would not have been equally earnest in repressing the yet more +pernicious heresies of Jean Petit. To us the result of greatest interest +was its influence on the fate of Gerson himself. On the dissolution of +the council he was afraid to risk the enmity of the Duke of Burgundy by +returning to France, and gladly accepted a refuge offered him in Austria +by Duke Ernest, which he repaid in a grateful poem. He never ventured +nearer home than Lyons, where his brother was friar of a convent of +Celestinian hermits, and where he supported himself by teaching school +till his death, July 14, 1429.<a name="FNanchor_357_357" id="FNanchor_357_357"></a><a href="#Footnote_357_357" class="fnanchor">[357]</a></p> + +<hr style="width: 15%;" /> + +<p>Criticism would doubtless ere this have demonstrated the meteoric career +of Joan of Arc to be a myth, but for the concurrent testimony of friend +and foe and the documentary evidence, which enable us with reasonable +certainty to separate its marvellous vicissitudes from the legendary +details with which they have been obscured. For us her story has a +special interest, as affording another illustration of the ease with +which the inquisitorial process was employed for political ends.</p> + +<p>In 1429 the French monarchy seemed doomed beyond hope of resuscitation. +In the fierce dissensions which marked the reign of the insane Charles +VI. a generation had grown up in whom adherence to faction had replaced +fidelity to the throne or to the nation; the loyalists were known not as +partisans of Charles VII., but as Armagnacs, and the Burgundians +welcomed the foreign domination of England as preferable to that of +their hereditary sovereign. Paris, in spite of the fearful privations +and losses entailed by the war, submitted cheerfully to the English +through the love it bore to their ally, the Duke of Burgundy. Joan of +Arc said that, in her native village, Domremy on the Lorraine border, +there was but one Burgundian, and his head she wished were cut off; but +Domremy and Vaucouleurs constituted the only Armagnac spot in +northeastern France, and its boys used to have frequent fights with the +Burgundian boys of Marey, from which they<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_339" id="page_339"></a>{339}</span> would be brought home wounded +and bleeding. Such was the all-pervading bitterness of discord +throughout the kingdom.<a name="FNanchor_358_358" id="FNanchor_358_358"></a><a href="#Footnote_358_358" class="fnanchor">[358]</a></p> + +<p>Even the death of the brilliant Henry V., in 1423, had seemed to check +in no degree the progress of the English arms. Under the able regency of +his brother, the Duke of Bedford, seconded by such captains as +Salisbury, Talbot, Scales, and Fastolf, the infant Henry VI. appeared +destined to succeed to the throne of his grandfather, Charles VI., as +provided in the treaty of Troyes. In 1424 the victory of Verneuil +repeated the triumph of Agincourt. From Dauphiné alone three hundred +knights were left upon the field, and but for the fidelity of the +provinces won by the Albigensian crusades, Charles VII. would already +have been a king without a kingdom. Driven beyond the Loire, he was +known by the nickname of the Roi de Bourges. Vacillating and irresolute, +dominated by unworthy favorites, he hardly knew whether to retreat +farther to the south and make a final stand among the mountains of +Dauphiné, or to seek a refuge in Spain or Scotland. In 1428 his last +line of defence on the Loire was threatened by the leaguer of Orleans. +He was powerless to raise the siege, and for five months the heroic city +resisted till, reduced to despair, it sent the renowned knight, Pothon +de Xaintrallies to the Duke of Burgundy to ask him to accept its +allegiance. The duke was nothing loath, but the acquisition required the +assent of his English ally, and Bedford scornfully refused—he would +not, he said, beat the bush for another to win the bird. Two months more +of weary siege elapsed: as the spring of 1429 opened, further resistance +seemed useless, and for Charles there appeared nothing left but +ignominious retreat and eventual exile.<a name="FNanchor_359_359" id="FNanchor_359_359"></a><a href="#Footnote_359_359" class="fnanchor">[359]</a></p> + +<p>Such was the hopeless condition of the French monarchy when the +enthusiasm of Joan of Arc introduced a new factor in the tangled +problem, kindling anew the courage which had been extinguished by an +unbroken series of defeats, arousing the sense of<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_340" id="page_340"></a>{340}</span> loyalty which had +been lost in faction, bringing religion as a stimulus to patriotism, and +replacing despair with eager confidence and hopefulness. It has been +given to few in the world’s history thus to influence the destiny of a +nation, and perhaps to none so obscure and apparently so unfitted.<a name="FNanchor_360_360" id="FNanchor_360_360"></a><a href="#Footnote_360_360" class="fnanchor">[360]</a></p> + +<p>Born January 6, 1484, in the little hamlet of Domremy, on the border +line of Lorraine, she had but completed her seventeenth year when she +confidently assumed the function of the saviour of her native land.<a name="FNanchor_361_361" id="FNanchor_361_361"></a><a href="#Footnote_361_361" class="fnanchor">[361]</a> +Her parents, honest peasants, had given her such training as comported +with her station; she could, of course, neither read nor write, but she +could recite her Pater Noster, Ave Maria, and Credo; she had herded the +kine, and was a notable sempstress—on her trial she boasted that no +maid or matron of Rouen could teach her anything with the needle. Thanks +to her rustic employment she was tall and strong-limbed, active and +enduring. It was said of her that she could pass six days and nights +without taking off her harness, and marvellous stories were told of her +abstinence from food while undergoing the most exhausting labor in +battle and assault. Thus a strong physical constitution was dominated by +a still stronger and excitable nervous organization. Her resolute +self-reliance was shown when she was sought in marriage by an honest +citizen of Toul, whose suit her parents favored. Finding her obdurate, +he had recourse, it would seem with her parents’ consent, to the law, +and cited her before the Official of Toul to fulfil the marriage promise +which he alleged she had made to him. Notwithstanding her youth, Joan +appeared undaunted before the court, swore that she had given no +pledges, and was released from the too-ardent suitor. At the age of +thirteen she commenced to have ecstasies and visions. The Archangel +Michael appeared to her first, and he was followed by St. Catharine and +St. Margaret, whom God had specially commissioned to watch over and +guide her. Even the Archangel Gabriel sometimes<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_341" id="page_341"></a>{341}</span> came to counsel her, +and she felt herself the instrument of the divine will, transmuting by a +subtle psychical alchemy her own impulses into commands from on high. At +length she could summon her heavenly advisers at will and obtain from +them instructions in any doubtful emergency. In her trial great stress +was laid upon an ancient beech-tree, near Domremy, known as the Ladies’ +Tree, or Fairies’ Tree, from near the roots of which gushed forth a +spring of miraculous healing virtue. A survival of tree and fountain +worship was preserved in the annual dances and songs of the young girls +of the village around the tree, and the garlands which they hung upon +its boughs, but Joan, although she joined her comrades in these +observances, usually reserved her garlands to decorate the shrine of the +Virgin in the church hard by. Extreme religious sensibility was +inseparable from such a character as hers, and almost at the first +apparition of her celestial visitants she made a vow of virginity. She +believed herself consecrated and set apart for some high and holy +purpose, to which all earthly ties must be subordinate. When she related +to her judges that her parents were almost crazed at her departure, she +added that if she had had a hundred fathers and mothers she would have +abandoned them to fulfil her mission. To this self-concentration, +reflected in her bearing, is probably to be attributed the remark of +several of her chroniclers, that no man could look upon her with a +lascivious eye.<a name="FNanchor_362_362" id="FNanchor_362_362"></a><a href="#Footnote_362_362" class="fnanchor">[362]</a></p> + +<p>At first her heavenly guides merely told her to conduct herself well and +to frequent the church, but as she grew to understand the desperate +condition of the monarchy and to share the fierce passions of the time, +it was natural that these purely moral instructions should change into +commands to bear from God the message of deliverance to the despairing +people. In her ecstasies she felt herself to be the chosen instrument, +and at length her Voices, as she habitually called them, urged her +several times a week to hasten to France and to raise the siege of +Orleans. To her parents she feared to reveal her mission; some unguarded +revelation they must have had, for, two years before her departure,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_342" id="page_342"></a>{342}</span> her +father, Jacques Darc, had dreams of her going off with the soldiers, and +he told her brothers that if he thought that his dreams would come true +he wished they would drown her, or he would do it himself. Thenceforth +she was closely watched, but the urgency of her celestial counsellors +grew into reproaches for her tardiness, and further delay was +unendurable. Obtaining permission to visit her uncle, Denis Laxart, she +persuaded him to communicate her secret to Robert de Baudricourt, who +held for the king the neighboring castle of Vaucouleurs. Her Voices had +predicted that she would be twice repulsed and would succeed the third +time. It so turned out. The good knight, who at first contemptuously +advised her uncle to box her ears, at length was persuaded to ask the +king’s permission to send the girl to him. She must have acquired a +reputation of inspiration, for while awaiting the response the Duke of +Lorraine, who was sick, sent for her and she told him that if he wished +a cure he must first reconcile himself with his wife. On the royal +permission being accorded, de Baudricourt gave to her a man’s dress and +a sword, with a slender escort of a knight and four men, and washed his +hands of the affair.<a name="FNanchor_363_363" id="FNanchor_363_363"></a><a href="#Footnote_363_363" class="fnanchor">[363]</a></p> + +<p>The little party started, February 13, 1429, on their perilous ride of a +hundred and fifty leagues, in the depth of winter, through the enemy’s +country. That they should accomplish it without misadventure in eleven +days was in itself regarded as a miracle, and as manifesting the favor +of God. On February 24 they reached Chinon, where Charles held his +court, only to encounter new obstacles. It is true that some persons of +sense, as we are told, recognized in her the fulfilment of Merlin’s +prophecy, “<i>Descendet virgo dorsum sagittarii et flores virgineos +obscurabit</i>;” others found her foretold by the Sibyl and by the +Venerable Bede; others asked her whether there was not in her land a +forest known as the Bois Chênu, for there was an ancient prediction that +from the Bois Chênu there would come a wonder-working maiden—and they +were delighted on learning that it lay but a league from her father’s +house. Those, however, who relied on worldly wisdom shook their heads +and pronounced her mission an absurdity—in fact, it was charitable to +regard her as insane. It shows, indeed, to what depth of despair the +royal cause had fallen, that her pretensions<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_343" id="page_343"></a>{343}</span> were regarded as of +sufficient importance to warrant investigation. Long were the debates. +Prelates and doctors of theology, jurists and statesmen examined her for +a month, and one by one they were won over by her simple earnestness, +her evident conviction, and the intelligence of her replies. This was +not enough, however. In Poitiers sat Charles’s Parlement and a +University composed of such schoolmen as had abandoned the anglicized +University of Paris. Thither was Joan sent, and for three weeks more she +was tormented with an endless repetition of questioning. Meanwhile her +antecedents were carefully investigated, with a result in every way +confirming her good repute and truthfulness. Charles was advised to ask +of her a sign by which to prove that she came from God, but this she +refused, saying that it was the divine command that she should give it +before Orleans, and nowhere else. Finally, the official conclusion, +cautiously expressed, was that in view of her honest life and +conversation, and her promising a sign before Orleans, the king should +not prevent her from going there, but should convey her there in safety; +for to reject her without the appearance of evil would be to rebuff the +Holy Ghost, and to render himself unworthy the grace and aid of +God.<a name="FNanchor_364_364" id="FNanchor_364_364"></a><a href="#Footnote_364_364" class="fnanchor">[364]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_344" id="page_344"></a>{344}</span></p> + +<p>Two months had been wasted in these preliminaries, and it was the end of +April before the determination was reached. A convoy was in preparation +to throw provisions into the town, and it was resolved that Joan should +accompany it. Under instructions from her Voices she had a standard +prepared, representing on a white field Christ holding the world, with +an angel on each side—a standard which was ever in the front of battle, +which was regarded as the surest guarantee of success, and which in the +end was gravely investigated as a work of sorcery. She had assigned to +her a troop or guard, but does not seem to have been intrusted with any +command, yet she assumed that she was taking the field as the +representative of God, and must first give the enemy due notice of +defiance. Accordingly, on April 18, she addressed four letters, one to +Henry VI. and the others to the Regent Bedford, the captains before +Orleans, and the English soldiers there, in which she demanded the +surrender of the keys of all the cities held in France; she announced +herself ready to make peace if they will abandon the land and make +compensation for the damages inflicted, otherwise she is commissioned by +God, and will drive them out with a shock of arms such as had not been +seen in France for a thousand years. It is scarce to be wondered that +these uncourtly epistles excited no little astonishment in the English +camp. Rumors of her coming had spread; she was denounced as a sorceress, +and all who placed faith in her as heretics. Talbot declared that he +would burn her if she was captured, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_345" id="page_345"></a>{345}</span> the heralds who brought her +letters were only saved from a similar fate by a determined threat of +reprisals on the part of Dunois, then in command at Orleans.<a name="FNanchor_365_365" id="FNanchor_365_365"></a><a href="#Footnote_365_365" class="fnanchor">[365]</a></p> + +<p>Some ten days later the convoy started under command of Gilles de Rais +and the Maréchal de Sainte-Sevère. Joan had promised that it should meet +with no opposition, and faith in her was greatly enhanced when her words +proved true. Although it passed within one or two bow-shots of the +English siege-works, and though there was considerable delay in ferrying +the cattle and provisions across the Loire into the city, not an attempt +at interference was made. The same occurred with a second convoy which +reached Orleans May 4, to the surprise of the French and the disgust of +the Parisians, who watched the affair from a distance, and were unable +to understand the paralysis which seemed to have fallen on the English +arms. Joan had impatiently awaited these last reinforcements, and urged +immediate offensive measures against the besiegers. Without consulting +her, on the same day an assault was made on one of the English works on +the other side of the Loire. Her legend relates that she started up from +slumber exclaiming that her people were being slaughtered, and, scarcely +waiting for her armor to be adjusted, sprang on her horse and galloped +to the gate leading to the scene of action. The attack had miscarried, +but after her arrival on the scene not an Englishman could wound a +Frenchman, and the <i>bastille</i> was carried. Hot fighting occurred on the +following days. On the 6th she was wounded in the foot by a caltrop, and +on the 7th in the shoulder by an arrow, but in spite of desperate +resistance all the English works on the farther bank of the Loire were +taken, and their garrisons slain or captured. The English loss was +estimated at from six thousand to eight thousand men, while that of the +French was not over one hundred. On the 8th the English abandoned the +siege, marching off in such haste that they left behind them their sick +and wounded, their artillery and magazines. The French, flushed with +victory, were eager to attack them, but Joan forbade it—“Let them go;<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_346" id="page_346"></a>{346}</span> +it is not the will of Messire that they should be fought to-day; you +will have them another time”—and by this time her moral ascendency was +such that she was obeyed. So marvellous was the change in the spirit of +the opposing forces, that it was a common remark that before her coming +two hundred English would rout five hundred Frenchmen, but that +afterwards two hundred French would chase four hundred English. Even the +unfriendly Monstrelet admits that after the raising of the siege of +Orleans there was no captain who so filled the mouths of men as she, +though she was accompanied by knights so renowned as Dunois, La Hire, +and Pothon de Xaintrailles. The Regent Bedford, in writing to the +English council, could only describe it as a terrible blow from the +divine hand, especially “caused of unleyefulle doubte that thei hadde of +a Desciple and Lyme of the Feende called the Pucelle that used fals +Enchauntements and Sorcerie.” Not only, he says, were the English forces +diminished in number and broken in spirit, but the enemy was encouraged +to make great levies of troops.<a name="FNanchor_366_366" id="FNanchor_366_366"></a><a href="#Footnote_366_366" class="fnanchor">[366]</a></p> + +<p>In the chronic exhaustion of the royal treasury it was not easy for +Charles to take full advantage of this unexpected success, but the +spirit of the nation was aroused and a force could be kept spasmodically +in the field. D’Alençon was sent with troops to clear the Loire valley +of the enemy, and took Joan with him. Suffolk had fortified himself in +Jargeau, but the place was carried by assault and he was captured with +all his men who were not slain. Then want of money caused a return to +Tours, where Joan earnestly urged Charles to go to Reims for his +coronation: she had always claimed that her mission was to deliver +Orleans and to crown the king; that her time was short and that the +counsel of her Voices must not be disregarded, but prudence prevailed, +and it was felt that the English power in the central provinces must +first be crushed. A second expedition was organized. Beaugency was +besieged and taken, and on June 18 the battle of Patay gave some slight +amends for Agincourt and Verneuil. After feeble resistance the English +fled. Twenty-five hundred of them were left upon the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_347" id="page_347"></a>{347}</span> field, and large +numbers were captured, including Talbot, Scales, and others of note. +Thus in little more than six weeks all the leading English captains were +slain or in captivity, except Fastolf, whose flight from Patay Bedford +avenged by tearing from him the Order of the Garter. Their troops were +dispersed and dispirited, their prestige was gone. It was no wonder that +in all this one side recognized the hand of God and the other that of +the devil. Even the Norman chronicler, P. Cochon, says that the English +would have abandoned France if the regent would have allowed it, and +that they were so dispirited that one Frenchman would chase three of +them.<a name="FNanchor_367_367" id="FNanchor_367_367"></a><a href="#Footnote_367_367" class="fnanchor">[367]</a></p> + +<p>A letter written from the court of Charles VII. to the Duke of Milan +three days after the triumph of Patay, recounting the marvels of the +previous weeks, shows how Joan was regarded and how rapidly her legend +was growing. At her birth the villagers of Domremy were joyously +excited, they knew not why, and the cocks for two hours flapped their +wings and uttered a song wholly different from their ordinary crowing. +Her visions were described in the most exaggerated terms, as well as her +personal prowess and endurance. The relief of Orleans, the capture of +Jargeau, Mehun-sur-Loire, and Beaugency, and the crowning mercy of Patay +were all attributed to her: hers was the initiative, the leadership, and +the success; no one else is alluded to. We are told, moreover, that she +was already predicting the deliverance of Charles of Orleans, a prisoner +in England for fifteen years, and had sent a notice to the English to +surrender him.<a name="FNanchor_368_368" id="FNanchor_368_368"></a><a href="#Footnote_368_368" class="fnanchor">[368]</a></p> + +<p>It could no longer be doubted that Joan was under the direct inspiration +of God, and when at Gien, on June 25, there was a consultation as to the +next movement, though Charles’s councillors advised him to reduce La +Charité and clear the Orleannais and Berri of the enemy, it is no wonder +that he yielded to Joan’s urgency and gave his assent to a march to +Reims. The enterprise seemed a desperate one, for it lay through a +hostile country with strong cities along the road, and the royal +resources were inadequate to equipping and provisioning an army or +providing it with siege-trains.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_348" id="page_348"></a>{348}</span> But enthusiasm was rising to fever +heat, and human prudence was distrust of God. Volunteers came pouring in +as soon as the king’s intentions were noised abroad, and gentlemen too +poor to arm and mount themselves were content to serve as simple archers +and retainers. La Trémouille, the royal favorite, thinking his own +position endangered, caused the services of multitudes to be rejected, +but for which, it was said, an army sufficient to drive the English from +France could readily have been collected. On went the ill-conditioned +forces. Auxerre, though not garrisoned, refused to open its gates, but +gave some provisions, and in spite of Joan’s desire to take it by +assault the king went forward, induced, it was said, by La Trémouille, +who had received from the town a bribe of two thousand livres. At Troyes +there was a strong English and Burgundian garrison; it could not be left +behind, and the army encamped before it for five or six days, with no +artillery to breach its walls. There was neither money nor victual, and +the only subsistence was ears of corn and beans plucked in the fields. +The situation was discouraging, and a council of war under the impulse +of the Chancellor Renaud de Chartres, Archbishop of Reims, advised +retreat. Joan was sent for and declared that within two days the town +would surrender. She was given the time she asked, and at once proceeded +to gather material to fill the trenches, and to mount some small +culverins. A panic seized the inhabitants and they demanded to +surrender; the garrison was allowed to march out, and the city returned +to its allegiance.<a name="FNanchor_369_369" id="FNanchor_369_369"></a><a href="#Footnote_369_369" class="fnanchor">[369]</a></p> + +<p>When Joan entered the town she was met by a Frère Richard, whom the +people had sent to examine her and report what she was. The worthy +friar, doubtful whether she was of heaven or hell, approached her +cautiously, sprinkling holy water and making the sign of the cross, till +she smiled and told him to come boldly on, as she was not going to fly +away. This Frère Richard was a noted Franciscan preacher who had +recently returned from a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, and in April had made +the deepest impression on Paris with his eloquence. From April 16th to +the 26th he had preached daily to audiences of five and six thousand +souls, and had excited such a tempest of emotion that on one day a +hundred<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_349" id="page_349"></a>{349}</span> bonfires were built in the streets into which men threw their +cards and dice and tables, and women their ornaments and frippery. Over +this man Joan obtained so complete a mastery that he devoted himself to +her and followed her in her campaigns, using his eloquence to convert +the people, not from their sins, but from their disloyalty to Charles. +When the good Parisians heard of this they resumed their cards and dice +to spite him. Even a tin medal with the name of Jesus which he had given +them to wear was cast aside for the red cross of Burgundy. In the +passion of the hour on both sides religion was but the handmaid of +partisanship.<a name="FNanchor_370_370" id="FNanchor_370_370"></a><a href="#Footnote_370_370" class="fnanchor">[370]</a></p> + +<p>After this the march to Reims was a triumphant progress. +Chalons-sur-Marne sent half a day’s journey in advance to submit and +took the oath of allegiance. At Septsaux the garrison fled and the +people welcomed their king, while the Dukes of Lorraine and Bar came to +join him with a heavy force. Reims was held for Burgundy by the Seigneur +de Saveuse, one of the doughtiest warriors of the day, but the citizens +were so frightened by the coming of the Pucelle, whose reported wonders +had impressed their imaginations, that they declared for Charles, and +Saveuse was obliged to fly. Charles entered the town on July 16, and was +joyfully received. The next day, Sunday, July 17, he was crowned King of +France. During the ceremony Joan stood by the altar with the standard: +her judges on her trial seemed to imagine that she held it there for +some occult influence which it was supposed to exercise, and inquired +curiously as to her motive; when she answered simply, “It had been in +the strife, it had a right to be in the honor.”<a name="FNanchor_371_371" id="FNanchor_371_371"></a><a href="#Footnote_371_371" class="fnanchor">[371]</a></p> + +<p>Joan might well claim that her mission was accomplished. In little more +than three months she had made the intending fugitive of Chinon a +conquering king, to whom his flatterers gave the title of the +Victorious. A few months more of such success would establish him firmly +on the throne of a reunited France, and no one could doubt that success +would grow more rapid if only with its own momentum. Negotiations were +on foot with the Duke of Burgundy, which were expected to result in +detaching<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_350" id="page_350"></a>{350}</span> him from the English cause. Joan had written to him some +weeks earlier asking him to be present at the coronation, and on the day +of the ceremony she addressed him another letter, summoning and +entreating him to return to his allegiance. In a few days Beauvais, +Senlis, Laon, Soissons, Château-Thierry, Provins, Compiègne, and other +places acknowledged Charles as king and received his garrisons. There +was universal exultation and a contagious delirium of returning loyalty. +As he marched the peasantry would gather with tears in their eyes to +bless him, and thank God that peace was at hand. All men admitted that +this was Joan’s work. Christine de Pisan, in a poem written about this +time, compares her to Esther, Judith, Deborah, Gideon, and Joshua, and +even Moses is not her superior. A litany of the period contains a prayer +recognizing that God had delivered France by her hand. A Burgundian +chronicler tells us that the belief was general among the French +soldiery that she was an envoy of God who could expel the English; even +after the enthusiasm of the time had passed away Thomassin, who wrote +officially in a work addressed to Louis XI., does not hesitate to say +that of all the signs of love manifested by God to France, there has not +been one so great or so marvellous as this Pucelle—to her was due the +restoration of the kingdom, which was so low that it would have reached +its end but for her coming. That she was regarded as an oracle of God on +other subjects is seen in the application to her by the Comte d’Armagnac +to tell him which of the three popes to believe in; and her acceptance +of the position is shown by her answer, that when she is relieved from +the pressure of the war she will resolve his doubts by the counsel of +the King of all the world. If on the one hand her dizzy elevation turned +her head to the extent of addressing threatening letters to the +Hussites, on the other she never lost her kindly sympathy with the poor +and humble; she protected them as far as she could from the horrors of +war, comforted and supported them, and their grateful veneration shown +in kissing her hands and feet and garments was made a crime to her by +her pitiless judges.<a name="FNanchor_372_372" id="FNanchor_372_372"></a><a href="#Footnote_372_372" class="fnanchor">[372]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_351" id="page_351"></a>{351}</span></p> + +<p>With all this it does not seem that Joan had any definite rank or +command in the royal armies. Christine de Pisan, it is true, speaks of +her as being the recognized chief—</p> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">“Et de nos gens preux et habiles<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Est principale chevetaine”—<br /></span> +</div></div> + +<p class="nind">but it does not appear that her position had any other warrant than the +moral influence which her prodigious exploits and the belief in her +divine mission afforded. Charles’s gratitude gave her a handsome +establishment. She was magnificently attired, noble damsels were +assigned to her service, with a <i>maître d’hotel</i>, pages, and valets; she +had five war-horses, with seven or more roadsters, and at the time of +her capture she had in her hands ten or twelve thousand francs, which, +as she told her judges, was little enough to carry on war with. Shortly +after his coronation, Charles, at her request, granted to Domremy and +Greux the privilege of exemption from all taxes, a favor which was +respected until the Revolution; and in December, 1429, he spontaneously +ennobled her family and all their posterity, giving them as arms on a +field azure two <i>fleurs-de-lis or</i>, traversed by a sword, and +authorizing them to bear the name of Du Lis—in all a slender return for +the priceless service rendered, and affording to her judges another +count in the indictment on her trial.<a name="FNanchor_373_373" id="FNanchor_373_373"></a><a href="#Footnote_373_373" class="fnanchor">[373]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_352" id="page_352"></a>{352}</span></p> + +<p>All Europe was aroused with so portentous an apparition. It was not only +statesmen and warriors that watched with astonishment the strange +vicissitudes of the contest, but learned men and theologians were +divided in opinion as to whether she was under the influence of heavenly +or of infernal spirits, and were everywhere disputing and writing tracts +to uphold the one opinion or the other. In England, of course, there was +no dissent from the popular belief which Shakespeare puts in the mouth +of Talbot—</p> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">“A witch by fear, not force, like Hannibal,<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Drives back our troops and conquers as she lists.”<br /></span> +</div></div> + +<p class="nind">So general, indeed, was the terror that she excited that when, in May, +1430, it was proposed to send Henry VI. to Paris for coronation, both +captains and soldiers in the levies appointed for his escort deserted +and lay in hiding; and when, in December, after Joan lay a prisoner in +Rouen Castle and the voyage was performed, the same trouble was +experienced, requiring another proclamation to the sheriffs for the +arrest of those who were daily deserting, to the great peril of the +royal person and of the kingdom of France. Elsewhere the matter was not +thus taken for granted, and was elaborately argued with all the +resources of scholastic logic. Some tracts of this character attributed +to Gerson have been preserved, and exhibit to us the nature of the +doubts which suggested themselves to the learned of the time—whether +Joan is a woman or a phantasm; whether her acts are to be considered as +divine or phitonic and illusory; whether, if they are the result of +supernatural causes, they come from good or evil spirits. To Joan’s +defenders the main difficulty was her wearing male attire and cutting +her hair short—an offence which in the end proved to be the most +tangible one to justify her condemnation. Even her advocates in the +schools felt that in this the case was weak. It had to be admitted that +the Old Law prohibits a woman from wearing man’s garments, but this, it +was argued, was purely juridical, and was not binding under the New Law; +it had merely a moral object, to prevent indecency, and the +circumstances and objects were to be considered, so that the law could +not be held to prohibit manly and military vesture to Joan, who was both +manly and<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_353" id="page_353"></a>{353}</span> military. The cutting of her hair, prohibited by the Apostle, +was justified in the same manner.<a name="FNanchor_374_374" id="FNanchor_374_374"></a><a href="#Footnote_374_374" class="fnanchor">[374]</a></p> + +<p>For a few weeks after the coronation Joan was at the culmination of her +career. An uninterrupted tide of success had demonstrated the reality of +her divine mission. She had saved the monarchy, and no one could doubt +that the invader would shortly be expelled from France. Possibly she +may, as has been represented, have declared that all which God had +appointed her to do had been accomplished, and that she desired to +return to her parents and herd their cattle as she had been accustomed +of old. In view of what followed, this was the only way to uphold the +theory of divine inspiration, and such a statement inevitably formed +part of her legend, whether it was true or not. In her subsequent +failures, as at Paris and La Charité, Joan naturally persuaded herself +that they had been undertaken against the counsel of her Voices, but all +the evidence goes to prove that at the time she was as confident of +success as ever. Thus a letter written from Reims on the day of +coronation, evidently by a well-informed person, states that the army +was to start the next day for Paris, and that the Pucelle had no doubts +as to her reducing it to obedience. Nor did she really consider her +mission as ended, for she had at the commencement proclaimed the +liberation of Charles of Orleans as one of her objects, and on her trial +she explained that she proposed either to invade England to set him free +or to capture enough prisoners to force an exchange: her Voices had +promised it to her, and had she not been captured she would have +accomplished it in three years.<a name="FNanchor_375_375" id="FNanchor_375_375"></a><a href="#Footnote_375_375" class="fnanchor">[375]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_354" id="page_354"></a>{354}</span></p> + +<p>Be this as it may, from this time the marvellous fortune which had +attended her disappears; alternations of success and defeat show that +either the French had lost the first flush of confident enthusiasm, or +that the English had recovered from their panic and were doggedly +resolved to fight the powers of hell. Bedford managed to put a +respectable force in the field, with the assistance of Cardinal +Beaufort, who made over to him, it was said for a heavy bribe, four +thousand crusaders whom he was leading from England to the Hussite wars. +He barred the way to Paris, and three times the opposing armies, of +nearly equal strength, lay face to face, but Bedford always skilfully +chose a strong position which Charles dared not attack, showing that +human prudence had replaced the reckless confidence of the march to +Reims. We catch a glimpse of the intrigues of the factions surrounding +Charles in the attempted retreat to the Loire, frustrated at +Bray-sur-Seine, when the defeat of the courtiers who assailed the +English guarding the passage of the river was hailed with delight by +Joan, Bourbon, Alençon, and the party opposed to La Trémouille. Charles, +perforce, remained in the North. Towards the end of August, Bedford, +fearing an inroad on Normandy, marched thither, leaving the road to +Paris open, and Charles advanced to St. Denis, which he occupied without +resistance, August 25. On September 7 an attempt was made to capture +Paris by surprise, with the aid of friends within the walls, and this +failing, on the 8th, the feast of the Nativity of the Virgin, an assault +in force was made at the Porte St. Honoré. The water in the inner moat, +however, was too deep and the artillery on the walls too well served: +after five or six hours of desperate fighting the assailants were +disastrously repulsed with a loss of five hundred killed and one +thousand wounded. As usual Joan had been at the front till she fell with +an arrow through the leg, and her standard-bearer was slain by her side. +Joan subsequently averred that she had had no counsel from her Voices to +make this attempt, but had been over-persuaded by the eager chivalry of +the army; but this is contradicted by contemporary evidence, and her +letter to d’Armagnac promises him a reply when she shall have leisure in +Paris, showing that she fully expected to capture the city.<a name="FNanchor_376_376" id="FNanchor_376_376"></a><a href="#Footnote_376_376" class="fnanchor">[376]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_355" id="page_355"></a>{355}</span></p> + +<p>From this time her checkered career was rather of evil fortune than of +good. If at St. Pierre-les-Moustiers the old enthusiasm made the forlorn +hope imagine that it ascended the breach as easily as a broad stairway, +the siege of La Charité, to which it was a preliminary, proved +disastrous, and again Joan averred that she had undertaken this without +orders from her Voices. It was freely said that La Trémouille had sent +her on the enterprise with insufficient forces and had withheld the +requisite succors. During the winter she was at Lagny, where occurred a +little incident which was subsequently used to confirm the charge of +sorcery. A child was born apparently dead; the parents, dreading to have +it buried without baptism, had it carried to the church, where it lay, +to all appearance, lifeless for three days; the young girls of the town +assembled in the church to pray for it, and Joan joined them. Suddenly +the infant gave signs of life, gaped thrice, was hurriedly baptized, +died, and was buried in consecrated ground, and Joan had the credit of +working a miracle, to be turned subsequently to her disadvantage. +Probably about the same time, there was trouble about a horse of the +Bishop of Senlis, which Joan took for her own use. She found it +worthless for her purposes and sent it back to him, and also caused him +to be paid two hundred saluts d’or for it (the salut d’or was equivalent +to twenty-two sols parisis), but on her trial the matter was gravely +charged against her, showing how eagerly every incident in her career +was scrutinized and utilized.<a name="FNanchor_377_377" id="FNanchor_377_377"></a><a href="#Footnote_377_377" class="fnanchor">[377]</a></p> + +<p>As the spring of 1430 opened, the Duke of Burgundy came to the +assistance of his English allies by raising a large army for the +recovery of Compiègne. The activity of Joan was unabated. During Easter +week, about the middle of April, we hear of her in the trenches at +Melun, where her Voices announced to her that she would be a prisoner +before St. John’s day, but would give her no further particulars. Before +the close of the month she attacked the advancing Burgundians at +Pont-l’Évêque, with her old<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_356" id="page_356"></a>{356}</span> comrade-in-arms Pothon de Xaintrailles, and +was worsted. Then she had a desperate fight with a Burgundian partisan, +Franquet d’Arras, whom she captured with all his troop; he had been a +notorious plunderer, the magistrates of Lagny claimed him for trial, and +after an investigation which lasted for fifteen days they executed him +as a robber and murderer, for which Joan was held responsible, his death +being one of the most serious charges pressed against her. About May 1 +Compiègne was invested. Its siege was evidently to be the decisive event +of the campaign, and Joan hastened to the rescue. Before daylight on the +morning of the 5th she succeeded in entering the town with +reinforcements. In the afternoon of the same day a sally was resolved +upon, and Joan as usual led it, with Pothon and other captains by her +side. She fell upon the camp of a renowned knight of the Golden Fleece +named Bauldon de Noyelle, who, though taken by surprise, made a gallant +resistance. From the neighboring lines troops hastened to his +assistance, and the tide of battle swayed back and forth. A force of a +thousand Englishmen on their way to Paris had tarried to aid Philip of +Burgundy, and these were brought up between the French and the town to +take them in the rear. Joan fell back and endeavored to bring her men +off in safety, but while covering the retreat she was unable to regain +the fortifications, and was taken prisoner by the Bâtard de Vendôme, a +follower of Jean de Luxembourg, Comte de Ligny, second in command to the +duke. There was naturally talk of treachery, but it would seem without +foundation.. Pothon was likewise captured, and it evidently was but the +fortune of war.<a name="FNanchor_378_378" id="FNanchor_378_378"></a><a href="#Footnote_378_378" class="fnanchor">[378]</a></p> + +<p>Great was the joy in the Burgundian camp when the news spread that the +dreaded Pucelle was a prisoner. English and Burgundians gave themselves +up to rejoicing, for, as the Burgundian Monstrelet, who was present, +informs us, they valued her capture more than five hundred fighting men, +for there was no captain or chief of whom they were so afraid. They +crowded around her quarters at Marigny, and even the Duke of Burgundy +himself paid her a visit and exchanged some words with her. At once the +question arose as to her possession. She was a<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_357" id="page_357"></a>{357}</span> prisoner of war, +belonging to Jean de Luxembourg, and, in those days of ransoming, +prisoners were valuable property. Under existing customs, Henry VI., as +chief of the alliance, had the right to claim the transfer of any +captured commanding general or prince on paying the captor ten thousand +livres—a sort of eminent domain, for in the wars of Edward III. +Bertrand du Guesclin had been held at a ransom of one hundred thousand +livres, the Constable de Clisson at the same, and in 1429 it had cost +the Duc d’Alençon two hundred thousand crowns to effect his liberation +from the English. In the exhausted state of the English exchequer, +however, even ten thousand livres was a sum not readily procurable. It +was a matter of absolute necessity to the English to have her, not only +to prevent her ransom by the French, but to neutralize her sorceries by +condemning and executing her under the jurisdiction of the Church. To +accomplish this the Inquisition was the most available instrumentality: +inside the English lines Joan was publicly reported to be a sorceress, +and as such was judiciable by the Inquisition, which therefore had a +right to claim her for trial. Accordingly, but a few days had elapsed +after her capture when Martin Billon, Vicar of the Inquisitor of France, +formally demanded her surrender, and the University of Paris addressed +two letters to the Duke of Burgundy urging that she should be promptly +tried and punished, lest his enemies should effect her deliverance. We +have seen how by this time the importance of the Inquisition in France +had shrunken, and Jean de Luxembourg was by no means disposed to +surrender his valuable prize without consideration. Then another device +was adopted. Compiègne, where Joan was captured, was in the diocese of +Beauvais. Pierre Cauchon, the Count-bishop of Beauvais, though a +Frenchman of the Remois, was a bitter English partisan, whose +unscrupulous cruelty at a later period excited the cordial detestation +even of his own faction. He had been driven from his see the previous +year by the returning loyalty of its people under the impulse given by +Joan, and may be assumed to have looked upon her with no loving eye. He +was told to claim her for trial under his episcopal jurisdiction, but +even he shrank from the odious business, and refused unless it could be +proved that it was his duty. Possibly the promise of the reversion of +the bishopric of Lisieux, with which he was subsequently rewarded, may +have assisted in<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_358" id="page_358"></a>{358}</span> convincing him, while the authority of the University +of Paris was invoked to quiet his scruples. July 14, the University +addressed letters to Jean de Luxembourg reminding him that his oath of +knighthood required him to defend the honor of God and the Catholic +faith, and the holy Church. Through Joan, idolatries, errors, false +doctrines, and evils innumerable had spread through France, and the +matter admitted of no delay. The Inquisition had earnestly demanded her +for trial, and Jean was urgently begged to surrender her to the Bishop +of Beauvais, who had likewise claimed her; all inquisitor-prelates are +judges of the faith, and all Christians of every degree are bound to +obey them under the heavy penalties of the law, while obedience will +acquire for him the divine grace and love, and will aid in the +exaltation of the faith. When furnished with this, Pierre Cauchon lost +no time. He left Paris at once with a notary and a representative of the +University, and on the 16th presented it to the Duke of Burgundy in the +camp before Compiègne, together with a summons of his own addressed to +the Duke, Jean de Luxembourg, and the Bâtard de Vendôme, demanding the +surrender of Joan for trial before him on charges of sorcery, idolatry, +invocation of the devil, and other matters involving the faith—trial +which he is ready to hold, with the assistance of the inquisitor and of +doctors of theology, for the exaltation of the faith and the edification +of those who have been misled by her. He further offered a ransom of six +thousand livres and a pension to the Bâtard de Vendôme of two or three +hundred livres, and if this was not enough the sum would be increased to +ten thousand livres, although Joan was not so great a person as the king +would have a right to claim on giving that amount; if required, security +would be furnished for the payment. These letters the duke transferred +to Jean de Luxembourg, who after some discussion agreed to sell her for +the stipulated sum. He would not trust his allies, however, even with +security, and refused to deliver his prisoner until the money was paid. +Bedford was obliged to convene the states of Normandy and levy a special +tax to raise it, and it was not till October 20 that Jean received his +price and transferred his captive.<a name="FNanchor_379_379" id="FNanchor_379_379"></a><a href="#Footnote_379_379" class="fnanchor">[379]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_359" id="page_359"></a>{359}</span></p> + +<p>During all this long delay Charles, to his eternal dishonor, made no +effort to save the woman to whom he owed his crown. While her prolonged +trial was under way he did not even appeal to Eugenius IV. or to the +Council of Basle to evoke the case to their tribunal, an appeal which +would hardly have been rejected in a matter of so much interest. It is +true that her recent labors had not been so brilliantly successful as +those of the earlier period: he may have recognized that after all she +was but human; or he may have satisfied his conscience with the +reflection that if she were an envoy of God, God might be trusted to +extricate her. Besides, the party of peace in his court, headed by La +Trémouille, the favorite, had no desire to see the heroine at large +again, and the weak and self-indulgent monarch abandoned her to her fate +as, twenty years later, he abandoned Jacques Cœur.</p> + +<p>Meanwhile Joan had been carried, strictly guarded to prevent her escape +by magic arts, from Marigny to the Castle of Beaulieu, and thence to the +Castle of Beaurevoir. In the latter prison she excited the interest of +the Dame de Beaurevoir, and of the Demoiselle de Luxembourg, aunt of +Jean. The latter earnestly remonstrated with her nephew when she learned +that he was treating with the English, and both ladies endeavored to +persuade Joan to adopt female habiliments. They must have impressed her +with their kindness, for she subsequently declared that she would have +made the change for them rather than for any other ladies in France. Her +restless energy chafed at the long captivity, and twice she made +attempts to escape. Once she succeeded in shutting her guards up in her +cell, and would have got off but that her jailer saw her and secured +her. Again, when she heard that she was to be surrendered to the +English, she despairingly threw herself from her lofty tower into the +ditch, careless whether it would kill her or not. Her Voices had +forbidden the attempt, but she said that she had rather die than fall +into English hands—and this was subsequently charged against her as an +attempted suicide and a crime. She was picked up for dead, but she was +reserved for a harsher fate and speedily recovered. She might well +regret the recovery when she was carried to Rouen, loaded with chains +and confined in a narrow cell where brutal guards watched her day and +night. It is even said that an iron cage was made, into which she was +thrust with fetters on wrist, waist, and ankles. She<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_360" id="page_360"></a>{360}</span> had been delivered +to the Church, not to the secular authorities; she was entitled to be +kept in an ecclesiastical prison, but the English had paid for her and +would listen to no reclamations. Warwick had charge of her and would +trust her to no one.<a name="FNanchor_380_380" id="FNanchor_380_380"></a><a href="#Footnote_380_380" class="fnanchor">[380]</a></p> + +<p>Pierre Cauchon still was in no haste to commence the iniquitous work +which he had undertaken. After a month had passed, Paris grew excited at +the delay. The city, so ardently Anglicized, had a special grudge +against Joan, not only on account of believing that she had promised her +soldiers on the day of assault to allow them to sack the city and put +the inhabitants to the sword, but because they were exposed to the +greatest privations by the virtual blockade resulting from the extension +of the royal domination caused by her successes. This feeling found +expression in the University, which from the first pursued her with +unrelenting ferocity. Not content with having intervened to procure her +surrender to the English, it addressed letters, November 21, to Pierre +Cauchon, reproaching him with his tardiness in commencing the process, +and to the King of England, asking that the trial be held in Paris, +where there are so many learned and excellent doctors. Still Cauchon +hesitated. Doubtless when he came to consider the evidence on which he +would have to act he recognized, as irresponsible partisans could not, +how flimsy it was, and he was busy in obtaining information as to all +the points in her career—for the interrogatories showed a marvellous +familiarity with everything that could possibly be wrested against her. +Besides, there were indispensable preliminaries to be observed. His +jurisdiction arose from her capture in his diocese, but he was an exile +from it, and was expected to try her not only in another diocese, but in +another province. The archbishopric of Rouen was vacant, and he adopted +the expedient of requesting of the chapter permission to hold an +ecclesiastical court within their jurisdiction. The request was granted, +and he selected an assembly of experts to sit with him as assessors. A +number came willingly from the University, whose expenses were paid by +the English government, but it was more difficult to find accomplices +among the local prelates and doctors. In one of the early sessions, +Nicholas de Houppeland<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_361" id="page_361"></a>{361}</span> plainly told Cauchon that neither he nor the +rest, belonging to the party hostile to Joan, could sit as judges, +especially as she had already been examined by the Archbishop of Reims, +who was the metropolitan of Beauvais. For this Nicholas was imprisoned +in the Castle of Rouen, and was threatened with banishment to England +and with drowning, but his friends eventually procured his liberation. +Undoubtedly every man who sat on the tribunal had the conviction that +any leaning to the accused would expose him to English vengeance, and it +was found necessary to impose a fine on any one who should absent +himself from a single session. Eventually a respectable body of fifty or +sixty theologians and jurists was got together, including such men as +the Abbots of Fécamp, Jumièges, Ste. Catharine, Cormeilles, and Préaux, +the Prior of Longueville, the archdeacon and treasurer of Rouen, and +other men of recognized position. On January 3, 1431, royal +letters-patent were issued ordering Joan to be delivered to Pierre +Cauchon whenever she was wanted for examination, and all officials to +aid him when called upon. As though she were already convicted, the +letters recited the heresies and evil deeds of the culprit, and +significantly concluded with a clause that if she was acquitted she was +not to be liberated, but to be returned to the custody of the king. Yet +it was not until the 9th that Cauchon assembled his experts, at that +time eight in number, and laid before them what had been already done. +They decided that the informations were insufficient and that a further +inquest was necessary, and they also protested ineffectually against +Joan’s detention in a state prison. Measures were at once taken to make +the investigations required. Nicholas Bailly was despatched to obtain +the details of Joan’s childhood, and as he brought back only favorable +details Cauchon suppressed his report and refused to reimburse his +expenses. The inquisitorial method of making the accused betray herself +was adopted. One of the assessors, Nicholas l’Oyseleur, disguised +himself as a layman and was introduced into her cell, pretending to be a +Lorrainer imprisoned for his loyalty. He gained her confidence, and she +grew into the habit of talking to him without reserve. Then Warwick and +Cauchon with two notaries ensconced themselves in an adjoining cell of +which the partition wall had been pierced, while l’Oyseleur led her on +to talk about her visions; but the scheme failed, for one of<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_362" id="page_362"></a>{362}</span> the +notaries, unfamiliar with inquisitorial practice, pronounced the whole +proceeding to be unlawful, and courageously refused to act. Then Jean +Estivet, the prosecutor and canon of Beauvais, tried the same expedient, +but without success.<a name="FNanchor_381_381" id="FNanchor_381_381"></a><a href="#Footnote_381_381" class="fnanchor">[381]</a></p> + +<p>It was not until February 19 that the articles of accusation were ready +for submission to the assessors, and then a new difficulty arose. Thus +far the tribunal had contained no representative of the Inquisition, and +this was recognized as a fatal defect. Frère Jean Graveran was +Inquisitor of France, and had appointed Frère Jean le Maître, in 1424, +as his vicar or deputy for Rouen. Le Maître seems to have had no stomach +for the work, and to have kept aloof, but he was not to be let off, and +at the meeting of February 19 it was resolved to summon him, in the +presence of two notaries, to take part in the proceedings and to hear +read the accusation and the depositions of witnesses. Threats are said +to have been freely employed, and his repugnance was overcome. Another +session was held in the afternoon, at which he appeared, and on being +summoned to act professed himself willing to do so, if the commission +which he held was sufficient authorization. The scruple which he alleged +was ingenious. He was Inquisitor of Rouen, but Cauchon was bishop in a +different province, and, as he was exercising jurisdiction belonging to +Beauvais in the “borrowed territory,” le Maître doubted his powers to +take part in it. It was not till the 22d that his doubts were overcome, +and, while awaiting enlarged powers from Graveran, he consented to +assist, for the discharge of his conscience and to prevent the whole +proceedings from being null and void, which by common consent seems to +have been assumed would be the case if carried on without the +participation of the Inquisition. It was not until<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_363" id="page_363"></a>{363}</span> March 12 that he +received a special commission from Graveran, who declined to come +personally, after which he presided in conjunction with Cauchon; +sentence was rendered in their joint names, and he was duly paid by the +English for his services.<a name="FNanchor_382_382" id="FNanchor_382_382"></a><a href="#Footnote_382_382" class="fnanchor">[382]</a></p> + +<p>At length, on February 21, Jean Estivet, the prosecutor, demanded that +the prisoner be produced and examined. Before she was introduced Cauchon +explained that she had earnestly begged the privilege of hearing mass, +but, in view of the crimes whereof she was accused and her wearing male +attire, he had refused. This prejudgment of the case was acquiesced in, +and Joan was brought in with fetters on her legs. Of this cruelty she +complained bitterly. Even the Templars, as we have seen, had their irons +removed before examination, but Joan was only nominally in the hands of +the court, and Cauchon accepted the responsibility for the outrage by +telling her that it was because she had repeatedly tried to escape, to +which she replied that she had a right to do so, as she had never given +her parole. Then Cauchon called up the English guard who accompanied her +and went through the farce of swearing them to watch her +strictly—apparently for the futile purpose of asserting some control +over them.<a name="FNanchor_383_383" id="FNanchor_383_383"></a><a href="#Footnote_383_383" class="fnanchor">[383]</a></p> + +<p>It would be superfluous to follow in detail the examinations to which +she was subjected during the next three months, with an intermission +from April 18 to May 11 on account of sickness which nearly proved +mortal. The untaught peasant girl, enfeebled by the miseries of her +cruel prison, and subjected day after day to the shrewd and searching +cross-questions of the trained and subtle intellects of her carefully +selected judges, never lost her presence of mind or clearness of +intellect. Ingenious pitfalls were constructed for her, which she evaded +almost by instinct. Questions puzzling to a theologian of the schools +were showered upon her; half a dozen eager disputants would assail her +at once and would interrupt her replies; the disorder at times was so +great that the notaries finally declared themselves unable to make an +intelligent record. Her responses would be carefully scrutinized, and +she would be recalled in the afternoon, the same ground would be gone +over in a different<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_364" id="page_364"></a>{364}</span> manner, and her pursuers would again be foiled. In +the whole series of interrogatories she manifested a marvellous +combination of frank simplicity, shrewdness, presence of mind, and +firmness that would do honor to a veteran diplomat. She utterly refused +to take an unconditional oath to answer the questions put to her, +saying, frankly, “I do not know what you will ask me; perhaps it may be +about things which I will not tell you:” she agreed to reply to all +questions about her faith and matters bearing upon her trial, but to +nothing else. When Cauchon’s eagerness over-stepped the limit she would +turn on him and warn him, “You call yourself my judge: I know not if you +are, but take care not to judge wrongfully, for you expose yourself to +great danger, and I warn you, so that if our Lord chastises you I shall +have done my duty.” When asked whether St. Michael was naked when he +visited her, she retorted, “Do you think the Lord has not wherewith to +clothe his angels?” When describing a conversation with St. Catharine +about the result of the siege of Compiègne, some chance expression led +her examiner to imagine that he could entrap her, and he interrupted +with the question whether she had said, “Will God so wickedly let the +good folks of Compiègne perish?” but she composedly corrected him by +repeating, “What! will God let these good folks of Compiègne perish, who +have been and are so loyal to their lord?” She could hardly have known +that an attempt to escape from an ecclesiastical court was a sin of the +deepest dye, and yet when tested with the cunning question whether she +would now escape if opportunity offered, she replied that if the door +was opened she would walk out; she would try it only to see if the Lord +so willed it. When an insidious offer was made to her to have a great +procession to entreat God to bring her to the proper frame of mind, she +quietly replied that she wished all good Catholics would pray for her. +When threatened with torture, and told that the executioner was at hand +to administer it, she simply said, “If you extort avowals from me by +pain I will maintain that they are the result of violence.” Thus +alternating the horrors of her dungeon with the clamors of the +examination-room, where perhaps a dozen eager questioners would bait her +at once, she never faltered through all those weary weeks.<a name="FNanchor_384_384" id="FNanchor_384_384"></a><a href="#Footnote_384_384" class="fnanchor">[384]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_365" id="page_365"></a>{365}</span></p> + +<p>In this she was sustained by the state of habitual spiritual exaltation +resulting from the daily and nightly visions with which she was favored, +and the unalterable conviction that she was the chosen of the Lord, +under whose inspiration she acted and whose will she was prepared to +endure with resignation. In her prison her ecstatic raptures seem to +have become more frequent than ever. Her heavenly visitants came at her +call, and solved her difficulties. Frequently she refused to answer +questions until she could consult her Voices and learn whether she was +permitted to reveal what was wanted, and then, at a subsequent hearing, +she would say that she had received permission. The responses evidently +sometimes varied with her moods. She would be told that she would be +delivered with triumph, and then again be urged not to mind her +martyrdom, for she would reach paradise. When she reported this she was +cunningly asked if she felt assured of salvation, and on her saying that +she was as certain of heaven as if she was already there, she was led on +with a question whether she held that she could not commit mortal sin. +Instinctively she drew back from the dangerous ground—“I know nothing +about it; I depend on the Lord.”<a name="FNanchor_385_385" id="FNanchor_385_385"></a><a href="#Footnote_385_385" class="fnanchor">[385]</a></p> + +<p>Finally, on one important point her judges succeeded in entrapping her. +She was warned that if she had done anything contrary to the faith she +must submit herself to the determination of the Church. To her the +Church was represented by Cauchon and his tribunal; to submit to them +would be to pronounce her whole life a lie, her intercourse with saints +and angels an invocation of demons, herself a sorceress worthy of the +stake, and only to escape it through the infinite mercy of her +persecutors. She offered to submit to God and the saints, but this, she +was told, was the Church triumphant in heaven, and she must submit to +the Church militant on earth, else she was a heretic, to be inevitably +abandoned to the secular arm for burning. Taking advantage of her +ignorance, the matter was pressed upon her in the most absolute form. +When asked if she would submit to the pope she could only say, “Take me +to him and I will answer to him.” At last she was brought to admit that +she would submit to the Church, provided it did not command what was +impossible; but, when asked to define<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_366" id="page_366"></a>{366}</span> the impossible, it was to abandon +doing what the Lord had commanded, and to revoke what she had asserted +as to the truth of her visions. This she would submit only to God.<a name="FNanchor_386_386" id="FNanchor_386_386"></a><a href="#Footnote_386_386" class="fnanchor">[386]</a></p> + +<p>The examinations up to March 27 had been merely preparatory. On that day +the formal trial commenced by reading to Joan a long series of articles +of accusation based upon the information obtained. A lively debate +ensued among the experts, but at last it was decided that she must +answer them <i>seriatim</i> and on the spot, which she did with her wonted +clearness and intrepidity, declining the offer of counsel, which Cauchon +proposed to select for her. Sundry further interrogatories followed; +then her sickness delayed the proceedings, and on May 12, twelve members +of the tribunal assembled in Pierre Cauchon’s house to determine whether +she should be subjected to torture. Fortunately for the reputation of +her judges this infamy was spared her. One of them voted in favor of +torture to see whether she could be forced to submit to the Church; +another, the spy, Nicholas l’Oyseleur, humanely urged it as a useful +medicine for her; nine were of opinion either that it was not yet +required, or that the case was clear enough without it; Cauchon himself +apparently did not vote. Meanwhile a secret<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_367" id="page_367"></a>{367}</span> junto, selected by Cauchon, +had reduced the articles of accusation to twelve, which, though grossly +at variance with the truth, were assumed to have been fully proved or +confessed, and these formed the basis of the subsequent deliberations +and sentence. We have seen, in the case of Marguerite la Porete, that +the Inquisition of Paris, in place of calling an assembly of experts, +submitted to the canonists of the University a written statement of what +was assumed to be proved, and that the opinion rendered on this, +although conditioned on its being a true presentation of the case, was +equivalent to a verdict. This precedent was followed in the present +case. Copies of the articles were addressed to fifty-eight learned +experts, in addition to the Chapter of Rouen and the University of +Paris, and their opinions were requested by a certain day. Of all those +appealed to, the University was by far the most important, and a special +mission was despatched to it bearing letters from the royal council and +the Bishop of Beauvais. In view of the tendencies of the University this +might seem a superfluous precaution, and its adoption shows how slender +was the foundation on which the whole prosecution was based. The +University went through an elaborate form of deliberation, and caused +the faculties of theology and law to draw up its decision, which was +adopted May 14 and sent to Rouen.<a name="FNanchor_387_387" id="FNanchor_387_387"></a><a href="#Footnote_387_387" class="fnanchor">[387]</a></p> + +<p>On May 19 the assessors were assembled to hear the report from the +University, after which their opinions were taken. Some were in favor of +immediate abandonment to the secular arm, which would have been strictly +in accordance with the regular inquisitorial proceedings, but probably +the violent assumption that the articles represented truthfully Joan’s +admissions was too much for some of the assessors, and the milder +suggestion prevailed that Joan should have another hearing, in which the +articles should be read to her, with the decision of the University, and +that the verdict should depend upon what she should then say. +Accordingly, on May 23, she was again brought before the tribunal for +the purpose. A brief abstract of the document read to her will show, +from the triviality of many of the charges and the guilt ascribed to +them, how conviction was predetermined. The University, as<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_368" id="page_368"></a>{368}</span> usual, had +guarded itself by conditioning its decision on the basis of the articles +being fully proved, but no notice was taken of this, and Joan was +addressed as though she had confessed to the articles and had been +solemnly condemned.</p> + +<p>I. The visions of angels and saints.—These are pronounced superstitious +and proceeding from evil and diabolical spirits.</p> + +<p>II. The sign given to Charles of the crown brought to him by St. +Michael.—After noting her contradictions, the story is declared a lie, +and a presumptuous, seductory, and pernicious thing, derogatory to the +dignity of the angelic Church.</p> + +<p>III. Recognizing saints and angels by their teaching and the comfort +they bring, and believing in them as firmly as in the faith of +Christ.—Her reasons have been insufficient, and her belief rash; +comparing faith in them to faith in Christ is an error of faith.</p> + +<p>IV. Predictions of future events and recognition of persons not seen +before through the Voices.—This is superstition and divination, +presumptuous assertion, and vain boasting.</p> + +<p>V. Wearing men’s clothes and short hair, taking the sacrament while in +them, and asserting that it is by command of God.—This is blaspheming +God, despising his sacraments, transgressing the divine law, holy writ, +and canonical ordinances, wherefore, “thou savorest ill in the faith, +thou boastest vainly and art suspect of idolatry, and thou condemnest +thyself in not being willing to wear thy sex’s garments and in following +the customs of the heathen and Saracen.”</p> + +<p>VI. Putting Jesus, Maria, and the sign of the cross on her letters, and +threatening that if they were not obeyed that she would show in battle +who had the best right.—“Thou art murderous and cruel, seeking effusion +of human blood, seditious, provoking to tyranny, and blaspheming God, +his commandments and revelations.”</p> + +<p>VII. Rendering her father and mother almost crazy by leaving them; also +promising Charles to restore his kingdom, and all by command of +God.—“Thou hast been wicked to thy parents, transgressing the +commandment of God to honor them. Thou hast been scandalous, blaspheming +God, erring in the faith, and hast made a rash and presumptuous promise +to thy king.”</p> + +<p>VIII. Leaping from the tower of Beaurevoir into the ditch and preferring +death to falling into the hands of the English, after the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_369" id="page_369"></a>{369}</span> Voices had +forbidden it.—This was pusillanimity, tending to desperation and +suicide; and in saying that God had forgiven it, “thou savorest ill as +to human free-will.”</p> + +<p>IX. Saying that St. Catharine and St. Margaret had promised her paradise +if she preserved her virginity, feeling assured of it, and asserting +that if she were in mortal sin they would not visit her.—“Thou savorest +ill as to the Christian faith.”</p> + +<p>X. Saying that St. Catharine and St. Margaret spoke French and not +English because they were not of the English faction, and that, after +knowing that these Voices were for Charles, she had not loved the +Burgundians.—This is a rash blasphemy against those saints and a +transgression of the divine command to love thy neighbor.</p> + +<p>XI. Reverencing the celestial visitants and believing them to come from +God without consulting any churchman; feeling as certain of it as of +Christ and the Passion; and refusing to reveal the sign made to Charles +without the command of God.—“Thou art an idolater, an invoker of +devils, erring in the faith, and hast rashly made an illicit oath.”</p> + +<p>XII. Refusing to obey the mandate of the Church if contrary to the +pretended command of God, and rejecting the judgment of the Church on +earth.—“Thou art schismatic, believing wrongly as to the truth and +authority of the Church, and up to the present time thou errest +perniciously in the faith of God.”<a name="FNanchor_388_388" id="FNanchor_388_388"></a><a href="#Footnote_388_388" class="fnanchor">[388]</a></p> + +<p>Maître Pierre Maurice, who read to her this extraordinary document, +proceeded to address her with an odious assumption of kindness as +“<i>Jehanne ma chere amie</i>” urging her earnestly and argumentatively to +submit herself to the judgment of the Church, without which her soul was +sure of damnation, and he had shrewd fears for her body. She answered +firmly that if the fire was lighted and the executioner ready to cast +her in the flames she would not vary from what she had already said. +Nothing remained but to cite her for the next day to receive her final +sentence.<a name="FNanchor_389_389" id="FNanchor_389_389"></a><a href="#Footnote_389_389" class="fnanchor">[389]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_370" id="page_370"></a>{370}</span></p> + +<p>On the 24th preparations for an <i>auto de fé</i> were completed in the +cemetery of St. Ouen. The pile was ready for lighting, and on two +scaffolds were assembled the Cardinal of Beaufort and other dignitaries, +while on a third were Pierre Cauchon, Jean le Maître, Joan, and Maître +Guillaume Erard, who preached the customary sermon. In his eloquence he +exclaimed that Charles VII. had been proved a schismatic heretic, when +Joan interrupted him, “Speak of me, but not of the king; he is a good +Christian!” She maintained her courage until the sentence of relaxation +was partly read, when she yielded to the incessant persuasion mingled +with threats and promises to which she had been exposed since the +previous night, and she signified her readiness to submit. A formula of +abjuration was read to her, and after some discussion she allowed her +hand to be guided in scratching the sign of the cross, which represented +her signature. Then another sentence, prepared in advance, was +pronounced, imposing on her, as a matter of course, the customary +penance of perpetual imprisonment on bread and water. Vainly she begged +for an ecclesiastical prison. Had Cauchon wished it he was powerless, +and he ordered the guards to conduct her back whence she came.<a name="FNanchor_390_390" id="FNanchor_390_390"></a><a href="#Footnote_390_390" class="fnanchor">[390]</a></p> + +<p>The English were naturally furious on finding that they had overreached +themselves. They could have tried Joan summarily in a secular court for +sorcery and burned her out of hand, but to<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_371" id="page_371"></a>{371}</span> obtain possession of her +they had been obliged to call in the ecclesiastical authorities and the +Inquisition, and they were too little familiar with trials for heresy to +recognize that inquisitorial proceedings were based on the assumption of +seeking the salvation of the soul and not the destruction of the body. +When they saw how the affair was going a great commotion arose at what +they inevitably regarded as a mockery. Joan’s death was a political +necessity, and their victim was eluding them though in their grasp. In +spite of the servility which the ecclesiastics had shown, they were +threatened with drawn swords and were glad to leave the cemetery of St. +Ouen in safety.<a name="FNanchor_391_391" id="FNanchor_391_391"></a><a href="#Footnote_391_391" class="fnanchor">[391]</a></p> + +<p>In the afternoon Jean le Maître and some of the assessors visited her in +her cell, representing the mercy of the Church and the gratitude with +which she should receive her sentence, and warning her to abandon her +revelations and follies, for if she relapsed she could have no hope. She +was humbled, and when urged to wear female apparel she assented. It was +brought and she put it on; her male garments were placed in a bag and +left in her cell.<a name="FNanchor_392_392" id="FNanchor_392_392"></a><a href="#Footnote_392_392" class="fnanchor">[392]</a></p> + +<p>What followed will never be accurately known. The reports are +untrustworthy and contradictory—mere surmises, doubtless—and the +secret lies buried in the dungeon of Rouen Castle. The brutal guards, +enraged at her escape from the flames, no doubt abused her shamefully; +perhaps, as reported, they beat her, dragged her by the hair, and +offered violence to her, till at last she felt that her man’s dress was +her only safety. Perhaps, as other stories go, her Voices reproached her +for her weakness, and she deliberately resumed it. Perhaps, also, +Warwick, resolved to make her commit an act of relapse, had her female +garments removed at night, so that she had no choice but to resume her +male apparel. The fact that it was left within her reach and not +conveyed away shows at least that there was a desire to tempt her to +resume it. Be this as it may, after wearing her woman’s dress for two or +three days word was brought to her judges that she had relapsed and +abandoned it. On May 28 they hastened to her prison to verify the fact. +The incoherence of her replies to their examination shows how she was +breaking down under the fearful<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_372" id="page_372"></a>{372}</span> stress to which she had been subjected. +First she merely said that she had taken the dress; then that it was +more suitable since she was to be with men; nobody had compelled her, +but she denied that she had sworn not to resume it. Then she said that +she had taken it because faith had not been kept with her—she had been +promised that she should hear mass and receive the sacrament, and be +released from her chains; she would rather die than be kept in +fetters—could she hear mass and be relieved of her irons she would do +all that the Church required. She had heard the Voices since her +abjuration, and had been told that she had incurred damnation by +revoking to save her life, for she had only revoked through dread of the +fire. The Voices are of St. Catharine and St. Margaret, and come from +God: she had never revoked that, or, if she had, it was contrary to +truth. She had rather die than endure the torture of her captivity, but +if her judges wish she will resume the woman’s dress; as for the rest +she knows nothing more.<a name="FNanchor_393_393" id="FNanchor_393_393"></a><a href="#Footnote_393_393" class="fnanchor">[393]</a></p> + +<p>These rambling contradictions, these hopeless ejaculations of remorse +and despair, so different from her former intrepid self-confidence, show +that the jailers had understood their work, and that body and soul had +endured more than they could bear. It was enough for the judges; she was +a self-confessed relapsed, with whom the Church could have nothing more +to do except to declare her abandoned to the secular arm without further +hearing. Accordingly, the next day, May 29, Cauchon assembled such of +his assessors as were at hand, reported to them how she had relapsed by +resuming male apparel and declaring, through the suggestion of the +devil, that her Voices had returned. There could be no question as to +her deserts. She was a relapsed, and the only discussion was on the +purely formal question, whether her abjuration should be read over to +her before her judges abandoned her to the secular arm. A majority of +the assessors were in favor of this, but Cauchon and le Maître +disregarded the recommendation.<a name="FNanchor_394_394" id="FNanchor_394_394"></a><a href="#Footnote_394_394" class="fnanchor">[394]</a></p> + +<p>At dawn on the following day, May 30, Frère Martin l’Advenu and some +other ecclesiastics were sent to her prison to inform her<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_373" id="page_373"></a>{373}</span> of her +burning that morning. She was overcome with terror, threw herself on the +ground, tore her hair and uttered piercing shrieks, declaring, as she +grew calmer, that it would not have happened had she been placed in an +ecclesiastical prison, which was an admission that only the brutality of +her dungeon had led her to revoke her abjuration. She confessed to +l’Advenu and asked for the sacrament. He was puzzled and sent for +instructions to Cauchon, who gave permission, and it was brought to her +with all due solemnity. It has been mistakenly argued that this was an +admission of her innocence, but the sacrament was never to be denied to +a relapsed who asked for it at the last moment, the mere asking, +preceded by confession, being an evidence of contrition and desire for +reunion to the Church.<a name="FNanchor_395_395" id="FNanchor_395_395"></a><a href="#Footnote_395_395" class="fnanchor">[395]</a></p> + +<p>The platform for the sermon and the pile for the execution had been +erected in the Viel Marché. Thither she was conveyed amid a surging +crowd which blocked the streets. It is related that on the way Nicholas +l’Oyseleur, the wretched spy, pierced the crowd and the guards and +leaped upon the tumbril to entreat her forgiveness, but before she could +grant it the English dragged him off and would have slain him had not +Warwick rescued him and sent him out of Rouen to save his life. On the +platform Nicholas Midi preached his sermon, the sentence of relaxation +was read, and Joan was handed over to the secular authorities. Cauchon, +le Maître, and the rest left the platform, and the Bailli of Rouen took +her and briefly ordered her to be carried to the place of execution and +burned. It has been assumed that there was an informality in not having +her sentenced by a secular court, but this, as we have seen, was +unnecessary, especially in the case of a relapsed. On her head was +placed a high paper crown inscribed “Heretic, Relapsed, Apostate, +Idolater,” and she was carried to the stake. One account states that her +shrieks and lamentations moved the crowd to tears of pity; another that +she was resigned and composed, and that her last utterance was a prayer. +When her clothes<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_374" id="page_374"></a>{374}</span> were burned off the blazing fagots were dragged aside, +that the crowd might see, from her blackened corpse, that she really was +a woman, and when their curiosity was satisfied the incineration was +completed, the ashes being thrown into the Seine.<a name="FNanchor_396_396" id="FNanchor_396_396"></a><a href="#Footnote_396_396" class="fnanchor">[396]</a></p> + +<p>It only remained for those who had taken part in the tragedy to justify +themselves by blackening the character of their victim and circulating +false reports as to the proceedings. That the judges felt that, in spite +of sheltering themselves behind the University of Paris, they had +incurred dangerous responsibility is shown by their obtaining royal +letters shielding them from accountability for what they had done, the +king pledging himself to constitute himself a party in any prosecution +which might be brought against them before a general council or the +pope. That the regency felt that justification was needed in the face of +Europe is seen in the letters which were sent to the sovereigns and the +bishops in the name of Henry VI., explaining how Joan had exercised +inhuman cruelties until the divine power had in pity to the suffering +people caused her capture; how, though she could have been punished by +the secular courts for her crimes, she had been handed to the Church, +which had treated her kindly and benignantly, and on her confession had +mercifully imposed on her the penance of imprisonment; how her pride had +burst forth in pestilential flames, and she had relapsed into her errors +and madness; how she had then been abandoned to the secular arm, and, +finding her end approaching, had confessed that the spirits which she +invoked were false and lying, and that she was deceived and mocked by +them, and how she had finally been burned in sight of the people. This +official lying was outdone by the reports which were industriously +circulated<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_375" id="page_375"></a>{375}</span> about her and her trial. The honest Bourgeois of Paris, in +entering her execution in his journal, details the offences for which +she was condemned, mixing up with the real articles others showing the +exaggerations which were industriously circulated. According to him she +habitually rode armed with a great staff with which she cruelly beat her +people when they displeased her, and in many places she pitilessly slew +men and women who disobeyed her; once, when violence was offered her, +she leaped from the top of a lofty tower without injury, and boasted +that, if she chose, she could bring thunder and other marvels. He +admits, however, that even in Rouen there were many who held her to be +martyred for her lawful lord.<a name="FNanchor_397_397" id="FNanchor_397_397"></a><a href="#Footnote_397_397" class="fnanchor">[397]</a> It evidently was felt that in her +dreadful death she had fitly crowned her career, and that sympathy for +her fate was continuing her work by arousing popular sentiment, for, +more than a month later, on July 4, an effort was made to counteract it +by a sermon preached in Paris by a Dominican inquisitor—probably our +friend Jean le Maître himself. At great length he expatiated on her +deeds of wickedness, and the mercy which had been shown her. She had +confessed that from the age of fourteen she had dressed like a man, and +her parents would have killed her could they have done so without +wounding their consciences. She had therefore left them, accompanied by +the devil, and had thenceforth lived by the homicide of Christians, full +of fire and blood, till she was burned. She recanted and abjured, and +would have had as penance four years’ prison on bread and water, but she +did not suffer this a single day, for she had herself served in prison +like a lady. The devil appeared to her with two demons, fearing greatly +that he would lose her, and said to her, “Wicked creature, who through +fear hast abandoned thy dress, be not afraid, for we will protect thee +from all.” Then at once she disrobed and dressed herself in her male +attire, which she had thrust in the straw of her bed, and she so trusted +in Satan that she said she repented of having<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_376" id="page_376"></a>{376}</span> abandoned it. Then, +seeing that she was obstinate, the masters of the University delivered +her to the secular arm to be burned, and when she saw herself in this +strait she called on the devils, but after she was judged she could not +bring them by any invocation. She then thought better of it, but it was +too late. The reverend orator added that there were four of them, of +whom we have caught three, this Pucelle, and Péronne and her companion, +and one who is with the Armagnacs, named Catharine de la Rochelle, who +says that when the host is consecrated she sees wonders of the highest +secrets of the Lord.<a name="FNanchor_398_398" id="FNanchor_398_398"></a><a href="#Footnote_398_398" class="fnanchor">[398]</a></p> + +<p>This last allusion is to certain imitators of Joan. The impression which +she produced on the popular mind inevitably led to imitation, whether +through imposture or genuine belief. The Péronne referred to was an old +woman of Britanny who, with a companion, was captured at Corbeil, in +March, 1430, and brought to Paris. She not only asserted that Joan was +inspired, but swore that God often appeared to her in human form, with a +white robe and vermilion cape, ordering her to assist Joan, and she +admitted having received the sacrament twice in one day—Frère Richard +being the person who had given it to her at Jargeau. The two were tried +by the University; the younger woman recanted, but Péronne was +obstinate, and was burned September 3. Catharine de la Rochelle was +another of the <i>protegées</i> of the impressionable Frère Richard, who was +much provoked with Joan for refusing to countenance her. She came to +Joan at Jargeau and again at Montfaucon in Berri, saying that every +night there appeared to her a white woman clad in cloth-of-gold, telling +her that the king would give her horses and trumpets, and she would go +through the cities proclaiming that all who had money or treasure should +bring it forth to pay Joan’s men, and if they concealed it she would +discover all that was hidden. Joan’s practical sense was not to be +allured by this proposition. She told Catharine to go home to her +husband and children, and on asking counsel of her Voices was told that +it was all folly and falsehood. Still, she wrote to the king on the +subject and accepted Catharine’s offer to exhibit to her the nightly +visitant. The first night Joan fell<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_377" id="page_377"></a>{377}</span> asleep and was told on waking that +the apparition had shown itself during her slumber. Then she took a +precautionary sleep during the day, and lay awake all night without +seeing the white lady. Catharine was probably an impostor rather than an +enthusiast, and seems to have escaped the Inquisition.<a name="FNanchor_399_399" id="FNanchor_399_399"></a><a href="#Footnote_399_399" class="fnanchor">[399]</a></p> + +<p>During Joan’s imprisonment her place for a time was taken by a peasant, +variously known as Pastourel or Guillaume le Berger, who professed to +have had divine revelations ordering him to take up arms in aid of the +royal cause. He demonstrated the truth of his mission by exhibiting +stigmata on hands, side, and feet, like St. Francis, and commanded wide +belief. Pothon de Xaintrailles, Joan’s old companion-in-arms, placed +confidence in him and carried him along in his adventurous forays. +Guillaume’s career, however, was short. He accompanied an expedition +into Normandy under the lead of the Maréchal de Boussac and Pothon, +which was surprised and scattered by Warwick. Pothon and the shepherd +were both captured and carried in triumph to Rouen. Experience of +inquisitorial delays in the case of Joan probably caused the English to +prefer more summary methods, and the unlucky prophet was tossed into the +Seine and drowned without a trial. His sphere of influence had been too +limited to render him worth making a conspicuous example.<a name="FNanchor_400_400" id="FNanchor_400_400"></a><a href="#Footnote_400_400" class="fnanchor">[400]</a></p> + +<p> </p> + +<p>Thus Joan passed away, but the spirit which she had aroused was beyond +the reach of bishop or inquisitor. Her judicial murder was a useless +crime. The Treaty of Arras, in 1435, withdrew Burgundy from the English +alliance, and one by one the conquests of Henry V. were wrenched from +the feeble grasp of his son. When, in 1449, Charles VII. obtained +possession of Rouen he ordered an inquest on the spot into the +circumstances of her trial, for it ill comported with the dignity of a +King of France to owe his throne to a witch condemned and burned by the +Church. The time had not come, however, when a sentence of the +Inquisition could be set aside by secular authority, and the attempt was +abandoned.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_378" id="page_378"></a>{378}</span> In 1452 another effort was made by Archbishop d’Estouteville +of Rouen, but though he was a cardinal and a papal legate, and though he +adjoined in the matter Jean Brehal, Inquisitor of France, he could do +nothing beyond taking some testimony. The papal intervention was held to +be necessary for the revision of a case of heresy decided by the +Inquisition, and to obtain this the mother and the two brothers of Joan +appealed to Rome as sufferers from the sentence. At length, in 1455, +Calixtus III. appointed as commissioners to hear and judge their +complaints the Archbishop of Rouen, the Bishops of Paris and Coutances, +and the Inquisitor Jean Brehal. Isabelle Darc and her sons appeared as +plaintiffs against Cauchon and le Maître, and the proceedings were +carried on at their expense. Cauchon was dead and le Maître in +hiding—concealed probably by his Dominican brethren, for no trace of +him could be found. Although the University of Paris does not appear in +the case, every precaution was taken to preserve its honor by +emphasizing at every stage the fraudulent character of the twelve +articles submitted to its decision, and in the final judgment special +care was taken to characterize them as false and to order them to be +judicially torn to pieces, though it may well be doubted whether they +were any more deceptive than innumerable reports made habitually by +inquisitors to their assemblies of experts. Finally, on July 7, 1456, +judgment was rendered in favor of the complainants, who were declared to +have incurred no infamy; the whole process was pronounced to be null and +void; the decision was ordered to be published in Rouen and all other +cities of the kingdom; solemn processions were to be made to the place +of her abjuration and that of her execution, and on the latter a cross +was to be erected in perpetual memory of her martyrdom. In its restored +form it still remains there as a memorial of the utility of the +Inquisition as an instrument of statecraft.<a name="FNanchor_401_401" id="FNanchor_401_401"></a><a href="#Footnote_401_401" class="fnanchor">[401]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_379" id="page_379"></a>{379}</span></p> + +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_VI" id="CHAPTER_VI"></a>CHAPTER VI.<br /><br /> +<small>SORCERY AND OCCULT ARTS.</small></h2> + +<p>F<small>EW</small> things are so indestructible as a superstitious belief once fairly +implanted in human credulity. It passes from one race to another and is +handed down through countless generations; it adapts itself successively +to every form of religious faith; persecution may stifle its outward +manifestation, but it continues to be cherished in secret, perhaps the +more earnestly that it is unlawful. Religion may succeed religion, but +the change only multiplies the methods by which man seeks to supplement +his impotence by obtaining control over supernatural powers, and to +guard his weakness by lifting the veil of the future. The sacred rites +of the superseded faith become the forbidden magic of its successor. Its +gods become evil spirits, as the Devas or deities of the Veda became the +Daevas or demons of the Avesta; as the bull-worship of the early Hebrews +became idolatry under the prophets, and as the gods of Greece and Rome +were malignant devils to the Christian Fathers.</p> + +<p>Europe thus was the unhappy inheritor of an accumulated mass of +superstitions which colored the life and controlled the actions of every +man. They were vivified with a peculiar intensity by the powerful +conception of the Mazdean Ahriman—the embodiment of the destructive +forces of nature and the evil passions of man—which, transfused through +Judaism and adorned with the imaginings of the Haggadah, became a fixed +article of the creed as the fallen prince of angels, Satan, who drew +with him in rebellion half of the infinite angelic hosts, and +thenceforth devoted powers inferior only to those of God himself to the +spiritual and material perdition of mankind. Omnipresent, and well-nigh +omnipotent and omniscient, Satan and his demons were ever and everywhere +at work to obtain, by cunning arts, control over the souls of men, to +cross their purposes, and to vex their bodies. The<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_380" id="page_380"></a>{380}</span> food of these beings +was the suffering of the damned, and human salvation their most +exquisite torment. To effect their objects human agents were +indispensable, and Satan was always ready to impart a portion of his +power, or to consign a subordinate demon, to any one who would serve +him. Thus a dualistic system sprang up, less hopeful and inspiring than +that of Zarathustra Spitama, which in its vivid realization of the +ever-present and ever-acting Evil Principle, cast a sombre shadow over +the kindly teachings of Christ. Some even held that human affairs were +governed by demons, and this belief grew sufficiently prevalent to +induce Chrysostom to undertake its refutation. He admitted that they +were inspired with a fierce and irreconcilable hatred for man, with whom +they carried on an immortal war, but he argued that the evil of the +world was the just punishment inflicted by God.<a name="FNanchor_402_402" id="FNanchor_402_402"></a><a href="#Footnote_402_402" class="fnanchor">[402]</a></p> + +<p>Man thus lived surrounded by an infinite world of spirits, good and bad, +whose sole object was his salvation or his perdition, and who were ever +on the watch to save him or to lure him to destruction. Thus was solved +the eternal problem of the origin of evil, which has perplexed the human +soul since it first began to think, and thus grew up a demonology of +immense detail which formed part of the articles of faith. Almost every +race has shared in such belief, whether the evil spirits were of +supernatural origin, as with the Mazdeans and Assyrians, or whether, as +with the Buddhists and Egyptians, they were the souls of the damned +seeking to gratify their vindictiveness. Although Greece and Rome had no +such distinctive class, yet had they peopled the world with a countless +number of genii and inferior supernatural beings, who were accepted by +Christianity and placed at the service of Satan. As theology grew to be +a science in which every detail of the dealings of God with man was +defined with the most rigid precision, it became necessary to determine +the nature and functions of the spirit world with exactitude, and the +ardent intellects which framed the vast structure of orthodoxy did not +shrink from the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_381" id="page_381"></a>{381}</span> task. The numberless references to the character and +attributes of demons in patristic literature show how large a space the +subject occupied in the thoughts of men and the confidence which was +felt in the accuracy of knowledge concerning it.<a name="FNanchor_403_403" id="FNanchor_403_403"></a><a href="#Footnote_403_403" class="fnanchor">[403]</a></p> + +<p>Origen informs us that every man is surrounded by countless spirits +eager to help or harm him. His virtues and good deeds are attributable +to good angels; his sins and crimes are the work of demons of pride and +lust and wrath, and of all passions and vices. Powerful as these are, +however, the human soul is still superior to them and can destroy their +capacity for evil; if a holy man baffles the spirit of lust who has +tempted him, the conquered demon is cast into outer darkness or into the +abyss, and loses his potency forever. This was received throughout the +Middle Ages as orthodox doctrine. Gregory the Great tells us how the nun +of a convent, walking in the garden, ate a lettuce-leaf without making +the cautionary sign of the cross, and was immediately possessed of a +demon. St. Equitius tortured the spirit with his exorcisms till the +unhappy imp exclaimed, “What have I done? I was sitting on the leaf and +she ate me;” but Equitius would listen to no excuse and forced him to +depart. Cæsarius of Heisterbach relates a vast number of cases proving +the perpetual interference of demons with human affairs, though he +asserts as a well-known fact that Satan drew with him only one tenth of +the hosts of heaven, and he proceeds to show, on the authority of +Gregory the Great, that at the Day of Judgment the saved will be nine +times as numerous as the devils, and of course the damned greatly more +in excess; yet at the death-bed of a monk of Hemmenrode fifteen thousand +demons gathered together, and at that of a Benedictine abbess more +assembled than there are leaves in the forest of Kottinhold. Thomas of +Cantimpré, though less profuse in his illustrative examples, is equally +emphatic in showing that man is surrounded with evil spirits, who lose +no opportunity to tempt, to seduce, to mislead, and to vex him. The +blessed Reichhelm, Abbot of Schöngau, about 1270, had received from God +the gift of being<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_382" id="page_382"></a>{382}</span> able to discern the aerial bodies of these creatures, +and often saw them as a thick dust, or as motes in a sunbeam, or as +thickly falling rain. He describes their numbers as so great that the +atmosphere is merely a crowd of them; all material sounds, water +falling, stones clashing, winds blowing, are their voices. Sometimes +they would materialize as a woman to tempt him, or as a huge cat or a +bear to terrify him, but their efforts were mostly directed to diverting +the thoughts from pious duties and contemplations, and to inciting to +evil passions, which they could well do, as an innumerable army was +assigned to each individual man. These enemies of man were ever on the +watch to take advantage of every unguarded thought or act. Sprenger +tells us that if an impatient husband says to a pregnant wife, “Devil +take you,” the child will be subject to Satan; such children, he says, +are often seen; five nurses will not satisfy the appetite of one, and +yet they are miserably emaciated, while their weight is great. Thus man +was at all times exposed to the assaults of supernatural enemies, +striving to lead him to sin, to torture his body with disease, or to +afflict him with material damage. We cannot understand the motives and +acts of our forefathers unless we take into consideration the mental +condition engendered by the consciousness of this daily and hourly +personal conflict with Satan.<a name="FNanchor_404_404" id="FNanchor_404_404"></a><a href="#Footnote_404_404" class="fnanchor">[404]</a></p> + +<p>It is true that all demons were not equally malignant. The converted +Barbarians of Europe could not wholly give up their belief in helpful +spirits, and as Christianity classed them all as devils, it was +necessary to find an explanation by suggesting that their characters +varied with the amount of pride and envy of God which they entertained +before the fall. Those who merely followed their companions and have +repented are not always malicious.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_383" id="page_383"></a>{383}</span> Cæsarius tells us of one who +faithfully served a knight for a long while, saved him from his enemies, +and cured his wife of a mortal illness by fetching from Arabia lion’s +milk with which to anoint her. This aroused the knight’s suspicions, and +the demon confessed, explaining that it was a great consolation to him +to be with the children of men. Fearing to retain such a servitor, the +knight dismissed him, offering half of his possessions as a reward, but +the demon would accept only five sous, and these he returned, asking the +knight to purchase with them a bell and hang it on a certain desolate +church, that the faithful might be called to divine service on Sundays. +Froissart’s picturesque narrative is well known of the demon Orton, who +served the Sieur de Corasse out of pure love, bringing to him every +night tidings of events from all parts of the world, and finally +abandoning him in consequence of his imprudent demand to see his +nocturnal visitor. Froissart himself was at Ortais in 1385, when the +Count of Foix miraculously had news of the disastrous battle of +Aljubarotta in Portugal the day after it occurred, and the courtiers +explained that he heard of it through the Sieur de Corasse. Thus, for +good or for evil, the barriers which divided the material from the +spiritual world were slight, and intercourse between them was too +frequent to excite incredulity.<a name="FNanchor_405_405" id="FNanchor_405_405"></a><a href="#Footnote_405_405" class="fnanchor">[405]</a></p> + +<p>It was inevitable that this facility of intercourse should encourage +belief in the Incubi and Succubi who play so large a part in mediæval +sorcery, for such a belief has belonged to superstition in all ages. The +Akkads had their Gelal and Kiel-Gelal, the Assyrians their Lil and +Lilit, and the Gauls their Dusii, lustful spirits of either sex who +gratified their passions with men and women, while the Welsh legends of +the Middle Ages show the continuance of the belief among the Celtic +tribes. The Egyptians drew a distinction and admitted of Incubi but not +of Succubi. The Jews accepted the text concerning the sons of God and +daughters of men (Gen. <small>VI</small>. 1) as proving that fruitful intercourse could +occur between spiritual and human beings, and they had their legends of +the evil spirit Lilith, the first wife of Adam, who bore to him the +innumerable multitude of demons. The anthropomorphic mythology and +hero-worship of Greece consisted of little else, and the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_384" id="page_384"></a>{384}</span> name of Satyr +has passed into a proverb. The simpler and purer Latin pantheon had yet +its Sylvans and Fauns, who, as St. Augustin tells us, “are commonly +called Incubi.” The medical faculty in vain explained the belief by +Ephialtes or nightmare, and recommended for it belladonna rather than +exorcisms. Though St. Augustin, who did so much to transmit pagan +superstitions to succeeding ages, hesitates to believe in the +possibility of such powers on the part of aerial spirits, even he dares +not deny it, and though Chrysostom ridiculed it, other authorities +accepted it as a matter of course. Thus it came to be received as a +truth which few thought of disputing. In 1249 an incubus child was born +on the Welsh marches, which in half a year had a full set of teeth and +the stature of a youth of seventeen, while the mother wasted away and +died. The belief grew still more definite as perfected processes of +trial enabled judges to extort from their victims whatever confessions +they desired, such as that of Angèle de la Barthe, who, in the +Toulousain in 1275, admitted that she had habitual intercourse with +Satan, to whom, seven years before, at the age of fifty-three, she had +borne a son—a monster with a wolf’s head and a serpent’s tail, which +she fed for two years on the flesh of year-old babies whom she stole by +night, after which it disappeared; or those of the witches of Arras, in +1460, who were brought to confess that their demon lovers wore the +shapes of hares, or foxes, or bulls. Innocent VIII. asserts the +existence of such connections in the most positive manner, and Silvester +Prierias declares that to deny it is both unorthodox and +unphilosophical, and could only be prompted by sheer wantonness.<a name="FNanchor_406_406" id="FNanchor_406_406"></a><a href="#Footnote_406_406" class="fnanchor">[406]</a></p> + +<p>Liaisons of this kind would be entered into with demons, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_385" id="page_385"></a>{385}</span> would be +maintained with the utmost fidelity on both sides for thirty or forty +years; and the connection thus established was proof against all the +ordinary arts of the exerciser. Alvaro Pelayo relates that in a nunnery +under his direction it prevailed among the nuns, and he was utterly +powerless to put a stop to it. In fact, it was peculiarly frequent in +such pious establishments. As a special crime it grew to have a special +name, and was known among canonists and casuists as Demoniality; and +Sprenger, whose authority in such matters is supreme, assures us that to +its attractiveness was due the alarming development of witchcraft in the +fifteenth century. The few who, like Ulric Molitoris, while admitting +the existence of Incubi, denied to them the power of procreation, were +silenced by the authority of Thomas Aquinas, who explained how, by +acting alternately as Succubus and Incubus, the demon could accomplish +the object, and by the indubitable facts that the Huns were sprung from +demons, and that an island in Egypt, or, as some said, Cyprus, was +peopled wholly by descendants of Incubi, to say nothing of the popular +legend which attributed such paternity to the prophet and enchanter, +Merlin. Into the physiological speculations by which these possibilities +were proved, it is not worth our while to enter. There is nothing fouler +in all literature than the stories and illustrative examples by which +these theories were supported.<a name="FNanchor_407_407" id="FNanchor_407_407"></a><a href="#Footnote_407_407" class="fnanchor">[407]</a></p> + +<p>As Satan’s principal object in his warfare with God was to seduce human +souls from their divine allegiance, he was ever ready with whatever +temptation seemed most likely to effect his purpose. Some were to be won +by physical indulgence such as that just alluded to; others by +conferring on them powers enabling them apparently to forecast the +future, to discover hidden things, to gratify enmity, and to acquire +wealth, whether through forbidden<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_386" id="page_386"></a>{386}</span> arts or by the services of a familiar +demon subject to their orders. As the neophyte in receiving baptism +renounced the devil his pomps and his angels,<a name="FNanchor_408_408" id="FNanchor_408_408"></a><a href="#Footnote_408_408" class="fnanchor">[408]</a> it was necessary for +the Christian who desired the aid of Satan to renounce God. Moreover, as +Satan when he tempted Christ offered him the kingdoms of the earth in +return for adoration—“If thou therefore wilt worship me all shall be +thine” (Luke <small>IV</small>. 7)—there naturally arose the idea that to obtain this +aid it was necessary to render allegiance to the princes of hell. Thence +came the idea, so fruitful in the development of sorcery, of compacts +with Satan by which sorcerers became his slaves, binding themselves to +do all the evil they could encompass and to win over as many converts as +they could to follow their example. Thus the sorcerer or witch was an +enemy of all the human race as well as of God, the most efficient agent +of hell in its sempiternal conflict with heaven. His destruction, by any +method, was therefore the plainest duty of man.</p> + +<p>This was the perfected theory of sorcery and witchcraft by which the +gentile superstitions inherited and adopted from all sides were fitted +into the Christian dispensation and formed part of its accepted creed. +From the earliest periods of which records have reached us there have +been practitioners of magic who were credited with the ability of +controlling the spirit world, of divining the future, and of interfering +with the ordinary operations of nature. When this was accomplished by +the ritual of an established religion it was praiseworthy, like the +augural and oracular divination of classic times, or the exorcism of +spirits, the excommunication of caterpillars, and the miraculous cures +wrought by relics or pilgrimages to noted shrines. When it worked +through the invocation of hostile deities, or of a religion which had +been superseded, it was blameworthy and forbidden. The Yatudhana, or +sorcerer of the Vedas, doubtless sought his ends through the invocation +of the Rakshasas and other dethroned divinities of the conquered Dasyu. +His powers were virtually the same as those of the mediæval sorcerer: +with his <i>yatu</i>, or magic, he could encompass the death of his enemies +or destroy their harvests and their herds; his <i>kritya</i>, or charmed +images and other objects, had an evil influence which could only be +overcome by discovering<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_387" id="page_387"></a>{387}</span> and removing them, exactly as we find it in the +Europe of the fifteenth century; while the counter-charms and +imprecations employed against him show that there was virtually no +difference between sacred and prohibited magic.<a name="FNanchor_409_409" id="FNanchor_409_409"></a><a href="#Footnote_409_409" class="fnanchor">[409]</a> The same lesson is +taught by Hebrew tradition, which admitted that wonders could be wrought +by the <i>Elohim acherim</i>, or “other gods,” as instanced in the contest +between Moses and the Chakamim, or wise men of Egypt. The Talmudists +inform us that when he changed his rod into a serpent Pharaoh laughed at +him for parading such tricks in a land full of magicians, and sent for +some little children who readily performed the same feat, but the +failure of Jannes and Jambres to cope with him when he came to the +plague of the lice was because their art would not extend to the +imitation of things smaller than a barley-corn. The connection between +their magic and the worship of false gods is seen in the legend that it +was Jannes and Jambres who fabricated for Aaron the golden calf. A +similar indication is seen in the Samaritan tradition that the falling +away of the Hebrews from the ancient faith was explicable by the magic +arts of Eli and Samuel, who studied them in the books of Balaam, gaining +thereby wealth and power, and seducing the people from the worship of +Jehovah.<a name="FNanchor_410_410" id="FNanchor_410_410"></a><a href="#Footnote_410_410" class="fnanchor">[410]</a></p> + +<p>How great was the impression produced on the surrounding nations by the +powers of the Egyptian Chakamim is shown by the later Jews, who, +familiar as they were with the mysteries of the Magi and Chaldeans, yet +declared that of the ten portions of magic bestowed upon the earth, nine +had fallen to the lot of Egypt. That kingdom therefore furnishes +naturally enough the oldest record of a trial for sorcery, occurring +about 1300 <small>B.C</small>., showing that the use of magic was not regarded as +criminal of itself, but only when employed by an unauthorized person for +wrongful ends.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_388" id="page_388"></a>{388}</span> The proceedings in the case recite that a certain +Penhaiben, a farm superintendent of cattle, when passing by chance the +Khen, or hall in the royal palace where the rolls of mystic lore were +kept, was seized with a desire to obtain access to their secrets for his +personal advantage. Procuring the assistance of a worker in stone named +Atirma, he penetrated into the sacred recesses of the Khen and secured a +book of dangerous formulas belonging to his master, Rameses III. +Mastering their use, he soon was able to perform all the feats of the +doctors of mysteries. He composed charms which, when carried into the +royal palace, corrupted the concubines of the Pharaoh; he caused hatred +between men, fascinated or tormented them, paralyzed their limbs, and in +short, as the report of the tribunal states, “He sought and found the +real way to execute all the abominations and all the wickedness that his +heart conceived, and he performed them, with other great crimes, the +horror of every god and goddess. Consequently he has endured the great +punishment, even unto death, which the divine writings say that he +merited.”<a name="FNanchor_411_411" id="FNanchor_411_411"></a><a href="#Footnote_411_411" class="fnanchor">[411]</a></p> + +<p>Hebrew belief, which necessarily served as a standard for orthodox +Christianity, drew from these various sources an ample store of magic +practitioners. There was the <i>At</i>, or charmer; the <i>Asshaph</i>, +<i>Kasshaph</i>, <i>Mekassheph</i>, the enchanter or sorcerer; the <i>Kosem</i>, or +diviner; the <i>Ob</i>, <i>Shoel Ob</i>, <i>Baal Ob</i>, the consulter with evil +spirits, or necromancer (the Witch of Endor was a <i>Baalath Ob</i>); the +<i>Chober Chaber</i>, or worker with spells and ligatures; the <i>Doresh el +Hammathim</i>, or consulter with the dead; the <i>Meonen</i>, or augur, divining +by the drift of clouds or voices of birds—the “observer of times” of +the A. V.; the <i>Menachesh</i>, or augur by enchantments; the <i>Jiddoni</i>, or +wizard; the <i>Chakam</i>, or sage; the <i>Chartom</i>, or hierogrammatist; the +<i>Mahgim</i>, or mutterers of spells; and in later times there were the +<i>Istaginen</i>, or astrologer; the <i>Charori</i>, or soothsayer; the <i>Magush, +Amgosh</i>, or enchanter; the <i>Raten</i>, or magus; the <i>Negida</i>, or +necromancer; and the <i>Pithom</i>, inspired by evil spirits. There was here +an ample field in which Christian superstition could go astray.</p> + +<p>Greece contributed her share, although of strictly Goetic magic<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_389" id="page_389"></a>{389}</span>—the +invocation of malignant spirits or the use of illicit means for wrongful +ends—there was little need, in a religion of which the deities, great +and small, were subject to all the weaknesses of humanity, were ready at +any moment to inflict on man the direst calamities to gratify their love +or their spleen or their caprice, and could be purchased by a prayer or +a sacrifice to exercise their omnipotence irrespective of justice or +morality. In such a religion the priest exercises the functions which in +purer faiths are relegated to the sorcerer. Yet it is only necessary to +mention the names of Zetheus and Amphion, of Orpheus and Pythagoras, of +Epimenides, Empedocles, and Apollonius of Tyana to show that both +tradition and history taught the existence and power of thaumaturgy and +theurgy.<a name="FNanchor_412_412" id="FNanchor_412_412"></a><a href="#Footnote_412_412" class="fnanchor">[412]</a> This theurgy was developed to its fullest extent in the +marvels related of the Neo-Platonists, thus directly influencing +Christian thought, which necessarily ascribed its miracles to the +invocations of demons.<a name="FNanchor_413_413" id="FNanchor_413_413"></a><a href="#Footnote_413_413" class="fnanchor">[413]</a> Yet by the side of all this there was no +lack of Goetic magic, such as the legends attribute to the Cretan +Dactyls or Curetes, to the Telchines, to Medea, and to Circe.<a name="FNanchor_414_414" id="FNanchor_414_414"></a><a href="#Footnote_414_414" class="fnanchor">[414]</a> This +is said to have received a powerful impetus in the Medic wars, when the +Magian Osthanes, who accompanied Xerxes, scattered the seeds of his +unholy lore throughout Greece. Plato speaks with the strongest +reprobation of the venal sorcerers who hire themselves at slender wages +to those desirous of destroying enemies with magic arts and +incantations, ligatures, and the figurines, or waxen images, which have +always been one of the favorite resources of malignant magic, and which +in Greece wrought their evil work by being set up in the cross-roads, or +affixed to the door of the victim or to the tomb of his ancestors. +Philtres, or love-potions, which would excite or arrest love at will<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_390" id="page_390"></a>{390}</span> +were among their ordinary resources. Even the triform Hecate was subject +to their spells; they could arrest the course of nature and bring the +moon to earth. The fearful rites which superstition attributed to these +sorcerers are indicated in one of the charges brought against Apollonius +of Tyana when tried before Domitian—that of sacrificing a child.<a name="FNanchor_415_415" id="FNanchor_415_415"></a><a href="#Footnote_415_415" class="fnanchor">[415]</a></p> + +<p>In Rome the gods of the nether world furnished a link between the sacred +ceremonies of the priest and the incantations of the sorcerer, for while +they were objects of worship to the pious, they were also the customary +sources of the magician’s power. Lucan’s terrible witch, Erichtho, is a +favorite with Erebus; she wanders among tombs from which she draws their +shades; she works her spells with funeral-torches and with the bones and +ashes of the dead; her incantations are Stygian; gluing her lips to +those of a dying man, she sends her dire messages to the under-world. +Horace’s Canidia and Sagana seek their power at the same source, and the +description of their hideous doings bears a curious resemblance to much +that sixteen centuries later occupied the attention of half the courts +in Christendom. It is the same throughout all the allusions to Latin +sorcery—the deities invoked are infernal, and the rites are celebrated +at night,<a name="FNanchor_416_416" id="FNanchor_416_416"></a><a href="#Footnote_416_416" class="fnanchor">[416]</a> The identity of the means employed with those of modern +sorcery is perfect. When Germanicus Cæsar, the idol of the empire, was +doomed by the secret jealousy of Tiberius; when his subordinate in +command of the East, Cneius Piso, was commissioned to make way with him, +and Germanicus was stricken with mortal illness, it reads like a passage +in Grillandus or Delrio to see that his friends, suspecting Piso’s +enmity, dug from the ground and the walls of his house the objects +placed there to effect his destruction—fragments of human bodies, +half-burned ashes smeared with corruption, leaden plates inscribed with +his name, charms, and other accursed things, by which, says Tacitus, it +is believed that souls may be dedicated to the infernal gods. The +ordinary feats of the witch could be more easily performed.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_391" id="page_391"></a>{391}</span> A simple +incantation would blight the harvest or dry the running fountain, would +destroy the acorn on the oak and the ripening fruit on the bough. The +figurine, or waxen image, of the person to be assailed, familiar to +Hindu, Egyptian, and Greek sorcery, assumes in Rome the shape in which +we find it in the Middle Ages. Sometimes the name of the victim was +traced on it in letters of red wax. If a mortal disease was to be +induced in any organ, a needle was thrust in the corresponding part of +the image; or if he was to waste away in an incurable malady, it was +melted with incantations at a fire. The victim could moreover be +transformed into a beast—a feat which St. Augustin endeavors to explain +by dæmonic delusion.<a name="FNanchor_417_417" id="FNanchor_417_417"></a><a href="#Footnote_417_417" class="fnanchor">[417]</a> It is observable that the terrible magician is +almost always an old woman—the <i>saga</i>, <i>strix</i>, or <i>volatica</i>—the +wise-woman or nocturnal bird or night-flyer—corresponding precisely +with the hag who in mediæval Europe almost monopolized sorcery. But the +male sorcerer, like his modern descendant, had the power of transforming +himself into a wolf, and was thus the prototype of the wer-wolves, or +<i>loups-garoux</i>, who form so picturesque a feature in the history of +witchcraft.<a name="FNanchor_418_418" id="FNanchor_418_418"></a><a href="#Footnote_418_418" class="fnanchor">[418]</a></p> + +<p>The philtres, charms, and ligatures for exciting desire or preventing +its fruition, or for arousing hatred, which meet us at every step in +modern sorcery, were equally prevalent in that of Rome. The virtual +insanity of Caligula was attributed to powerful drugs administered to +him in a love-potion by Cæsonia, whom he married after the death of his +sister and concubine Drusilla, and so firm was the conviction of this +that when he was assassinated she was likewise put to death for having +thus brought the greatest calamities on the republic. That such a man as +Marcus Aurelius could be supposed to have caused his wife Faustina to +bathe in the blood of the luckless gladiator who was the object of her +affections before seeking his own embraces, while doubtless invented to +account for the character of his son Commodus, shows the profound belief +accorded to such arts. Appuleius found this to his cost when he was +tried for his life on the charge of having<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_392" id="page_392"></a>{392}</span> by incantations and sorcery +secured the affections of his bride Pudentilla, a woman of mature age +who had been fourteen years a widow. Had the court, like those of the +Middle Ages, enjoyed the infallible resource of torture, he would +readily have been forced to confession, with the attendant +death-penalty; but as there was no charge of treason involved, he was +free to disculpate himself by evidence and argument, and he +escaped.<a name="FNanchor_419_419" id="FNanchor_419_419"></a><a href="#Footnote_419_419" class="fnanchor">[419]</a></p> + +<p>The severest penalties of the law, in fact, were traditionally directed +against all practitioners of magic. The surviving fragments of the +Decemviral legislation show that this dated from an early period of the +republic. With the spread of the Roman conquests, the introduction of +Orientalized Hellenism was followed by the magic of the East, more +imposing than the homelier native practices, arousing the liveliest fear +and indignation. In 184 <small>B.C.</small> the praetor L. Nævius was detained for four +months from proceeding to his province of Sardinia, by the duty assigned +to him of prosecuting cases of sorcery. A large portion of these were +scattered through the suburbicarian regions; the culprits had a short +shrift, and he manifested a diligence which Pierre Cella or Bernard de +Caux might envy, if the account be true that he condemned no less than +two thousand sorcerers. Under the empire decrees against magicians, +astrologers, and diviners were frequent, and from the manner in which +accusations of sorcery were brought against prominent personages the +charge would seem to have been then, as it proved in the fourteenth and +fifteenth centuries, one of those convenient ones, easy to make and hard +to disprove, which are welcome in personal and political intrigue. Nero +persecuted magic with such severity that he included philosophers among +magicians, and the cloak or distinctive garment of the philosopher was +sufficient to bring its wearer before the tribunals. Musonius the +Babylonian, who ranked next to Apollonius of Tyana in wisdom and power, +was incarcerated, and would have perished as intended but for the +exceptional robustness which enabled him to endure the rigors of his +prison. Caracalla went even further and<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_393" id="page_393"></a>{393}</span> punished those who merely wore +on their necks amulets for the cure of tertian and quartan fevers. The +darker practices of magic were repressed with relentless rigor. To +perform or procure the performance of impious nocturnal rites with the +object of bewitching any one was punished with the severest penalties +known to the Roman law—crucifixion or the beasts. For immolating a man +or offering human blood in sacrifices the penalty was simple death or +the beasts, according to the station of the offender. Accomplices in +magic practices were subjected to crucifixion or the beasts, while +magicians themselves were burned alive. The knowledge of the art was +forbidden as well as its exercise; all books of magic were to be burned, +and their owners subjected to deportation or capital punishment, +according to their rank. When the cross became the emblem of salvation, +it of course passed out of use as an instrument of punishment; with the +abolition of the arena the beasts were no longer available; but the +fagot and stake remained, and for long centuries continued to be the +punishment for more or less harmless impostors.<a name="FNanchor_420_420" id="FNanchor_420_420"></a><a href="#Footnote_420_420" class="fnanchor">[420]</a></p> + +<p>With the triumph of Christianity the circle of forbidden practices was +enormously enlarged. A new sacred magic was introduced which superseded +and condemned as sorcery and demon-worship a vast array of observances +and beliefs, which had become an integral and almost ineradicable part +of popular life. The struggle between the rival thaumaturgies is +indicated already in Tertullian’s complaint, that when in droughts the +Christians by prayers and mortifications had extorted rain from God, the +credit was given to the sacrifices offered to Jove; he challenges the +pagans to bring before their own tribunals a demoniac, when a Christian +will force the possessing spirit to confess himself a demon. The triumph +of the new system was typified in the encounter between St. Peter and +Simon Magus, when the flight through the air of the heathen theurgist +was arrested by the prayers of the Christian, and he fell with a +disastrous crash, breaking a hip-bone and both heels. If, as conjectured +by some modern<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_394" id="page_394"></a>{394}</span> critics, Simon Magus is the Petrine designation of St. +Paul, the partisans of the latter were not behindhand in recounting the +triumph of their leader over the older thaumaturgists, for when he +wrought wonders at Ephesus and the Jewish conjurers were put to shame, +then “many of them also which used curious arts brought their books +together and burned them before all men; and they counted the price of +them, and found it fifty thousand pieces of silver.”<a name="FNanchor_421_421" id="FNanchor_421_421"></a><a href="#Footnote_421_421" class="fnanchor">[421]</a></p> + +<p>Still more convincing was the incident which occurred to Marcus Aurelius +in the Marcomannic war when, in the territory of the Quadi, he was cut +off from water, so that his army was perishing from thirst. Though he +had persecuted the Christians, he had recourse to the intervention of +Christ, when a sudden tempest supplied the Romans abundantly with water, +while the lightning slew the Teutons and dispersed them, so that they +were readily slaughtered. When, finally, the new faith and the old met +in their death-grapple, Eusebius describes Constantine as preparing for +the struggle by calling around him his most holy priests and marching +under the shade of the sacred Labarum. Licinius on his side collected +diviners and Egyptian prophets and magicians. They offered sacrifices +and endeavored to learn the result from their deities. Oracles +everywhere promised victory; the sacrificial auguries were favorable; +the interpreters of dreams announced success. On the eve of the first +battle Licinius assembled his chief captains in a sacred grove where +there were many idols, and explained to them that this was to be the +decisive test between the gods of their ancestors and the unknown deity +of the barbarians—if they were vanquished it would show that their gods +were dethroned. In the ensuing combat the cross bore down everything +before it; the enemy fled when it appeared, and Constantine seeing this +sent the Labarum as an amulet of victory, wherever his troops were sore +bestead, and at once the battle would be restored. Defeat only hardened +the heart of Licinius, and again he had recourse to his magicians. +Constantine, on the other hand, arranged an oratory in his camp, to +which before battle he would retire to pray with the men of God, and +then sallying forth would give the signal for<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_395" id="page_395"></a>{395}</span> attack, when his troops +would slay all who dared to stand before them. So complete became the +trust enjoined in the efficacy of the invocation of God, that +enthusiasts denounced it as unworthy a Christian to rely upon human +prudence and sagacity in trouble. St. Nilus tells us that in cases of +sickness recourse is to be had to prayer, rather than to physicians and +physic; and St. Augustin, in his recital of miraculous cures beyond the +reach of science to effect, evidently regards the appeal to God and the +saints as far more trustworthy than all the resources of the medical +art.<a name="FNanchor_422_422" id="FNanchor_422_422"></a><a href="#Footnote_422_422" class="fnanchor">[422]</a></p> + +<p>It was inevitable that the triumphant theurgy should set to work with +remorseless vigor to extirpate its fallen rival, as soon as it could +fully control the powers of the State. It was not so much the worship +and propitiation of the pagan gods that was first attacked, as the +thousand methods of divination and devices to avert evil which had +become ingrained in daily life—oracles and auguries and portents and +omens and soothsaying. Their efficacy was the work of Satan to deceive +and seduce mankind, and their use was the direct or indirect invocation +of demons. To attempt to foretell the future in any way was sorcery, and +all sorcery was the work of the devil; and it was the same with the +amulets and charms, the observance of lucky and unlucky days, and the +innumerable trivial superstitions which amused the popular<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_396" id="page_396"></a>{396}</span> imagination. +Zeal for the repression of every species of magic was not only +stimulated by the conviction that it was an essential part of the +conflict with a personal Satan, but by obedience to the commands of God +in the Mosaic law. The awful words, “Thou shalt not suffer a witch +(<i>Mekasshepha</i>) to live” have rung through the centuries, and have +served as a justification for probably more judicial slaughter than any +other sentence in the history of human jurisprudence. Rabbinical Judaism +enforced this relentlessly in spite of the kindliness of the rabbis and +their extreme indisposition to shed human blood. One of the first +reforms of the Pharisees on coming into power after the persecution of +Alexander Jannai was the abrogation of the Mosaic penal code in favor of +milder laws. The leader in the revolution was Simon ben Shetach, who in +organizing the Sanhedrin refused the presidency and conferred it on +Judah ben Tabbai. The latter chanced to condemn a man for false witness +on the testimony of a single person, though the law required two, when +Simon reproached him as blood-guilty, and he resigned. Yet this man, so +scrupulous about taking life, had no hesitation in hanging at Ascalon +eighty witches in a single day. According to the Mishna, the Pithom and +the Jiddoni are to be stoned, and false diviners and those who read the +future in the name of idols are to be hanged, while the Talmud adds that +he who learns a single word from a Magus is to be put to death. +Christianity thus derived from Judaism the complete assurance that in +ruthlessly exterminating all thaumaturgy save that of its own priesthood +it was obeying the unquestioned command of God.<a name="FNanchor_423_423" id="FNanchor_423_423"></a><a href="#Footnote_423_423" class="fnanchor">[423]</a></p> + +<p>The machinery of the Church was therefore early set to work to exhort +and persuade the faithful against a sin so unpardonable and apparently +so ineradicable; and as soon as it gathered its prelates together in +councils it commenced to legislate for the suppression of such +practices.<a name="FNanchor_424_424" id="FNanchor_424_424"></a><a href="#Footnote_424_424" class="fnanchor">[424]</a> When it grew powerful enough to<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_397" id="page_397"></a>{397}</span> influence the head of +the State it procured a series of cruel edicts which doubtless were +effective in destroying the remains of tolerated paganism as well as in +suppressing the special practices so offensive in the eyes of the +orthodox. It was not difficult to commence with the time-honored +practices of divination, for, although these had formed part of the +machinery of State, yet when the State was centred in the person of its +master, any inquiry into the future of public affairs was an inquiry +into the fortune and fate of the monarch, and no crime was more +jealously repressed and more promptly punished than this. Even so warm +an admirer of ancestral institutions as Cato the Elder had long before +warned his paterfamilias to forbid his <i>villicus</i>, or farm-steward, to +consult any haruspex or augur. These gentry had a way of breeding +trouble, and it boded no good to the master when the slaves were +over-curious and too well-informed. In the same spirit Tiberius +prohibited the secret consultation of haruspices. Constantine was thus +serving a double purpose when, as early as 319, he threatened with +burning the haruspex who ventured to cross another’s threshold, even on +pretext of friendship; the man who called him in was punished with +confiscation and deportation, and the informer was rewarded. Priest and +augur were only to celebrate their rites in public. Even this was +withdrawn by Constantius in 357; any consultation with diviners was +punishable with death, and the practitioners themselves, whether of +magic or augury, or the expounding of dreams, when on trial were +deprived of exemption from torture and could be subjected to the rack or +the hooks to extort confession.<a name="FNanchor_425_425" id="FNanchor_425_425"></a><a href="#Footnote_425_425" class="fnanchor">[425]</a> Under this Constantius organized an +active persecution throughout the East, in which numbers were put to +death upon the slightest pretext; passing among the tombs at night was +evidence of necromancy, and hanging a charm around the neck for the cure +of a quartan was proof of forbidden arts. The witch-trials of modern +times were prefigured and anticipated. Under Julian there was a +reaction, and in 364 Valentinian and Valens proclaimed freedom of +belief; in 371 they included in this the old religious divination, while +capital punishment was restricted<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_398" id="page_398"></a>{398}</span> to magic arts, but the persecution in +the East under Valens in 374, following the conspiracy of Theodore, +obliterated all distinction. Commencing with those accused of magic, it +extended to all who were noted for letters or philosophy. Terror reigned +throughout the East; all who had libraries burned them. The prisons were +insufficient to contain the prisoners, and in some towns it was said +that fewer were left than were taken. Many were put to death, and the +rest were stripped of their property. In the West, under Valentinian, +persecution was not so sweeping, but the laws were enforced, at least in +Rome, with sufficient energy to reduce greatly the number of sorcerers; +and a law of Honorius, in 409, by its reference to the bishops, shows +that the Church was beginning to participate with the State in the +supervision over such offenders.<a name="FNanchor_426_426" id="FNanchor_426_426"></a><a href="#Footnote_426_426" class="fnanchor">[426]</a> Yet that even the faithful could +not be restrained from indulging in these forbidden practices is seen in +the earnest exhortations addressed to them by their teachers, and the +elaborate repetition of proofs that all such exhibitions of supernatural +power were the work of demons.<a name="FNanchor_427_427" id="FNanchor_427_427"></a><a href="#Footnote_427_427" class="fnanchor">[427]</a></p> + +<p>The Eastern Empire maintained its severity of legislation and continued +with more or less success to repress the inextinguishable thirst for +forbidden arts. From some transactions under Manuel and Andronicus +Comnenus in the latter half of the twelfth century we learn that +blinding was a usual punishment for such offences, that the classical +forms of augury had disappeared to be replaced by necromantic formulas, +and that such accusations were a convenient method of disposing of +enemies.<a name="FNanchor_428_428" id="FNanchor_428_428"></a><a href="#Footnote_428_428" class="fnanchor">[428]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_399" id="page_399"></a>{399}</span></p> + +<p>In the West the Barbarian domination introduced a new element. The +Ostrogoths, who occupied Italy under Theodoric, were, it is true, so +much Romanized that, although Arians, they adopted and enforced the laws +against magic. Divination was classed with paganism and was capitally +punished. About the year 500 we hear of a persecution which drove all +the sorcerers from Rome, and Basilius, the chief thaumaturge among them, +although he escaped at the time, was burned on venturing to return. When +Italy fell back into the hands of the Eastern Empire the prosecution of +these offences seems to have been committed to the Church as a part of +its ever-widening sphere of influence and jurisdiction.<a name="FNanchor_429_429" id="FNanchor_429_429"></a><a href="#Footnote_429_429" class="fnanchor">[429]</a></p> + +<p>The Wisigoths who took possession of Aquitaine and Spain, although less +civilized than their Eastern brethren, were profoundly influenced by +Roman legislation, and their princes issued repeated enactments to +discourage the forbidden arts. It is significant of the Barbarian +tenderness for human life, however, that the penalties were greatly less +than those of the savage Roman edicts. A law of Recared declares +magicians and diviners and those who consult them to be incapable of +bearing testimony; one of Egiza places these crimes in the class for +which a slave could be tortured against his accused master; and several +edicts of Chindaswind provide, for those who invoke demons or bring hail +upon vineyards, or use ligatures or charms to injure men or cattle or +harvests, scourging with two hundred lashes, shaving, and carrying +around for exhibition in the vicinage, to be followed by imprisonment. +Those who consult diviners about the health of the king or of others are +threatened with scourging and enslavement to the fisc, including +confiscation, if their children are accomplices; judges who have +recourse to divination for guidance in doubtful cases are subjected to +the same penalties, while the simple observation of auguries is visited +with fifty lashes. These provisions, which were mostly carried with +little change into the Fuero Juzgo, remained the law of the Spanish +Peninsula until the Middle Ages<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_400" id="page_400"></a>{400}</span> were well advanced. They show how +impossible it had been to eradicate the old superstitions, and that the +pagan observances and auguries still flourished among all classes, which +is confirmed by the denunciations of the Spanish councils and +ecclesiastical writers. They have a further significance as presenting a +middle term between the severity of Rome and the laxity of the other +Barbarian tribes.<a name="FNanchor_430_430" id="FNanchor_430_430"></a><a href="#Footnote_430_430" class="fnanchor">[430]</a></p> + +<p>These latter were ruder and less amenable to Roman influences. In their +conversion the Church rendered an immense service to humanity, and it +did not dare to interfere too rudely with the customs and prejudices of +its unruly neophytes; in fact, it harmonized its own with them as far as +it could, and became considerably modified in consequence. This process +is well symbolized in the instructions of Gregory the Great to Augustin, +his missionary to England, to convert the pagan temples into churches by +sprinkling them with holy water, so that converts might grow accustomed +to their new faith by worshipping in the wonted places, while the +sacrifices to demons were to be replaced by processions in honor of some +saint or martyr, when oxen were to be slaughtered, not to propitiate +idols, but in praise of God, to be eaten by the faithful. In this +assimilation of Christianity to paganism it is not surprising that +Redwald, King of East Anglia, after his conversion set up in his temple +two altars, at one of which he worshipped the true God and at the other +offered sacrifices to demons.<a name="FNanchor_431_431" id="FNanchor_431_431"></a><a href="#Footnote_431_431" class="fnanchor">[431]</a> The similar adoption by Christian +magic of elements from that which it supplanted is well illustrated by +the hymn, or rather incantation, known as the Lorica of St. Patrick, in +which the forces of nature and the Deity are both summoned as by an +enchanter to the assistance of the thaumaturge. A MS. of the seventh +century assures us that “Every person who sings it every day with all +his attention on God shall not have demons appearing to his face. It +will be a safeguard to him against sudden death. It will be a protection +to him against every poison and envy. It will be an armor to his soul +after his death. Patrick sang this at<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_401" id="page_401"></a>{401}</span> the time that the snares were set +for him by Loegaire, so that it appeared to those who were lying in +ambush that they were wild deer and a fawn after them.”<a name="FNanchor_432_432" id="FNanchor_432_432"></a><a href="#Footnote_432_432" class="fnanchor">[432]</a></p> + +<p>The Barbarians brought with them their own superstitions, whether +transmitted from the prehistoric Aryan home, or acquired in the course +of their wanderings, and they readily added to these such as they found +among their new subjects, whether they were under the ban of the Church +or not. They had parted from their brethren before the religious +revolution caused by Zoroaster’s dualistic conception of Hormazd and +Ahriman, and their religions have no trace of a personification of the +Evil Principle. Loki, its nearest representative, was rather tricky than +incorrigible. It is true that there were evil beings, such as the +Hrimthursar, Trolls,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_402" id="page_402"></a>{402}</span> or Jotuns, the Jotun-dragon Fafnir, the wolf +Fenrir, Beowulf’s Grendal and others, but they were none of them +analogous to the Mazdean Ahriman or the Christian Satan, and when the +Teutonic races adopted the latter they came to represent him, as Grimm +well points out, rather as the blundering Jotun than as the arch-enemy. +To how late a period the ancestral conceptions of the spirit-world +prevailed in Germany may be seen in the answers of the learned Abbot +John of Trittenheim to the questions of Maximilian I.<a name="FNanchor_433_433" id="FNanchor_433_433"></a><a href="#Footnote_433_433" class="fnanchor">[433]</a></p> + +<p>The Teutonic tribes had little to learn from the conquered peoples in +the wide circle of the magic arts, for in no race, probably, has the +supernatural formed a larger portion of daily life, or claimed greater +power over both the natural and the spiritual worlds. Divination in all +its forms was universally practised. Gifted beings known as <i>menn +forspair</i> could predict the future either by second sight, or by +incantations, or by expounding dreams. Still more dreaded and respected +was the Vala or prophetess, who was worshipped as superhuman and +regarded as in some way an embodiment of the subordinate Norns or Fates, +as in the case of Veleda, Aurinia, and others who, as Tacitus assures +us, were regarded as goddesses, in accordance with the German custom of +thus venerating their fatidical women; and in the Volüspa the Vala +communes on equal terms with Odin himself.<a name="FNanchor_434_434" id="FNanchor_434_434"></a><a href="#Footnote_434_434" class="fnanchor">[434]</a> For those not thus +specially gifted there was ample store of means to forecast the future. +The most ordinary method was by necromancy, either by placing under the +tongue of a corpse a piece of wood carved with appropriate runes, or by +raising the shades of the dead precisely as the Witch of Endor did with +Samuel, or as was practised in Rome.<a name="FNanchor_435_435" id="FNanchor_435_435"></a><a href="#Footnote_435_435" class="fnanchor">[435]</a> The lot was also used +extensively, whether to ascertain the divine will, like the Hebrew Urim +and Thummim, or to ascertain the future with a bundle of sticks, +apparently almost identical with the Chinese trigrams and +hexagrains.<a name="FNanchor_436_436" id="FNanchor_436_436"></a><a href="#Footnote_436_436" class="fnanchor">[436]</a> As in Greece and Rome, sacrifices were often offered<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_403" id="page_403"></a>{403}</span> +to the gods in expectation of a response; auguries were drawn from the +flight of birds as carefully as by the Roman augurs, while the sacred +chickens were replaced with white horses consecrated to the gods, whose +motions and actions when harnessed to the sacred chariot were carefully +observed.<a name="FNanchor_437_437" id="FNanchor_437_437"></a><a href="#Footnote_437_437" class="fnanchor">[437]</a> Saving the Etruscan <i>haruspicium</i> and the omens derived +from sacrificial victims, Hellenic and Italiote divination had little to +distinguish it from that of the Teutons.</p> + +<p>As regards magic, scarce any limit can be set to the power of the +sorcerer. In no literature do his marvels fill a larger space, nor are +the feats of wizard or witch received with more unquestioning faith than +in what remains to us of the sagas of the North. Especially were the +lands around the Baltic regarded as the peculiar home and nursery of +sorcerers, whither people from every land, even from distant Greece and +Spain, resorted for instruction or for special aid. In Adam of Bremen’s +“Churland” every house was full of diviners and necromancers, while the +people of northern Norway could tell what every man in the world was +doing, and could perform with ease all the evil deeds ascribed to +witches in Holy Writ. Both Saxo Grammaticus and Snorri Sturlason, in +their widely differing Euhemeristic accounts of the origin of the Æsir, +or gods, agree that the founders of the Northern kingdom owed their +deification solely to the magic skill which led their subjects and +descendants to venerate them as divine.<a name="FNanchor_438_438" id="FNanchor_438_438"></a><a href="#Footnote_438_438" class="fnanchor">[438]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_404" id="page_404"></a>{404}</span></p> + +<p>Norse magic was roughly classified into that which was legitimate, or +<i>galder</i>, and that which was wicked, or <i>seid</i>. To the former belonged +the infinite powers of runes, whether sung as incantations or carved as +talismans and amulets. Their invention was attributed to the ancient +Hrimthursar or Jotuns, and it was his profound knowledge of this magic +lore which enabled Odin to achieve his supremacy. Runes it was that kept +the sun upon his course and maintained the order of nature. All runes +were mingled together in the sacred drink of the Æsir, whence were +derived their supernatural attributes, and some have been allowed<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_405" id="page_405"></a>{405}</span> to +reach man, which were carefully classified and studied.<a name="FNanchor_439_439" id="FNanchor_439_439"></a><a href="#Footnote_439_439" class="fnanchor">[439]</a> As an +adjunct of these was the <i>seidstaf</i>, or wand, so indispensable to the +magician of all races. The Icelandic Yala Thordis had one of these known +as Hangnud, which would deprive of memory him whom it touched on the +right cheek and restore it with a touch on the left cheek. Philtres and +love-potions, causing irresistible desire or indifference or hatred, +were among the ordinary resources of Norse magic. Pricking with the +sleep-thorn produced magic sleep for an indefinite time. Magicians could +also throw themselves into a deep trance, while the spirit wandered +abroad in some other form: women who were accustomed to do this were +called <i>hamleypur</i>, and if the <i>ham</i>, or assumed form, were injured, the +hurt would be found on the real body—a belief common to almost all +races.<a name="FNanchor_440_440" id="FNanchor_440_440"></a><a href="#Footnote_440_440" class="fnanchor">[440]</a> The adept, moreover, could assume any form at will, as in +the historical case of the wizard who in the shape of a whale swam to +Iceland as a spy for Harold Gormsson of Denmark, when the latter was +planning an expedition thither; or two persons could exchange +appearances, as Signy did with a witch-wife, or Sigurd with Gunnar, when +Brynhild was deceived into marrying<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_406" id="page_406"></a>{406}</span> the latter.<a name="FNanchor_441_441" id="FNanchor_441_441"></a><a href="#Footnote_441_441" class="fnanchor">[441]</a> Enchanted swords +that nothing could resist, enchanted coats that nothing could penetrate, +caps of darkness which, like the Greek helm of Pluto, rendered the +wearer invisible, are of frequent occurrence in Norse legendary +history.<a name="FNanchor_442_442" id="FNanchor_442_442"></a><a href="#Footnote_442_442" class="fnanchor">[442]</a></p> + +<p>All this was more or less lawful magic, while the impious sorcery known +as <i>seid</i> or <i>trolldom</i> was based on a knowledge of the evil secrets of +nature or the invocation of malignant spirits, such as the Jotuns and +their troll-wives. <i>Seid</i> is apparently derived from <i>sjoda</i>, to seethe +or boil, indicating that its spells were wrought by boiling in a caldron +the ingredients of the witches’ hell-broth, as we see it done in +Macbeth. It was deemed infamous, unworthy of men, and was mostly left to +women, known as <i>seid konur</i>, or seid wives, and as “riders of the +night.” In the oldest text of the Salic law, which shows no trace of +Christian influence, the only allusion to sorcery is a fine imposed for +calling a woman a witch, or for stigmatizing a man as one who carries +the caldron for a witch.<a name="FNanchor_443_443" id="FNanchor_443_443"></a><a href="#Footnote_443_443" class="fnanchor">[443]</a> Scarce any limit was assigned to the power +of these sorcerers. One of their most ordinary feats was the raising and +allaying of tempests, and to such perfection was this brought that storm +and calm could be enclosed in bags for use by the possessor, like those +which Æolus gave to Ulysses. As Christianity spread, this power gave +rise to trials of strength between the old and the new religion, such as +we have seen when Constantine overcame Licinius. St. Olaf’s first +expedition to Finland barely escaped destruction from a dreadful tempest +excited by the Finnish sorcerers. Olaf Tryggvesson was more fortunate in +one of his missionary raids, when he defeated Raud the Strong and drove +him to his fastness on Godo Island in the Salten Fiord—a piece of water +whose fierce tidal currents were more dreaded than the Maelström itself. +Repeated attempts to follow him were vain, for, no matter how fair was +the weather outside, inside Raud maintained a storm in which no ship +could live. At length Olaf invoked the aid of Bishop Sigurd, who +promised to test whether<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_407" id="page_407"></a>{407}</span> God would vouchsafe to overcome the devil. +Tapers and vestments and holy water and sacred texts were too much for +the evil spirits; the king’s ships sailed into the fiord with smooth +water around them, though everywhere else the waves ran high enough to +hide the mountains: Raud was captured, and, as he obstinately refused +baptism, Olaf put him to the most cruel death that his ingenuity could +devise.<a name="FNanchor_444_444" id="FNanchor_444_444"></a><a href="#Footnote_444_444" class="fnanchor">[444]</a></p> + +<p>The sorcerer also had endless power of creating illusions. A beleaguered +wizard could cause a flock of sheep to appear like a band of warriors +hastening to his assistance. Yet this would appear superfluous, since by +his glances alone he could convulse nature and cause instant death. +Gunhild, who married King Eric Blood-Axe, says of the two Lap sorcerers +who taught her magic: “When they are angry the very earth turns away in +terror and whatever living thing they look upon falls dead.” When she +betrayed them to Eric she cast them into a deep sleep and drew sealskin +bags over their heads, so that Eric and his men could despatch them in +safety. Similarly when Olaf Pa surprised Stigandi asleep he drew a skin +over the wizard’s head. There chanced to be a small hole in it through +which Stigandi’s glance fell upon the grassy slope of an opposite +mountain, whereupon the spot was torn up with a whirlwind and living +herb never grew there again.<a name="FNanchor_445_445" id="FNanchor_445_445"></a><a href="#Footnote_445_445" class="fnanchor">[445]</a></p> + +<p>One of the most terrifying powers of the witch was her fearful +cannibalism, a belief which the Teutons shared with the Romans. This is +referred to in some of the texts of the Salic law and in the legislation +of Charlemagne, and the unlimited extent of popular credulity with +regard to it is seen in an adventure of Thorodd, an envoy of St. Olaf, +who saw a witch-wife tear eleven men to pieces, throw them on the fire, +and commence devouring them, when she was driven off.<a name="FNanchor_446_446" id="FNanchor_446_446"></a><a href="#Footnote_446_446" class="fnanchor">[446]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_408" id="page_408"></a>{408}</span></p> + +<p>The <i>trolla-thing</i>, or nocturnal gathering of witches, where they danced +and sang and prepared their unholy brewage in the caldron, was a +customary observance of these wise-women, especially on the first of May +(St. Walpurgis’ Night), which was the great festival of pagandom.<a name="FNanchor_447_447" id="FNanchor_447_447"></a><a href="#Footnote_447_447" class="fnanchor">[447]</a> +We shall see hereafter the portentous growth of this, which developed +into the Witches’ Sabbat. It is a feature common to the superstition of +many races, the origin of which cannot be definitely assigned to any.</p> + +<p>That the practice of this impious sorcery was deemed infamous is clear +from the provision of the Salic law, already alluded to, imposing a fine +of eighty-nine sols for calling a free woman a witch without being able +to prove it. Yet the mere addiction to it in pagan times was not a penal +offence, and penalties were only inflicted for injuries thus committed +on person or property. In extreme cases, where death was encompassed, +there seems to have been a popular punishment of lapidation, which was +the fate incurred, after due sentence, by three noted sorcerers, Katla +and Kotkel and Grima. The codified laws of the barbarians, however, +never prescribed the death penalty, fines being the universal +retribution for crime, and in a later text of the Salic law two hundred +sols is designated for the witch who eats a man. Yet individual cases +can be found of persecution, such as that by Harald Harfaager, whose +early experience had inspired him with intense hatred of the art. One of +his sons, Rögnvald Rettilbein, received from him the government of +Hadeland, where he learned sorcery and became a great adept; so when +Vitgeir, a noted wizard of Hordeland, was ordered by Harald to abandon +his evil ways he retorted:</p> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">“The danger surely is not great,<br /></span> +<span class="ist">From wizard born of mean estate,<br /></span> +<span class="ist">When Harald’s son in Hadeland,<br /></span> +<span class="ist">King Rögnvald, to the art lays hand.”<br /></span> +</div></div> + +<p class="nind">Rögnvald’s wrong-doing being thus betrayed, Harald lost no time in +despatching Eric Blood-Axe, his son by another wife, who promptly burned +his half-brother in a house, along with eighty<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_409" id="page_409"></a>{409}</span> other sorcerers—a piece +of practical justice which we are told met with general popular +applause.<a name="FNanchor_448_448" id="FNanchor_448_448"></a><a href="#Footnote_448_448" class="fnanchor">[448]</a></p> + +<p> </p> + +<p>Such were the beliefs and practices of the races with which the Church +had to do in its efforts to obliterate paganism and sorcery. There was +little difference between the provinces which had belonged to the empire +and the regions over which Christianity began for the first time to +spread, for in the former the conquerors and the conquered were imbued, +as we have just seen, with superstitions nearly akin. The exchange of +imperial for barbarian rule worked the same result as to sorcery as that +related in a former chapter with regard to the persecution of heresy, +though it must be borne in mind that, while heresy almost disappeared in +the intellectual hebetude of the times, sorcery grew ever more vigorous. +Its suppression was practically abandoned. As mentioned above, the +earliest text of the Salic law provides no general penalty for it. In +subsequent recensions, besides the fine imposed for cannibalism, some +MSS. have clauses imposing fines for bewitching with ligatures and +killing men with incantations—in the latter case, with the alternative +of burning alive—but even these disappear in the <i>Lex Emendata</i> of +Charlemagne, possibly in consequence of the legislation of the +Capitularies described below. The Ripuarian code only treats murder by +sorcery like any other homicide, to be compounded for by the ordinary +wer-gild, or blood-money, and for injuries thus inflicted it provides a +fine of one hundred sols, to be avoided by compurgation with six +conjurators. The other codes are absolutely silent on the subject.<a name="FNanchor_449_449" id="FNanchor_449_449"></a><a href="#Footnote_449_449" class="fnanchor">[449]</a></p> + +<p>As under the Frankish rule laws were personal and not territorial, the +Gallo-Roman population was still governed by the Roman law, but +evidently there was no attempt made to enforce it. Gregory of Tours +relates for us several miracles to prove the superiority of the +Christian magic of relics and invocation of saints over the popular +magic of the conjurer, which indicate that the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_410" id="page_410"></a>{410}</span> first impulse of the +people in case of accident or sudden sickness was to send for the +nearest <i>ariolus</i>, or practitioner of forbidden arts, and that the +profession was exercised openly and without fear of punishment, in spite +of repeated condemnations by the councils of the period. How little such +persons had to fear is seen in the case of a woman of Verdun, who +professed to be a soothsayer and to discover stolen goods. She was so +successful that she drove a thriving trade, purchased her freedom of her +master, and accumulated a store of money. At length she was brought +before Bishop Ageric, who only treated her for demoniacal possession +with exorcisms and inunctions of holy oil, and finally discharged +her.<a name="FNanchor_450_450" id="FNanchor_450_450"></a><a href="#Footnote_450_450" class="fnanchor">[450]</a></p> + +<p>Occasionally, of course, cases occurred in which the unrestrained +passions of the Merovingians wreaked savage cruelty on those who had +incurred their ill-will, but these were exceptional and outside of the +law. When Fredegonda lost two children by pestilence, her stepson Clovis +was accused of causing it by sorcery. The woman designated as his +accomplice was tortured until she confessed, and was burned, although +she retracted her confession, after which Chilperic delivered his son +Clovis to Fredegonda, who caused him to be assassinated. When, +subsequently, another son, Thierry,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_411" id="page_411"></a>{411}</span> died in 584, Mummolus, the royal +favorite, whom Fredegonda disliked, was accused of having caused it by +incantations. Thereupon she seized some women of Paris, and by scourging +and torture forced them to confess themselves sorceresses who had caused +numerous deaths, including that of Thierry, whose soul was accepted in +place of that of Mummolus. Some of these poor wretches were simply put +to death, others she burned, and others she broke on the wheel. +Chilperic then caused Mummolus to be tortured by suspension with his +arms tied behind his back, but he only confessed to having obtained from +the women philtres and ointments to secure the favor of the king and +queen. Unluckily he said to the executioner on being taken down, “Tell +the king that I feel no ill from what has been done.” On hearing this +Chilperic exclaimed, “Is he really a sorcerer that this does not hurt +him?” and had him stretched on a rack and scourged with leathern thongs +till the executioners were exhausted. Mummolus finally begged his life +of Fredegonda, but was stripped of his possessions and sent in a wagon +to his native city, Bordeaux, where he died on his arrival. Cases like +this throw light on the beliefs of the period, but not upon its judicial +routine.<a name="FNanchor_451_451" id="FNanchor_451_451"></a><a href="#Footnote_451_451" class="fnanchor">[451]</a></p> + +<p>The Lombards in Italy fell to a greater degree under Roman influence, +and towards the close of their domination adopted general laws of some +severity against the practice of sorcery, irrespective of the injury +committed. The sorcerer was to be sold as a slave beyond the province, +and the price received was divided between the judge and other +officials, according to their respective merits in the prosecution: if +through bribes or pity the judge refused to condemn, he was mulcted in +his whole wer-gild, or the amount of his blood-money, and half as much +if he neglected to discover a sorcerer who was found out by another. The +penalty for consulting a sorcerer, or for not informing on him, or for +performing incantations, was half the wer-gild of the offender. At the +same time the grosser superstitions were rejected, and Rotharis forbade +putting sorceresses to death, under the popular belief that they could +devour men internally.<a name="FNanchor_452_452" id="FNanchor_452_452"></a><a href="#Footnote_452_452" class="fnanchor">[452]</a></p> + +<p>In the long anarchy which accompanied the fall of the Merovingians,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_412" id="page_412"></a>{412}</span> all +respect for the Church, its precepts and observances, was well-nigh lost +throughout the Frankish kingdoms. One of the incidents of +reconstruction, as the Carlovingian dynasty slowly emerged, and as St. +Boniface, under papal authority, sought to restore the Church, was the +suppression of Bishop Adalbert, who taught the invocation of the angels +Uriel, Raguel, Tubuel, Inias, Tubuas, Sabaoc, and Simiel. Adalbert was +venerated as a saint, and the clippings of his nails and hair were +treasured as relics. Repeated condemnations at home had no effect on +this false worship of angels, and Pope Zachary held, in 745, a synod in +Rome which declared it to be a worship of demons, as the only angels +whose names are known are Michael, Gabriel, and Raphael. Yet this +superstition took so firm a hold upon the people that it was long before +it could be eradicated; indeed, it seems to be alluded to, even in the +middle of the tenth century, by Atto of Vercelli.<a name="FNanchor_453_453" id="FNanchor_453_453"></a><a href="#Footnote_453_453" class="fnanchor">[453]</a> When such was the +condition of the Church, no suppression of sorcery was to be looked for.</p> + +<p>Among the instructions to Boniface and his fellow-missionaries was the +eradication of all pagan observances, including divination, sorcery, and +cognate superstitions. As the Church became reorganized, councils were +held in 742 and 743, in which Church and State united in prohibiting +them, although only a moderate fine was threatened, but the +ecclesiastical jurisdiction over such offences was established by +ordering the bishops to make yearly visitations of their sees to +suppress paganism and the forbidden arts. Boniface, however, complained +to Zachary that when the Frank or German visited Rome he saw there, +openly practised, the things which they were laboriously endeavoring to +suppress at home. The first of January was celebrated with pagan dances; +women wore amulets and ligatures, and publicly offered them for sale. +The pope could only reply that these things had long ago been +prohibited, but as they had broken out afresh he had forbidden them +again—but we may be assured without success.<a name="FNanchor_454_454" id="FNanchor_454_454"></a><a href="#Footnote_454_454" class="fnanchor">[454]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_413" id="page_413"></a>{413}</span></p> + +<p>In the Carlovingian reconstruction which followed, efforts were made to +suppress all superstitious arts, and they were treated with gradually +increasing severity, but still with comparative lenity. The most +vigorous legislation was an edict of Charlemagne in 805, which confides +the matter to the Church, and orders the archpriest of each diocese to +investigate all who were accused of divination or sorcery, apparently +permitting moderate torture to obtain confession, and keeping the +culprits in prison until they amend. In his efforts to christianize +Saxony, on the one hand Charlemagne punished with death all who burned +witches and ate them, under the belief so widely spread that they ate +men, and on the other hand all soothsayers and sorcerers were made over +to the Church as slaves. During this period, moreover, and for a couple +of centuries following, the parallel legislation of the Church, +inflicting spiritual penalties, was singularly mild, although the +different penitentials vary so much that it is impossible to deduce any +system from them. That which passes under the name of Theodore of +Canterbury, and was of general authority, only prescribes a penance of +twoscore days or a year for sorcery, or, if the offender is an +ecclesiastic, three years, but it orders seven years for placing a child +on a roof or in an oven to cure it of fever, and Ecbert of York +indicates five years for the same practice. There evidently was no +settled rule, but the most systematic code is that of Gaerbald, who was +Bishop of Liége about the year 800. He orders all offenders to be +brought before him for trial, and enacts seven years’ penance and +liberal almsgiving for committing homicide by means of sorcery, seven +years without almsgiving for rendering the victim insane, five years and +almsgiving for consulting diviners or practising augury from birds, +seven years for sorcerers who bring on tempests, three years and +almsgiving for honoring sorcerers, one year for sorcery to excite love, +provided it did not result in death, but if the offender was a monk, the +penalty was increased to five years. Another penitential of the period +prescribes twoscore days or a year for divination or diabolical +incantations, but seven years if a woman threatens another with sorcery, +to be reduced to four if she is poor. In 829 the Council of<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_414" id="page_414"></a>{414}</span> Paris +attributes the misfortunes of the empire to the prevalence of crime, and +especially of sorcery; it quotes the savage provisions of the Mosaic +law, and enumerates at considerable length the evil deeds of the +offenders—how men are rendered insane by philtres and love-potions, how +tempests and hail are induced, how harvests and milk and fruits are +transferred from their lawful owners, and how the future is predicted, +but it indicates no penalties, and only asks the secular rulers to +punish these crimes sharply. Similarly Erard, Archbishop of Tours, in +838 uttered a general prohibition, but only threatened public penance +without indicating details. All that we can gather from this confused +legislation, from the collections known as the Capitularies, and from +the speculations and arguments of Rabanus Maurus and Hincmar of Reims, +is that every species of divination and sorcery, Roman and Teutonic, was +rife; that it was held to derive its power directly from Satan; that the +Church was wholly unable to deal with it; that secular legislation +threatened only moderate penalties, and that these were for the most +part wholly unenforced.<a name="FNanchor_455_455" id="FNanchor_455_455"></a><a href="#Footnote_455_455" class="fnanchor">[455]</a></p> + +<p>Yet, outside of the organized machinery of the Church and State, there +was a rough popular justice—a sort of Lynch law—which handled +individual offenders with scant ceremony. A chance allusion about this +period to Gerberga, who was drowned by the Emperor Lothair in the river +Arar, “as is customary with sorcerers,” indicates that much was going on +not provided for in the Capitularies. The same is seen in a curious +statement by St. Agobard, Archbishop of Lyons, who waged such +ineffectual battle with many of the superstitions of the time. One of +these, as we have seen, was that tempests could be caused by sorcery—a +belief which the Church at first pronounced heretical because it +inferred<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_415" id="page_415"></a>{415}</span> the Manichæan dualistic theory, which placed the visible world +under the control of Satan, but which it finally accepted as orthodox, +and Thomas Aquinas proved that, with the permission of God, demons could +bring about perturbations of the air. Agobard tells us that the belief +in his province was universal, among all ranks, that there was a region +named Magonia, whence ships came in the clouds and carried back thither +the harvests destroyed by hail, the Tempestarii, as these sorcerers were +called, being paid by the Magonians for bringing on the storms. Whenever +the rumbling of thunder was heard it was a customary remark that a +sorcerer’s wind was coming. These Tempestarii carried on their nefarious +trade in secrecy, but there was a recognized class of practitioners who +professed to be able to neutralize them, and were regularly paid for +doing so with a portion of the crops, which came to be known as the +“canonical portion,” and men who paid no tithes and gave nothing in +charity were regular in contributing to these impostors. On one occasion +three men and a woman were seized, charged with being Magonians who had +fallen from one of their aerial ships. A meeting of the people was +summoned, before whom the prisoners were brought in chains, and they +were promptly condemned to be stoned to death, when Agobard himself came +to the rescue, and after prolonged argument succeeded in procuring their +liberation. A similar instance of extra-judicial action was seen when a +destructive murrain invaded the herds, and the story spread that it was +caused by Grimoald, Duke of Benevento, who, out of enmity to +Charlemagne, sent emissaries to scatter a magic powder on the mountains +and fields and streams. As Agobard says, every inhabitant of Benevento, +with three wagons apiece, could not have sprinkled a territory so +extensive as that affected, but nevertheless large numbers of wretches +were captured and put to death on the charge of being concerned in the +matter. When he adds that it was marvellous that these persons confessed +their pretended crime, and could not be prevented from bearing false +witness against themselves, either by scourging, torture, or the fear of +death, we learn the means adopted to secure conviction; and in this +early and irregular instance of the use of torture we see a +foreshadowing of the time when all the extravagant absurdities of the +Witches’ Sabbat were, by the same efficacious methods, eagerly +confessed, and the confessions persisted in to the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_416" id="page_416"></a>{416}</span> stake. We see also +what an atmosphere of superstitious terror pervaded the life of +Europe.<a name="FNanchor_456_456" id="FNanchor_456_456"></a><a href="#Footnote_456_456" class="fnanchor">[456]</a></p> + +<p>Carlovingian civilization was but a brief episode in the darkness of +those dreary centuries. In the disorder which accompanied the +breaking-up of the empire, the organization of feudalism, and the +founding of the European monarchies, although the Church was quietly +attributing to itself the functions and the jurisdiction on which were +based its subsequent claims of theocratic supremacy, it took no +efficient steps to destroy the kingdom of Satan, though his agents the +diviners and sorcerers were as numerous as ever. The Council of Pavia in +850 merely prescribed penance during life for sorceresses who undertook +to provoke love and hatred, leading to the death of many victims. There +may have been an occasional explosion of popular cruelty, such as +indicated by the brief mention in a doubtful MS. of the burning of a +number of sorcerers in Saxony in 914, but in fact the Church came almost +virtually to tolerate them. About the middle of the tenth century Bishop +Atto of Vercelli felt it necessary to revive and publish anew a +forgotten canon of the Fourth Council of Toledo, which threatened with +degradation and perpetual penance in a monastery any bishop, priest, +deacon, or other ecclesiastic who should consult magicians or sorcerers +or augurs. Atto, however, was a puritan, who endeavored to resist the +general demoralization of the age. How little repugnance was felt for +the forbidden arts is seen in the fact that the reputation for +necromantic skill gained in Spain did not prevent the election of +Gerbert of Aurillac to the archiepiscopal sees of Reims and Ravenna, and +finally to the papacy itself; while as late as 1170 we have seen an<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_417" id="page_417"></a>{417}</span> +archbishop of Besançon have recourse to an ecclesiastic skilled in +necromancy to aid him in detecting some heretics.<a name="FNanchor_457_457" id="FNanchor_457_457"></a><a href="#Footnote_457_457" class="fnanchor">[457]</a></p> + +<p>In fact, the Church occupied an inconsistent attitude. Occasionally it +took the enlightened view that these beliefs were groundless +superstitions. An Irish council of the ninth century anathematizes any +Christian who believes in the existence of witches, and forces him to +recant before admitting him to reconciliation. Similarly, in 1080, +Gregory VII. in writing to Harold the Simple of Denmark, strongly +reproves the custom of attributing to priests and women all tempests, +sickness, and other bodily misfortunes: these are the judgments of God, +and to wreak vengeance for them on the innocent is only to provoke still +more the divine wrath. More generally, however, the Church admitted +their truth and sought, though with little energy, to repress them with +spiritual censures. This halting position is well illustrated by the +canons of Burchard, Bishop of Worms, in the early part of the eleventh +century, where sometimes it is the belief in the existence of sorcery +that is penanced, and sometimes it is the practice of the art. If +confessors, moreover, followed Burchard’s instructions and interrogated +their penitents in detail as to the various magic processes which they +might have performed, it could only result in disseminating a knowledge +of those wicked arts in a most suggestive way. At the same time +Burchard, like the other canonists, Regino of Pruhm and Ivo of Chartres, +gave an ample store of prohibitory canons drawn from the early councils +and the writings of the fathers, showing that the reality of sorcery was +freely admitted as well as the duty of the Church to combat it. So +implicit was<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_418" id="page_418"></a>{418}</span> the belief in magic powers that the Church conceded the +dissolution of the indissoluble sacrament of matrimony when the +consummation of marriage was prevented by the arts of the sorcerer, and +exorcisms and prayers and almsgiving and other ecclesiastical remedies +proved powerless for three years to overcome the power of Satan. Guibert +of Nogent relates, with pardonable pride, that although this occurred +when his father and mother were married, through the malice of a +stepmother, yet his mother resisted all persuasion to avail herself of a +divorce, although the impediment continued for seven years, and the +spell was broken at last, not by priestly ministrations, but by an +ancient wise-woman. Such a cause was alleged when Philip Augustus +abandoned his bride, Ingeburga of Denmark, on their marriage-day, and +Bishop Durand, in his <i>Speculum Juris</i>, tells us that these cases were +of daily occurrence. Even so enlightened a man as John of Salisbury airs +his learning in describing all the varieties of magic, and is careful to +define that if sorcerers kill men with the violence of their spells it +is through the permission of God; while Peter of Blois, if he shows +himself superior to the vulgar belief in omens, admits the potency of +Satanic suggestiveness in the darker forms of magic.<a name="FNanchor_458_458" id="FNanchor_458_458"></a><a href="#Footnote_458_458" class="fnanchor">[458]</a></p> + +<p>With this universal belief in sorcery and in its diabolic origin, there +seems to have been no thought of enforcing the severity of the laws. +About 1030, Poppo, Archbishop of Trèves, sent to a nun a piece of his +cloak of which to make him a pair of shoes to be worn in saying mass. +She bewitched them so that when he<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_419" id="page_419"></a>{419}</span> put them on he found himself dying +of love for her. He resisted the desire and gave the shoes to one of his +chief ecclesiastics, who experienced the same effect. The experiment was +tried with like result on all the principal clergy of the cathedral, and +when the evidence was overwhelming the fair offender was condemned +simply to expulsion from the convent, while Poppo himself expiated his +transient passion by a pilgrimage to the Holy Land. It was felt, +however, that the discipline of the nunnery must be dangerously lax, and +the other nuns were given the option of adopting a stricter rule or of +dispersion. They chose the latter, and were replaced with a body of +monks. When, in 1074, a revolt in Cologne forced the archbishop to fly, +it is related among the excesses of the triumphant rebels that they +threw from the walls and killed a woman defamed for having crazed a +number of men by magic arts. That was regarded as a crime which three +centuries later would have been a manifestation of praiseworthy zeal. +About the same time a council in Bohemia warns the faithful not to have +recourse in their troubles to sorcerers; but it only prescribes +confession and repentance and to abstain from a repetition of the +offence.<a name="FNanchor_459_459" id="FNanchor_459_459"></a><a href="#Footnote_459_459" class="fnanchor">[459]</a></p> + +<p>Still, the accusation of sorcery was felt to be damaging, and as it was +easy to bring and hard to disprove, it was bandied about somewhat +recklessly. It was not enough for Berenger of Tours to be compelled to +abjure his notions concerning transubstantiation, but he was stigmatized +as the most expert of necromancers. In the bitter strife of Gregory +VII., with the empire, when, in 1080, the Synod of Brescia deposed him +and elected Wiberto of Ravenna as antipope, one of the reasons alleged +against him was that he was a manifest necromancer—an art which he was +supposed to have learned in Toledo. The manner in which partisanship +availed itself of this method of attack is curiously illustrated by the +opposing accounts given of Liutgarda, niece of Egilbert, Archbishop of +Trèves, at this period. He was a resolute imperialist, and accepted his +pallium from Wiberto, after which he made Liutgarda abbess of a convent +in his diocese. The account of his episcopate is written by a +contemporary; one MS., which is<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_420" id="page_420"></a>{420}</span> doubtless the genuine one, describes +her as a cultured and exemplary woman, who ruled her nunnery in the +service of God for forty years, leaving a happy memory behind her; +another MS. of the same chronicle calls her a blasphemous witch and +sorceress, under whose government the convent was almost ruined. After +the Church had triumphed over the empire, it is easy to understand why +such an interpolation should have been made.<a name="FNanchor_460_460" id="FNanchor_460_460"></a><a href="#Footnote_460_460" class="fnanchor">[460]</a></p> + +<p>While thus the ancient laws against sorcery were practically falling +into desuetude on the Continent, the legislation of the Anglo-Saxons +shows that in England <i>lyblac</i> or witchcraft was the object of greater +solicitude. About the year 900 the laws of Edward and Guthrum class +witches and diviners with perjurers, murderers, and strumpets, who are +ordered to be driven from the land, with the alternatives of reforming, +of being executed, or of paying heavy fines—a provision which was +repeatedly re-enacted by succeeding monarchs to the time of Cnut. +Athelstan soon after decreed that when death was caused by <i>lyblac</i>, and +the perpetrator confessed it, he should pay with his life; if he denied, +he underwent the triple ordeal: failing in this he was imprisoned for +four months, after which his kinsmen could release him on paying the +wer-gild of the slain, the heavy fine of one hundred and twenty +shillings to the king, and giving security for his good behavior. +Towards the middle of the tenth century, Edward the Elder denounced +perpetual excommunication for <i>lyblac</i> unless the offender repented. In +the compilation known as the Laws of Henry I. murder by sorcery +forfeited the privilege of redemption by paying wer-gild, and the +perpetrator was handed over to the kinsmen of the slain, to be dealt +with at their pleasure. For minor injuries thus caused, redemption was +allowed as in other cases. When the accused denied, he was tried before +the bishop, thus subjecting this offence to ecclesiastical jurisdiction. +This severity seems to have changed with the Norman Conquest, for +William the Conqueror, when besieging the Island of Ely, by advice of +Ivo Taillebois placed at the head of his army a sorceress whose +incantations were expected to paralyze the resistance of the defenders. +Unluckily for the scheme, Hereward of Burgh made a flank attack on the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_421" id="page_421"></a>{421}</span> +invaders, and, setting fire to the reeds, burned the sorceress and all +who were with her.<a name="FNanchor_461_461" id="FNanchor_461_461"></a><a href="#Footnote_461_461" class="fnanchor">[461]</a></p> + +<p>When Olaf Tryggvesson, early in the eleventh century, endeavored to +christianize Norway, he recognized the sorcerers as the most formidable +enemies of the faith, and handled them unsparingly. At a Thing, or +assembly, in Viken, he proclaimed that he would banish all who could be +proved to deal with spirits or in witchcraft, and this he followed up +with proceedings somewhat rigorous. He ransacked the district and had +all the sorcerers brought together; he gave them a great feast with +plenty of liquor, and when they were drunk he had the house fired, so +that none escaped save Eyvind Kellda, a grandson of Harald Harfaager, +and a peculiarly obnoxious wizard, who climbed through the smoke-hole in +the roof. In the spring Olaf celebrated Easter on Kormt Island, when +thither came Eyvind in a long ship fully manned with sorcerers. Landing, +they put on caps of darkness, which rendered them invisible, and +surrounded themselves with a thick mist, but when they came to +Augvaldsness, where King Olaf lay, it became clear day and they were +stricken with blindness, so that they wandered helplessly around till +the king’s men seized them and brought them before him. He had them +bound and placed on a rock which was bare only at low water, and Snorri +Sturlason says that in his time it was still known as the Skerry of +Shrieks. Another pious act related of Olaf illustrates both the methods +requisite to spread the gospel among the rugged heroes of Norway and one +of the explanations given by the Christians of the powers of sorcerers. +Olaf captured Eyvind Kinnrif, a noted sorcerer, and sought to convert +him, but in vain. Then a pan of fire was placed upon his belly, which he +stoically endured until he burst asunder before asking its removal. +Regarding this tardy request as a sign of yielding, Olaf asked him +“Eyvind, wilt thou now believe in Christ?” “No,” replied Eyvind, “I can +take no baptism, for I am an evil spirit placed in a man’s body by +Lapland sorcery, because in no other way could my father and mother<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_422" id="page_422"></a>{422}</span> +have a child,” and with that he died. Yet in the earliest Icelandic +code, the Grágás, compiled probably in 1118, there is no mention of +sorcery, which seems to have been left to the spiritual courts; while in +the contemporary ecclesiastical body of law the punishment of magic arts +is only three years’ exile, unless injury or death to man or beast has +been wrought, when it is perpetual. In either case the accused is +entitled to trial before twelve good men and true.<a name="FNanchor_462_462" id="FNanchor_462_462"></a><a href="#Footnote_462_462" class="fnanchor">[462]</a></p> + +<p>Elsewhere throughout Europe, by the end of the twelfth century, the +repression of sorcery seems to have been well-nigh abandoned by both +secular and ecclesiastical authorities. This was not because its +practice had been either given up or rendered lawful. In 1149 we find +Abbot Wibald of Corvey accusing Walter, one of his monks, of using +diabolical incantations. The cause which led Alexander III., in 1181, to +monopolize for the Holy See the canonization of saints was that the +monks of the Norman abbey of Gristan were addicted to magic, and by its +means endeavored to gain the reputation of working miracles; during the +absence in England of the abbot, the prior one day got drunk at dinner +and struck with a table-knife two of his monks, who retaliated by +beating him to death, and he perished unhouselled, yet by evil arts the +monks succeeded in inducing the people to adore him as a saint until +Bishop Arnoul of Lisieux reported the truth to Alexander. So easily were +such offences condoned that in the case of a priest who, to recover +something stolen from his church, employed a magician and looked into an +astrolabe, Alexander only ordered the punishment of a year’s suspension, +and this decision was embodied by Gregory IX. in the canon law as a +precedent to be followed. This method of divination involved the +invocation of spirits, and was wholly unlawful, yet it was employed +without scruple. John of Salisbury, who died in 1181, relates that when +he was a boy he was given to a priest to be taught the psalms. His +instructor mingled with his sacred functions the practice of +catoptromancy, and once made use of his pupil and an older scholar<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_423" id="page_423"></a>{423}</span> to +look into the polished basin, after due conjurations and the use of the +holy chrism. John could see nothing, and was relieved from further +service of the kind, but his comrade discerned shadowy forms and thus +was a more useful subject. Thus the forbidden arts flourished with but +slender repression, and in this period of virtual toleration they worked +little evil, save perhaps an occasional case of poisoning in a +love-potion.<a name="FNanchor_463_463" id="FNanchor_463_463"></a><a href="#Footnote_463_463" class="fnanchor">[463]</a></p> + +<p>It might be expected that this toleration would cease as the human mind +awakened and in its gropings began to cultivate with increased assiduity +the occult sciences, in the endeavor to penetrate the secrets of nature; +as scholastic theology developed itself into a system which sought to +frame a theory of the universe; as the revived study of the Roman law +brought again into view the imperial edicts against sorcery, and as the +spiritual courts became effectively organized for their enforcement. Yet +the development of persecution was wonderfully slow. The Church had a +real and a dangerous enemy to combat in the threatening growth of +heresy, and had little thought to bestow on a matter which did not +endanger the power and privileges of the hierarchy. An occasional +council, like those of Rouen in 1189 and of Paris in 1212, denounced the +practitioners of magic, but there was no defined penalty, and only +excommunication was threatened against them. Yet there was a popular +idea that, like heresy, burning was the appropriate punishment, as in +the case, about the same period, of a young cleric of Soest named +Hermann, who, when vainly tempted by an unchaste woman, was accused by +her of magic arts, was condemned and burned. In the flames he sang the +Ave Maria until silenced by a blazing stick thrust into his mouth by a +kinsman of the accuser; but his innocence shone<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_424" id="page_424"></a>{424}</span> forth in the miracles +wrought at his grave, and a chapel was built over it which stood as a +warning against such inconsiderate zeal.<a name="FNanchor_464_464" id="FNanchor_464_464"></a><a href="#Footnote_464_464" class="fnanchor">[464]</a></p> + +<p>Cæsarius of Heisterbach, to whom we owe this incident, has an ample +store of marvels which show that superstition was as active as ever, +that men were eager to gain what advantage they could from intercourse +with Satan, and that such practices were virtually unrepressed. He tells +of a certain ecclesiastic named Philip, a celebrated necromancer, dead +only a few years previous, apparently without trouble from Church or +State. A knight named Henry of Falkenstein, who disbelieved in demons, +applied to him to satisfy his doubts. Philip obligingly drew a circle +with a sword at a cross-roads and muttered his spells, when, with a +tumult like rushing waters and roaring tempests, the demon came, taller +than the trees, black, and of a most fearful aspect. The knight kept +within the charmed circle and escaped immediate ill, but lost his color, +and remained pallid during the few years in which he survived. A priest +undertook the same experience, but became frightened and allowed himself +to be dragged out of the circle; he was so injured that he died on the +third day, whereupon Waleran of Luxembourg piously confiscated his +house, showing that immunity was not always to be reckoned on.<a name="FNanchor_465_465" id="FNanchor_465_465"></a><a href="#Footnote_465_465" class="fnanchor">[465]</a></p> + +<p>Compacts with Satan were also not infrequent. The heretics burned at +Besançon in 1180 were found to have such compacts inscribed on little +rolls of parchment under the skin of their armpits. It would be +difficult to find any historical fact of the period apparently resting +on better authority than the story of Everwach, who was still living as +a monk of St. Nicholas at Stalum when Cæsarius described his adventures +as related by eye-witnesses. He had been steward of Theodoric, Bishop of +Utrecht, whom he served faithfully. Accused of malversation, he found +some of his accounts missing, and in despair he invoked the devil, +saying, “Lord, if thou wilt help me in my necessity I will do homage to +thee and serve thee in all things.” The devil appeared,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_425" id="page_425"></a>{425}</span> and Everwach +accepted his conditions of renouncing Christ and the Virgin and paying +him homage, after which the accounts were proved without difficulty. +Thenceforth Everwach was in the habit of openly saying, “Those who serve +God are wretched and poor, but they who believe in the devil are +prosperous,” and he devoted himself to the study of magic arts. It shows +how lax was the discipline of the time, when, in his zeal for Satan, he +bitterly opposed Master Oliver, the Scholasticus of Cologne, who +preached the cross in Utrecht, and on being reproved sought to slay him, +being only prevented by a sickness of which he died. He was plunged into +hell and subjected to the indescribable torments of the damned, but the +Lord pitied him, and he returned to life on the bier at his own funeral. +Thenceforth he was a changed man. In company with Bishop Otto of Utrecht +he made the pilgrimage to the Holy Sepulchre, inflicting on himself all +manner of austerities, and on his return gave his property to the Church +and entered the convent at Stalum. There is another story, of a +spendthrift young knight near Liége, who, after squandering his fortune, +was induced by one of his peasants to appeal to Satan. On the promise of +wealth and honors he renounced allegiance to God and rendered regular +feudal homage to Satan; the latter, however, required him to also +renounce the Virgin, and this he refused to do, wherefore, on his +repenting, he was pardoned at her intercession.<a name="FNanchor_466_466" id="FNanchor_466_466"></a><a href="#Footnote_466_466" class="fnanchor">[466]</a></p> + +<p>These instances, which could readily be multiplied, will suffice to show +the tendency of popular thought and belief at this period. It is true +that Roger Bacon, who was in so many things far in advance of the age, +argued that much of magic was simply fraud and delusion; that it is an +error to suppose that man can summon and<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_426" id="page_426"></a>{426}</span> dismiss malignant spirits at +will, and that it is much simpler to pray directly to God because demons +can influence human affairs only through God’s permission. Even Bacon, +however, in asserting the uselessness of charms and spells, gives as his +reason that their efficacy depended on their being made under certain +aspects of the heavens, the determination of which was very difficult +and uncertain. Bacon’s partial incredulity only indicates the +universality of the belief in less scientific minds, and, in view of the +activity assigned to Satan in seeking human agents and servitors, and +the ease with which men could evoke him and bind themselves to him, the +supineness of the Church with regard to such offences is remarkable. The +terrible excitement aroused by the persecution of the Stedingers and of +Conrad of Marburg’s Luciferans must indubitably have given a stimulus to +the belief in demonic agencies. Thomas of Cantimpré tells us that he had +from Conrad, the Dominican provincial, as happening to one of Conrad of +Marburg’s Luciferans, the well-known story that the heretic, endeavoring +to convert a friar, conducted him to a vast palace where the Virgin sat +enthroned in ineffable splendor surrounded by innumerable saints; but +the friar, who had provided himself with a pyx containing a consecrated +host, presented it to the Virgin with a demand that she should adore her +Son, when the whole array vanished in darkness. Yet this excitement left +behind it a reaction which rather created indisposition to further +persecution. Pierre de Colmieu, afterwards Cardinal of Albano, when +Archbishop of Rouen, in 1235, included invoking and sacrificing to +demons and the use of the sacraments in sorcery only among the cases +reserved to the bishops for granting absolution; and the cursory +allusion to the subject by Bishop Durand in his <i>Speculum Juris</i> shows +that, for at least a half-century later, the subject attracted little +attention in the ecclesiastical courts. A synod of Anjou, in 1294, +declares that according to the canons priests should expel from their +parishes all diviners, soothsayers, sorcerers, and the like, and laments +that they were permitted to increase and multiply without hindrance, to +remedy which all who know of such persons are ordered to report them to +the episcopal court, in order that their horrible malignity may be +restrained.<a name="FNanchor_467_467" id="FNanchor_467_467"></a><a href="#Footnote_467_467" class="fnanchor">[467]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_427" id="page_427"></a>{427}</span></p> + +<p>Still more remarkable is the indifference of secular jurists and +lawgivers during the thirteenth century, when the jurisprudence of +Europe was developing and assuming definite shape. In England there is a +strong contrast with the Anglo-Saxon period in the silence respecting +sorcery in Glanvill, Bracton, the Fleta, and Britton. The latter, in +describing the circuits of the sheriffs, gives an elaborate enumeration +of the offences about which they are to make inquisition, including +renegades and misbelievers, but omitting sorcery, and the same omission +is observable in the minute instructions given by Edward I. to the +sheriffs in the Statute of Ruddlan in 1283, although Peter, Bishop of +Exeter, in his instructions to confessors in 1287, mentions sorcerers +and demon-worshippers among the criminals to whom they are to assign +penance. It is true that Horn’s <i>Myrror of Justice</i> classes sorcery and +heresy together as <i>majestas</i>, or treason to the King of Heaven, and we +may assume that both were liable to the same penalty, though neither +were actively prosecuted. It is the same with the mediæval laws of +Scotland as collected by Skene. The <i>Iter Camerarii</i> embodies detailed +instructions for the inquests to be held by the royal chamberlain in his +circuits, but in the long list of crimes and misdemeanors requiring +investigation there is no allusion to sorcery or divination.<a name="FNanchor_468_468" id="FNanchor_468_468"></a><a href="#Footnote_468_468" class="fnanchor">[468]</a></p> + +<p>It is nearly the same in French jurisprudence. The <i>Conseil</i> of Pierre +de Fontaines and the so-called <i>Établissements</i> of St. Louis contain no +references to sorcery. The <i>Livres de Jostice et de Plet</i>, though based +on the Roman law, makes no mention of it in its long list of crimes and +penalties, although incidentally an imperial law is said to apply to +those who slay by poisons or enchantments. Beaumanoir, however, though +he seems only to know of sorcery employed to excite love, tells us that +it is wholly under ecclesiastical jurisdiction; its practitioners err in +the faith, and thus are justiciable by the Church, which summons them to +abandon their errors, and in case of refusal condemns them as +misbelievers. Then secular justice lays hold of them and inflicts death +if it appears<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_428" id="page_428"></a>{428}</span> that their sorcery may bring death on man or woman, while +if there is no danger of this, it imprisons them until they recant. Thus +sorcery is heresy cognizable by the Church only, and punishable when +abjured only by penitence; yet, when the obstinate sorcerer is handed +over to the secular arm, in place of being burned like a Waldensian +refusing to swear, the character of his heresy is weighed by the secular +court, and if its intent be not homicide he is simply imprisoned until +he recants, showing that sorcery was treated as the least dangerous form +of heresy. Beaumanoir’s assertion of ecclesiastical jurisdiction is +confirmed by a contemporaneous decision of the Parlement of Paris in +1282, in the case of some women arrested as sorceresses in Senlis and +tried by the maire and jurats. The Bishop of Senlis claimed them, as +their offence pertained to his court; the magistrates asserted their +jurisdiction, especially as there had been cutting of skin and effusion +of blood, and the Parlement, after due deliberation, ordered the women +delivered to the spiritual court. Yet, though this was the law at the +time, it did not long remain so. Under the ancestral systems of criminal +practice, when conviction or acquittal in doubtful cases depended on the +ordeal or the judicial duel or on compurgation, the secular courts were +poorly equipped for determining guilt in a crime so obscure, and they +naturally abandoned it to the encroachments of the spiritual tribunals. +As the use of torture, however, gradually spread, the lay officials +became quite as competent as the ecclesiastical to wring confession and +conviction from the accused, and they speedily arrogated to themselves +the cognizance of such cases. At the South, where the Inquisition had +familiarized them with the use of torture at an earlier period, we +already, in 1274 and 1275, hear of an inquest held and of wizards and +witches put to death by the royal officials in Toulouse. In the North, +the trials of the Templars accustomed the public mind to the use of +torture, and demonstrated its efficiency, so that the lay courts +speedily came to have no hesitation in exercising jurisdiction over +sorcery. In 1314 Petronille de Valette was executed in Paris as a +sorceress. She had implicated Pierre, a merchant of Poitiers, and his +nephew Perrot. They were forthwith put to the ban and<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_429" id="page_429"></a>{429}</span> their property +sequestrated, but at the place of execution Petronille had exculpated +them, declaring them innocent on the peril of her soul. They hastened to +Paris and purged themselves, and the Parlement, May 8, 1314, ordered the +Seneschal of Poitou to withdraw the proceedings and release the +property. Sorcery was now beginning to be energetically suppressed, and +henceforth we shall see it occupy the peculiar position of a crime +justiciable by both the ecclesiastical and secular courts.<a name="FNanchor_469_469" id="FNanchor_469_469"></a><a href="#Footnote_469_469" class="fnanchor">[469]</a></p> + +<p>Spain had been exposed to a peculiarly active infection. The fatalistic +belief of the Saracens naturally predisposed them to the arts of +divination; they cultivated the occult sciences more zealously than any +other race, and they were regarded throughout Europe as the most skilled +teachers and practitioners of sorcery. In the school of Cordoba there +were two professors of astrology, three of necromancy, pyromancy, and +geomancy, and one of the <i>Ars Notoria</i>, all of whom lectured daily. +Arabic bibliographers enumerate seven thousand seven hundred writers on +the interpretation of dreams, and as many more who won distinction as +expounders of goetic magic. Intercourse with the Saracens naturally +stimulated among the Christians the thirst for forbidden knowledge, and +as the Christian boundaries advanced, there was left in the conquered +territories a large subject population allowed to retain its religion, +and propagate the beliefs which had so irresistible an attraction. It +was in vain that, in 845, Ramiro I. of Asturias burned a large number of +sorcerers, including many Jewish astrologers. Such exhibitions of +severity were spasmodic, while the denunciation of superstitions in the +councils occasionally held indicate the continued prevalence of the evil +without the application of an effective remedy. Queen Urraca of Castile, +in the early part of the twelfth century, describes her former husband, +Alonso el Batallador of Aragon, as wholly given to divination and the +augury of birds, and about 1220, Pedro Muñoz, Archbishop of Santiago, +was so defamed for necromancy that by order of Honorius III. he was +relegated to the hermitage of San Lorenzo. The ancient Wisigothic Law, +or Fuero Juzgo, was for a time almost lost sight of in the innumerable +local <i>fueros</i> which sprang up, until in<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_430" id="page_430"></a>{430}</span> the eleventh century it was +rehabilitated by Fernando I. of Castile. In Aragon, Jayme I., el +Conquistador, in the thirteenth century, when recasting the Fuero of +Aragon and granting the Fuero of Valencia, introduced penalties for +sorcery similar to those of the Fuero Juzgo.<a name="FNanchor_470_470" id="FNanchor_470_470"></a><a href="#Footnote_470_470" class="fnanchor">[470]</a> Thus the Wisigothic +legislation was practically in force until, about 1260, Alonzo the Wise, +of Castile, issued his code known as the <i>Siete Partidas</i>, in which all +branches of magic are treated as completely under the secular power and +in a fashion singularly rationalistic. There is no allusion to heresy or +to any spiritual offence involved in occult science, which is to be +rewarded or punished as it is employed for good or evil. Astrology is +one of the seven liberal arts; its conclusions are drawn from the +courses of the stars as expounded by Ptolemy and other sages; when an +astrologer is applied to for the recovery of lost or stolen goods, and +designates where they are to be found, the party aggrieved has no +recourse against him for the dishonor inflicted, because he has only +answered in accordance with the rules of his art. But if he is a +deceiver, who pretends to know that whereof he is ignorant, the +complainant can have him punished as a common sorcerer. These sorcerers +and diviners who pretend to reveal the future and the unknown by augury, +or lots, or hydromancy, or crystallomancy, or by the head of a dead man, +or the palm of a virgin, are deceivers. So are necromancers who work by +the invocation of evil spirits, which is displeasing to God and +injurious to man. Philtres and love-potions and figurines, to inspire +desire or aversion, are also condemned as often causing death and +permanent infirmity, and all these practitioners and cheats are to be +put to death when duly convicted, while those who shelter them are to be +banished. But those who use incantations for a good purpose, such as +casting out devils from the possessed, or removing ligatures between +married folk, or for dissolving a hail-cloud or fog which threatens the +harvests, or for destroying locusts or caterpillars, are not to be +punished, but rather to be rewarded.<a name="FNanchor_471_471" id="FNanchor_471_471"></a><a href="#Footnote_471_471" class="fnanchor">[471]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_431" id="page_431"></a>{431}</span></p> + +<p>Italy affords us the earliest example of mediæval legislation on the +subject. In the first half of the twelfth century the Norman king of the +two Sicilies, Roger, threatened punishment for compounding a +love-potion, even though no injury resulted from it. The next recorded +measure is found in the earliest known statutes of Venice, by the Doge +Orlo Malipieri in 1181, which contain provisions for the punishment of +poisoning and sorcery. Frederic II. was accused by his ecclesiastical +adversaries of surrounding himself with Saracenic astrologers and +diviners, whom he employed as counsellors, and who practised for his +benefit all the forbidden arts of augury by the flight of birds and the +entrails of victims, but though Frederic shared the universal belief of +his age in keeping in his service a corps of astrologers with Master +Theodore at their head, and was addicted to the science of physiognomy, +he was too nearly a sceptic to have faith in vulgar sorcery. His +reputation merely shared the fate of that of his <i>protégé</i>, Michael +Scot, who translated for him philosophical treatises of Averrhoes and +Avicenna. In his collection of laws known as the Sicilian Constitutions, +he retained indeed the law of King Roger just alluded to, and added to +it a provision that those who administer love-potions, or noxious, +illicit, or exorcised food for such purposes, shall be put to death if +the recipient loses his life or senses, while if no harm ensues they +shall suffer confiscation and a year’s imprisonment, but this was merely +a concession to current necessities, and he was careful to accompany it +with a declaration that the influencing of love or hatred by meat or +drink was a fable, and he took no note in his code of any other form of +magic. In the Latin kingdoms of the East the Assises de Jerusalem and +the Assises d’Antioch are silent on the subject, unless it may be deemed +to be comprised in a general clause in the former, declaring that all +malefactors and all bad men and bad women shall be put to death. Yet, +that sorcery was punished throughout Italy, and was regarded as subject +to the secular tribunals, is shown by an expression in the bull <i>Ad +extirpanda</i> of Innocent IV. in 1252, ordering all potentates in public +assembly to put heretics to the ban as though they were sorcerers.<a name="FNanchor_472_472" id="FNanchor_472_472"></a><a href="#Footnote_472_472" class="fnanchor">[472]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_432" id="page_432"></a>{432}</span></p> + +<p>In German legislation the <i>Treuga Henrici</i>, about 1224, contains the +earliest reference to sorcery, classing it with heresy and leaving the +punishment to the discretion of the judge; but the Kayser-Recht, the +Sächsische Weichbild, and the Richstich Landrecht contain no allusion to +it. In the Sachsenspiegel it is curtly included with heresy and +poisoning as punishable with burning, and there is the same provision in +the Schwabenspiegel, while in a later recension of the latter the +subject is developed by providing that whoever, man or woman, practises +sorcery or invokes the devil by words or otherwise, shall be burned or +exposed to a harsher death at the discretion of the judge, for he has +renounced Christ and given himself to Satan. In this it is evident that +the spiritual offence is alone kept in view, without regard to evil +attempted or performed, and it would further seem that the matter was +within the competence of the secular courts. The earliest legislation of +the Prussian marches, about 1310, specifies for sorcerers the loss of an +ear, branding on the cheek, exile, or heavy fines, but says nothing of +capital punishment. Among the Norsemen the temper of legislation on the +subject is to be found in the <i>Jarnsida</i>, compiled in 1258 by Hako +Hakonsen for his Icelandic subjects, and the almost identical <i>Leges +Gulathingenses</i>, issued by<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_433" id="page_433"></a>{433}</span> his son, Magnus Hakonsen, in 1274, which for +five hundred years remained the common law of Norway. Magic, divination, +and the evocation of the dead are unpardonable crimes, punished with +death and confiscation; but the accused can purge himself with twelve +compurgators, according to the Jarnsida, and with six, according to the +code of Gula, thus showing that the crime was subject to the secular +courts.<a name="FNanchor_473_473" id="FNanchor_473_473"></a><a href="#Footnote_473_473" class="fnanchor">[473]</a></p> + +<p>In Sweden there is no allusion to sorcery in the laws compiled early in +the thirteenth century by Andreas, Archbishop of Lunden; but in those +issued by King Christopher in 1441, attempts on life by poison or +sorcery are punished with the wheel for men and lapidation for women, +and are tried by the <i>Nämd</i>—a sort of permanent jury of twelve men +selected in each district as judges. In Denmark the laws in force until +the sixteenth century were singularly mild. The accused had the right of +defence with selected compurgators; the punishment for a first offence +was infamy and withdrawal of the sacraments; for relapse, imprisonment, +and finally death for persistent offending. In Sleswick the ancient code +of the thirteenth century makes no provision for sorcery, nor does that +of the free Frisians in the fourteenth. That this leniency was not the +result of outgrowing the ancient superstitions we learn from Olaus +Magnus, who characterizes the whole Northern regions as literally the +seat of Satan.<a name="FNanchor_474_474" id="FNanchor_474_474"></a><a href="#Footnote_474_474" class="fnanchor">[474]</a> In all this confused and varying legislation we can +trace a distinct tendency to increased severity after the thirteenth +century.</p> + +<p>The slight attention paid in the thirteenth century by the Church to a +crime so abhorrent as sorcery is proved by the fact<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_434" id="page_434"></a>{434}</span> that when the +Inquisition was organized it was for a considerable time restrained from +jurisdiction over this class of offences. In 1248 the Council of +Valence, while prescribing to inquisitors the course to be pursued with +heretics, directs sorcerers to be delivered to the bishops, to be +imprisoned or otherwise punished. In various councils, moreover, during +the next sixty years the matter is alluded to, showing that it was +constantly becoming an object of increased solicitude, but the penalty +threatened is only excommunication. In that of Trèves, for instance, in +1310, which is very full in its description of the forbidden arts, all +parish priests are ordered to prohibit them; but the penalty proposed +for disobedience is only withdrawal of the sacraments, to be followed, +in case of continued obduracy, by excommunication and other remedies of +the law administered by the Ordinaries; thus manifesting a leniency +almost inexplicable. That the Church, indeed, was disposed to be more +rational than the people, is visible in a case occurring in 1279 at +Ruffach, in Alsace, when a Dominican nun was accused of having baptized +a waxen image after the fashion of those who desired either to destroy +an enemy or to win a lover. The peasants carried her to a field and +would have burned her, had she not been rescued by the friars.<a name="FNanchor_475_475" id="FNanchor_475_475"></a><a href="#Footnote_475_475" class="fnanchor">[475]</a></p> + +<p>Yet, as the Inquisition perfected its organization and grew conscious of +its strength, it naturally sought to extend its sphere of activity, and +in 1257 the question was put to Alexander IV. whether it ought not to +take cognizance of divination and sorcery. In his bull, <i>Quod super +nonnullis</i>, which was repeatedly reissued by his successors, Alexander +replied that inquisitors are not to be diverted from their duties by +other occupations, and are to leave such offenders to their regular +judges, unless there is manifest heresy involved, and this rule, at the +end of the century, was embodied in the canon law by Boniface VIII. The +Inquisition being<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_435" id="page_435"></a>{435}</span> thus in possession of a portion of the field, rapidly +extended its jurisdiction. There was no limitation expressed when the +pious Alfonse of Toulouse and his wife Jeanne, in 1270, at +Aigues-mortes, when starting on the crusade of Tunis, issued +letters-patent conceding that their servants and household should be +answerable to the Inquisition for abjuration of the faith, heresy, +magic, sorcery, and perjury. It is doubtless to this extension of the +inquisitorial jurisdiction that we may attribute the increasing rigor +which henceforth marked the persecution of sorcery.<a name="FNanchor_476_476" id="FNanchor_476_476"></a><a href="#Footnote_476_476" class="fnanchor">[476]</a></p> + +<p>Alexander’s definition, it is true, had left open for discussion a +tolerably wide and intricate class of questions as to the degree of +heresy involved in the occult arts, but in time these came all to be +decided “in favor of the faith.” It was not simply the worship of demons +and making pacts with Satan that were recognized as heretical by the +subtle casuistry of the inquisitors. A figurine to be effective required +to be baptized, and this argued an heretical notion as to the sacrament +of baptism, and the same was the case as to the sacrament of the altar +in the various superstitious uses to which the Eucharist was put. Scarce +any of the arts of the diviner in forecasting the future or in tracing +stolen articles could be exercised without what the inquisitors assumed +to be at least a tacit invocation of demons. For this, in fact, they had +the authority of John of Salisbury, who, as early as the twelfth +century, argued that all divination is an invocation of demons; for if +the operator offers no other sacrifice, he sacrifices his body in +performing the operation. This refinement was not reduced to practice, +but in time the ingenious dilemma was invented that a man who invoked a +demon, thinking it to be no sin, was a manifest heretic; if he knew it +to be a sin he was not a heretic, but was to be classed with heretics, +while to expect a demon to tell the truth is the act of a heretic. To +ask of a demon, even without adoration, that which depends upon the will +of God, or of man, or upon the future, indicated heretical notions as to +the power of demons. In short, as Sylvester Prierias says, it is not +necessary to inquire into the motives of those who invoke demons—they +are all heretics, real or presumptive. Love-potions and philtres, by a +similar system of<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_436" id="page_436"></a>{436}</span> exegesis, were heretical, and so were spells and +charms to cure disease, the gathering of herbs while kneeling, face to +the east, and repeating the Paternoster, and all the other devices which +fraud and superstition had imposed on popular credulity. Alchemy was one +of the <i>sept ars demonials</i>, for the aid of Satan was necessary to the +transmutation of metals, and the Philosopher’s Stone was only to be +obtained by spells and charms; although Roger Bacon, in his zeal for +practical science, assumes that both objects could be obtained by purely +natural means, and that human life could be prolonged for several +centuries.<a name="FNanchor_477_477" id="FNanchor_477_477"></a><a href="#Footnote_477_477" class="fnanchor">[477]</a> In 1328 the Inquisition of Carcassonne condemned the Art +of St. George, through which buried treasure was sought by spreading oil +on a finger-nail with certain conjurations, and making a young child +look upon it and tell what he saw. Then there was the Notory Art, +communicated by God to Solomon, and transmitted through Apollonius of +Tyana, which taught the power of the Names and Words of God, and +operated through prayers and formulas consisting of unknown +polysyllables, by which all knowledge, memory, eloquence, and virtue can +be obtained in the space of a month—a harmless delusion enough, which +Roger Bacon pronounces to be one of the figments of the magicians, but +Thomas Aquinas and Ciruelo prove that it operates<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_437" id="page_437"></a>{437}</span> solely through the +devil. A monk was seized in Paris in 1323 for possessing a book on the +subject; his book was burned, and he probably escaped with abjuration +and penance.<a name="FNanchor_478_478" id="FNanchor_478_478"></a><a href="#Footnote_478_478" class="fnanchor">[478]</a></p> + +<p>The most prominent and most puzzling to the lawgiver of all the occult +arts was astrology. This was a purely Eastern science—the product of +the Chaldean plains and of the Nile valley, unknown to any of the +primitive Aryan races, from Hindostan to Scandinavia. When the dominion +of Rome spread beyond the confines of Italy it was not the least of the +Orientalizing influences which so profoundly modified the original Roman +character; and after a struggle it established itself so firmly that in +great measure it superseded the indigenous auguries and haruspicium, and +by the early days of the empire some knowledge of the influences of the +stars formed an ordinary portion of liberal education. The same motives +which led to the prohibition of haruspicium—that the death of the +emperor was the subject most eagerly inquired into—caused the Chaldeans +or astrologers to be the objects of repeated savage edicts, issued even +by monarchs who themselves were addicted to consulting them, but it was +in vain. Human credulity was too profitable a field to remain +uncultivated, and, as Tacitus says, astrologers would always be +prohibited and always retained. Although the complexity of the science +was such that it could be grasped in its details only by minds +exceptionally constituted, through lifelong application, it was brought +in homely fashion within the reach of all by restricting it to the +observation of the moon, and applying the results by means of the +diagram and tables known as the Petosiris, a description of which, +attributed to the Venerable Bede, shows how the superstitions of +pagandom were transmitted to the Northern races, and were eagerly +accepted in spite of the arguments of St. Augustin to prove the nullity +of the influence ascribed to the heavenly bodies.<a name="FNanchor_479_479" id="FNanchor_479_479"></a><a href="#Footnote_479_479" class="fnanchor">[479]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_438" id="page_438"></a>{438}</span></p> + +<p>We have seen astrology classed as one of the liberal arts by Alonso the +Wise of Castile, and the implicit belief universally accorded to it +throughout the Middle Ages caused it to be so generally employed that +its condemnation was difficult. I have alluded above to the confidence +reposed by Frederic II. in the science, and to the Dominican astrologer +who accompanied the Archbishop of Ravenna when as papal legate he led +the crusade against Ezzelin da Romano. Ezzelin himself kept around him a +crowd of astrologers, and was led to his last disastrous enterprise by +their mistaken counsel. So thoroughly accepted were its principles that +when, in 1305, the College of Cardinals wrote to Clement V. to urge his +coming to Rome, they reminded him that every planet is most powerful in +its own house. Savonarola assures us that at the end of the fifteenth +century those who could afford to keep astrologers regulated every +action by their advice: if the question were to mount on horseback or to +go on board ship, to lay the foundation of a house or to put on a new +garment, the astrologer stood by with his astrolabe in hand to announce +the auspicious moment—in fact, he says that the Church itself was +governed by astrology, for every prelate had his astrologer, whose +advice he dared not disregard. It is observable that astrology is not +included, as a forbidden practice, in the inquisitorial formulas of +interrogation during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. No books +on astrology seem to be enumerated in the condemnation pronounced in +1290 by the Inquisitor and Bishop of Paris and the Archbishop of Sens, +aided by the Masters of the University, on all books of divination and +magic—treatises on necromancy, geomancy, pyromancy, hydromancy, and +chiromancy, the book of the Ten Rings of Venus, the books of the Greek +and German Babylon, the book of the Four Mirrors, the book of the Images +of Tobias ben Tricat, the book of the Images of Ptolemy, the book of +Hermes the Magician to Aristotle, which they say Aros, or Gabriel, had +from God, containing horrible incantations and detestable +suffumigations. Astrology does not appear for condemnation in the +Articles of the University of Paris in 1398, and the great learning of +the irreproachable Cardinal Peter d’Ailly was employed in diffusing +belief in its truths. On the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_439" id="page_439"></a>{439}</span> other hand, as early as the twelfth +century John of Salisbury, while asserting that the power of the stars +was grossly exaggerated, declares that astrology was forbidden and +punished by the Church, that it deprived man of free-will by inculcating +fatalism, and that it tended to idolatry by transferring omnipotence +from the Creator to his creations. He adds that he had known many +astrologers, but none on whom the hand of God did not inflict divine +vengeance. These views became virtually the accepted doctrine of the +Church as expounded by Thomas Aquinas in the distinction that when +astrology was used to predict natural events, such as drought or rain, +it was lawful; when employed to divine the future acts of men dependent +on free-will, it involved the operation of demons, and was unlawful. +Zanghino says that though it is one of the seven liberal arts and not +prohibited by law, yet it has a tendency to idolatry, and is condemned +by the canonists. There was, in fact, much in both the theories and +practice of astrologers which trenched nearly upon heresy, not only +through demoniac invocations, but because it was impossible that +astrology could be cultivated without denying human free-will and +tacitly admitting fatalism. The very basis of the so-called science lay +in the influence which the signs and planets exercised on the fortunes +and characters of men at the hour of birth, and no ingenious dialectics +could explain away its practical denial of supervision to God and of +responsibility to man. Even Roger Bacon failed in this. He fully +accepted the belief that the stars were the cause of human events, that +the character of every man was shaped by the aspect of the heavens at +his birth, and that the past and future could be read by tables which he +repeatedly and vainly sought to construct, yet he was illogical enough +to think that he could guard against it by nominally reserving human +free-will.<a name="FNanchor_480_480" id="FNanchor_480_480"></a><a href="#Footnote_480_480" class="fnanchor">[480]</a> All astrologers thus practised their profession under +liability<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_440" id="page_440"></a>{440}</span> of being at any moment called to account by the Inquisition. +That this did not occur more often may be attributed to the fact that +all classes, in Church and State, from the lowest to the highest, +believed in astrology and protected astrologers, and some special +inducement or unusual indiscretion was required to set in motion the +machinery of prosecution.</p> + +<p>We can thus understand the case of the celebrated Peter of Abano or +Apono, irrespective of his reputation as the greatest magician of his +age, earned for him among the vulgar by his marvellous learning and his +unsurpassed skill in medicine. We have no details of the accusations +brought against him by the Inquisition, but we may reasonably assume +that there was little difficulty in finding ample ground for +condemnation. In his <i>Conciliator Differentium</i>, written in 1303, he not +only proved that astrology was a necessary part of medicine, but his +estimate of the power of the stars practically eliminated God from the +government of the world. The Deluge took place when the world was +subject to Mars, in consequence of the conjunction of the planets in +Pisces; it was under the lead of the moon when occurred the confusion of +tongues, the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah, and the exodus from +Egypt. Even worse was his Averrhoistic indifference to religion +manifested in the statement that the conjunction of Saturn and Jupiter +in the head of Aries, which occurs every nine hundred and sixty years, +causes changes in the monarchies and religions of the world, as appears +in the advent of Nebuchadnezzar, Moses, Alexander the Great, Christ, and +Mahomet—a speculation of which the infidelity is even worse than the +chronology.<a name="FNanchor_481_481" id="FNanchor_481_481"></a><a href="#Footnote_481_481" class="fnanchor">[481]</a> It is not surprising that the Inquisition took hold of +one whose great name was popularizing such doctrines in the University +of Padua, especially as there was a large fortune to be confiscated. We +are told that he at first escaped its clutches, but this probably was<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_441" id="page_441"></a>{441}</span> +only through confession and abjuration, so that when he was prosecuted a +second time it was for relapse. That he would have been burned there can +be little doubt, had he not evaded the stake by opportunely dying in +1316, before the termination of his trial, for he was posthumously +condemned: according to one account his bones were burned; according to +another his faithful mistress Marietta conveyed them secretly away, and +an effigy was committed to the flames in his place. If Benvenuto da +Imola is to be believed, he lost his faith in the stars on his +death-bed, for he said to his friends that he had devoted his days to +three noble sciences, of which philosophy had made him subtle, medicine +had made him rich, and astrology had made him a liar. His name passed +into history as that of the most expert of necromancers, concerning whom +no marvels were too wild to find belief. It mattered little that Padua +erected a statue to him as to one of her greatest sons, and that +Frederic, Duke of Urbino, paid him the same tribute. Like Solomon and +Hermes and Ptolemy, so long as magic flourished his name served as an +attractive frontispiece to various treatises on incantations and the +occult sciences.<a name="FNanchor_482_482" id="FNanchor_482_482"></a><a href="#Footnote_482_482" class="fnanchor">[482]</a></p> + +<p>Very similar, but even more illustrative, is the case of Cecco d’Ascoli. +He early distinguished himself as a student of the liberal arts, and +devoted himself to astrology, in which he was reckoned the foremost man +of his time. His vanity led him to proclaim himself the profoundest +adept since Ptolemy, and his caustic and biting humor made him abundance +of enemies. Regarding astrology as a science, he inevitably brought it +within Aquinas’s definition of heresy. In his conception the stars ruled +everything. A man born under a certain aspect of the heavens was doomed +to be rich or poor, lucky or unlucky, virtuous or vicious, unless God +should interfere specially to turn aside the course of nature. Cecco +boasted that he could read the thoughts<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_442" id="page_442"></a>{442}</span> of a man or tell what he +carried in his closed hand by knowing his nativity and comparing it with +the position of the stars at the moment, for no one could help doing or +thinking what the stars at the time rendered inevitable. All this was +incompatible with free-will, it limited the intervention of God, it +relieved man from responsibility for his acts, and it thus was +manifestly heretical. So his numerous predictions, which we are told +were verified, as to the fortunes of Louis of Bavaria, of Castruccio +Castrucani, of Charles of Calabria, eldest son of Robert of Naples, won +him great applause in that stirring time, yet, as they were not revealed +by the divine spirit of prophecy, but were foreseen by astrologic skill, +they implied the forbidden theory of fatalism. Cecco became official +astrologer to Charles of Calabria, but his confidence in his science and +his savage independence unfitted him for a court. On the birth of a +princess (presumably the notorious Joanna I.), he pronounced that the +stars in the ascendant would render her not only inclined, but +absolutely constrained, to sell her honor. The unwelcome truth cost him +his place, and he betook himself to Bologna, where he publicly taught +his science. Unluckily for him, he developed his theories in +commentaries on the <i>Sphæra</i> of Sacrobosco.<a name="FNanchor_483_483" id="FNanchor_483_483"></a><a href="#Footnote_483_483" class="fnanchor">[483]</a> Villani tells us that +in this he taught how, by incantations under certain constellations, +malignant spirits could be constrained to perform marvels, but this +manifestly is only popular rumor; such practices were wholly +inconsistent with his conceptions, and there is no allusion to them in +the inquisitorial proceedings. Cecco’s audacity, however, rendered the +book amply offensive to pious ears. To illustrate his views he cast the +horoscope of Christ, and showed how Libra, ascending in the tenth +degree, rendered his crucifixion inevitable; as Capricorn was at<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_443" id="page_443"></a>{443}</span> the +angle of the earth, he was necessarily born in a stable; as Scorpio was +in the second degree, he was poor; while Mercury in his own house in the +ninth section of the heavens rendered his wisdom profound. In the same +way he proved that Antichrist would come two thousand years after +Christ, as a great soldier nobly attended, and not surrounded by cowards +as was Christ. This was almost a challenge to the Inquisition, and Frà +Lamberto del Cordiglio, the Bolognese inquisitor, was not slow to take +it up. Cecco was forced to abjure, December 16, 1324, and was mercifully +treated. He was condemned to surrender all his books of astrology and +forbidden to teach the science in Bologna, publicly or privately; he was +deprived of his Master’s degree and subjected to certain salutary +penance of fasting and prayer, together with a fine of seventy-five +lire, which latter may possibly explain the lightness of the rest of the +sentence. The most serious feature of the affair for him was that now he +was a penitent heretic who could expect no further mercy; it behooved +him to walk warily, for in case of fresh offence he would be a relapsed, +doomed inevitably to the stake. Cecco’s temperament, however, was not +one to brook such constraint. He came to Florence, then under the rule +of Charles of Calabria, and resumed the practice of his art. He +circulated copies of his forbidden work, which he claimed had been +corrected by the Bolognese inquisitor, but which contained the same +erroneous doctrines; he advanced them anew in his philosophical poem, +<i>L’Acerba</i>, and he employed them in the responses given to his numerous +clients. In May, 1327, when all Italy was excited at the coming of Louis +of Bavaria, he predicted that Louis would enter Rome and be crowned, he +announced the time and manner of his death, and gave advice, which was +followed, not to attack him when he passed by Florence. Perhaps all this +might have escaped animadversion but for the personal enmity and +jealousy of Charles of Calabria’s chancellor, the Bishop of Aversa, and +of Dino del Garbo, a renowned doctor of philosophy, esteemed the best +physician in Italy. Be this as it may, in July, 1327, Frà Accursio, the +Inquisitor of Florence, arrested him. There was ample evidence that he +had continued to teach and act on the fatalistic theories which were +subversive of free-will, but the Inquisition as usual required a +confession, and torture was freely used to obtain it. A copy of the +sentence and abjuration<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_444" id="page_444"></a>{444}</span> of 1324 was furnished by the Inquisitor of +Bologna, and there was no question as to his relapse. From the beginning +the end was inevitable, but there was a mockery of opportunity for +defence allowed him, and it was not until December 15 that sentence was +pronounced. In accordance with rule, the Bishop of Florence sent a +delegate to act with the inquisitor, and an assembly of high dignitaries +and experts was assembled to participate, including the Cardinal-legate +of Tuscany, the Bishop of Aretino, and Cecco’s enemy, the chancellor of +Duke Charles. He was abandoned to the secular arm and delivered to +Charles’s vicar, Jacopo da Brescia. All his books and astrological +writings were further ordered to be surrendered within twenty-four hours +to the bishop or inquisitor. Cecco was forthwith conducted to the place +of execution beyond the walls. Tradition relates that he had learned by +his art that he should die between Africa and “Campo Fiore,” and so sure +was he of this that on the way to the stake he mocked and ridiculed his +guards; but when the pile was about to be lighted he asked whether there +was any place named Africa in the vicinage, and was told that that was +the name of a neighboring brook flowing from Fiesole to the Arno. Then +he recognized that Florence was the Field of Flowers and that he had +been miserably deceived.<a name="FNanchor_484_484" id="FNanchor_484_484"></a><a href="#Footnote_484_484" class="fnanchor">[484]</a></p> + +<p>Astrology continued to hold its doubtful position with a growing +tendency to its condemnation. There were few who could take the +common-sense view of Petrarch, that astrologers might be useful if they +confined themselves to predicting eclipses and storms, and heat and +cold, but that when they talked about the fate of men, known only to +God, they simply proved themselves to be liars. Eymerich tells us that +if a man was suspected of necromancy and was found to be an astrologer +it went far to prove him a necromancer, for the two were almost always +conjoined. Gerard Groot denounced astrology as a science hostile to God +and aiming to supersede his laws. In Spain, in the middle of the +fourteenth<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_445" id="page_445"></a>{445}</span> century, both Pedro the Cruel of Castile and Pedro IV. of +Aragon kept many astrologers whom they constantly consulted, but in 1387 +Juan I. of Castile included astrology among other forms of divination +subject to the penalties of the Partidas. Yet it continued to number its +votaries among high dignitaries of both State and Church. The only shade +on the lustre of Cardinal Peter d’Ailly’s reputation was his earnest +devotion to the science, and it would have gone hard with him had +justice been meted out to him as to Cecco d’Ascoli, for it was +impossible for the astrologer to avoid fatalism. It was a curiously +erroneous prediction of his, uttered in 1414, that, in consequence of +the retrogression of Jupiter in the first house, the Council of +Constance would result in the destruction of religion, and peace in the +Church would not be obtained; that, in fact, the Great Schism was +probably the prelude to the coming of Antichrist. More fortunate was the +computation by which he arrived at the date of 1789 as that which would +witness great perturbations if the world should so long endure. The +tolerance which spared Cardinal d’Ailly did not proceed from any change +in the theory of the Church as to the heresy of interfering with the +doctrine of free-will. Alonso de Spina points out that the astrological +belief that men born under certain stars cannot avoid sinning is +manifestly heretical. None the less so was the teaching that when the +moon and Jupiter were in conjunction in the head of the Dragon any one +praying to God could obtain whatever he wanted, as Peter of Abano found +when he used this fortunate moment to secure stores of knowledge beyond +the capacity of the unassisted human mind. Sprenger, the highest +authority on demonology, held that in astrology there was a tacit pact +with the demon.<a name="FNanchor_485_485" id="FNanchor_485_485"></a><a href="#Footnote_485_485" class="fnanchor">[485]</a> All this shows that in the increasing hostility to +occult arts astrology had gradually come under the ban, and the disputed +question as to its position was finally brought to<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_446" id="page_446"></a>{446}</span> a decision, at least +for France, by the case of Simon Pharees in 1494. He had been condemned +by the archiepiscopal court of Lyons for practising astrology, and was +punished with the light penance of Friday fasting for a year, with the +threat of perpetual imprisonment for relapse, and his books and +astrolabe had been detained. He had the audacity to appeal to the +Parlement, which referred his books to the University. The report of the +latter was that his books ought to be burned, even as others had +recently been to the value of fifty thousand deniers. All astrology +pretending to be prophetic, or ascribing supernatural virtue to rings, +charms, etc., fabricated under certain constellations, was denounced as +false, vain, superstitious, and condemned by both civil and canon law, +as well as the use of the astrolabe for finding things lost or divining +the future, and the Parlement was urged to check the rapid spread of +this art invented by Satan. The Parlement accordingly pronounced a +judgment handing over the unlucky Simon to the Bishop and Inquisitor of +Paris, to be punished for his relapse. Astrology, which is described as +practised openly everywhere, is condemned. All persons are prohibited +from consulting astrologers or diviners about the future, or about +things lost or found; all printers are forbidden to print books on the +subject, and are ordered to deliver whatever copies they may have to +their bishops, and all bishops are instructed to prosecute astrologers. +This was a very emphatic condemnation, but, in the existing condition of +human intelligence, it could do little to check the insatiable thirst +for impossible knowledge. Yet there were some superior minds which +rejected the superstition. The elder Pico della Mirandola and Savonarola +were of these, and Erasmus ridiculed it in the Encomium Moriæ.<a name="FNanchor_486_486" id="FNanchor_486_486"></a><a href="#Footnote_486_486" class="fnanchor">[486]</a></p> + +<p>The question of oneiroscopy, or divination by dreams, was a puzzling +one. On the one hand there was the formal prohibition of the +Deuteronomist (<small>XVIII</small>. 10), which in the Vulgate included<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_447" id="page_447"></a>{447}</span> the observer +of dreams in its denunciations; on the other there were the examples of +Joseph and Daniel, and the formal assertion of Job “when deep sleep +falleth upon man, in slumberings upon the bed, then he openeth the ears +of men and sealeth their instruction” (Job <small>XXXIII</small>. 15, 16). In the +twelfth century the expounding of dreams was a recognized profession +which does not seem to have been forbidden. John of Salisbury endeavors +to prove that no reliance is to be placed on them; Joseph and Daniel +were inspired, and short of inspiration no divination from dreams is to +be trusted. This, at least, was a more sensible and practical solution +than the conclusion reached by Thomas Aquinas that divination from +dreams produced by natural causes or divine revelation is licit, but if +the dreams proceed from dæmonic influence it is illicit. Tertullian had +long before ascribed to the pagans the power of sending prophetic dreams +through the agency of demons, but unfortunately, no one could furnish a +criterion to distinguish between the several classes of visions, and as +a rule the dream-expounders were regarded as harmless.<a name="FNanchor_487_487" id="FNanchor_487_487"></a><a href="#Footnote_487_487" class="fnanchor">[487]</a></p> + +<p>There was another class of cases which puzzled the casuists, for the +bounds which divided sacred from goetic magic were very vague. There was +a practice of celebrating mortuary masses in the name of a living man, +under the belief that it would kill him. As early as 694 the seventeenth +Council of Toledo prohibits this, under pain of degradation for the +officiating priest and perpetual exile for him and for his employer; and +in the middle of the fifteenth century the learned Lope Barrientos, +Bishop of Cuenca, condemns it unreservedly. Yet a MS. of uncertain date, +printed by Wright, while pronouncing it sin if done through private +malice, for which the officiating priest should be deposed unless he +purge himself with due penance, states that for a public object it is +not a sin, because it manifests humility in placating God. Somewhat +similar was a question which arose during a quarrel between Henry, +Bishop of Cambrai, and his chapter in 1500. As a mode of revenge the +dean, provost, and canons suspended divine service, for which they were +excommunicated by the Archbishop of Reims. Under this pressure they +resumed their holy functions, but varied them by introducing in the +canon of the mass a sort of imprecatory<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_448" id="page_448"></a>{448}</span> litany, composed of comminatory +fragments from the psalms and prophets, recited by the officiating +priest with his back to the altar, while the responses were given by the +boys in the choir. The frightened bishop appealed to the University of +Paris, which, after many months’ deliberation, gravely decided that the +position of the priest and the responses of the boys rendered the +services suspect of incantation; that imprecatory services are to be +dreaded by those who give cause for them; that they are not lightly to +be used, especially against a bishop who is ready for settlement in the +courts, and that they ought not to be employed even against a +contumacious bishop except in case of necessity arising from extreme +peril.<a name="FNanchor_488_488" id="FNanchor_488_488"></a><a href="#Footnote_488_488" class="fnanchor">[488]</a></p> + +<p> </p> + +<p>When, towards the close of the thirteenth century, the Inquisition +succeeded in including sorcery within its jurisdiction, its organizing +faculty speedily laid down rules and formulas for the guidance of its +members which aided largely in shaping the uncertain jurisprudence of +the period and gave a decided impulse to the persecution of those who +practised the forbidden arts. A manual of practice, which probably bears +date about the year 1280, contains a form for the interrogation of the +accused covering all the details of sorcery as known at the time. This +served as the foundation on which still more elaborate formulas were +constructed by Bernard Gui and others. If space permitted, a +reproduction of these would present a tolerably complete picture of +current superstitions, but I can only pause to call attention to one +feature in them. The earliest draught contains no allusion to the +nocturnal excursions of the “good women” whence the Witches’ Sabbat was +derived, while the later ones introduce an interrogation concerning it, +showing that during the interval it was attracting increased attention. +It is further noteworthy that none of the formulas embrace questions +concerning practices of vulgar witchcraft, which in the fifteenth and +succeeding centuries, as we shall see, furnished nearly the whole basis +of prosecutions for sorcery.<a name="FNanchor_489_489" id="FNanchor_489_489"></a><a href="#Footnote_489_489" class="fnanchor">[489]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_449" id="page_449"></a>{449}</span></p> + +<p>When sorcery thus came under the jurisdiction of the Inquisition it came +simply as heresy, and the whole theory of its treatment was altered. The +Inquisition was concerned exclusively with belief; acts were of interest +to it merely as evidence of the beliefs which they inferred, and all +heresies were equal in guilt, whether they consisted in affirming the +poverty of Christ or led to demon-worship, pacts with Satan, and +attempts on human life. The sorcerer might, therefore, well prefer to +fall into the hands of the Inquisition rather than to be judged by the +secular tribunals, for in the former case he had the benefit of the +invariable rules observed in dealings with heresy. By confession and +abjuration he could always be admitted to penance and escape the stake, +which was the customary secular punishment; while, having no convictions +such as animated the Cathari and Waldenses, it cost his conscience +nothing to make the necessary recantation. In the inquisitorial records, +in so far as they have reached us, we meet with no cases of hardened and +obdurate demon-worshippers. Inquisitorial methods could always secure +confession, and the inquisitorial manuals give us examples of the +carefully drawn formulas of abjuration administered and forms for the +sentences to be pronounced. It may perhaps be questioned whether the +fiery torture of the stake were not preferable to the inquisitorial +mercy which confined its penitents to imprisonment for life in chains +and on bread and water; but few men have resolution to prefer a speedy +termination to their sufferings, and there was always the hope that +exemplary conduct in prison might earn a mitigation of the penalty. It +was probably in consequence of this apparent lenity that Philippe le +Bel, in 1303, forbade the Inquisition to take cognizance of usury, +sorcery, and other offences of the Jews; and we shall see hereafter that +when it was forced to summon all its energies in the epidemics of +witchcraft, it was obliged to abandon the rule and find excuses for +delivering its repentant victims to the stake.<a name="FNanchor_490_490" id="FNanchor_490_490"></a><a href="#Footnote_490_490" class="fnanchor">[490]</a></p> + +<p>About this time Zanghino gives us the current Italian ecclesiastical +view of the subject. In his detailed description of the various species +of magic, vulgar witchcraft finds no place, showing<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_450" id="page_450"></a>{450}</span> that it was unknown +in Italy as in France. All such matters are under episcopal +jurisdiction, and the Inquisition cannot meddle with them unless they +savor of manifest heresy. But it is heretical to assert that the future +can be foretold by such means, as this belongs to God alone; to receive +responses from demons is heretical, or to make them offerings, or to +worship sun, moon, or stars, planets or the elements, or to believe that +anything is to be obtained except from God, or that anything can be done +without the command of God, or that anything is proper and lawful which +is disapproved by the Church. All this falls within the jurisdiction of +the Inquisition, and it will be seen that the meshes of the net were +small enough to let little escape. The penalties of death and +confiscation, to be inflicted by the secular judge, doubtless refer to +the impenitent and relapsed, as the cases which savored of heresy were +punished as heresy by the inquisitor. Magic which did not thus savor of +manifest heresy was subject to the episcopal courts, and was punishable +by declaring the offender in mortal sin and debarred from communion; he +and those who employed him were infamous; he was to be warned to +abstain, with excommunication and other penalties, at the episcopal +discretion, in case of disobedience. Yet the secular power by no means +abandoned its jurisdiction over sorcery, which continued to be subject +to the lay as well as to the ecclesiastical courts. The time, moreover, +had not come for the pitiless extermination of all who dabbled in +forbidden arts. By the Milanese law of the period the punishment of the +sorcerer was left to the discretion of the judge, who could inflict +either corporal or pecuniary penalties proportioned to the gravity of +the offence.<a name="FNanchor_491_491" id="FNanchor_491_491"></a><a href="#Footnote_491_491" class="fnanchor">[491]</a></p> + +<p>Sorcery was one of the aberrations certain to respond to persecution by +more abundant development. So long as its reality was acknowledged and +its professors were punished, not as sharpers, but as the possessors of +evil powers of unknown extent, the more public attention was drawn to it +the more it flourished. As soon as the Inquisition had systematized its +suppression, we begin to find it occupy a larger and larger share of +public attention. In 1303 one of the charges brought against Boniface +VIII., in the Assembly<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_451" id="page_451"></a>{451}</span> of the Louvre, was that he had a familiar demon +who kept him informed of everything, and that he was a sorcerer who +consulted diviners and soothsayers. About the same time the Bishop of +Coventry and Lichfield, treasurer of Edward I., was accused of murder, +simony, and adultery, to which was added that he consulted the devil, to +whom he had rendered homage and kissed on the posteriors. King Edward +intervened energetically in his behalf, and an inquisition ordered upon +him by Boniface reported that the common fame existing against him +proceeded from his enemies, so that he was allowed to purge himself with +thirty-seven compurgators. In 1308 the Sire d’Ulmet was brought to Paris +on the charge of endeavoring to kill his wife by sorcery, and the women +whom he had employed were burned or buried alive. We have seen how +nearly akin to these accusations were the charges brought against the +Templars, and the success of that attempt was suggestive as to the +effectiveness of the methods employed. When, after the death of Philippe +le Bel, Charles of Valois was resolutely bent on the destruction of +Enguerrand de Marigny, and the long proceedings which he instituted +threatened to prove fruitless, it was opportunely discovered that +Enguerrand had instigated his wife and sister to employ a man and woman +to make certain waxen images which should cause Charles, the young King +Louis Hutin, the Count of Saint-Pol, and other personages to wither and +die. As soon as Charles reported this to Louis, the king withdrew his +protection and the end was speedy. April 26, 1315, Enguerrand was +brought before a selected council of nobles at Vincennes and was +condemned to be hanged, a sentence which was carried out on the 30th; +the sorcerer was hanged with him and the sorceress was burned, the +images being exhibited to the people from the gallows at Montfaucon, +which Enguerrand himself had built, while the Dame de Marigny and her +sister, the Dame de Chantelou, were condemned to imprisonment. Thus +Enguerrand perished by the methods which he and his brother, the +Archbishop of Sens, had used against the Templars, and the further moral +of the story is seen in the remorse of Charles of Valois, ten years +later, when he lay on his death-bed and sent almoners through the +streets of Paris to distribute money among the poor, crying, “Pray for +the soul of Messire Enguerrand de Marigny, and of Messire Charles de +Valois!” One of the accusations against Bernard Délicieux was<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_452" id="page_452"></a>{452}</span> that he +had attempted the life of Benedict XI. by magic arts, and although this +failed of proof, he confessed under torture that a book of necromancy +found in his chest belonged to him, and that certain marginal notes in +it were in his own handwriting. In this he could not have been alone +among his brethren, for in the general chapter of the Franciscans in +1312 a statute was adopted forbidding, under penalty of excommunication +and prison, any member of the Order from possessing such books, and +dabbling in alchemy, necromancy, divination, incantation, or the +invocation of demons.<a name="FNanchor_492_492" id="FNanchor_492_492"></a><a href="#Footnote_492_492" class="fnanchor">[492]</a></p> + +<p>The growing importance of sorcery in popular belief received a powerful +impetus from John XXII., who in so many ways exercised on his age an +influence so deplorable. As one of the most learned theologians of the +day, he had full convictions of the reality of all the marvels claimed +for magic, and his own experience led him to entertain a lively dread of +them. The circumstances of his election were such as to render probable +the existence of conspiracies for his removal, and he lent a ready ear +to suggestions concerning them. His barbarity towards the unfortunate +Hugues, Bishop of Cahors, has been already alluded to, and before the +first year of his reign was out he had another group of criminals to +dispose of. In 1317 we find him issuing a commission to Gaillard, Bishop +of Reggio, and several assessors to try a barber-surgeon named Jean +d’Amant and sundry clerks of the Sacred Palace on the charge of +attempting his life. Under the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_453" id="page_453"></a>{453}</span> persuasive influence of torture they +confessed that they had at first intended to use poison, but finding no +opportunity for this they had recourse to figurines, in the fabrication +of which they were skilled. They had made them under the invocation of +demons; they could confine demons in rings and thus learn the secrets of +the past and of the future; they could induce sickness, cause death, or +prolong life by incantations, charms, and spells consisting simply of +words. Of course they were condemned and executed, and John set to work +vigorously to extirpate the abhorred race of sorcerers to which he had +so nearly fallen a victim. We hear of proceedings against Robert, Bishop +of Aix, accused of having practised magic arts at Bologna; and John, +regarding the East as the source whence this execrable science spread +over Christendom, sought to attack it in its home. In 1318 he ordered +the Dominican provincial in the Levant to appoint special inquisitors +for the purpose in all places subject to the Latin rite, and he called +upon the Doge of Venice, the Prince of Achaia, and the Latin barons to +lend their effective aid. He even wrote to the Patriarch of +Constantinople and the Oriental archbishops, urging them to assist in +the good work. Not satisfied with the implied jurisdiction conferred on +the Inquisition by Alexander IV., in 1320 he had letters sent out by the +Cardinal of S. Sabina formally conferring it fully on inquisitors and +urging them to exercise it actively. Subsequent bulls stimulated still +further the growing dread of magic by expressing his grief at the +constant increase of the infection which was spreading throughout +Christendom, and by ordering sorcerers to be publicly anathematized and +punished as heretics and all books of magic lore to be burned. When he +warned all baptized Christians not to enter into compacts with hell, or +to imprison demons in rings or mirrors so as to penetrate the secrets of +the future, and threatened all guilty of such practices that, if they +did not reform within eight days, they should be subject to the +penalties of heresy, he took the most effective means to render the +trade of the sorcerer profitable and to increase the number of his +dupes. Apparently he became dissatisfied with the response to these +appeals, for in 1330 he deplored the continued existence of +demon-worship and its affiliated errors; he ordered the prelates and +inquisitors to speedily bring to conclusion all cases on hand and send +the papers under seal to him<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_454" id="page_454"></a>{454}</span> for decision, and the inquisitors were +commanded to undertake no new cases without a special papal mandate. +Whatever may have been the motive of this last prohibition, it was not +allowed to take effect in France. We have seen how the royal power about +this time was commencing to exercise control over the Inquisition, and +we shall see how, at the close of his life, John XXII. was accused of +heresy as to the Beatific Vision, and was roundly threatened by Philippe +de Valois. It was probably an incident of this quarrel that led the +king, in 1334, to assume that the jurisdiction of the Inquisition over +idolaters, sorcerers, and heretics had been conferred by the crown, and +to order his seneschals to see that no one should interfere with them in +its exercise. This royal rescript seems to have been forgotten with the +circumstances which called it forth, for in 1374 the Inquisitor of +France applied to Gregory XI. to ask whether he should take cognizance +of sorcery, and Gregory replied with instructions to prosecute such +cases vigorously.<a name="FNanchor_493_493" id="FNanchor_493_493"></a><a href="#Footnote_493_493" class="fnanchor">[493]</a></p> + +<p>The necessary result of all this bustling legislation was to strengthen +the popular confidence in sorcery and to multiply its practice. In +Bernard Gui’s book of sentences rendered in the Inquisition of Toulouse +from 1309 to 1323, there are no cases of sorcery, but we meet with +several, tried in 1320 and 1321 in the episcopal Inquisition of Pamiers, +and the fragmentary records of Carcassonne in 1328 and 1329 show quite a +number of convictions. Inquisitors, moreover, commenced to insert a +clause renouncing sorcery in all abjurations administered to repentant +heretics, so that in case they should become addicted to it they could +be promptly burned for relapse.<a name="FNanchor_494_494" id="FNanchor_494_494"></a><a href="#Footnote_494_494" class="fnanchor">[494]</a></p> + +<p>Under the influence of this efficient advertisement the trade of the +sorcerer flourished. In 1323 a remarkable case attracted much attention +in Paris. The dogs of some shepherds, passing a cross-roads near +Chateau-Landon, commenced scratching at a certain spot and could not be +driven off. The men’s suspicions were aroused, and they informed the +authorities, who, on digging, found<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_455" id="page_455"></a>{455}</span> a box in which was imprisoned a +black cat, with some bread moistened with chrism, blessed oil, and holy +water, two small tubes being arranged to reach the surface and supply +the animal with air. All the carpenters in the village were summoned, +and one identified the box, which he had made for a certain Jean +Prevost. Torture promptly brought a confession inculpating the +Cistercian abbot of Sarcelles, some canons, a sorcerer named Jean de +Persant, and an apostate Cistercian monk, his disciple. The abbot, it +seems, had lost a sum of money, and had employed the sorcerer to recover +it and find the thief. The cat was to remain three days in the box, to +be then killed, and its skin cut into strips, with which a circle was to +be made. In this circle a man standing with the remains of the cat’s +food thrust into his rectum was to invoke the demon Berich, who would +make the desired revelation. The Inquisitor of Paris and the episcopal +Ordinary promptly tried the guilty parties. Prevost opportunely died, +but his remains were burned with his accomplice de Persant, while the +ecclesiastics escaped with degradation and perpetual imprisonment. It is +evident that de Persant was not allowed the benefit of abjuration, while +the Cistercians were exposed to a penalty more severe than those imposed +by the rules of their Order. These had been defined in the general +chapter of 1290 to be merely incapacity for promotion, or for taking any +part in the proceedings of the body, the lowest seat in choir and +refectory, and Friday fasting on bread and water until released by the +general chapter. The intervening quarter of a century had, however, +wrought a most significant change in the attitude of the Church towards +this class of offences.<a name="FNanchor_495_495" id="FNanchor_495_495"></a><a href="#Footnote_495_495" class="fnanchor">[495]</a></p> + +<p>The monastic orders evidently contributed their full share to this class +of criminals. We happen to have the sentence, in 1329, by Henri de +Chamay, of a Carmelite named Pierre Recordi, which illustrates the +effectiveness of inquisitorial methods in obtaining avowals. The trial +lasted for several years, and though the accused tergiversated and +retracted repeatedly, his endurance finally gave way. He adhered at last +to the confession that on five occasions, to obtain possession of women, +he had made wax figurines with invocations of demons, mixing with them +the blood<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_456" id="page_456"></a>{456}</span> of toads and his own blood and saliva, as a sacrifice to +Satan. He would then place the image under the threshold of the woman, +and if she did not yield to him she would be tormented by a demon. In +three cases this had succeeded; in the other two it would have done so, +had he not been suddenly sent by his superiors to another station. On +one occasion he pricked an image in the belly, when it bled. After the +images had done their work he would cast them into the river and +sacrifice a butterfly to the demon, whose presence would be manifested +by a breath of air. He was condemned to perpetual imprisonment on bread +and water, with chains on hands and feet, in the Carmelite convent of +Toulouse; out of respect to the Order he was not subjected to the +ceremony of degradation, and the sentence was rendered privately in the +episcopal palace of Pamiers. One peculiar feature of the sentence is the +apprehension expressed lest the officials of the convent should allow +him to escape.<a name="FNanchor_496_496" id="FNanchor_496_496"></a><a href="#Footnote_496_496" class="fnanchor">[496]</a></p> + +<p>The trade of the magician received a further advertisement in the story +current at this time about Frederic of Austria. When, after his defeat +at Mühldorf in 1322, by Louis of Bavaria, he lay a prisoner in the +stronghold of Trausnitz, his brother Leopold sought the services of an +expert necromancer, who promised to release the captive through the aid +of the devil. In response to his invocation, Satan came in the guise of +a pilgrim, and readily promised to bring Frederic to them if he would +agree to follow him; but when he appeared to Frederic and told him to +get into a bag which he carried around his neck and he would bring him +to his brother in safety, Frederic asked him who he was. “Never mind who +I am,” he replied: “Will you leave your prison, as I tell you?” Then a +great fear fell upon Frederic; he crossed himself and the devil +disappeared.<a name="FNanchor_497_497" id="FNanchor_497_497"></a><a href="#Footnote_497_497" class="fnanchor">[497]</a></p> + +<p>Even to distant Ireland the persecution of sorcery was brought in 1325 +by that zealous Franciscan, Richard Ledrede, Bishop of Ossory. The Lady +Alice Kyteler of Kilkenny had had four husbands, and their testamentary +dispositions not suiting her children by the last three, the most +efficient means of breaking their wills was to accuse her of having +killed them by sorcery, after bewitching<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_457" id="page_457"></a>{457}</span> them to leave their property +to her and to her eldest son, William Outlaw. Bishop Ledrede proceeded +vigorously to make inquisition, but Lady Alice and William were allied +to the leading officials in Ireland, who threw every difficulty in the +way, and, as the canons against heresy were unknown in the island, he +had an arduous task, being himself at one time arrested and thrown into +prison. A less indomitable spirit would have succumbed, but he triumphed +at last, though Lady Alice herself escaped his clutches and was conveyed +to England. The trials of her assumed accomplices would seem to have +been conducted without much respect to form, but with ample energy. +Torture being unknown in English law, the bishop might have failed in +eliciting confession had he not found an effective, if illegal, +substitute in the whip. Petronilla, for instance, one of Lady Alice’s +women, after being scourged six times could endure no longer the endless +increase of agony, and confessed all that was wanted of her. She +admitted that she was a skilful sorceress, but inferior to her mistress, +who was equal to any in England, or any in the world. She told how, at +Lady Alice’s command, she had sacrificed cocks in the cross-roads to a +demon named Robert Artisson, her mistress’s incubus or lover, and how +they made from the brains of an unbaptized child, with herbs and worms, +in the skull of a robber who had been beheaded, powders and charms to +afflict the bodies of the faithful, to excite love and hatred, and to +make the faces of certain women, appear horned in the eyes of particular +individuals. She had been the intermediary between her mistress and the +demon; on one occasion he had come to Lady Alice’s chamber with two +others, black as Ethiopians, when followed love-scenes of which the +disgusting details may be spared. The case is interesting as developing +a transition state of belief between the earlier magic and the later +witchcraft; and it illustrates one of the most important points in the +criminal jurisprudence of the succeeding centuries, which explains the +unquestioning belief universally entertained as to the marvels of +sorcery. Torture administered with unlimited repetition not only brought +the patient into a condition in which he would confess whatever was +required of him, but the impression produced was such that he would not +risk its renewal by retraction even at the last. It was so with this +poor creature, who persisted to the end with this tissue of absurdities, +and<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_458" id="page_458"></a>{458}</span> who was burned impenitent. Some others involved in the accusation +likewise perished at the stake, while some were permitted to abjure and +were punished with crosses—probably the only occasion in which this +penance was administered in the British Isles.<a name="FNanchor_498_498" id="FNanchor_498_498"></a><a href="#Footnote_498_498" class="fnanchor">[498]</a></p> + +<p>While Bishop Ledrede was busy at this good work a trial occurred in +England which illustrates the difference in efficiency between the +ecclesiastical methods of trial by torture and those of the common law. +Twenty-eight persons were accused of employing John of Nottingham and +his assistant, Richard Marshall of Leicester, to make wax figures for +the destruction of Edward II., the two Despensers, and the Prior of +Coventry, with two of his officials who had tyrannized over the people +and had been sustained by the royal favorites. Richard Marshall turned +accuser, and the evidence was complete. The enormous sums of twenty +pounds to Master John and fifteen pounds to Richard had been promised, +and they had been furnished with seven pounds of wax and two ells of +canvas. From September 27, 1324, until June 2, 1325, the two magicians +labored at their work. They made seven images, the extra one being +experimental, to be tried on Richard de Sowe. On April 27 they commenced +operating with this by thrusting a piece of lead into its forehead, when +at once Richard de Sowe lost his reason and cried in misery until May +20, when the lead was transferred to his breast, and he died May 23. The +accused pleaded not guilty and put themselves on the country. An +ordinary jury trial followed, with the result that they were all +acquitted. A similar case came to light at Toulouse in June, 1326, when +some sorcerers were discovered who had undertaken to make way with King +Charles le Bel by means of figurines. They were promptly despatched to +Paris, and the matter was taken in hand by the secular court of the +Châtelet. It had all the resources of torture at its command, and its +speedy and vigorous justice undoubtedly soon consigned them to the +stake, although Pierre de Vic, a favored nephew of John XXII., who had +been inculpated in their confessions, was pronounced innocent. It was +probably not long after this that a similar attempt was made on the life +of John XXII., though the culprits escaped until 1337, when<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_459" id="page_459"></a>{459}</span> they were +tried and executed by Benedict XII. To shield themselves they implicated +the Bishop of Béziers as their instigator.<a name="FNanchor_499_499" id="FNanchor_499_499"></a><a href="#Footnote_499_499" class="fnanchor">[499]</a></p> + +<p>Yet organized persecution seems to have died away with the withdrawal of +sorcery from the jurisdiction of the Inquisition by John XXII. in 1330, +while the stimulus which his proclamations had given to the trade of the +magician continued to extend it and render it profitable. The tendency +of popular thought is shown by the attribution, in some places, of the +Black Death to the incantations as well as to the poisons of the Jews. +Such an expedient as that of the Council of Chartres in 1366, which +ordered sorcerers to be excommunicated in mass every Sunday in all +parish churches, would only serve to impress the popular mind with the +reality and importance of their powers. During this period the study and +practice of magic arts were pursued with avidity, and in many cases +almost without concealment. Miguel de Urrea, who was Bishop of Tarazona +from 1309 to 1316, was honored with the title of <i>el Nigromantico</i>, and +his portrait in the archiepiscopal palace of Tarragona bears an +inscription describing him as a most skilful necromancer, who even +deluded the devil with his own arts. Gerard Groot himself, claimed by +the Brethren of the Common Life as their revered founder, was in his +youth an earnest student of the occult sciences, but during an illness +he solemnly abandoned them before a priest and burned his books. Many +years later he turned his knowledge to account by exposing a certain +John Heyden, who had long practised on the credulity of the people of +Amsterdam and its vicinity. On his coming to Deventer, Groot examined +him and found him ignorant of necromancy and its allied arts, and +concluded that he operated through a compact with Satan. Not willing to +incur the irregularity of shedding blood, Groot contented himself with +driving him away, and then, on learning that he had settled at +Harderwick, wrote to the brethren there giving them an account of him; +but the whole affair shows that such persons could count on practical +toleration unless some zealot chose to set the laws in motion. The +extent to which this toleration was carried, and the limitless credulity +to which the popular mind had been trained are shown in the accounts<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_460" id="page_460"></a>{460}</span> +given by grave historians of the feats of Zyto, the favorite magician of +the Emperor Wenceslas, who, in spite of the repeated condemnation of +magic by the Councils of Prague during the latter half of the century, +reckoned among his evil qualities a fondness for forbidden arts. When, +in 1389, he married Sophia, daughter of the Elector of Bavaria, the +latter, knowing his proclivities, brought to Prague a wagon-load of +skilful conjurers and jugglers. While the chief of these was giving an +exhibition of his marvels Zyto quietly walked up to him, opened his +mouth, and swallowed him entire, spitting out his muddy boots, and then +evacuated him into a vessel of water and exhibited him dripping to the +admiring crowd. At the royal banquets Zyto would bother the guests by +changing their hands into the hoofs of horses or oxen so that they could +not handle their food; if something attracted them to look out of the +window he would adorn them with branching antlers, so that they could +not withdraw their heads, while he would leisurely eat their delicacies +and drink their wine. On one occasion he changed a handful of corn into +a drove of fat hogs which he sold to a baker, with a caution not to let +them go to the river, but the purchaser disregarded the warning and they +suddenly became grains of corn floating on the water. Of course such a +character could not end well, and Zyto, when his time came, was carried +off by his demon. Not only are all these marvels recorded as +unquestionable facts by the Bohemian chroniclers, but they are +conscientiously copied by the papal historian Raynaldus.<a name="FNanchor_500_500" id="FNanchor_500_500"></a><a href="#Footnote_500_500" class="fnanchor">[500]</a></p> + +<p>Although Gregory XI., in 1374, had authorized the Inquisition to +prosecute in all cases of sorcery, in France the Parlement included the +subject within its policy of encroachment upon the ecclesiastical +jurisdiction. In 1390 an occurrence at Laon, where a secular official +named Poulaillier arrested a number of sorcerers, gave it occasion to +intervene. As Bodin says, at that time Satan<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_461" id="page_461"></a>{461}</span> managed to have it +believed that the stories of sorcery were false, so the Parlement +stopped the proceedings, and thus having its attention drawn to the +matter, decreed that in future cognizance of such offences should be +confined to the secular tribunals, to the exclusion of the spiritual +courts.<a name="FNanchor_501_501" id="FNanchor_501_501"></a><a href="#Footnote_501_501" class="fnanchor">[501]</a> Secular judges, however, were ready to treat these cases +with abundant sharpness. A case occurring at the Paris Châtelet in 1390 +has much interest as affording us an insight into the details of +procedure, and as illustrating the efficacy of torture in securing +conviction. Except as regards the use of this expedient, now universal +in all criminal cases, we see that the process is much fairer to the +accused than that of the Inquisition, and we observe once more the +ineffaceable impression produced by torture, which leads the despairing +victim to adhere to the self-condemnation conducting him inevitably to +the stake. Marion l’Estalée was a young <i>fille de folle vie</i>, madly in +love with a man named Hainsselin Planiete, who deserted her, and, about +July 1, 1390, married a woman named Agnesot. Eager to prevent this, if +her confession is to be believed, she had applied to an old procuress +named Margot de la Barre, for a philtre to fix his wandering affection, +and when this failed Margot made for her two enchanted chaplets of +herbs, which she threw where the bride and groom would tread on them +during the festivities of the wedding-day, assured that this would +prevent the consummation of the marriage. The plot was unsuccessful, but +Hainsselin and Agnesot fell sick, leading to the arrest of the two +women.</p> + +<p>On July 30 Margot was examined and denied all complicity. She was +promptly tortured on <i>le petit et le grand tresteau</i>—which I conjecture +to mean, the former, pouring water down the throat till the stomach was +distended and then forcing it out by paddling the belly; the latter, the +rack. This reduplicated torture produced no confession, and she was +remanded for further hearing. August 17 Marion was taken in hand, when +she denied, and was similarly tortured without result. On the 3d she was +again examined and denied, and on being again ordered to the torture, +she appealed to the Parlement; the appeal was promptly heard and +rejected, and she was tortured as before, then taken to the kitchen and +warmed, after which she was tortured a third time, but to no effect. On<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_462" id="page_462"></a>{462}</span> +the 4th she was brought in and refused to confess, but the indefinite +repetition of torment without prospect of cessation had produced its +effect on body and mind; the torture had been pitiless, for she is +subsequently alluded to as much crippled and weakened by it, and when +she was again bound on the <i>tresteau</i>, and the executioner was about to +commence his work, she yielded and agreed to confess. On being unbound +she detailed the whole story, and in the afternoon, on being brought in +again, she confirmed it “<i>sans aucune force ou constrainte</i>.” Then +Margot was introduced, and Marion repeated her confession, which Margot +denied and offered the wager of battle, of which no notice was taken. +Margot then asserted her ability to prove an alibi on the day when she +was said to have made the chaplets. The parties whom she named as +witnesses were looked up for her and brought in the next day, when the +evidence proved rather incriminating than otherwise. Marion was then +made to repeat her confession, and not till then was Margot tortured a +second time, but still without result. On the 6th Marion was again made +to repeat her confession, after which Margot was brought in and bound to +the <i>tresteau</i>. Marion’s youthful vigor had enabled her to endure the +torture thrice. Margot’s age had diminished her power of resistance, and +the two applications sufficed. Her resolution gave way, and before the +torture commenced she promised to confess. Her story agreed with that of +Marion, except in some embellishments, which serve to show how +thoroughly untrustworthy were all such confessions, of which the sole +object was to satisfy the merciless ministers of justice. When she +enchanted the chaplets she invoked the demon by thrice repeating +“<i>Ennemi je te conjures au nom du Père, du Fils et du Saint Esperit que +tu viegnes a moy icy;</i>” then an “ennemi,” or demon, promptly appeared, +like those she had seen in the Passion-play, and after she had +instructed him to enter into the bodies of Hainsselin and Agnesot he +flew out of the window in a whirlwind, making a great noise and throwing +her into mortal fear. The evidence was thus complete, and there would +seem to be nothing left but prompt sentence, yet the tribunal manifested +commendable desire to avoid precipitate judgment. Assessors and experts +were called in. On August 7, 8, and 9 Marion was thrice made to repeat +her confession, and Margot twice. On the latter day a consultation was +held, and the decision was unanimous against<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_463" id="page_463"></a>{463}</span> Margot, who was pilloried +and burned the same day; but three of the experts thought that the +pillory and banishment would suffice for Marion. Her case was postponed +till the 23d, when another consultation was held; opinions remained +unaltered, and as the majority was in favor of condemnation the<i>prévôt</i> +condemned her, and she was burned the next day. Both the victims may +have been innocent, and the whole story may have been invented to avoid +the repetition of the intolerable torture; but, inevitable as was the +result under the conditions of the trial, the judges manifested every +disposition to deal fairly with the unfortunates in their hands, and +could entertain no possible doubt as to the reality of the offence and +of the apparition of the demon as described by Margot.<a name="FNanchor_502_502" id="FNanchor_502_502"></a><a href="#Footnote_502_502" class="fnanchor">[502]</a> It is +necessary to bear this in mind when estimating the conduct of the judges +and inquisitors who sent thousands of unfortunates to the stake in the +next two centuries, for offences which to a modern mind are purely +chimerical, for, according to the jurisprudence of the age, no evidence +could be more absolute than that on which rested the cruelly punished +absurdities of witchcraft.</p> + +<p>Simultaneous with this case was the burning of a sorceress named +Jeanette Neuve or Revergade, August 6, 1390, in Velay. Although she was +tried and executed by the court of the Abbey of Saint-Chaffre, this was +in its capacity as <i>haut-justicier,</i> and not as a spiritual tribunal. A +century later we should have found the case embroidered with full +accounts of the Sabbat and of demon-worship, but the time had not yet +arrived for this. Jeanette was a poor wandering crone who had come to +Chadron, within the abbatial jurisdiction, and earned a livelihood by +curing diseases with charms, to which she usually added the prescription +of a pilgrimage to some shrine of local renown. She must have gained +reputation as a wise-woman, for the Sire de Burzet, quarrelling with his +wife and desiring reconciliation, came to her for a philtre. She gave +him a potion of which he died, and her fate was sealed.<a name="FNanchor_503_503" id="FNanchor_503_503"></a><a href="#Footnote_503_503" class="fnanchor">[503]</a></p> + +<p>About this period may be dated a fresh impulse given to the belief in +sorcery, whose continued growth during the fifteenth and sixteenth +centuries was destined to produce results so deplorable,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_464" id="page_464"></a>{464}</span> and to present +one of the most curious problems in the history of human error. The +first indication of this new development is found in the action of the +University of Paris. September 19, 1398, the theological faculty held a +general congregation in the Church of St. Mathurin, and adopted a series +of twenty-eight articles which thenceforth became a standard for all +demonologists, and were regarded as an unanswerable argument to sceptics +who questioned the reality of the wickedness of the arts of magic. The +preamble recites that action was necessary in view of the active +emergence of ancient errors which threatened to infect society; the old +evils, which had been well-nigh forgotten, were reviving with renewed +vigor, and some positive definition was required to guard the faithful +from the snares of the enemy. The University then proceeded to declare +that there was an implied contract with Satan in every superstitious +observance, of which the expected result was not reasonably to be +anticipated from God and from Nature, and it condemned as erroneous the +assertion that it was permissible to invoke the aid of demons or to seek +their friendship, or to enter into compacts with them, or to imprison +them in stones, rings, mirrors, and images, or to use sorcery for good +purposes or for the cure of sorcery, or that God could be induced by +magic arts to compel demons to obey invocations, or that the celebration +of masses or other good works used in some forms of thaumaturgy was +permissible, or that the prophets and saints of old performed their +miracles by these means which were taught by God, or that by certain +magic arts we can attain to the sight of the divine essence. These +latter clauses point to a dangerous tendency of coalescence between the +arts of the sorcerer and of the theurgist, and indicate that in the +higher magic of the day there was a claim to be considered as +penetrating to the ineffable mysteries which surrounded the throne of +God; in fact, these adepts declared that their arts were lawful, and +they sought to prove their origin in God by pointing out that good +flowed from them, and that the wishes and prophecies of those using them +were fulfilled. All this the University condemned, and while on the one +hand it denied that images of lead or gold or wax, when baptized, +exorcised, and consecrated on certain days, possessed the powers +ascribed to them in the books of magic, on the other hand it was equally +emphatic in animadverting on the incredulity of<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_465" id="page_465"></a>{465}</span> those who denied that +sorcery, incantations, and the invocation of demons possessed the powers +claimed for them by sorcerers.<a name="FNanchor_504_504" id="FNanchor_504_504"></a><a href="#Footnote_504_504" class="fnanchor">[504]</a></p> + +<p>Like all other efforts to repress sorcery, this of course only served to +give it fresh significance and importance. The declaration that it was +erroneous to doubt the reality of sorcery and its effects became a +favorite argument of the demonologists. Gerson declared that to call in +question the existence and activity of demons was not only impious and +heretical, but destructive to all human and political society. Sprenger +concludes that the denial of the existence of witchcraft is not in +itself heresy, as it may proceed from ignorance, but such ignorance in +an ecclesiastic is in itself highly culpable; such denial is sufficient +to justify vehement suspicion of heresy, calling for prosecution, and we +have seen what was the significance of “vehement suspicion” in +inquisitorial practice.<a name="FNanchor_505_505" id="FNanchor_505_505"></a><a href="#Footnote_505_505" class="fnanchor">[505]</a></p> + +<p>With popular credulity thus stimulated, the insanity of Charles VI. +afforded a tempting opportunity for charlatans to market their wares. In +1397 the Maréchal de Sancerre sent to Paris from Guyenne two Augustinian +hermits who had great reputation for skill in the occult sciences, and +who promised relief. They pronounced the royal patient a victim of +sorcery, and after some incantations he recovered his senses, but it +proved only a lucid interval, and in a week he relapsed. This they +charged upon the royal barber and a porter of the Duke of Orleans, who +were arrested, but nothing could be proved against them, and they were +discharged. For months the two impostors led a joyous life with ample +fees, but at last they were compelled to name the author of the +sorceries, and this time they had the audacity to pitch upon the king’s +brother, Louis of Orleans himself. This grew serious, and on being +threatened with torture they confessed themselves sorcerers, apostates, +and invokers of demons. They were accordingly tried, condemned, degraded +from the priesthood, and mercifully beheaded and quartered. Undeterred +by this example, in 1403 a priest named Ives Gilemme, who boasted that +he had three<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_466" id="page_466"></a>{466}</span> demons in his service, with some other invokers of demons, +the Demoiselle Marie de Blansy, Perrin Hemery, a locksmith, and +Guillaume Floret, a clerk, offered to cure the king, and were given a +trial. They asked to have twelve men loaded with iron chains placed at +their disposal; these they surrounded with an enclosure, and, after +telling them not to be afraid, proceeded with all the invocations they +could muster, but accomplished no results. They excused their failure by +alleging that the men had crossed themselves, but this availed them +nothing. Floret confessed to the Prévôt of Paris that the whole affair +was a deception, and on March 24, 1404, they were all duly burned. It +was probably this case which induced Cardinal Louis of Bourbon, in his +provincial synod of Langres, in 1404, to prohibit strictly all sorcery +and divination, and to warn his flock to place no trust in such arts, as +their practitioners were mostly deceivers whose only object was to trick +them out of their money. Priests, moreover, were strictly ordered, as +had already been done by the Council of Soissons the year before, to +report to the episcopal ordinaries all cases coming to their knowledge +and all persons defamed for such practices. Had this policy been carried +out, of treating sorcerers as sharpers, and of instituting an episcopal +police to replace the Inquisition, at this time rapidly falling into +desuetude, it might have averted the evils which followed, but the +well-meant effort of Cardinal Louis was followed by no results. The +belief in sorcery continued to strengthen, and when Jean Petit undertook +to justify Jean sans Peur for the assassination of the Duke of Orleans, +it was almost a matter of course that he should accuse the murdered +prince of encompassing the king’s insanity by magic, of which the most +minute details were given, including the names of the two demons, Hynars +and Astramein, whose assistance had been successfully invoked.<a name="FNanchor_506_506" id="FNanchor_506_506"></a><a href="#Footnote_506_506" class="fnanchor">[506]</a></p> + +<p>In England, sorcery, as we have seen, had thus far attracted<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_467" id="page_467"></a>{467}</span> little +attention. Even as late as 1372 a man was arrested in Southwark with the +head and face of a corpse in his possession, and a book of magic was +found in his trunk. Tried before the Inquisition he would infallibly +have confessed under torture a series of misdeeds and have ended at the +stake; but he was brought before Sir J. Knyvet, in the King’s Bench. No +indictment even was found against him; he was simply sworn not to +practise sorcery and was discharged, but the head and book were burned +at Tothill at his expense. To the fair and open character of English law +is doubtless to be attributed the comparative exemption of the island +from the terror of sorcery, but when, at last, persecuting excitement +arose in the Lollard troubles, the Church used its influence with the +new Lancastrian dynasty to suppress the emissaries of Satan. In 1407 +Henry IV. issued letters to his bishops reciting that sorcerers, +magicians, conjurers, necromancers, and diviners abounded in their +dioceses, perverting the people and perpetrating things horrible and +detestable. The bishops, therefore, were commissioned to imprison all +such malefactors, either with or without trial, until they should recant +their errors or the king’s pleasure could be learned respecting them. +The placing of the matter thus in the hands of the Church, and depriving +the accused of all legal safeguards, is most significant as a +recognition that the ordinary forms of English law were not to be +depended upon in such cases, and that public opinion as yet was too +unformed for juries to be trusted. Under the regency the royal council +seems to have assumed jurisdiction over the matter. In 1432 a Dominican +of Worcester, Thomas Northfield, suspected of sorcery, was summoned +before it with all his books of magic. A few days later it heard the +celebrated Witch of Eye, Margery Jourdemayne, with the Dominican John +Ashewell and John Virby, a clerk, who had been confined at Windsor under +charge of sorcery, but they were discharged on giving bonds for good +behavior. The Witch of Eye did not fare so well when, in 1441, she was +implicated in the accusation brought against the Duchess of Gloucester, +of making and melting a wax figurine of Henry VI. The duchess confessed +and escaped with the penance of walking bareheaded thrice through the +streets with wax tapers of two pounds each, and offering them at the +shrines of St. Paul’s, Christ Church, and St. Michael’s in Cornhill, +after which she was imprisoned and finally banished to<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_468" id="page_468"></a>{468}</span> Chester. Her +secretary, Roger, was hanged, drawn, and quartered, and Margery was +burned—the whole affair being political. A similar endeavor to take +political advantage of the belief in sorcery occurred in 1464, in +connection with the marriage of Edward IV. and Elizabeth Woodville, when +his constancy to her was attributed to the magic arts of her mother, +Jacquette, widow of the Regent Bedford in first marriage. Jacquette did +not wait to be attacked, but turned upon her accusers, Thomas Wake and +John Daunger, who had talked about her using leaden images of the king +and queen, and had shown one of them broken in two and wired together. +They disclaimed responsibility, and endeavored to shift the burden each +on the other; but in 1483 Richard III. did not fail to make the most of +the matter, and in the act for the settlement of the crown described +Edward’s “pretensed marriage” as brought about by “sorcerie and +witchcraft committed by the said Elizabeth and her moder, Jacquette +duchesse of Bedford.” Thus England was gradually prepared to share in +the horrors of the witchcraft delusions.<a name="FNanchor_507_507" id="FNanchor_507_507"></a><a href="#Footnote_507_507" class="fnanchor">[507]</a></p> + +<p> </p> + +<p>Perhaps the most remarkable trial for sorcery on record is that of the +Maréchal de Rais, in 1440, which has long ranked as a <i>cause celébre</i>, +although it is only of late that the publication of the records has +enabled it to be properly understood. The popular belief at the time is +indicated by Monstrelet, who tells us that the marshal was accustomed to +put to death pregnant women and children in order with their blood to +write the conjurations which secured him wealth and honors; Jean +Chartier alludes to his putting children to death and performing strange +things contrary to the faith to attain his ends, and in the next century +Gaguin speaks of his slaying children in order with their blood to +divine the future.<a name="FNanchor_508_508" id="FNanchor_508_508"></a><a href="#Footnote_508_508" class="fnanchor">[508]</a> Curious as is the case in many aspects, perhaps +its chief interest lies in the psychological study which it affords as +an illustration of the extreme development of the current ecclesiastical +teaching with regard to the remission of sins.</p> + +<p>In the France of the fifteenth century there was no career more<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_469" id="page_469"></a>{469}</span> +promising than that of Gilles de Rais. Born in 1404 of the noble stock +of Montmorency and Craon, grandson of the renowned knight, Brumor de +Laval, grandnephew of du Guesclin, of kindred with the Constable +Clisson, and allied with all that was illustrious in the west of France, +his barony of Rais rendered him the head of the baronage of Britanny. +His territorial possessions were ample, and when, while still a youth, +he married the great heiress, Catharine de Thouars, he might count +himself among the wealthiest nobles of France. His bride is said to have +brought him one hundred thousand livres in gold and movables, and his +revenue was reckoned at fifty thousand. At the age of sixteen he won the +esteem of his suzerain, Jean V., Duke of Britanny, by his courage and +skill in the campaign which ended the ancient rivalry between the houses +of de Montfort and de Penthièvre. At twenty-two, following the duke’s +brother, the Constable Artus de Richemont, he entered the desperate +service of Charles VII., with a troop maintained at his own expense, and +he distinguished himself in the seemingly hopeless resistance to the +English arms. When Joan of Arc appeared he was charged with the special +duty of watching over her personal safety, and, from the relief of +Orleans to the repulse at the gates of Paris, he was ever at her side. +In the coronation ceremonies at Reims he received, though but +twenty-five years old, the high dignity of Marshal of France, and in the +September following he was honored with permission to add to his arms a +border of the royal fleurs-de-lis. There was no dignity beneath the +crown to which his ambition might not aspire, for he maintained himself +so skilfully between the opposing factions of the constable and of the +royal favorite, La Trémouille, that when the latter fell, in 1433, his +credit at the court was unimpaired.<a name="FNanchor_509_509" id="FNanchor_509_509"></a><a href="#Footnote_509_509" class="fnanchor">[509]</a></p> + +<p>He was, moreover, a man of unusual culture. His restless curiosity and +thirst for knowledge led him to accumulate books at a time when it was +rare for knights to be able to sign their names. Chance has preserved to +us the titles of St. Augustin’s “City of God,”—“Valerius Maximus,” +Ovid’s “Metamorphoses” and “Suetonius,” as fragments of his library; and +on his trial one of the reasons he gave for liking an Italian +necromancer was the choice<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_470" id="page_470"></a>{470}</span> Latinity of his speech. He delighted in rich +bindings and illuminations. On one occasion he is described, but a few +months before his arrest, as engaged in his study in ornamenting with +enamels the cover of a book of ceremonies for his chapel. Of music and +the drama he was also passionately fond. In these pursuits he was a fit +comrade for the good King René, as in the field he was the mate of +Dunois and La Hire.<a name="FNanchor_510_510" id="FNanchor_510_510"></a><a href="#Footnote_510_510" class="fnanchor">[510]</a></p> + +<p>Yet the life which promised so much in camp and court was blighted by +the fatal errors of his training. The death of his father while he was a +child of eleven left him to the care of a weak and indulgent +grandfather, Jean de Craon, whose authority he soon shook off. His fiery +nature ran riot, and he grew up devoured with the wildest ambition, +abandoned to sensual excesses of every kind, and with passions +unrestrained and untamable. When on trial he repeatedly addressed the +wondering crowd, urging all parents to train their children rigidly in +the ways of virtue, for it was his unbridled youth that had led him to +crime and a shameful death.<a name="FNanchor_511_511" id="FNanchor_511_511"></a><a href="#Footnote_511_511" class="fnanchor">[511]</a></p> + +<p>Although, in the charges preferred against him, his aberrations are said +to have commenced in 1426, he himself asserted that the fatal plunge was +not made until 1432, after the death of his grandfather. About that time +he began to withdraw from active life, and after 1433 he is no longer +heard of in the field, although the war of liberation offered its prizes +as abundantly as ever.<a name="FNanchor_512_512" id="FNanchor_512_512"></a><a href="#Footnote_512_512" class="fnanchor">[512]</a></p> + +<p>Then commenced a strange and unexampled dual existence. To the outward +world he was the magnificent seigneur, intent only on display and +frivolity. His immeasurable ambition, diverted from its natural career, +found unworthy gratification in making the vulgar stare with his +gorgeous splendor. He affected a state almost royal. A military +household of over two hundred horsemen accompanied him wherever he went. +He founded a chapter of canons, with service and choir fit for a +cathedral, and this was his private chapel, likewise attached to his +person, costing him immense sums, including portable organs carried on +the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_471" id="page_471"></a>{471}</span> shoulders of six stout serving-men. Not less extravagant was his +passion for theatrical displays. The drama of the age, though rude, was +costly, and when he exhibited freely to the multitude spectacular +performances, there were immense structures to be built and hundreds of +actors to be clad in cloths of gold and silver, silks and velvets, and +handsome armor, the whole followed by public banquets to the spectators, +in which rich viands were served in profusion and rare wines and +hippocras flowed like water. These were only items in his expenditure; +his purse and table were open to all and his artistic tastes were +gratified without regard to cost. In one visit to Orleans, where his +retinue filled every inn in the city, he was said to have squandered +eighty thousand gold crowns between March and August, 1435. This ruinous +prodigality was accompanied with the utmost disorder in his affairs. It +was beneath the dignity of a great seigneur to attend to business, and +all details were abandoned to the crowd of pimps and parasites and +flatterers attracted by his lavish recklessness, among whom the +principal were Roger de Briqueville and Gilles de Sillé. Gold must be +raised at any price; his revenues were farmed out in advance, the +produce of field and forest and salt-works was disposed of at low +prices, and he soon began to sell his estates at less than their value, +usually reserving a right of redemption within six years. In a short +time he is estimated to have consumed from this source alone not less +than two hundred thousand crowns. Already, in 1435 or 1436, his family +became alarmed at his mad career; they appealed to Charles VII., who +issued letters, in accordance with a legal custom of the time, +interdicting him from alienating lands and revenues, and all persons +from contracting with him. This was published with sound of trump in +Orleans, Angers, Blois, Machecoul, and elsewhere outside of Britanny. +Within the duchy, Jean V. prohibited its publication. Notwithstanding +his surname of le Bon and le Sage, he was a greedy and unscrupulous +prince, who, as one of the chief purchasers of the marshal’s estates, +was interested in the ruin of his subject. He continued to secure +profitable bargains, subject always to the right of redemption, and +manifested for his dupe the greatest friendship, appointing him +lieutenant-general of the duchy, and entering into a brotherhood of arms +with him, while privately mocking and ridiculing him as a fool. As a +last resort, Gilles’s younger brother,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_472" id="page_472"></a>{472}</span> René de la Suze, and his cousin, +the Admiral de Loheac, captured and garrisoned the castles of Champtocé +and Machecoul, but in 1437 and 1438 Gilles retook them, with the aid of +the duke, to whom he had sold the former.<a name="FNanchor_513_513" id="FNanchor_513_513"></a><a href="#Footnote_513_513" class="fnanchor">[513]</a></p> + +<p>Such was the external life of Gilles de Rais, to all appearance that of +a liberal, pious noble, whose worst foible was thoughtless extravagance. +Beneath the surface, however, lay an existence of crime more repulsive +than anything chronicled by Tacitus or Suetonius. There are some +subjects so foul that one shrinks from the barest allusion to them, and +of such are the deeds of Gilles de Rais. For the sake of human nature +one might hope that the charges which brought him to the gallows and +stake were invented by those who plotted his ruin, but an attentive +examination of the evidence brings conviction that amid manifest +exaggeration there was substantial foundation of fact. Ordinary +indulgence having palled upon the senses of the youthful voluptuary, +about the year 1432 he abandoned himself to unnatural lusts, selecting +as his victims children, whom he promptly slew to secure their silence. +At first their bodies were thrown into <i>oubliettes</i> at the bottom of +towers in his ordinary places of residence. When Champtocé was about to +be surrendered to the duke, the bones of about forty children were +hastily gathered together and carried off; when René de la Suze was +advancing on Machecoul, the same number were extracted from their +hiding-place and burned. Scared by this narrow escape from detection, +Gilles subsequently had the bodies burned at once in the fireplace of +his chamber and the ashes scattered in the moats. So depraved became his +appetites that he found his chief enjoyment in the death agonies of his +victims, over whose sufferings he gloated as he skilfully mangled them +and protracted their torture. When dead he would criticise their +beauties with his confidential servitors, would compare one with +another, and would kiss with rapture the heads which pleased him most. +Not Caligula, when, to gain fresh appetite for his revels, he caused +criminals to be tortured by the side of his banquet-table, or Nero, when +enjoying the human torches<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_473" id="page_473"></a>{473}</span> illuminating his unearthly orgies, found +such delirium of delight in inflicting and in watching human agony.<a name="FNanchor_514_514" id="FNanchor_514_514"></a><a href="#Footnote_514_514" class="fnanchor">[514]</a></p> + +<p>While such were his recreations, his serious pursuit was the search for +the philosopher’s stone—the Universal Elixir which should place +unlimited wealth and power in his hands. To this end his agents were on +the watch to bring him skilled professors in the art, and he served as +the dupe of a succession of charlatans, whose promises kept him ever in +the hope that he was on the point of attaining the fulfilment of his +desires. He never ceased to believe that once, at his castle of +Tiffauges, the operation was about to be crowned with success, when the +sudden arrival of the Dauphin Louis forced him to destroy his furnaces; +for though, as we have seen, alchemy was not positively included in the +prohibited arts, its practice was ground for suspicion, and Louis, even +in his youth, was not one to whom he could afford to confide so +dangerous a secret. This confident hope explains the recklessness of his +expenditures and his careless alienations, in which he retained a right +of redemption, for any morrow might see him placed beyond the need of +reckoning with his creditors. Yet, as already stated, although alchemy +assumed to be a science, in practice it was almost universally coupled +with necromancy, and few alchemists pretended to be able to achieve +results without the assistance of demons, whose invocation became a +necessary department of their art. So it was with those employed by +Gilles de Rais, and no more instructive chapter in the history of the +frauds of magic can be found than in his confession and that of his +chief magician, Francesco Prelati. The latter had a familiar demon named +Barron, whom he never had any difficulty in evoking when alone, but who +would never show himself when Gilles was present, and in the naïve +accounts which the pair give of their attempts and failures, one cannot +help admiring the quick-witted ingenuity of the Italian and the facile +credulity of the baron. On one occasion, in answer to Prelati’s earnest +prayer for gold, the tantalizing demon spread countless ingots around +the room, but forbade his touching them for some days. When this was +reported to Gilles he naturally desired to feast his eyes upon the +treasure, and Prelati conducted him to the chamber. On opening the door, +however, he<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_474" id="page_474"></a>{474}</span> cried out that he saw a great green serpent as large as a +dog coiled up on the floor, and both took to their heels. Then Gilles +armed himself with a crucifix containing a particle of the true cross, +and insisted on returning, but Prelati warned him that such expedients +only increased the danger, and he desisted. Finally the malicious demon +changed the gold into tinsel, which, when handled, turned into a tawny +dust. It was in vain that Gilles gave to Prelati compacts signed with +his blood, pledging himself to obedience in return for the three gifts +of knowledge, wealth, and power; Barron would have none of them. The +demon was offended with Gilles for not keeping a promise to make some +offering to him; if a small request were made it should be a trifle, +such as a pullet or a dove; if something greater it must be the member +of a child. Children’s bodies were not scarce where Gilles resided, and +he speedily placed in a glass vessel a child’s hand, heart, eyes, and +blood, and gave them to Prelati to offer. Still the demon was obdurate, +and Prelati, as he said, buried the rejected offering in consecrated +ground. Gilles has had the reputation of sacrificing unnumbered children +in his necromantic operations, but this is the only case elicited on his +trial, and the number of times it is brought into the evidence shows the +immense importance attached to it by the prosecution.<a name="FNanchor_515_515" id="FNanchor_515_515"></a><a href="#Footnote_515_515" class="fnanchor">[515]</a></p> + +<p>It was impossible that a career such as this could continue for eight +years without exciting suspicion. Though for the most part Gilles +selected his victims from among the beggars who crowded his castle +gates, attracted by his ostentatious charities—children for whom there +was no one to make inquiry—yet he had his agents out through the land +enticing from parents the offspring whom they would see no more. Two +women, Etiennette Blanchu and Perrine Martin, better known as La +Meffraye, were the most successful of these purveyors, and it came to be +noticed that when he was in Nantes the children who frequented the gates +of his Hôtel de la Suze were apt to disappear unaccountably. His +confidential servants, Henri Griart, known as Henriet, and Étienne +Corillaut, nicknamed Poitou, when they saw a handsome youth would engage +him as a page without concealment, ride off with<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_475" id="page_475"></a>{475}</span> him, and he would be +heard of no more. It is rather curious, indeed, how tardily suspicion +was aroused, for up to within a year or two of the end there were +mothers who had no hesitation in confiding their children to the +terrible baron. At his castles of Tiffauges and Machecoul there was +little disguise. He was <i>haut-justicier</i> in his lands: between him and +his villeins there was, as de Fontaines says, no judge but God; they +could not fly, for they were attached to the glebe, and they could only +rest silent in dread suspense as to where the next bolt would fall. Even +as far off as St. Jean-d’Angely, Machecoul had the name of a place where +children were eaten, and at Tiffauges they said that for one child that +disappeared at Machecoul there were seven at Tiffauges. Yet so far was +the truth from being guessed that the story ran among the peasantry that +Michel de Sillé, when a prisoner with the English, had been obliged to +promise, as part of his ransom, twenty-four boys to serve as pages, and +that when the tale was complete the disappearances would cease. Still +suspicion grew. One of the marshal’s confidants, though not fully +initiated in his secrets, a priest named Eustache Blanchet, grew alarmed +and ran away from Tiffauges, taking up his residence at +Mortagne-sur-Sèvre. Here he learned from Jean Mercier, castellan of La +Roche-sur-Yon, that in Nantes and Clisson and elsewhere it was public +rumor that Gilles killed numbers of children, in order with their blood +to write a necromantic book which, when completed, would enable him to +capture any castle and prevent any one from withstanding him. This grew +to be the popular belief, as recorded by Monstrelet, and so impressed +was Blanchet’s imagination with it that, after his return to Tiffauges, +at Easter, 1440, just before the catastrophe, when Gilles invited him +and another priest into his study to exhibit to them his ornamentation +of the binding of the ceremonial book of his chapel, some sheets of +paper written in red, lying on the desk, convinced him that the popular +report was true. In this little scene, the contrast between the peaceful +artistic labors of the marshal and the dread conjurations supposed to be +written with his own hand in innocent blood, is a type of his strange +career.<a name="FNanchor_516_516" id="FNanchor_516_516"></a><a href="#Footnote_516_516" class="fnanchor">[516]</a></p> + +<p>What was the number of his victims can never be known.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_476" id="page_476"></a>{476}</span> With the +exaggeration customary in such cases some writers have estimated them at +seven hundred or eight hundred. In his confession Gilles said that the +number was great, but he kept no count. In the civil process against him +it is stated at over two hundred, but in the articles of accusation in +the ecclesiastical court, which were elaborately drawn up after +obtaining all possible testimony, the figure is given as one hundred and +forty, more or less, and this is probably a full estimate.<a name="FNanchor_517_517" id="FNanchor_517_517"></a><a href="#Footnote_517_517" class="fnanchor">[517]</a></p> + +<p>Yet, strange as were the crimes of Gilles de Rais, even stranger was his +profound conviction that he had in no way so incurred the wrath of God +that the Church could not readily insure his salvation at the cost of +some of the customary penances. He was solicitous about his soul in a +fashion very uncommon with demon-worshippers, and in all his projected +and rejected compacts with Satan he was careful to insert a clause that +he should not suffer in body or soul. He was regular in the observances +of religion. On the Easter previous to his arrest a witness describes +him as going behind the altar with a priest for confession, and then +taking the communion with the rest of the parishioners, and when these +latter, uneasy at their companionship with so great a lord, desired to +rise he bade them stay, and all remained together until the Eucharist +was administered to all. When he founded his chapter of canons and +dedicated it to the Holy Innocents, there might seem to be a grim +pleasantry in his choice of patron saints, yet there can be no doubt +that he felt that he was thus atoning for the massacre of the innocents +which he himself was constantly perpetrating. More than once he had a +transient emotion of repentance; he took vows to abandon his guilty +life, and by a pilgrimage to the Holy Sepulchre to obtain pardon for the +evil he had wrought—pardon which he never seems to have doubted could +be thus easily won, and reasonably enough, in view of the plenary +indulgences which were so lavishly distributed and sold. After making +his public confession, when he could have no further hope on earth, he +turned to the crowded audience and exhorted them to hold fast to the +Church and to pay her the highest honor. He had always, he said, kept +his heart and his affections on the Church, but for which, in view of +his crimes, he believed that Satan would have strangled<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_477" id="page_477"></a>{477}</span> him and carried +him off, body and soul. This trust in the saving power of the Church +gave him the absolute confidence in his salvation which is not the least +noteworthy feature in his strange character. When, after he and +Francesco Prelati had corroborated each other’s confessions, and they +were about to part, he embraced and kissed his necromancer with sobs and +tears, saying, “<i>Adieu, Francoys, mon amy</i>; we shall see each other no +more in this world: I pray God to give you patience and knowledge: be +certain that if you have patience and hope in God we shall meet each +other in the great joy of paradise. Pray God for me, and I will pray for +you.” There was none of the agonizing doubt that racked the tender +conscientiousness of the Friends of God, no mental struggle, but the +calm assurance, born of implicit belief in the teachings of the Church, +that a man might lead a life of unimaginable crime and at any moment +purchase his salvation.<a name="FNanchor_518_518" id="FNanchor_518_518"></a><a href="#Footnote_518_518" class="fnanchor">[518]</a></p> + +<p>How long Gilles might have continued his devastating career it would be +hard to guess, had it not suited the interest of Duke Jean and of his +chancellor, Jean de Malestroit, Bishop of Nantes, to bring him to the +stake. Both of them had been purchasers of his squandered estates, and +might wish to free themselves from the equity of redemption, and both +might hope to gain from the confiscation of what remained to him. To +assail so redoubtable a baron was, however, a task not lightly to be +undertaken: the Church must be the leader, for the civil power dared not +risk arousing the susceptibilities of the whole baronage of the duchy. +Gilles’s impetuous temper furnished them the excuse.</p> + +<p>The marshal had sold the castle and fief of Saint-Étienne de Malemort to +Geoffroi le Ferron, treasurer of the duke—possibly a cover for the duke +himself—and had delivered seizin to Jean le Ferron, brother of the +purchaser, a man who had received the tonsure and wore the habit of a +clerk, thus entitling him to clerical immunity, even though he performed +no clerical functions. Some cause of quarrel subsequently arose, which +Gilles proceeded to settle in the arbitrary fashion customary at the +time. On Pentecost, 1440, he led a troop of some sixty horsemen to +Saint-Étienne, left them in ambush near the castle, and with a few +followers went to the church where Jean was at his devotions. Mass<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_478" id="page_478"></a>{478}</span> was +about concluded when the intruders rushed in with brandished weapons, +and Gilles addressed Jean: “Ha, scoundrel, thou hast beaten my men and +committed extortions on them; come out or I will kill thee!” It was with +difficulty that the frightened clerk could be reassured. He was dragged +to the gate of the castle and forced to order its surrender, when Gilles +garrisoned it and carried him off, finally imprisoning him in Tiffauges, +chained hand and foot.<a name="FNanchor_519_519" id="FNanchor_519_519"></a><a href="#Footnote_519_519" class="fnanchor">[519]</a></p> + +<p>The offence was one for which the customs of Britanny provided a remedy +in the civil courts, but the duke zealously took up the cause of his +treasurer and summarily ordered his lieutenant-general to surrender the +castle and the prisoners under a penalty of fifty thousand crowns. +Indignant at this unlooked-for intervention, Gilles maltreated the +messengers of the duke, who promptly raised a force and recaptured the +place in dispute. Tiffauges, where the prisoners lay, was in Poitou, +beyond his jurisdiction, but his brother, the Constable de Richemont, +besieged it, and Gilles was forced to liberate them. Having thus +submitted, he ventured in July to visit the duke at Josselin: he had +some doubts as to his reception, but Prelati consulted his demon and +announced that he could go in safety. He was graciously received, and +imagined that the storm had blown over. So safe did he feel that while +at Josselin he continued his atrocities, putting to death several +children and causing Prelati to evoke his demon.<a name="FNanchor_520_520" id="FNanchor_520_520"></a><a href="#Footnote_520_520" class="fnanchor">[520]</a></p> + +<p>While the powers of the State thus hesitated to attack the criminal, the +Church was busily preparing his downfall. He had been guilty of +sacrilege in the violence committed in the church of Saint-Étienne, and +he had violated its immunities in the person of Jean le Ferron. Yet, in +that cruel age, when war spared neither church nor cloister, these were +offences too frequent to justify his ruin, and in the earlier stages of +the proceedings they are not even alluded to. On July 30 Jean de +Malestroit, in whose bishopric of Nantes the barony of Rais was +situated, issued privately a declaration reciting that in a recent +visitation he and his commissioners had found that Gilles was publicly +defamed for<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_479" id="page_479"></a>{479}</span> murdering many children, after gratifying his lust on them, +of invoking the demon with horrid rites, of entering into compacts with +him, and of other enormities. Though in a general way synodal witnesses +were quoted in substantiation of these charges, only eight witnesses +were personally named, seven of them women, all residents of Nantes, +whose subsequent testimony shows us that they had lost children, whose +disappearance they thought they could connect with Gilles. The object of +this paper was doubtless to loosen the tongues of those to whom it might +be shown, but whatever diligence was used in gathering evidence was +fruitless, for when the trial opened, two months later, but two +additional witnesses had been procured, of the same indecisive kind as +the previous ones. The only charge they made was the abduction of +children, and this was in no sense a crime within the competence of the +ecclesiastical court. Evidently the awful secrets of Tiffauges and +Machecoul had not leaked out. It was necessary to hazard something, to +strike boldly, and when Gilles and his retainers were in the hands of +justice its methods could be relied upon to procure from them evidence +sufficient for their own conviction.<a name="FNanchor_521_521" id="FNanchor_521_521"></a><a href="#Footnote_521_521" class="fnanchor">[521]</a></p> + +<p>The blow fell September 13, when the bishop issued a citation summoning +Gilles to appear for trial before him on the 19th. The recital of his +misdeeds in the previous letter was repeated, with the significant +addition of “other crimes and offences savoring of heresy.” This was +served upon him personally the next day, and he made no resistance. Some +rumor of what was impending must have been in the air, for his two chief +instigators and confidants, Gilles de Sillé and Roger de Briqueville, +saved themselves by flight. The rest of his nearest servitors and +procurers, male and female, were seized, including Prelati, and carried +to Nantes. On the 19th he had a private hearing before the bishop. The +prosecuting officer, Guillaume Capeillon, cunningly preferred certain +charges of heresy against him, when he fell into the trap and boldly +offered to purge himself before the bishop or any other ecclesiastical +judge. He was taken at his word, and the 28th was fixed for his +appearance before the bishop and the vice-inquisitor of Nantes, Jean +Blouyn.<a name="FNanchor_522_522" id="FNanchor_522_522"></a><a href="#Footnote_522_522" class="fnanchor">[522]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_480" id="page_480"></a>{480}</span></p> + +<p>The records are imperfect, and tell us nothing of what was done with the +followers of Gilles, but we may be sure that during this interval the +methods of the inquisitorial process were not spared to extract +information from them, and that it was spread among the people to create +public opinion, for already, by the 28th, some of the sorrowing parents +who came forward to confirm their previous complaints assert that since +La Meffraye had been in the secular prison they had been told that she +said their children had been delivered to Gilles. At this hearing of the +28th only these ten witnesses were heard, with their vague conjectures +as to the loss of their offspring. Gilles was not present, and +apparently the result of the torture of his servants had not yet been +satisfactory, for further proceedings were adjourned till October +8.<a name="FNanchor_523_523" id="FNanchor_523_523"></a><a href="#Footnote_523_523" class="fnanchor">[523]</a></p> + +<p>In the succeeding hearings the rule of secrecy seems to have been +abandoned. There evidently was extreme anxiety to create popular opinion +against the prisoner, for the court-room in the Tour Neuve was crowded. +On October 8 proceedings opened with the frantic cries of the bereaved +parents clamoring for justice against him who had despoiled them and had +committed a black catalogue of crimes, which shows that since their last +appearance their ignorance had been carefully enlightened. Like the +chorus of a Greek tragedy, the same dramatic use was made of them on the +11th, after which, as the object was presumably accomplished, they +disappear.<a name="FNanchor_524_524" id="FNanchor_524_524"></a><a href="#Footnote_524_524" class="fnanchor">[524]</a></p> + +<p>At the hearing of the 8th the articles of accusation were presented +orally by the prosecutor. Gilles thereupon appealed from the court, but +as his appeal was verbal it was promptly set aside, though no offer was +made to him of counsel, or even of a notary to reduce it to writing. If +anything could move us to commiseration for such a criminal it would be +the mockery of justice in a trial where, alone and unaided, he was +called upon to defend his life without preparation or the means of +defence. He doubtless was guilty, but if he had been innocent the result +would have been the same. Yet the trial was not carried on “<i>simpliciter +et de plano</i>” according to the forms of the Inquisition. There was a +semblance of a <i>litis contestatio</i>. The prosecutor took the <i>juramentum +de calumnia</i>, to tell the truth and avoid deceit, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_481" id="page_481"></a>{481}</span> demanded that +Gilles should do the same, as prescribed by legal form, but the latter +obstinately refused, though summoned four times and threatened with +excommunication. The only notice he would take of the proceedings was to +denounce all the charges as false.<a name="FNanchor_525_525" id="FNanchor_525_525"></a><a href="#Footnote_525_525" class="fnanchor">[525]</a></p> + +<p>It was worse at the hearing of the 13th, when the accusations had been +reduced to writing in a formidable series of forty-nine articles. When +the bishop and inquisitor asked him what he had to say in defence, +Gilles haughtily retorted that they were not his judges; he had appealed +from them and would make no reply to the charges. Then, giving rein to +his temper, he stigmatized them as simoniacs and scoundrels, before whom +it was degradation for him to appear; he would rather be hanged by the +neck than acknowledge them as his judges; he wondered that Pierre de +l’Hôpital, president or chief judicial officer of Brittany, who was +present, would allow ecclesiastics to meddle with such crimes as were +alleged against him. In spite of his reclamations the indictment was +read, when he simply denounced it as a pack of lies and refused to +answer formally. Then, after repeated warnings, the bishop and +inquisitor pronounced him contumacious and excommunicated him. He again +appealed, but the appeal was rejected as frivolous, and he was given +forty-eight hours in which to frame a defence.<a name="FNanchor_526_526" id="FNanchor_526_526"></a><a href="#Footnote_526_526" class="fnanchor">[526]</a></p> + +<p>The charges formed a long and most elaborate paper, showing by its +detail of individual cases that by this time Gilles’s servitors must +have been induced to make full confessions. For the first time there +appear in it the sacrilege and violation of clerical immunity committed +at Saint-Étienne, and the charge of child-murder only figures as an +accessory to the other crimes to which it was connected. Everything, +however, that could be alleged against him was gathered together, even +to inordinate eating and drinking, which were assumed to have led to his +other excesses. His transient fits of repentance and vows of amendment +were utilized ingeniously to prove that he was a relapsed heretic and +thus deprived of all chance of escape. In the conclusion the prosecutor +apportioned the charges between the two jurisdictions. The bishop and +inquisitor conjointly were prayed to declare him<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_482" id="page_482"></a>{482}</span> guilty of heretical +apostasy and the invocation of demons, while the bishop alone was to +pronounce sentence on his unnatural crimes and sacrilege, the +Inquisition having no cognizance of these offences. It is worthy of note +that there is no allusion to alchemy; apparently it was not regarded as +an unlawful pursuit.<a name="FNanchor_527_527" id="FNanchor_527_527"></a><a href="#Footnote_527_527" class="fnanchor">[527]</a></p> + +<p>It is not easy to understand what followed. When two days later, on the +15th, Gilles was brought into court he was a changed man. We have no +means of knowing what influences had meanwhile been brought to bear upon +him, but the only probable explanation would seem to be that he +recognized from the details of the charges that his servants had been +forced to betray him, that further resistance would only subject him to +torture, and, in his earnest care for the salvation of his soul, that +submission to the Church and endurance of the inevitable was the only +path to heaven. Still, he could not at once summon resolution to incur +the humiliation of a detailed public confession. While he humbly +admitted the bishop and inquisitor to be his judges, and on bended knee, +with tears and sighs, craved their pardon for the insults which he had +showered upon them, and begged for absolution from the excommunication +incurred by contumacy; while he took with the prosecutor the <i>juramentum +de calumnia</i>; while in general terms he acknowledged that he had no +objection to make to the charges and confessed the crimes alleged +against him, yet when he was required to answer to the articles +<i>seriatim</i> he at once denied that he had invoked, or caused to be +invoked, any malignant spirits; he had, it is true, dabbled in alchemy, +but he freely offered himself to be burned if the witnesses to be +produced, whose testimony he was willing to accept in advance, should +prove that he had invoked demons or entered into pacts with them and +offered them sacrifices. All the rest of the charges he specifically +denied, but he invited the prosecutor to produce what witnesses he +chose, and he (Gilles) would admit their evidence to be conclusive. +Although in all this there is a contradiction which casts doubt upon the +frankness of the official record, it may perhaps be explained by +vacillation not improbable in his terrible position. He did not shrink, +however, when his servants and agents, Henriet, Poitou, Prelati, +Blanchet, and his two procuresses were brought forward and sworn in his<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_483" id="page_483"></a>{483}</span> +presence; he declined the offer of the bishop and inquisitor to frame +the interrogatories for their examination, and he declared that he would +stand to their depositions and make no exceptions to them or to their +evidence. It was the same when, on the 15th and 19th, additional +witnesses were sworn in his presence. The examinations of these +witnesses, however, were made by notaries in private. The depositions +made by Henriet and Poitou, which have been preserved to us, are hideous +catalogues of the foulest crimes, minute in their specifications, though +the identity between them in trifles, where omissions or discrepancies +would be natural, strongly suggests manipulation either of witnesses or +of records. That of Prelati is equally full in its details of +necromancy, and raises at once the question, not easily answered, why +the necromancer, who had richly earned the stake, seems to have escaped +all punishment; and the same may be said as to Blanchet, La Meffraye and +her colleague, and some others of those involved. It is worthy of note, +that in these confessions or depositions the customary formula that they +are made without fear, force, or favor is conspicuous by its +absence.<a name="FNanchor_528_528" id="FNanchor_528_528"></a><a href="#Footnote_528_528" class="fnanchor">[528]</a></p> + +<p>At the hearing of October 20 Gilles was again asked if he had anything +to propose, and he replied in the negative. He waived all delay as to +the publication of the evidence against him, and when the depositions of +his accomplices were read he said he had no exceptions to make to them; +in fact, that the publication was unnecessary in view of what he had +already said, and what he intended to confess. One would think that this +was quite sufficient, for his guilt was thus proved and admitted, but +the infernal curiosity of the jurisprudence of the time was never +satisfied until it had wrung from the accused a detailed and formal +confession. The prosecutor, therefore, earnestly demanded of the bishop +and inquisitor that Gilles should be tortured, in order, as he said, to +develop the truth more fully. They consulted with the experts and +decided that torture should be applied.<a name="FNanchor_529_529" id="FNanchor_529_529"></a><a href="#Footnote_529_529" class="fnanchor">[529]</a></p> + +<p>The proud man had hoped to be spared the humiliation of a detailed +confession, but this was not to be allowed. On the next<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_484" id="page_484"></a>{484}</span> day, October +21, the bishop and inquisitor ordered him to be brought in and tortured. +Everything was in readiness for it, when he humbly begged them to defer +it until the next day, and that meanwhile he would make up his mind so +as to satisfy them and render it unnecessary. He further asked that they +should commission the Bishop of Saint-Brieuc and Pierre de l’Hôpital to +hear his confession in a place apart from the torture. This last prayer +they granted, but they would only give him a respite until two o’clock, +with the promise of a further postponement until the next day, in case +he confessed meanwhile. When the confession made that afternoon, under +these circumstances, is officially declared to have been made “freely +and willingly and without coercion of any kind,” it affords another +example of the value of these customary formulas.<a name="FNanchor_530_530" id="FNanchor_530_530"></a><a href="#Footnote_530_530" class="fnanchor">[530]</a></p> + +<p>Before the commissioners he made no difficulty of accusing himself of +all the crimes wherewith he stood charged. Pierre de l’Hôpital found the +recital hard of credence, and pressed him vigorously to disclose the +motive which had led to their commission. He was not satisfied with +Gilles’s declaration that it was simply to gratify his passions, till he +exclaimed, “Truly, there was no other cause, object, or intention than I +have said. I have told you greater things than that—enough to put ten +thousand men to death.” The president pressed the matter no further, but +sent for Prelati, when the two accomplices freely confirmed each other’s +statements, and they parted in tears with the affectionate farewell +already alluded to.<a name="FNanchor_531_531" id="FNanchor_531_531"></a><a href="#Footnote_531_531" class="fnanchor">[531]</a></p> + +<p>There was no further talk of torture. Gilles was now fairly embarked in +his new course. Apparently resolved to win heaven by contrition and by +the assistance of the Church, this extraordinary man presents, during +the remainder of the trial, a spectacle which is probably without an +example. When, on the next day, October 22, he was brought before his +judges, the proud and haughty baron desired that his confession should +be read in public, so that his humiliation should aid in winning pardon +from God. Not content with this, he supplemented his confession with +abundant details of his atrocities, as though seeking to make to God an +acceptable oblation of his pride. Finally, after exhorting those<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_485" id="page_485"></a>{485}</span> +present to honor and obey the Church, he begged with abundant tears +their prayers, and entreated pardon of the parents whose children he had +murdered.<a name="FNanchor_532_532" id="FNanchor_532_532"></a><a href="#Footnote_532_532" class="fnanchor">[532]</a></p> + +<p>On the 25th he was brought up for sentence. After the bishop and +inquisitor had duly consulted their assembly of experts, two sentences +were read. The first, in the name of both judges, condemned him as +guilty of heretical apostasy and horrid invocation of demons, for which +he had incurred excommunication and other penalties of the law, and for +which he should be punished according to the canonical sanctions. The +second sentence, rendered by the bishop alone, in the same form, +condemned him for unnatural crime, for sacrilege, and for violating the +immunities of the Church. In neither sentence was there any punishment +indicated. He was not pronounced relapsed, and therefore could not be +abandoned to the secular arm, and it was apparently deemed superfluous +to enjoin on him any penance, as a prosecution had been going on <i>pari +passu</i> in the secular court, of which the result was not in doubt. The +ecclesiastical court had dropped the accusation of murder, after it had +served its purpose in exciting popular odium, and had left it to the +civil authorities to which it belonged. In fact, the whole elaborate +proceedings were a nullity, except so far as they served as a shield for +the civil process, and as a basis for confiscating his estates.<a name="FNanchor_533_533" id="FNanchor_533_533"></a><a href="#Footnote_533_533" class="fnanchor">[533]</a></p> + +<p>After the reading of the sentences he was asked if he wished +reincorporation in the Church. He replied that he had not known what +heresy was, nor that he had lapsed into it, but as the Church had +declared him guilty, he begged on his knees, with sighs and groans, to +be reincorporated. When this ceremony was accomplished he asked for +absolution, which was granted. It shows the deceptive nature of the +whole proceedings, and how little the bishop and inquisitor thought of +anything but the secret object to be attained, that although Gilles was +condemned for heresy, he was absolved without subjection to the +indispensable ceremony of abjuration, and his request for a confessor +was promptly met by the appointment of Jean Juvenal, a Carmelite of +Ploermel.<a name="FNanchor_534_534" id="FNanchor_534_534"></a><a href="#Footnote_534_534" class="fnanchor">[534]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_486" id="page_486"></a>{486}</span></p> + +<p>From the Tour Neuve, where the ecclesiastical court held its sittings, +Gilles was at once hurried before the secular tribunal in the Bouffay. +It had commenced its inquest on September 18, and had been busily +employed in collecting evidence concerning the child-murders, besides +which, its presiding judge, Pierre de l’Hôpital, had been present at +much of the ecclesiastical trial, and had personally received Gilles’s +confession. It was thus fully prepared to act, and indeed had already +condemned Henriet and Poitou to be hanged and burned. When Gilles was +brought in and arraigned he immediately confessed. Pierre urged him to +confess in full, and thus obtain alleviation of the penalty due to his +sins, and he freely complied. Then the president took the opinions of +his assessors, who all voted in favor of death, although there was some +difference as to the form. Finally Pierre announced that he had incurred +the “<i>peines pecunielles</i>” which were to be levied on his goods and +lands “with moderation of justice.” As for his crimes, for these he was +to be hanged and burned, and that he might have opportunity to crave +mercy of God, the time was fixed for one o’clock the next day. Gilles +thanked him for the designation of the hour, adding that as he and his +servants, Henriet and Poitou, had committed the crimes together, he +asked that they might be executed together, so that he who was the cause +of their guilt might admonish them, and show them the example of a good +death, and by the grace of our Lord be the cause of their salvation. If, +he said, they did not see him die they might think that he escaped, and +thus be cast into despair. Not only was this request granted, but he was +told that he might select the place of his burial, when he chose the +Carmelite church, the sepulchre of the dukes, and of all that was most +illustrious in Brittany. As a last prayer, he begged that the bishop and +clergy might be requested to walk in procession prior to his execution +the next day, to pray God to keep him and his servants in firm belief of +salvation. This was granted, and the morning saw the extraordinary +spectacle of the clergy, followed by the whole population of Nantes, who +had been clamoring for his death, marching through the streets and +singing and praying for his salvation.<a name="FNanchor_535_535" id="FNanchor_535_535"></a><a href="#Footnote_535_535" class="fnanchor">[535]</a></p> + +<p>On the way to execution Gilles devoted himself to comforting<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_487" id="page_487"></a>{487}</span> the +servants whom he had brought to a shameful death, assuring them that as +soon as their souls should leave their bodies they would all meet in +paradise. The men were as contrite and as sure of salvation as their +master, declaring that they welcomed death in their unbounded trust in +God. They were all mounted on stands over piles of wood, with halters +around their necks attached to the gallows. The stands were pushed +aside, and as they swung the fagots were lighted. Henriet and Poitou +were allowed to burn to ashes, but when Gilles’s halter was burned +through and his body fell, the ladies of his kindred rushed forward and +plucked it from the flames. It was honored with a magnificent funeral, +and it is said that some of the bones were kept by his family as relics +of his repentance.<a name="FNanchor_536_536" id="FNanchor_536_536"></a><a href="#Footnote_536_536" class="fnanchor">[536]</a></p> + +<p>Under the Breton laws execution for crime entailed confiscation of +movables to the seigneur justicier, but not of the landed estates. +Condemnation for heresy, as we have seen, everywhere carried with it +indiscriminate confiscation and inflicted disabilities for two +generations. Gilles was convicted as a heretic, but the secular sentence +is obscure on the subject of confiscation, and in the intricate and +prolonged litigation which arose over his inheritance it is difficult to +determine to what extent confiscation was enforced. Some twenty years +later the “Mémoire des Héritiers” argues that death had expiated his +crimes and removed all cause of confiscation, which would seem to +indicate that it had taken place. Certain it is that, to assist the Duke +of Brittany, René of Anjou in 1450 confiscated Champtocé and Ingrandes, +which were under his jurisdiction, and ceded them to the duke to confirm +his title. Charles VII., on the other side, had already decreed +confiscation in order to help the heirs.<a name="FNanchor_537_537" id="FNanchor_537_537"></a><a href="#Footnote_537_537" class="fnanchor">[537]</a></p> + +<p>No disabilities were inflicted upon the descendants, and the house was +still regarded as eligible to the noblest alliances. After a year of +widowhood, Catharine de Thouars married Jean de Vendôme, Vidame of +Chartres, and in 1442 Gilles’s daughter, Marie, espoused Prégent de +Coétivy, Admiral of France and one of the most powerful men in the royal +court. He must have considered the match most desirable, for he +submitted to hard conditions in<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_488" id="page_488"></a>{488}</span> the marriage contract. He resolutely +set to work to recover the alienated or confiscated lands, and succeeded +in gaining possession of some of the finest estates, including Champtocé +and Ingrandes, though his death at the siege of Cherbourg, in 1450, +prevented his enjoying them. Marie not long after was remarried with +André de Laval, Marshal and Admiral of France, who caused her rights to +be respected, but on her death without issue in 1457 the inheritance +passed to Gilles’s brother, René de la Suze. The interminable litigation +revived and continued until after his death in 1474. He left but one +daughter, who had been married to the Prince de Déols in 1446; they had +but one son, André de Chauvigny, who died without issue in 1502, when +the race became extinct. The barony of Rais lapsed into the house of +Tournemine, and at length passed into that of Gondy, to become +celebrated in the seventeenth century through the Cardinal de Retz.<a name="FNanchor_538_538" id="FNanchor_538_538"></a><a href="#Footnote_538_538" class="fnanchor">[538]</a></p> + +<p>Admitting as we must the guilt of Gilles de Rais, all this throws an +uncomfortable doubt over the sincerity of his trial and conviction, and +this is not lessened by the fate of his accomplices. Only Henriet and +Poitou appear to have suffered; there is no trace of the death-penalty +inflicted on any of the rest, though their criminality was sufficient +for the most condign punishment, and the facility with which +self-incriminating evidence was obtainable by the use of torture +rendered unknown the device of purchasing testimony with pardon. Gilles +de Sillé, who was regarded as the worst of the marshal’s instigators, +disappeared and was heard of no more. Next to him ranked Roger de +Briqueville. It is somewhat mysterious that the family seem to have +regarded this man with favor. Marie de Rais cherished his children with +tender care. In 1446 he obtained from Charles VII. letters of remission +rehabilitating him, which he certainly could not have procured had not +Prégent de Coétivy favored him, and the latter, in a letter to his +brother Oliver, in 1449, desires to be remembered to Roger.<a name="FNanchor_539_539" id="FNanchor_539_539"></a><a href="#Footnote_539_539" class="fnanchor">[539]</a></p> + +<p>If the student feels that there is an impenetrable mystery shrouding the +truth in this remarkable case, the Breton peasant was troubled with no +such doubts. To him Gilles remained the embodiment of cruelty and +ferocity. I am not sufficiently versed in folk-lore to express an +opinion whether M. Bossard is correct in<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_489" id="page_489"></a>{489}</span> maintaining that Gilles is the +original of Bluebeard, the monster of the nursery-tale rendered +universally popular in the version of Charles Perrault. Yet, even +without admitting that the story is of Breton origin, there would seem +to be no doubt that in Brittany, La Vendée, Anjou, and Poitou, where the +terrible baron had his chosen seats of residence, he is known by the +name of Bluebeard, and the legend—possibly an older one—of cruelty to +seven wives, has been attached to him who had but one, and who left that +one a widow. Tradition relates how the demon changed to a brilliant blue +the magnificent red beard that was his pride; and everywhere, at +Tiffauges, at Champtocé, at Machecoul, for the peasant, Bluebeard is the +lord of the castle where Gilles ruled over their forefathers. Even yet, +when the dreaded ruins are approached at dusk, the wayfarer crosses +himself and holds his breath. In one ballad the name of Bluebeard and of +the Baron de Rais are interchanged as identical, and Jean de Malestroit, +Bishop of Nantes, is the champion who delivers the terrorized people +from their oppressor.<a name="FNanchor_540_540" id="FNanchor_540_540"></a><a href="#Footnote_540_540" class="fnanchor">[540]</a></p> + +<p> </p> + +<p>Another phase of the popular belief in magic is illustrated in Don +Enrique de Aragon, commonly known as the Marquis of Villena. Born in +1384, uniting the royal blood of both Castile and Aragon, his +grandfather, the Duke of Gandia and Constable of Castile, destined him +for a military life, and forbade his instruction in aught but knightly +accomplishments. The child’s keen thirst for knowledge, however, +overcame all obstacles, and he became a marvel of learning for his +unlettered companions. He spoke numerous languages, he was gifted as a +poet, and he became a voluminous historian. The occult arts formed too +prominent a portion of the learning of the day for him to neglect them, +and he became noted for his skill in divination, and for interpreting +dreams, sneezes, and portents—things, we are told, not befitting a +royal prince or a good Catholic, wherefore he was held in slight esteem +by the kings of his time, and in little reverence by the fierce chivalry +of Spain. In fact, he is spoken of in terms of undisguised contempt, as +one who with all his acquirements knew little that was worth knowing, +and who was unfit for knighthood and for worldly affairs, even for +regulating his own household; that he<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_490" id="page_490"></a>{490}</span> was short and fat, and unduly +fond of women and of eating. His astrological learning was ridiculed in +the saying that he knew much of heaven and little of earth. He left his +wife and gave up his earldom of Tineo in order to obtain the mastership +of the Order of Calatrava, but the king soon deprived him of it, and +thus, in the words of the chronicler, he lost both. After his death, at +the age of fifty, in 1434, the King Juan II. ordered all his books to be +examined by Fray Lope de Barrientos, afterwards Bishop of Cuenca, a +professor of Salamanca and tutor of the Infante Enrique. A portion of +them Fray Lope burned publicly on the plaza of the Dominican convent of +Madrid, where the marquis lay buried. He kept the rest—probably to aid +him in the books on the occult sciences which he wrote at command of the +king.</p> + +<p>Don Enrique evidently was a man of culture despised by a barbarous age +which could see in his varied accomplishments only the magic skill so +suggestive to the popular imagination. He was no vulgar magician. In his +commentary on the Æneid he speaks of magic as a forbidden science, of +whose forty different varieties he gives a curious classification. The +only one of his writings that has reached us on a topic of the kind is a +treatise on the evil eye. In common with his age he regards this as an +admitted fact, but he attributes it to natural causes; and in the long +and learned catalogue of remedies employed by different races from +ancient times, he counsels abstinence from those which savor of +superstition and are forbidden by the Church. Had he seriously devoted +himself to the occult sciences he would scarce have written his “Art of +Carving,” which was printed in 1766. In this work he not only gives the +most minute directions for carving all manner of flesh, fowls, fish, and +fruits, but gravely proposes that there shall be a school for training +youth of gentle blood in this indispensable accomplishment, with +privileges and honors to reward the most efficient graduates.</p> + +<p>Yet of this unworldly scholar, neglected and despised during life, +popular exaggeration speedily made a magician of wondrous power. His +legend grew until there was nothing too wild to be attributed to him. He +caused himself to be cut up and packed in a flask with certain +conjurations, so as to become immortal; he rendered himself invisible +with the herb Andromeda; he turned the sun blood-red with the stone +heliotrope; he brought rain and<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_491" id="page_491"></a>{491}</span> tempest with a copper vessel; he +divined the future with the stone chelonites; he gave his shadow to the +devil in the cave of San Cebrian. Every feat of magic was attributed to +him; he became the inexhaustible theme of playwright and story-teller, +and to the present day he is the favorite magician of the Spanish stage. +From this example it is easy to trace the evolution of the myths of +Michael Scot, Roger Bacon, Albertus Magnus, Pietro d’ Abano, Dr. +Faustus, and other popular necromantic heroes.<a name="FNanchor_541_541" id="FNanchor_541_541"></a><a href="#Footnote_541_541" class="fnanchor">[541]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_492" id="page_492"></a>{492}</span></p> + +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_VII" id="CHAPTER_VII"></a>CHAPTER VII.<br /><br /> +<small>WITCHCRAFT.</small></h2> + +<p>W<small>HILE</small>, as we have seen, princes and warriors were toying with the +dangerous mysteries of the occult sciences, influencing the destinies of +states, there had been for half a century a gradually increasing +development of sorcery in a different direction among the despised +peasantry, which, before it ran its course, worked far greater evils +than any which had thus far sprung from the same source, and left an +ineffaceable stain upon the civilization and intelligence of Europe. +There is no very precise line of demarcation to be drawn between the +more pretentious magic and the vulgar details of witchcraft; they find +their origin in the same beliefs and fade into each other by +imperceptible gradations, and yet, historically speaking, the witchcraft +with which we now have to deal is a manifestation of which the +commencement cannot be distinctly traced backward much beyond the +fifteenth century. Its practitioners were not learned clerks or shrewd +swindlers, but ignorant peasants, for the most part women, who professed +to have skill to help or to ban, or who were credited by their neighbors +with such power, and were feared and hated accordingly. Of such we hear +little during the darkest portion of the Middle Ages, but with the dawn +of modern culture they confront us as a strange phenomenon, of which the +proximate cause is exceedingly obscure. Probably it may be traced to the +effort of the theologians to prove that all superstitious practices were +heretical in implying a tacit pact with Satan, as declared by the +University of Paris. Thus the innocent devices of the wise-women in +culling simples, or in muttering charms, came to be regarded as implying +demon-worship. When this conception once came to be firmly implanted in +the minds of judges and inquisitors, it was inevitable that with the +rack they should extort from their victims confessions in accordance +with their expectations. Every new trial would add fresh<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_493" id="page_493"></a>{493}</span> embellishments +to this, until at last there was built up a stupendous mass of facts +which demonologists endeavored to reduce to a science for the guidance +of the tribunals.</p> + +<p>That such was the origin of the new witchcraft is rendered still more +probable by the fact that its distinguishing feature was the worship of +Satan in the Sabbat, or assemblage, held mostly at night, to which men +and women were transported through the air, either spontaneously or +astride of a stick or stool, or mounted on a demon in the shape of a +goat, a dog, or some other animal, and where hellish rites were +celebrated and indiscriminate license prevailed. Divested of the +devil-worship now first introduced, such assemblages have formed part of +the belief of all races. In Hindu superstition the witches, through the +use of mystic spells, flew naked through the night to the places of +meeting, where they danced, or to a cemetery, where they gorged +themselves with human flesh or revived the dead to satiate their lust. +The Hebrew witch flew to the Sabbat with her hair loosened, as when it +was bound she was unable to exercise her full power. Among the Norsemen +we have seen the <i>trolla-thing</i>, or assemblage of witches, for their +unholy purposes.<a name="FNanchor_542_542" id="FNanchor_542_542"></a><a href="#Footnote_542_542" class="fnanchor">[542]</a> In the Middle Ages the first allusion which we +meet concerning it occurs in a fragment, not later than the ninth +century, in which it is treated as a diabolical illusion—“Some wicked +women, reverting to Satan, and seduced by the illusions and phantasms of +demons, believe and profess that they ride at night with Diana on +certain beasts, with an innumerable multitude of women, passing over +immense distances, obeying her commands as their mistress, and evoked by +her on certain nights. It were well if they alone perished in their +infidelity and did not draw so many along with them. For innumerable +multitudes, deceived by this false opinion, believe all this to be true, +and thus relapse into pagan errors. Therefore, priests everywhere should +preach that they know this to be false, and that such phantasms are sent +by the Evil Spirit, who deludes them in dreams. Who is there who is not +led out of himself in dreams, seeing much in sleeping that he never saw +waking? And who is such a fool that he believes that to happen in the +body which is only done in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_494" id="page_494"></a>{494}</span> spirit? It is to be taught to all that +he who believes such things has lost his faith, and he who has not the +true faith is not of God, but the devil.” In some way this utterance +came to be attributed to a Council of Anquira, which could never be +identified; it was adopted by the canonists and embodied in the +successive collections of Regino, Burchard, Ivo, and Gratian—the latter +giving it the stamp of unquestioned authority—and it became known among +the doctors as the <i>Cap. Episcopi</i>. The selection of Diana as the +presiding genius of these illusory assemblages carries the belief back +to classical times, when Diana, as the moon, was naturally a +night-flyer, and was one of the manifestations of the triform Hecate, +the favorite patroness of sorcerers. Under the Barbarians, however, her +functions were changed. In the sixth century we hear of “the demon whom +the peasants call Diana,” who vexed a girl and inflicted on her visible +stripes, until expelled by St. Cæsarius of Arles. Diana was the +<i>dæmonium meridianum</i>, and the name is used by John XXII. as synonymous +with succubus. In some inexplicable way Bishop Burchard, in the eleventh +century, when copying the text, came to add to Diana Herodias, who +remained in the subsequent recensions, but Burchard in another passage +substitutes as the leader Holda, the Teutonic deity of various aspect, +sometimes beneficent to housewives and sometimes a member of Wuotan’s +Furious Host. In a tract attributed to St. Augustin, but probably +ascribable to Hugues de S. Victor, in the twelfth century, the companion +of Diana is Minerva, and in some conciliar canons of a later date there +appears another being known as Benzozia, or Bizazia; but John of +Salisbury, who alludes to the belief as an illustration of the illusions +of dreams, speaks only of Herodias as presiding over the feasts for +which these midnight assemblages were held. We also meet with Holda, in +her beneficent capacity as the mistress of the revels, under the name of +the Domina Abundia or Dame Habonde. She was the chief of the <i>dominæ +nocturnæ</i>, who frequented houses at night and were thought to bring +abundance of temporal goods. In the year 1211 Gervais of Tilbury shows +the growth of this belief in his account of the <i>lamiæ</i> or <i>mascœ</i>, who +flew by night and entered houses, performing mischievous pranks rather +than malignant crimes, and he prudently avoids deciding whether this is +an illusion or not. He also had personal knowledge of women who flew by +night in crowds with<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_495" id="page_495"></a>{495}</span> these <i>lamiæ</i>, when any one who incautiously +pronounced the name of Christ was precipitated to the earth. Half a +century later Jean de Meung tells us that those who ride with Dame +Habonde claim that they number a third of the population, and when the +Inquisition undertook the suppression of sorcery, in its formula of +interrogatories, as we have seen in the preceding chapter, there was a +question as to the night-riding of the good women.<a name="FNanchor_543_543" id="FNanchor_543_543"></a><a href="#Footnote_543_543" class="fnanchor">[543]</a></p> + +<p>Thus the Church, in its efforts to suppress these relics of pagandom, +preferred to regard the nocturnal assemblages as a fiction, and +denounced as heretical the belief in the reality of the delusion. This, +as part of the canon law, remained unalterable, but alongside of it grew +up, with the development of heresy, tales of secret conventicles, +somewhat similar in character, in which the sectaries worshipped the +demon in the form of a cat or other beast, and celebrated their impious +and impure rites. Stories such as this are told of the Cathari punished +at Orleans in 1017, and of their successors in later times; and the +Universal Doctor, Alain de Lille, even derives the name of Cathari from +their kissing Lucifer under<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_496" id="page_496"></a>{496}</span> the tail in the shape of a cat.<a name="FNanchor_544_544" id="FNanchor_544_544"></a><a href="#Footnote_544_544" class="fnanchor">[544]</a> How +the investigators of heresy came to look for such assemblages as a +matter of course, and led the accused to embellish them until they +assumed nearly the development of the subsequent Witches’ Sabbat, is +seen in the confessions of Conrad of Marburg’s Luciferans, and in some +of those of the Templars.</p> + +<p>Yet the belief in the night-riders with Diana and Herodias continued, +until the latter part of the fifteenth century, to be denounced as a +heresy, and any one who persisted in retaining it after learning the +truth was declared to be an infidel and worse than a pagan.<a name="FNanchor_545_545" id="FNanchor_545_545"></a><a href="#Footnote_545_545" class="fnanchor">[545]</a> It was +too thoroughly implanted, however, in ancestral popular superstition to +be eradicated. In the middle of the thirteenth century the orthodox +Dominican, Thomas of Cantimpré, speaks of the demons who, like Diana, +transport men from one region to another and delude them into +worshipping mortals as gods. Others, he says, carry away women, +replacing them with insensible images, who are sometimes buried as +though dead. Thus, when the peasant wise-women came to be examined as to +their dealings with Satan, they could hardly help, under intolerable +torture, from satisfying their examiners with accounts of their +nocturnal flights. Between judge and victim it was easy to build up a +coherent story, combining the ancient popular belief with the heretical +conventicles, and the time soon came when the confession of a witch was +regarded as incomplete without an account of her attendance at the +Sabbat, which was the final test of her abandonment to Satan. These +stories became so universal and so complete in all their details that +they could not be rejected without discrediting the whole structure of +witchcraft. The theory of illusion was manifestly untenable, and +demonologists and inquisitors were sadly at a loss to reconcile the +incontrovertible facts with the denunciations by the Church of such +beliefs as heresy. A warm controversy arose. Some held to the old +doctrine that the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_497" id="page_497"></a>{497}</span> devil cannot transport a human body or make it pass +through a disproportionate opening, but they endeavored to explain the +admitted facts by enlarging on his powers of creating illusions. The +witch consecrated herself to him with words and with anointing, when he +would take her figure or phantasm and lead it where she wished, while +her body remained insensible and covered with a diabolical shadow, +rendering it invisible; when the object had been accomplished, he +brought back the phantasm, reunited it to the body, and removed the +shadow. The question turned upon the ability of the devil to carry off +human beings, and this was hotly debated. A case adduced by Albertus +Magnus, in a disputation on the subject before the Bishop of Paris, and +recorded by Thomas of Cantimpré, in which the daughter of the Count of +Schwalenberg was regularly carried away every night for several hours, +gave immense satisfaction to the adherents of the new doctrine, and +eventually an ample store of more modern instances was accumulated to +confirm Satan in his enlarged privileges.<a name="FNanchor_546_546" id="FNanchor_546_546"></a><a href="#Footnote_546_546" class="fnanchor">[546]</a></p> + +<p>In 1458 the Inquisitor Nicholas Jaquerius hit upon the true solution of +the difficulty by arguing that the existing sect of witches was wholly +different from the heretics alluded to in the <i>Cap. Episcopi</i>, and +adduced in evidence of their bodily presence in the Sabbat numberless +cases which had come before him in his official capacity, including one +of a man who, as a child, fifty-five years before, had been carried +thither by his mother in company with an infant brother, and presented +to Satan wearing the form of a goat, who with his hoofs had imprinted on +them an indelible mark—the <i>stigma diabolicum</i>. Jaquerius, however, +adds, reasonably enough, that even if the affair is an illusion, it is +none the less heretical, as the followers of Diana and Herodias are +necessarily<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_498" id="page_498"></a>{498}</span> heretics in their waking hours. These speculations of +Jaquerius attracted little attention at the time. Thirty years later, +Sprenger, who did so much to formulate belief and organize persecution, +found the <i>Cap. Episcopi</i> a constant stumbling-block in his path, as +sceptics were apt to argue that, if the Sabbat was an illusion, all +witchcraft was illusory. He endeavored, therefore, to argue it away, +assuming that, while the devil undoubtedly possessed the power of +transportation, the presence of the witch frequently was only mental. In +such case she lay down on the left side and invoked the devil, when a +whitish vapor would issue from her mouth, and she saw all that occurred. +If she went personally, and had a husband, an accommodating demon would +assume her shape and take her place to conceal her absence. +Gianfrancesco Pico della Mirandola takes the same ground, that presence +at the Sabbat was sometimes real and sometimes imaginary; the place of +assemblage was beyond the river Jordan, and transportation thither took +place instantaneously. He avoids the definition of the <i>Cap. Episcopi</i> +by assuming that the Decretum of Gratian had not the authority of law, +and was corrupt in many places. The Inquisitor Bernardo di Como, about +1500, in addition to these arguments, had triumphantly adduced the fact +that numerous persons had been burned for attending the Sabbat, which +could not have been done without the assent of the pope, and this was +sufficient proof that the heresy was real, for the Church punishes only +manifest crimes.<a name="FNanchor_547_547" id="FNanchor_547_547"></a><a href="#Footnote_547_547" class="fnanchor">[547]</a></p> + +<p>About this time the learned jurist, Gianfrancesco Ponzinibio, wrote a +tract on the subject of witchcraft in which he upheld the doctrine of +the <i>Cap. Episcopi</i> and boldly applied it to all magic and sorcery, +which he treated as delusions. With a vast array of authorities he +proved his case; he exposed the baldness of the pretence that existing +witches belonged to a different sect; he argued that their confessions +are not to be received, as they confess what is illusory and impossible, +and that their evidence as to their associates is to be rejected, as +they are deluded and can only delude others. Lawyers, he added, ought to +take part in trials before the Inquisition, as they are trained to deal +with criminal<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_499" id="page_499"></a>{499}</span> cases. This aroused the learned theologian, Silvestro +Mozzolino of Prierio, Master of the Sacred Palace and subsequently +Dominican General, who, in 1521, responded in a voluminous treatise +devoted to the disputed canon. As the utterance of the Council of +Anquira, presumably confirmed by the Holy See, he does not dare to deny +its authority, but he adopts the same reasoning as Jaquerius, and +laboriously argues that the heretics to whom it refers had disappeared, +that the existing witches are a new sect, originating in 1404, and that +the definitions of the canon are, therefore, obsolete and inapplicable +to existing circumstances. To deny the bodily presence of witches at the +Sabbat, he says, is to discredit the infinite number of cases tried by +the Inquisition, and consequently to discredit the laws themselves.<a name="FNanchor_548_548" id="FNanchor_548_548"></a><a href="#Footnote_548_548" class="fnanchor">[548]</a> +He was followed by his successor in the mastership of the Sacred Palace, +Bartolomeo de Spina, who devoted three tracts to the annihilation of +Ponzinibio. The latter had suggested, logically enough, though +maliciously, that as the <i>Cap. Episcopi</i> had defined as a heresy the +belief that witches are corporally carried to the Sabbat, inquisitors in +administering abjuration to their penitents ought to make them abjure +this heresy among others. The absurd position in which this placed the +Inquisition aroused Spina’s indignation to the utmost. “O wonderful +presumption! O detestable insanity!” he exclaimed. “Only heretics +abjure, only heresies are abjured before inquisitors. Is then that +belief a heresy which inquisitors defend, and according to which they +judge the enemies of the faith to be worthy of extreme damnation?—that +opinion which illustrious theologians and canonists prove to be true and +catholic? O the extreme stolidity of the man! Must, then, all +theologians and judges, the inquisitors themselves, of all Italy, +France, Germany, and Spain, holding this opinion abjure before the +Inquisition?”—and he concludes by calling upon the Inquisition to +proceed against Ponzinibio as vehemently suspect of heresy, as a fautor +and defender of heretics, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_500" id="page_500"></a>{500}</span> as an impeder of the Holy Office.<a name="FNanchor_549_549" id="FNanchor_549_549"></a><a href="#Footnote_549_549" class="fnanchor">[549]</a> +This sufficiently shows that the new beliefs had completely conquered +the old. The question had passed beyond the range of reason and +argument, and everywhere throughout Europe the Witches’ Sabbat was +accepted as an established fact, which it was dangerous to dispute. +Jurists and canonists might amuse themselves with debating it +theoretically; practically it had become the veriest commonplace of the +courts, both secular and ecclesiastical.</p> + +<p>That the details of the Sabbat varied but little throughout Europe is +doubtless to be ascribed to the leading questions habitually put by +judges, and to the desire of the tortured culprits to satisfy their +examiners, yet this consentaneity at the time was an irrefragable proof +of truth. The first step of the witch was to secure a consecrated wafer +by pretending to receive communion, and carrying the sacrament home. On +this was fed a toad, which was then burned, and the ashes were mixed +with the blood of an infant, unbaptized if possible, powdered bone of a +man who had been hanged, and certain herbs. With this mixture the witch +anointed the palms of her hands, or her wrist, and a stick or stool +which she placed between her legs, and she was at once transported to +the place of meeting. As a variant of this the ride was sometimes made +on a demon in the shape of a horse, or goat, or dog. The assembly might +be held anywhere, but there were certain spots specially resorted to—in +Germany the Brocken, in Italy an oak-tree near Benevento, and there was, +besides, the unknown place beyond the Jordan. At all these they gathered +in thousands. Thursday night was the one generally selected. They +feasted at tables loaded with meat and wine which rose from the earth at +the command of the presiding demon, and they paid homage to the devil, +who was present, usually in the form of a goat, dog, or ape. To him they +offered themselves, body and soul, and kissed him under the tail, +holding a lighted candle. They trampled and spat upon the cross and +turned up their backs to heaven in derision of God. The devil preached +to them, sometimes commencing with a parody of the mass; he told them +that they had no souls and that there was no future life; they were not +to go to church or confession, or to use holy water, or, if they did so +to<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_501" id="page_501"></a>{501}</span> avoid suspicion, they must say “By leave of our Master,” and they +were to bring him as many converts as they could, and work all possible +evil to their neighbors. There was usually a dance, which was unlike any +seen at honest gatherings. At Como and Brescia a number of children from +eight to twelve years of age, who had frequented the Sabbat, and had +been reconverted by the inquisitors, gave exhibitions in which their +skill showed that they had not been taught by human art. The woman was +held behind her partner and they danced backwards, and when they paid +reverence to the presiding demon they bent themselves backwards, lifting +a foot in the air forwards. The rites ended with indiscriminate +intercourse, obliging demons serving as incubi or succubi as required. +The reality of all this did not depend alone upon the confessions of the +accused, for there was a well-known case occurring about the year 1450, +when the Inquisitor of Como, Bartolomeo de Homate, the podestà Lorenzo +da Concorezzo, and the notary Giovanni da Fossato, either out of +curiosity or because they doubted the witches whom they were trying, +went to a place of assembly at Mendrisio and witnessed the scene from a +hiding-place. The presiding demon pretended not to know their presence, +and in due course dismissed the assembly, but suddenly recalled his +followers and set them on the officials, who were so beaten that they +died within fifteen days.<a name="FNanchor_550_550" id="FNanchor_550_550"></a><a href="#Footnote_550_550" class="fnanchor">[550]</a></p> + +<p>All this was, of course, well fitted to excite the horror of the +faithful and stimulate the zeal of the inquisitor, but it was only the +pastime of the witch, and the reward given to her by her master for her +labors and her allegiance. Her serious occupation was in works of evil. +She was abandoned, body and soul, to Satan, and was the instrument which +he used to effect his malignant purposes. The demonologists argued that +the witch was as necessary to the demon as the demon to the witch, and +that neither could operate without the other. She was not like the +magicians and sorcerers, who merely earned their livelihood by selling +their services, sometimes for good purposes and sometimes for bad, but +she was a being wholly evil, delighting in the exercise of her powers<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_502" id="page_502"></a>{502}</span> +for the destruction of her neighbors, and constantly exhorted to +activity by her master. Those powers, moreover, were sufficient to +justify the terror in which she was held by the people. Sprenger divides +witches into three classes, those who can injure and not cure, those who +can cure and not injure, and those who can do both, and the worst are +those who unite these faculties, for the more they insult and offend +God, the greater power of evil he gives them. They kill and eat +children, or devote them to the devil if unbaptized. They cause abortion +by merely laying a hand upon a woman, or dry up her milk if she is +nursing. By twirling a moistened broom, or casting flints behind them +towards the east, or boiling hogs’ bristles in a pot, or stirring a pool +with a finger, they raise tempests and hail-storms which devastate whole +regions; they bring the plagues of locusts and caterpillars which devour +the harvests; they render men impotent and women barren, and cause +horses to become suddenly mad under their riders. They can make hidden +things known and predict the future, bring about love or hatred at will, +cause mortal sickness, slay men with lightning, or even with their looks +alone, or turn them into beasts. We have the unquestioned authority of +Eugenius IV. that by a simple word or touch or sign they can bewitch +whom they please, cause or cure sickness, and regulate the weather. +Sometimes they scattered over the fields powders which destroyed the +cattle. They constantly entered houses at night, and, sprinkling a +powder on the pillows of the parents which rendered them insensible, +would touch the children with fingers smeared with a poisonous unguent +causing death in a few days; or they would thrust needles under the +nails of an infant and suck the blood, which was partly swallowed and +partly spit into a vessel to serve in the confection of their infernal +ointments; or the child would be put upon the fire and its fat be +collected for the same purpose. Witches, moreover, could transform +themselves into cats and other beasts, and Bernardo di Como gravely +cites the case of the companions of Ulysses, as adduced by St. Augustin, +to prove the reality of such illusions. Ludicrous as all this may seem, +every one of these details has served as the basis of charges under +which countless human beings have perished in the flames.<a name="FNanchor_551_551" id="FNanchor_551_551"></a><a href="#Footnote_551_551" class="fnanchor">[551]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_503" id="page_503"></a>{503}</span></p> + +<p>One very peculiar power ascribed to witches was that of banqueting in +the Sabbat on infants and cattle, and then restoring them to life. We +have seen the belief in early times, and among races far apart, that +sorceresses could gnaw and eat men internally, which probably arose from +painful gastric maladies ascribed to sorcery. In the genesis of the +Sabbat this took the shape, as described by Bishop Burchard in the +eleventh century, that in the nocturnal meetings under the guidance of +Holda men would be slain without weapons, their flesh cooked and eaten, +and then they would be brought to life again, with straw or a piece of +wood substituted for their hearts. The Church was not as yet ready to +accept these marvels, and Burchard penances belief in them with fasting +on bread and water for seven Lents. In the next century John of +Salisbury ascribes to the illusion of dreams the popular superstition +that lamiæ tore children to pieces, devoured them, and returned them to +their cradles; and about 1240 Guillaume d’Auvergne speaks of the +superstition spread by old women of the “ladies of the night” or “good +women” who appear to tear children to pieces, or to cook them on the +fire. Of course this formed part of the perfected stories of the Sabbat. +In some witch-trials in the Tyrol, in 1506, there are frequent allusions +to children and domestic animals carried to the feast and devoured, and +though they remained alive, they were doomed to die soon afterwards. The +witches of the Canavese confessed that their practice was to select fat +cattle from a neighboring farmer, slaughter and eat them, and then, +collecting the bones and hides, resuscitate them with the simple formula +“<i>Sorge, Ranzola</i>.” In one case a farmer of Levone, named Perino +Pasquale, killed a sick ox and skinned it, and, naturally enough, +himself died within a week, as well as his dog, which lapped some of the +blood; and the occurrence, according to custom, was subsequently +explained by a witch on trial, who confessed that the ox was one which +had thus been eaten and<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_504" id="page_504"></a>{504}</span> resuscitated, when the assembled witches +resolved that whoever killed it, and the first who should eat of it, +should perish. Such feats as these, it is true, gave the opponents of +witchcraft the advantage of arguing that they attributed to Satan the +power of God in resuscitating and recreating the dead, and the +demonologists, thus hard pushed, were obliged to admit that this portion +of the Sabbat was illusory, but they triumphantly added that this only +proved the empire of Satan over his dupes.<a name="FNanchor_552_552" id="FNanchor_552_552"></a><a href="#Footnote_552_552" class="fnanchor">[552]</a></p> + +<p>The killing of unbaptized children was one of the special duties imposed +by Satan on his servants, which the theologians explained by the fact +that they were thus damned for original sin, and, therefore, the Day of +Judgment was postponed, as the number of the elect requisite before the +destruction of the world is thus more tardily completed. At a little +town near Basle a witch who was burned confessed that while acting as +midwife she had killed more than forty infants by thrusting a needle +into the superior fontanelle. Another, of the diocese of Strassburg, had +thus disposed of innumerable children, when she was detected by +accidentally letting fall the arm of a new-born child while passing the +gate of a town in which she had been performing her functions. Witch +midwives, when they abstained from this, were in the habit of dedicating +to Satan the babes whom they delivered. It was doubtful whether the +infants were thus in reality surrendered to Satan, but at least they +were subjected to his influence, and likely to grow up witches. This, +and dedication by witch mothers, explain the fact that girls even of +eight and ten years of age were<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_505" id="page_505"></a>{505}</span> able to bewitch people and to raise +tempests of hail and rain. In Swabia a case occurred of one who, at the +age of eight, innocently revealed her power to her father, in +consequence of which her mother, who had thus dedicated her, was burned. +The witch midwives were so numerous that there was scarce a hamlet +without them.<a name="FNanchor_553_553" id="FNanchor_553_553"></a><a href="#Footnote_553_553" class="fnanchor">[553]</a></p> + +<p>There was apparently no limit to the evil wrought by Satan through the +instrumentality of those who had thus surrendered themselves to him. +Sprenger relates that one of his colleagues on a tour of duty reached a +town almost depopulated on account of pestilence. Hearing a report that +a woman lately buried was swallowing her winding-sheet, and that the +mortality would not cease until she had accomplished the deglutition, he +caused the grave to be opened and the sheet was found half swallowed. +The mayor of the town drew his sword and cut off the head of the corpse +and threw it out of the grave, when the pest ceased at once. An +inquisition was held and the woman was found to have long been a witch. +Sprenger might well deplore the threatened devastation of Christendom +arising from the neglect of the authorities to suppress these crimes +with due severity.<a name="FNanchor_554_554" id="FNanchor_554_554"></a><a href="#Footnote_554_554" class="fnanchor">[554]</a></p> + +<p>To understand the credulity which accepted these marvels as the most +portentous and dreadful of realities, it must be borne in mind that they +were not the wild inventions of the demonologists, but were facts +substantiated by evidence irrefragable according to the system of +jurisprudence. Torture by this time had long been used universally in +criminal trials when necessary; no jurist conceived that the truth could +be elicited in doubtful cases without it. The criminal whom endless +repetition of torment had reduced to stolid despair naturally sought to +make his confession square with the requirements of his judge; the +confession once made he was doomed, and knew that retraction, in place +of saving him, would only bring a renewal and prolongation of his +sufferings. He therefore adhered to his confession, and when it was read +to him in public at his condemnation he admitted its truth.<a name="FNanchor_555_555" id="FNanchor_555_555"></a><a href="#Footnote_555_555" class="fnanchor">[555]</a> In many +cases,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_506" id="page_506"></a>{506}</span> moreover, torture and prolonged imprisonment in the foulest of +dungeons doubtless produced partial derangement, leading to belief that +he had committed the acts so persistently imputed to him. In either +case, desire to obtain the last sacrament, which was essential to +salvation and which was only administered to contrite and repentant +sinners, would induce him to maintain to the last the truth of his +confession. No proof more unquestionable than this could be had of any +of the events of life, and belief in the figments of witchcraft was +therefore unhesitating. To doubt, moreover, if not heresy, was cause for +vehement suspicion. The Church lent its overpowering authority to +enforce belief on the souls of men. The malignant powers of the witch +were repeatedly set forth in the bulls of successive popes for the +implicit credence of the faithful, and the University of Cologne, in +1487, when expressing its approval of the <i>Malleus Maleficarum</i> of +Sprenger, warned every one that to argue against the reality of +witchcraft was to incur the guilt of impeding the Inquisition.<a name="FNanchor_556_556" id="FNanchor_556_556"></a><a href="#Footnote_556_556" class="fnanchor">[556]</a></p> + +<p>What rendered the powers of the witch peculiarly dreadful was the +deplorable fact that the Church had no remedy for the evils which she so +recklessly wrought. It is true that the sign of the cross, and holy +water, and blessed oil, and palms, and candles, and wax and salt, and +the strict observance of religious rites were in some sense a safeguard +and a preventive. A witch confessed that she had been employed to kill a +certain man, but when she invoked the devil for the purpose he replied +that he could not do it, as the intended victim kept himself protected +by the sign of the cross, and that the utmost injury that could be +inflicted on him was the destruction of one eleventh of his harvests; +and another one stated that on their nocturnal rounds to destroy +children they were unable to enter houses in which were kept palms and +blessed bread or crosses of palms or olive, or to injure those who +habitually protected themselves with the sign of the cross. But it was +acknowledged that, when once the spell had been cast, the victim<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_507" id="page_507"></a>{507}</span> could +find no relief on earth or in heaven—human means were useless, and +exorcism and the invocation of saints were powerless except in +demoniacal possession. The only cure was from the devil through other +witches. Curative sorcery had long been a subject of debate in theologic +ethics, but it had been formally condemned as inadmissible. It not only +was a pact, tacit or expressed, with Satan, but it was ascertained that +one of his leading objects in urging his acolytes to injure their +neighbors was to force the sufferer in despair to have recourse to +sorcery and thus be drawn into evil ways. This was illustrated by a +case, celebrated among demonographers, of a German bishop who, in Rome, +fell madly in love with a young girl and induced her to accompany him +home. During the journey she undertook to kill him by sorcery, that she +might make off with the jewels with which he had loaded her, and he was +nightly attacked with a burning pain in his chest which resisted all the +resources of his physicians. His life was despaired of, when recourse +was had to an old woman who recognized the source of his affection and +told him he could only be saved by the same methods, involving the death +of the bewitcher. His conscience would not allow him to assent to this +without permission; he applied to Pope Nicholas V., who kindly granted +him a dispensation, and then he ordered the old woman to do what she +proposed. That night he was perfectly well, and word was brought him +that his young paramour was dying. He went to console her, but she +naturally received him with maledictions, and died devoting her soul to +Satan. As Bodin admiringly remarks, the devil was cunning enough to make +a pope, a bishop, and a witch all obey him, and all become accomplices +in a homicide.<a name="FNanchor_557_557" id="FNanchor_557_557"></a><a href="#Footnote_557_557" class="fnanchor">[557]</a></p> + +<p>Thus a very profitable trade sprang up in counteracting witchcraft, and +many witches confined themselves to this branch of the profession, +although they were as liable as their adversaries to condemnation for +compact with the devil, for it was an incontrovertible fact that they +could only relieve a sufferer by transferring<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_508" id="page_508"></a>{508}</span> his disease to some one +else or by performing some equivalent evil act. Sprenger tells us that +they were to be found every German mile or two. At Reichshofen was one +whose business was so large that the lord of the place levied a toll of +a penny on every one who came to her for relief, and used to boast of +the large revenue which he derived from this source. A man named Hengst, +at Eningen, near Constance, had more applicants than any shrine of the +Virgin—even than that at Aix—and in winter, when the highways were +blocked with snow, those which led to his house were trampled smooth by +the crowds of his patients.<a name="FNanchor_558_558" id="FNanchor_558_558"></a><a href="#Footnote_558_558" class="fnanchor">[558]</a></p> + +<p>When once the belief was fairly started in the existence of beings +possessed of the powers which I have described, and actuated by motives +purely malignant, it was destined to inevitable extension under the +stimulus afforded by persecution. Every misfortune and every accident +that occurred in a hamlet would be attributed to witchcraft. Suspicion +would gradually attach to some ill-tempered crone, and she would be +seized, for inquisitors held that a single careless threat, such as “You +will be sorry for this,” if followed by a piece of ill-luck, was +sufficient to justify arrest and trial.<a name="FNanchor_559_559" id="FNanchor_559_559"></a><a href="#Footnote_559_559" class="fnanchor">[559]</a> All the neighbors would +flock in as accusers—this one had lost a cow, that one’s vintage had +been ruined by hail, another’s garden-patch had been ravaged by +caterpillars, one mother had suffered an abortion, another’s milk had +suddenly dried, another had lost a promising child, two lovers had +quarrelled, a man had fallen from an apple-tree and had broken his +neck—and under the persuasive influence of starvation or of the rack +the unfortunate woman would invent some story to account for each +occurrence, would name her accomplices in each, and tell whom she had +met in the Sabbats, which she attended regularly. No one can read the +evidence adduced at a witch-trial, or the confessions of the accused, +without seeing how every accident and every misfortune and every case of +sickness or death which had occurred in the vicinage for years was thus +explained, and how the circle of suspicion widened so that every +conviction brought new victims; burnings multiplied, and the terrified +community was ready to believe that a half or more of its members were +slaves of<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_509" id="page_509"></a>{509}</span> Satan, and that it would never be free from their malignant +vengeance until they should all be exterminated. For more than two +centuries this craze was perpetually breaking out in one part of Europe +after another, carefully nursed and stimulated by popes and inquisitors +like Innocent VIII. and Leo X., Sprenger and Institoris, Bernard of Como +and Bishop Binsfeld, and the amount of human misery thence arising is +simply incomputable.</p> + +<p>Fortunately on one side there was a limitation upon the otherwise +illimitable powers of the witch. The contrast was so absurd between the +faculties attributed to her and her utter inability to protect herself +against those who tortured and burned her with impunity, that some +explanation of the inconsistency was requisite. The demonologists +therefore invented the comforting theory that through the goodness of +God the witch instantaneously lost her power as soon as the hand of an +officer of justice was laid upon her. But for this, indeed, it might +have been difficult to find men hardy enough to seize, imprison, try, +and execute these delegates of Satan, whose slightest ill-will was so +dangerous. Judges and their officials thus were encouraged to perform +their functions and were told that they need dread no reprisals. It was +true that, like all theories framed to meet artificial conditions, this +one was not always reconcilable to the facts. The strange fortitude with +which the culprits occasionally endured the severest and most prolonged +tortures, so far from being a proof of innocence, was regarded as +showing that even in the hands of justice the devil was sometimes able +to protect his servants by endowing them with what was called the gift +of taciturnity, and the ingenuity of the inquisitors was taxed to the +utmost to overcome his wiles. When this was once admitted it was +difficult to deny that he could assist them in other ways, and it was +recommended to the officers charged with the arrest that when they +seized a witch they should on no account allow her to enter her chamber, +lest she should secure some charm that would enable her to endure the +torture. Such charms might be secreted about her person, or under the +skin, or even in accessible cavities of the body, so the first thing to +be done was to shave the prisoner from head to foot and subject her to +the most indecent examination. It was on record that in Ratisbon some +heretics condemned to be burned remained unhurt in the flames; vainly +were they submerged in<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_510" id="page_510"></a>{510}</span> the river and roasted again. A three days’ fast +was ordered for the whole city, when it was revealed that they had +charms concealed in a certain spot under the skin, and after the removal +of these there was no further trouble in reducing them to ashes. Charms +could also be used from a distance. At Innsbruck a witch boasted that if +she had a single thread of a prisoner’s garment she could cause him to +endure torture to the death without confessing. Some inquisitors, to +break the spell of taciturnity, were wont to try sacred magic by +administering to the prisoner, on an empty stomach, after invoking the +Trinity, three drinks of holy water in which blessed wax had been +melted. In one case the most excruciating torture, continued through two +whole days, failed to elicit confession, but the third day chanced to be +the feast of the Virgin, and during the celebration of the holy rites +the devil lost the power with which he had thus far sustained the +prisoner, who revealed a plot to make way with the implacable judge, +Peter of Berne, by means of sorcery. These were simple devices; a more +elaborate one was to take a strip of paper of the length of the body of +Christ, and write on it the seven words uttered on the cross; on a holy +day, at the hour of mass, this was to be bound around the waist of the +witch with relics, she was to be made to drink holy water, and be at +once placed on the rack. When all these efforts failed it was a mooted +question whether the Church in her extremity could have recourse to the +devil by calling in other magicians to break the spell, and Prierias +succeeds by ingenious casuistry in proving that she could. One +precaution, held indispensable by some experienced practitioners, was +that the witch on arrest was to be placed immediately in a basket and +thus be carried to prison, without allowing her feet to touch the earth, +for if she were permitted to do so she could slay her captors with +lightning and escape.<a name="FNanchor_560_560" id="FNanchor_560_560"></a><a href="#Footnote_560_560" class="fnanchor">[560]</a></p> + +<p>There was another comfortable theory that those who exercised public +functions for the suppression of witchcraft were not subject to the +influence of witches or demons. Sprenger tells us that he and his +colleagues had been many times assailed by devils in the shape of +monkeys, dogs, and goats, but by the aid of God they<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_511" id="page_511"></a>{511}</span> had always been +able to overcome the enemy. Yet there were exceptions to this, as we +have seen in the case of the unlucky inquisitor and podestà of Como; and +the lenity of some judges was explained by the fact that the witch was +sometimes able so to affect their minds that they were unable to +convict. This steeled the heart of the conscientious inquisitor, who +repressed all sentiments of compassion in the belief that they were +prompted by Satan. The witch was specially able to exert this power over +her judge when she looked upon him before he saw her, and it was a wise +precaution to make her enter the court backwards, so that the judge had +the advantage of the first glance. He and his assistants were also +advised to be very careful not to let a witch touch them, especially on +the wrist or other joint, and to wear around the neck a bag containing +salt exorcised on Palm Sunday, with consecrated herbs enclosed in +blessed wax, besides constantly protecting themselves with the sign of +the cross. It was doubtless through neglect of these salutary +precautions that at a witch-burning in the Black Forest, as the +executioner was lifting the convict on the pile she blew in his face, +saying, “I will reward you,” whereupon a horrible leprosy broke out +which spread over his body, and in a few days he was dead. Occasionally, +moreover, the familiar demon of the witch, in the shape of a raven, +would accompany her to the place of execution and prevent the wood from +burning until he was driven off.<a name="FNanchor_561_561" id="FNanchor_561_561"></a><a href="#Footnote_561_561" class="fnanchor">[561]</a></p> + +<p>To combat an evil so widespread and all-pervading required the combined +exertions of Church and State. The secular and episcopal courts both had +undoubted jurisdiction over it; the action of John XXII., in 1330, may +have caused some question as to the Inquisition, but if so it was +settled in 1374, when the Inquisitor of France was proceeding against +some sorcerers and his competence was disputed, and Gregory XI., to whom +the matter was referred, instructed him to prosecute them with the full +severity of the laws. Commissions issued in 1409 and 1418 to Pons +Feugeyron, Inquisitor of Provence, enumerate sorcerers, conjurers, and +invokers of demons among those whom he is to suppress. As the growth of +witchcraft became more alarming, Eugenius<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_512" id="page_512"></a>{512}</span> IV., in 1437, stimulated the +inquisitors everywhere to greater activity against it, and these +instructions were repeated in 1445. In 1451 Nicholas V. even enlarged +the powers of Hugues le Noir, Inquisitor of France, by granting him +jurisdiction over divination, even when it did not savor of heresy. +There was occasional clashing, of course, between the episcopal +officials and the inquisitors, but the rule seems to have been generally +observed that either could proceed separately, while the Clementine +regulation should be observed which prescribed their co-operation in the +use of torture and punitive imprisonment and when rendering final +sentence. The bishops, moreover, assumed that their assent was necessary +to the action of the secular courts. In the case of Guillaume Edeline, +condemned to perpetual imprisonment at Evreux in 1453, when the sentence +was read by the episcopal official the bishop added “We retain our power +of pardon,” but the inquisitor at once entered a formal protest that the +prisoner should not be released without the consent of the +Inquisition.<a name="FNanchor_562_562" id="FNanchor_562_562"></a><a href="#Footnote_562_562" class="fnanchor">[562]</a></p> + +<p>Yet in France at this period the royal jurisdiction, as embodied in the +Parlement, was, as we have seen in a former chapter, successfully +exerting its superiority over both bishops and inquisitors. A curious +case occurring in 1460 illustrates both this and the superstitions +current at the time. A priest of the diocese of Soissons named Yves +Favins brought a suit for tithes against a husbandman named Jean Rogier, +who held of the Hospitallers. These, like the Templars, were exempt from +tithes; Favins lost his case, was condemned in the expenses, which were +heavy, and was eager for revenge. A poor woman of the village who had +come from Merville in Hainault, had quarrelled with the wife of Rogier +over the price of some spinning, and to her Yves had recourse. She gave +him a great toad which she kept in a pot, and told him to baptize it and +feed it on a consecrated wafer, which he did, giving it the name of +John. The woman then killed it and made of it a “<i>sorceron</i>,” which her +daughter took to Rogier’s house under pretence of demanding the money in +dispute, and cast it under the table at which Rogier, his wife, and his +son were dining. They<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_513" id="page_513"></a>{513}</span> all died within three days; suspicion was +aroused, and the two women were arrested and confessed. The mother was +burned, but the daughter obtained a respite on the plea of pregnancy, +escaped from jail and fled to Hainault, but was brought back and was +carried on appeal to Paris. Yves was rich and well-connected. He was +arrested and confined in the prison of the Bishop of Paris, but he +obtained counsel and appealed to the Parlement; the Parlement allowed +the appeal, tried him, and acquitted him.<a name="FNanchor_563_563" id="FNanchor_563_563"></a><a href="#Footnote_563_563" class="fnanchor">[563]</a></p> + +<p>All secular tribunals were not as enlightened as the Parlement of Paris, +but there seems to have been at least sometimes an effort to administer +even-handed justice. About this time a case occurred at Constance in +which an accuser formally inscribed himself against a peasant whom he +had met riding on a wolf, and had immediately become crippled. He +applied to the peasant, who cured him, but observing that the wizard +bewitched others, he felt it his duty to prosecute him. The case was +exhaustively argued before the magistrates, for the prosecution and the +defence, by two eloquent advocates, Conrad Schatz and Ulric Blaser. +Torture was not used, but the accused was condemned and burned on the +testimony of witnesses.<a name="FNanchor_564_564" id="FNanchor_564_564"></a><a href="#Footnote_564_564" class="fnanchor">[564]</a></p> + +<p>In the ecclesiastical tribunals offenders had not the same chance. We +have seen in a former chapter how skilfully the inquisitorial process +was framed to secure conviction, and when, after a prolonged period of +comparative inactivity, the Inquisition was aroused to renewed exertion +in combating the legions of Satan, it sharpened its rusted weapons to a +yet keener edge. The old hesitation about pronouncing a sentence of +acquittal was no longer entertained, for though the accused might be +dismissed with a verdict of not proven, the inquisitor was formally +instructed never to declare him innocent. Yet few there were upon whom +even this doubtful clemency was exercised, for all the resources of<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_514" id="page_514"></a>{514}</span> +fraud and force, of guile and torment, were exhausted to secure +conviction with even less reserve than of old. Engaged in a personal +combat with Satan, the inquisitor was convinced in advance of the guilt +of those brought before him as defamed for sorcery, and the ancient +expedients were refined upon and improved. Formerly endurance of torture +might be regarded as an evidence of innocence, now it was only an +additional proof of guilt, for it showed that Satan was endeavoring to +save his servitor, and the duty to defeat him was plain, even though, as +Sprenger tells us was frequently the case, the witch would allow herself +to be torn in pieces before she would confess. Though, as formerly, +torture could not be repeated, it could be “continued” indefinitely, +with prolonged periods of intervening imprisonment in dungeons of which +the squalor was purposely heightened to exhaust the mental and physical +forces of the victim. It is true that confession was not absolutely +requisite, for when the evidence was sufficient the accused could be +convicted without it, but it was held that common justice required that +the criminal should avow his guilt, and therefore the use of torture was +universal when confession could not be otherwise secured. Yet in view of +the satanic gift of taciturnity it was desirable to avoid recourse to +it, and therefore promises of pardon, not indefinitely veiled under a +juggle of words as of old, but positive and specifying a moderate +penance or exile, were to be freely made. If the fraud was successful, +the inquisitor could let the sentence be pronounced by some one else, or +allow a decent interval to elapse before himself sending his deluded +victim to the stake. All the other devices to entrap or seduce the +prisoner to confession which we have seen employed by the older +inquisitors were also still recommended. One new and infallible sign was +the inability of the witch to shed tears during torture and before the +judges, though she could do so freely elsewhere. In such a case the +inquisitor was instructed to adjure her to weep by the loving tears shed +for the world by Christ on the cross, but the more she was adjured, we +are told, the drier she would become. Still, with the usual logic of the +demonologist, if she did weep it was a device of the devil and was not +to be reckoned in her favor.<a name="FNanchor_565_565" id="FNanchor_565_565"></a><a href="#Footnote_565_565" class="fnanchor">[565]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_515" id="page_515"></a>{515}</span></p> + +<p>The most significant change, however, between the old procedure and the +new regarded the death-penalty. We have seen that with the heretic the +object was held to be the salvation of his soul, and, except in case of +relapse, he could always purchase life by recantation, at the expense of +lifelong imprisonment, with the prospect that in time submission might +win him release. At what period the rule changed with respect to witches +is uncertain. When convicted by the secular courts they were invariably +burned, and the Inquisition came to adopt the same practice. In 1445 the +Council of Rouen still treats them with singular mildness. Invokers of +demons were to be publicly preached with mitres on their heads, when, if +they abjured, the bishop was empowered to release them after performance +of appropriate penance; after this, if they relapsed, clerks were to be +perpetually imprisoned, and laymen abandoned to the secular arm, while +for minor superstitions and incantations a month’s prison and fasting +were sufficient, with heavier penance for relapse. In 1448 the Council +of Lisieux contented itself with ordering priests on all Sundays and +festivals to denounce as excommunicate all usurers, sorcerers, and +diviners. In 1453 Guillaume Edeline escaped with abjuration and prison. +In 1458 Jaquerius laboriously argues that the witch is not to be treated +like other heretics, to be spared if she recants, showing that the +change was still a novelty, requiring justification. In 1484 Sprenger +says positively that while the recanting heretic is to be imprisoned, +the sorcerer, even if penitent, is to be put to death, indicating that +by this time there was no longer any question on the subject. There was, +as usual, a pretence of shifting the responsibility of this upon the +secular authorities, for Sprenger adds that the most the ecclesiastical +judge can do is to absolve the penitent and converted witch from the +<i>ipso facto</i> excommunication under which she lies and let her go, to be +apprehended by the lay courts and be burned for the evil which she has +wrought. Silvester Prierias shows us how transparent was this juggle, +when he instructs the inquisitor that if the witch confesses and is +penitent she is to be received to mercy and not be delivered to the +secular arm: she is to abjure, is absolved and sentenced to perpetual +imprisonment in a black dress; the dress is put on her and she is led to +the church-door—but not to prison. The Inquisition takes no further +concern about her; if the secular court is content, well and good—if<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_516" id="page_516"></a>{516}</span> +not, it does as it pleases. What the inquisitors would have said if it +pleased the secular authorities to let the witch go free may be judged +by the maledictions of Sprenger on the incredulous laity who disbelieved +in the reality of witchcraft, and through whose supineness the secular +arm had allowed the cursed sect to so increase that its extirpation +appeared impossible.<a name="FNanchor_566_566" id="FNanchor_566_566"></a><a href="#Footnote_566_566" class="fnanchor">[566]</a> Still more instructive, as we shall see +hereafter, was the indignation of Leo X. when the Signory of Venice +refused to burn the witches of Brescia condemned by the Inquisition.</p> + +<p>Equally frivolous was the pretence that the punishment of burning was +merely for the injuries wrought by the witch, for we shall see that in +the case of the Vaudois of Arras the convicts were burned as a matter of +course, although attendance upon the Sabbat was the only crime with +which most of the sufferers were charged, and that they were delivered +for the purpose by the ecclesiastical court to the magistrates, and even +burned without such formality. Besides, Sprenger tells us that in the +case of prominent and influential witches the death-penalty was +frequently commuted to perpetual imprisonment on bread and water, as a +reward for betraying their accomplices, which shows that the fate of the +accused in reality rested with the inquisitor. Still, there appears to +have been, in at least one case, a simulacrum of judgment by the secular +court which I have rarely met where heretics were concerned. November 5, +1474, at Levone, in Piedmont, Francesca Viloni and Antonia d’ Alberto +were condemned by the acting inquisitor Francesco Chiabaudi. The +sentence orders their delivery to the secular arm with a protest that no +corporal punishment was thereby indicated, directly or indirectly, +although the goods of the convicts were declared confiscated. The same +day the assistant inquisitor, Frà Lorenzo Butini, delivered them to the +podestà, Bartolomeo Pasquale, with the protest, to protect himself from +“irregularity,” that he did not intend to indicate for them any corporal +punishment or to consent to it. The podestà allowed two days to elapse +and then held, November 7, a solemn court to<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_517" id="page_517"></a>{517}</span> which the population was +summoned by blast of trumpet. The convicts were brought before him, when +his <i>consultore</i>, or legal adviser, Lorenzo di Front, addressed him to +the effect that the women had been condemned by the Inquisition for +witchcraft, heresy, and apostasy, and that, according to the laws, he +must sentence them to the legal punishment of burning alive, which he +incontinently did. It evidently was the merest formality, and possibly, +as the death of two of the podestà’s children had been attributed to one +of the witches, he may have wished to magnify his share in the +retribution.<a name="FNanchor_567_567" id="FNanchor_567_567"></a><a href="#Footnote_567_567" class="fnanchor">[567]</a></p> + +<p>As of old, practically the sole defence of the accused lay in disabling +the witnesses for enmity, and judges were reminded that the enmity must +be of the most violent nature, for, with the wonted happy facility of +assuming guilt in advance, they were told that there was almost always +some enmity involved, since witches were odious to everybody. At the +same time all the old methods of reducing this slender chance to a +minimum were followed, supplemented with such as additional experience +had suggested. The names of the witnesses were generally suppressed, but +if they were communicated they were so arranged as to mislead, and in +advance effort was made to debar the accused from disabling the most +damaging ones by enticing her to deny all knowledge of them or to +declare them to be her friends. If she insisted on seeing the evidence, +it might be given to her after interpolating in it extraneous matters +and accusations to lead her astray.<a name="FNanchor_568_568" id="FNanchor_568_568"></a><a href="#Footnote_568_568" class="fnanchor">[568]</a></p> + +<p>Appeals were always to be refused if possible. Outside of France the +only one that could be made was to Rome for refusing counsel, for +improper torture, and other unjust proceeding; and then, as we have +seen, the inquisitor could either refuse “apostoli” or grant either +reverential or negative ones. If conscious of injustice and aware that +an appeal was coming, he could elude it by appointing some one to sit in +his place. The danger of appeals was small, however, for if the accused +insisted on having counsel she was not allowed to select him. The +inquisitor appointed him; he was bound not to assume the defence if he +knew it to be unjust;<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_518" id="page_518"></a>{518}</span> he was not allowed to know the names of the +witnesses, and his functions were restricted to advising his client +either to confess or to disable the witnesses. If he made difficulties +and delays and interjected appeals he was subject to excommunication as +a fautor of heresy, and was worse than the witches themselves—of all of +which he was to be duly warned when accepting the case.<a name="FNanchor_569_569" id="FNanchor_569_569"></a><a href="#Footnote_569_569" class="fnanchor">[569]</a></p> + +<p>The consequences of neglecting these salutary precautions are seen in +two trials in 1474, at Rivara in Piedmont. A number of witches had been +burned, and as usual they had implicated others. The matter had been +conducted by Francesco Chiabaudi, a canon regular, commissioned by both +the Bishop of Turin and Michele de’ Valenti, the Inquisitor of Lombardy. +Inexperienced and unskilled, he had appointed Tommaso Balardi, parish +priest of Rivara, to make the preliminary informations in five fresh +accusations. The evidence, as usual, was overwhelming; Balardi arrested +the culprits and gave them ten days to show cause why they should not be +tortured. At the same time, with incredible ignorance of his duties, he +allowed them to select defenders, when they chose their husbands or +brothers or sons. In the case of three, these defenders did nothing and +the trials were conducted as usual, though the fragmentary documents +remaining do not acquaint us with the result. The other two, Guglielmina +Ferreri and Margherita Cortina, were more fortunate. They seem to have +been rich peasants, and their families retained three able lawyers for +their defence. When these were once admitted before the tribunal the +prosecution went to pieces. Chiabaudi, unacquainted with the privileges +of the inquisitorial process, was wholly unable to control them. He +allowed them to enter protests against the initial informations for +irregularity, and even permitted them, against all precedent, to +introduce witnesses for the defence. They had the audacity to summon +Balardi himself, and made him testify that the accused were regular in +all religious observances; after which they poured in evidence that the +so-called witches were eminently pious and charitable women, and that +the rumors against them had only arisen a couple of years before, on the +burning of three sisters who were said to have named them in their +confessions. Chiabaudi sought refuge in appointing Antonio<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_519" id="page_519"></a>{519}</span> Valo, a +local legal luminary, as procurator-fiscal, or prosecutor, an official +unknown to the Inquisition of the period, whom the counsel for the +accused speedily drove out of court. With each hearing they grew more +aggressive. They boldly quoted the Digest and the rules of law and +justice as though such things had not been expressly prohibited in +inquisitorial trials. Finally they told Chiabaudi that he was himself +suspect; that as a canon he had no right to leave his convent for such +business, and that all his acts were null. The whole prosecution, they +said, was merely an attempt to extort money and to divide the plunder of +the accused, and they appealed to the episcopal vicar of Turin, with a +threat, if necessary, to obtain the intervention of the Duke of Savoy +himself. Chiabaudi yielded to the storm which he had imprudently allowed +to gather strength, and in February, 1375, he permitted the transfer of +the case to the episcopal court of Turin. Whether the unfortunate women +fared better there will, doubtless, never be known, but the case shows +the wisdom of the precautions adopted by the regular inquisitors of +selecting counsel themselves and threatening them with excommunication +if they defended their clients. It is interesting, moreover, as probably +the only inquisitorial trial on record, save that of Gilles de Rais, in +which the forbidden <i>litis contestatio</i> was carried out.<a name="FNanchor_570_570" id="FNanchor_570_570"></a><a href="#Footnote_570_570" class="fnanchor">[570]</a></p> + +<p>A much more typical and illustrative case, of which we happen to have +the details, is that of the “Vaudois,”<a name="FNanchor_571_571" id="FNanchor_571_571"></a><a href="#Footnote_571_571" class="fnanchor">[571]</a> or witches of Arras, showing +how witchcraft panics were developed and what could be accomplished by +inquisitorial methods, even under the supreme jurisdiction of the +Parlement of Paris. In 1459, while a general chapter of the Dominican +Order was in session at Langres, there chanced to be burned there as a +witch a hermit named Robinet de Vaulx. He was forced to name all whom he +had seen in the Sabbat, and among them was a young <i>femme de folle vie</i> +of Douai, named Deniselle, and a resident of Arras, advanced in years, +named Jean la Vitte—a painter and poet, who had written many<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_520" id="page_520"></a>{520}</span> beautiful +ballads in honor of the Virgin, and who was a general favorite, though, +as he was popularly known as the Abbé-de-peu-de-sens, he was probably +not a very sedate character.<a name="FNanchor_572_572" id="FNanchor_572_572"></a><a href="#Footnote_572_572" class="fnanchor">[572]</a> Pierre le Brousart, the Inquisitor of +Arras, was present at the chapter, and on his return he lost no time in +looking after the accused. Deniselle was soon arrested and thrown into +the episcopal prison; Jean, Bishop of Arras, whom we have seen promoted +to the cardinalate for his services in procuring the repeal of the +Pragmatic Sanction, was then in Rome; his suffragan was a Dominican, +Jean, titular Bishop of Beirut, formerly a papal penitentiary, and his +vicars were Pierre du Hamel, Jean Thibault, Jean Pochon, and Mathieu du +Hamel. These took up the matter warmly and were earnestly supported by +Jacques du Boys, a doctor of laws and dean of the chapter, who thrust +himself into the affair and pushed it with relentless vigor. After +repeated torture, Deniselle confessed to have attended the Sabbat and +named various persons seen there, among them Jean la Vitte. He had +already been compromised by Robinet, and had gone into hiding, but the +inquisitor hunted him up at Abbeville, arrested him, and brought him to +Arras, when he was no sooner in prison than in despair he tried to cut +out his tongue with a pocket-knife, so as to prevent himself from +confessing. He did not succeed, but though he was long unable to speak, +this did not save him from torture, for he could use the pen and was +obliged to write out his confession. Forced to name all whom he had seen +in the Sabbat, he implicated a large number, including nobles, +ecclesiastics, and common folk. Six more arrests were made among the +latter, including several women of the town; the affair threatened to +spread farther than had at first been expected; the vicars grew timid +and concluded to discharge<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_521" id="page_521"></a>{521}</span> all the prisoners. Then Jacques du Boys and +the Bishop of Beirut constituted themselves formal complainants; the +latter, moreover, went to Péronne and brought to Arras the Comte +d’Estampes, Captain-general of Picardy for Philippe le Bon of Burgundy, +who ordered the vicars to do their duty under threats of prosecuting +them.</p> + +<p>Four women of the last batch of prisoners confessed under torture and +implicated a large number of others. The vicars, uncertain as to their +duty, sent the confessions to two notable clerks, Gilles Carlier, dean, +and Gregoire Nicolai, official, of Cambrai, who replied that if the +accused were not relapsed and if they would recant they were not to be +put to death, provided they had not committed murder and abused the +Eucharist. Here we recognize a transition period between the old +practice with heretics and the new with sorcerers, but du Boys and the +Bishop of Beirut were fully imbued with the new notions, and insisted +that all should be burned. They declared that whoever disputed this was +himself a sorcerer, that any one who should presume to aid or counsel +the prisoners should share their fate. The welfare of Christendom was +concerned, a full third of nominal Christians were secretly sorcerers, +including many bishops, cardinals, and grand masters, and that if they +could assemble under a leader it would be difficult to estimate the +destruction which they could inflict on religion and society. Possibly +one of these worthies may be credited with the authorship of a tract +upon the subject, a copy of which, formerly belonging to Philippe le +Bon, is now in the Royal Library of Brussels. The anonymous writer, who +describes himself as a priest, speaks of “Vauderie” as something new and +unheard of, more execrable than all the detestable errors of paganism +since the beginning of the world. He calls on the prelates to arise and +purge Christendom of these abominable sectaries, and to excite the +people by denouncing their most damnable crimes, but his most burning +eloquence is addressed to the princes. Not without significance is the +sword borne before them, for it is to remind them that they are +ministers and officers of God, whose duty it is to order unsparing +vengeance on these criminals. If the sectaries are allowed to multiply +the most fearful results are to be expected, and the King of Darkness is +already rejoicing at the prospect. Wars and enmities will come; strife<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_522" id="page_522"></a>{522}</span> +and sedition will rage in the fields, in the cities, and in the +kingdoms. In mutual slaughter men will fall dead in heaps. Children will +rise against their elders and the villeins will assail the nobles. It +was not only religion, but the whole social order, which was threatened +by a few strumpets and the Abbé-de-peu-de-sens.<a name="FNanchor_573_573" id="FNanchor_573_573"></a><a href="#Footnote_573_573" class="fnanchor">[573]</a></p> + +<p>Like the agent of Conrad Tors in the days of Conrad of Marburg, the +Bishop of Beirut boasted that he could recognize a Vaudois or sorcerer +at sight. In conjunction with du Boys he procured another arrest, and +induced the Comte d’Estampes to order the vicars to hasten their +proceedings. Under this pressure, an assembly of all the principal +ecclesiastics of Arras, with some jurists, was held on May 9, 1460, to +consider the evidence. The deliberation was short, and the accused were +condemned. The next day, on a scaffold in front of the episcopal palace, +and in presence of a crowd which had gathered from twelve leagues +around, the convicts were brought forward, together with the body of one +of them, Jean le Febvre, who had been found hanging in his cell. Mitres +were placed on their heads, with pictures representing them as +worshipping the devil. The inquisitor preached the sermon, and read the +description of the Sabbat and of their visits to it, and then asked them +individually if it was true, to which they all assented. Then he read +the sentence abandoning them to the secular arm, their property to be +confiscated, the real estate to the seigneur and the movables to the +bishop, and they were delivered to their several jurisdictions, +Deniselle being handed over to the authorities of Douai who were present +to receive her, and the rest to those of Arras. At once they began with +shrieks to assert that they had been cruelly deceived—that they had +been promised that if they would confess they would be discharged with a +pilgrimage of ten or twelve leagues, and had been threatened with +burning for persistence in denial. With one voice they declared that +they had never been to the “Vauderie,” that their confessions had been +extorted under stress of torture and false promises and blandishments, +and until they were silenced by the flames they begged the people to +pray for them, and their friends to have masses sung in their behalf. +The last words heard from<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_523" id="page_523"></a>{523}</span> the Abbé-de-peu-de-sens, were “<i>Jesus autem +transiens per medium illorum</i>.” Gilles Flameng, an advocate who had been +active in the whole proceeding, was the especial object of their +reproaches; they reviled him as a traitor who had been particularly +earnest in the false promises which had lured them to destruction.</p> + +<p>Appetite grew by what it fed on. This execution was followed immediately +by the arrest, on the requisition of the inquisitor, of thirteen +persons, including six public women, who had been implicated by the +confessions. The managers of the business, however, seemed to tire of +the pursuit of such worthless game, and grew bold enough to strike +higher. On June 22 Arras was startled by the arrest of Jean Tacquet, an +eschevin and one of the richest citizens; on the next day by that of +Pierre des Carieulx, equally wealthy and esteemed the best accountant in +Artois; and on the next by that of the Chevalier Payen de Beauffort, a +septuagenary and the head of one of the most ancient and richest houses +in the province, who had manifested his piety by founding three +convents. He had been warned that his name was on the list of accused, +but had declared that if he were a thousand leagues away he would return +to meet the charge, and in fact he had come to the city for the purpose. +In his hôtel of la Chevrette his children and friends had entreated him +to depart if he felt himself guilty, when with the most solemn oaths he +asserted his innocence. His arrest had not been ventured upon without +the consent of Philippe le Bon, secured by Philippe de Saveuse; the +Comte d’Estampes had come to Arras to insure it, and refused to see him +when he begged an interview. This was followed, July 7, by an <i>auto de +fé</i> of seven of those arrested on May 9; five of these were burned, and, +like their predecessors, asserted that their confessions had been wrung +from them by torture, and died begging the prayers of all good +Christians. Two were sentenced to imprisonment for definite terms, the +reason alleged being that they had not revoked after their first +confession—a highly irregular proceeding of which the object was to +facilitate further convictions.</p> + +<p>The affair was now beginning to attract general attention and +animadversion. Philippe le Bon was disturbed, for he heard that at Paris +and elsewhere it was reported that he was seizing the rich men of his +dominions to confiscate their property. Accordingly<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_524" id="page_524"></a>{524}</span> he sent to Arras, +as supervisors, his confessor, a Dominican and titular Bishop of +Selimbria, together with the Chevalier Baudoin de Noyelles, Governor of +Péronne, while the Comte d’Estampes deputed his secretary, Jean Forme, +together with Philippe de Saveuse, the Seigneur de Crèvecœur, who was +bailly of Amiens, and his lieutenant, Guillaume de Berri. The first +effort of these new-comers seems to have been to share in the spoils. On +July 16 Baudoin de Noyelles arrested Antoine Sacquespée, an eschevin and +one of the richest of the citizens, who had been urged to fly, but who, +like de Beauffort, had declared that he would come a thousand leagues to +face the accusation. The next day another eschevin, Jean Josset, was +seized, and a sergent-de-ville named Henriet Royville, while three whose +arrest was pending fled, two of them being wealthy men, Martin Cornille, +and Willaume le Febvre, whom the Comte d’Estampes pursued as far as +Paris without success. A panic terror by this time pervaded the +community; no one knew when his turn would come, and men scarce dared to +leave the city for fear they would be accused of flying through +conscious guilt, while citizens who were absent were unwelcome guests +everywhere, and could scarce find lodgings. Similarly, strangers would +not venture to visit the city. Arras was a prosperous seat of +manufactures, and its industries suffered enormously. Its merchants lost +their credit; creditors importunately demanded settlement, for the risk +of confiscation hung over every man, and we have seen how the rights of +creditors in such cases were extinguished. The vicars endeavored to +soothe the general alarm and distress by a proclamation that no one need +fear arrest who was innocent, for none were arrested unless eight or ten +witnesses swore to seeing them at the Sabbat—though it was afterwards +found that many were seized on the evidence of only one or two.</p> + +<p>At length, at the expense of the prisoners, the inquisitor, with the +vicars and Gilles Flameng, was sent to the Duke of Burgundy at Brussels, +to lay before him the evidence of the trials. The duke called a great +assembly of clerks, including the doctors of Louvain, who gravely +debated the matter. Some held, with the <i>Cap. Episcopi</i>, that it was all +a delusion, others that it was a reality. No conclusion was reached, and +the duke finally sent his herald, Toison d’Or (Lefebvre, Seigneur de +Saint-Remy) in whom he had<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_525" id="page_525"></a>{525}</span> great confidence, back with the vicars, to +be present at all examinations. They reached Arras August 14, after +which there were no further arrests, although innumerable names were on +the lists of accused. The prisoners were less inhumanly treated, and but +four of the pending trials were pushed to a conclusion. Reports of these +were sent to Brussels for the duke’s consideration, and they were +brought back, October 12, by the president of the ducal chamber, Adrien +Collin, in whose presence the accused were again examined. Finally, on +October 22, the customary assembly was held, immediately followed by the +<i>auto de fé</i>, where the sermon was preached by the Inquisitor of +Cambrai, and the sentences were read by the Inquisitor of Arras, and by +Michael du Hamel, one of the vicars. The four convicts had different +fates.</p> + +<p>The Chevalier de Beauffort, it was recited, had confessed that he had +thrice been to the Sabbat—twice on foot and once by flying on an +anointed staff. He had refused to give his soul to Satan, but had given +him four of his hairs. The inquisitor asked him if this was true, and he +replied in the affirmative, begging for mercy. The inquisitor then +announced that, as he had confessed without torture, and had never +retracted, he should not be mitred and burned but be scourged (a penance +inflicted by the inquisitor on the spot, but without removing the +penitent’s clothes), be imprisoned for seven years, and pay a long list +of fines for pious purposes, amounting in all to eight thousand two +hundred livres, including one thousand five hundred to the Inquisition. +But besides these fines, thus publicly announced, he was obliged to pay +four thousand to the Duke of Burgundy, two thousand to the Comte +d’Estampes, one thousand to the Seigneur de Crèvecœur, and one hundred +to his lieutenant, Guillaume de Berry.<a name="FNanchor_574_574" id="FNanchor_574_574"></a><a href="#Footnote_574_574" class="fnanchor">[574]</a></p> + +<p>The next was the rich eschevin, Jean Tacquet. He admitted that he had +been to the Sabbat ten times or more. He had endeavored to withdraw his +allegiance from Satan, who had forced him to continue it by beating him +cruelly with a bull’s pizzle. He was now condemned to scourging, +administered as in the case of<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_526" id="page_526"></a>{526}</span> de Beauffort, to ten years’ prison, and +to fines amounting to one thousand four hundred livres, of which two +hundred went to the Inquisition; but, as in de Beauffort’s case, there +were secret contributions exacted from him.</p> + +<p>The third was Pierre du Carieulx, another rich citizen. His sentence +recited that he had been to the Sabbat innumerable times; holding a +lighted candle he had kissed, under the tail, the devil in the shape of +a monkey; he had given him his soul in a compact written with his own +blood; he had thrice given to the Abbé-de-peu-de-sens consecrated wafers +received at Easter, out of which, with the bones of men hanged, which he +had picked up under the gallows, and the blood of young children, of +whom he had slain four, he had helped to make the infernal ointment and +certain powders, with which they injured men and beasts. When asked to +confirm this he denied it, saying that it had been forced from him by +torture; and he would have added much more, but he was silenced. +Abandoned to secular justice, the eschevins demanded him as their +bourgeois, and on their paying his prison expenses he was delivered to +them. They allowed him to talk in the town-hall, when he disculpated all +whom he had accused, of whom he said there were many present, eschevins +and others, adding that, under torture, he had accused every one he +knew, and if he had known more he would have included them. He was +burned the same day.</p> + +<p>The fourth was Huguet Aubry, a man of uncommon force and resolution. In +spite of the severest and most prolonged torture, he had confessed +nothing. He had been accused by nine witnesses, and he was now asked if +he would confess under promise of mercy; but he repeated that he knew +nothing of Vauderie, and had never been to the Sabbat. Then the +inquisitor told him that he had broken jail and been recaptured, which +rendered him guilty. He threw himself on his knees and begged for mercy, +but was condemned to prison, on bread and water, for twenty years; a +most irregular sentence, which could never have been rendered under the +perfected system of procedure, for the evidence against him was strong, +and his constancy under torture only proved that Satan had endowed him +with the gift of taciturnity.</p> + +<p>This was the last of the persecution. There had been only thirty-four +arrests and twelve burnings; which, in the flourishing<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_527" id="page_527"></a>{527}</span> times of +witchcraft, would have been a trifle, but the novelty of the occurrence +in Picardy, the character of the victims, and the subsequent proceedings +in the Parlement attracted to it a disproportionate attention. That it +came to so early a termination is possibly attributable to the fact that +Philippe de Saveuse had directed the torture of the women not only to +convict de Beauffort, but to incriminate the Seigneurs de Croy and +others, from avaricious and perhaps political motives. The de Croy were +at this time all-powerful at the ducal court, and doubtless used their +interest to arrest the ecclesiastical machinery which was strong enough +to crush even them. It has every appearance of a repetition of the old +story of Conrad of Marburg.</p> + +<p>Whatever the cause, the inquisitor and the vicars now put a stop to the +prosecutions, without calling in the Bishop of Beirut, Jacques du Boys, +de Saveuse, and others, who urged them to proceed with the good work. In +vain the latter talked of the imminent dangers impending over +Christendom from the innumerable multitude of sorcerers, many of whom +held high station in the Church and in the courts of princes. Vainly +even the last card was played, and the superstitious were frightened by +rumors that Antichrist was born, and that the sorcerers would support +him.<a name="FNanchor_575_575" id="FNanchor_575_575"></a><a href="#Footnote_575_575" class="fnanchor">[575]</a></p> + +<p>One by one the accused were discharged, as they were able to raise money +to pay the expenses of their prison and of the Inquisition, which was a +condition of liberation in all cases except those of utter poverty. Some +had to undergo the formality of purging themselves with compurgators. +Antoine Sacquespée, for instance,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_528" id="page_528"></a>{528}</span> who had been tortured without +confession, had to furnish seven, and was not allowed to escape without +surrendering a portion of his substance. Others had light penance, like +Jennon d’Amiens, a woman who had confessed after being several times +tortured, and was now only required to make a five-league pilgrimage to +Nôtre Dame d’Esquerchin. This was an admission that the whole affair was +a fraud; and even more remarkable was the case of <i>fille de joie</i> named +Belotte, who had been repeatedly tortured, and had confessed. She would +have been burned with the other women on May 9, but it happened, +accidentally or otherwise, that her mitre was not ready, and her +execution was postponed, and now she was only banished from the diocese, +and ordered to make a pilgrimage to Nôtre Dame de Boulogne. Of the whole +number arrested nine had the constancy to endure torture—in most cases +long and severe—without confession.</p> + +<p>As the terror passed away the feelings of the people expressed +themselves sportively in some verses scattered through the streets, +lampooning the principal actors in the tragedy. The stanza devoted to +Pierre le Brousart runs thus:</p> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">“Then the inquisitor, with his white hood,<br /></span> +<span class="i2">His shining nose and his repulsive mazzard,<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Among the foremost in the game has stood<br /></span> +<span class="i2">To torture these poor folk as witch or wizard.<br /></span> +<span class="ist">But he knows only what he has been told,<br /></span> +<span class="ist">For his sole thought throughout has been to hold<br /></span> +<span class="i2">And keep their goods and chattels at all hazard.<br /></span> +<span class="ist">But he has failed in this, and been cajoled.”<br /></span> +</div></div> + +<p class="nind">The vicars and their advocates and the assembly of experts are all held +guilty, and the verses conclude by threatening them:</p> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">“But you shall all be punished in a mass,<br /></span> +<span class="i2">And we shall learn who caused the wondrous tale<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Of Vaudois in our city of Arras.”<a name="FNanchor_576_576" id="FNanchor_576_576"></a><a href="#Footnote_576_576" class="fnanchor">[576]</a><br /></span> +</div></div> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_529" id="page_529"></a>{529}</span></p> + +<p>The prophecy was not wholly unverified. Fortunately there was in France +a Parlement which had succeeded in establishing its jurisdiction over +both the great vassals and the Inquisition, and the relations between +the courts of Paris and Brussels were such as to render it nothing loath +to interfere. De Beauffort, before his examination, had made an appeal +to this supreme tribunal, which had been disregarded and suppressed, but +his son Philippe had carried to Paris the tale of the wrongs committed +on his father. The Parlement moved slowly, but on January 16, 1461, +Philippe came back with an usher commissioned to bring de Beauffort +before it after investigating the case. This official took testimony, +and on the 25th, accompanied by de Beauffort’s four sons and thirty +well-armed men, he presented himself before the vicars. Frightened by +this formidable demonstration, they refused to see him; but he went to +the episcopal palace, took the keys of the prison by force, and carried +de Beauffort to the Conciergerie in Paris, after serving notice on the +vicars to answer before the Parlement on February 25. The matter was now +fairly in train for a legal investigation in which both sides could be +heard. The convicts who had been condemned to imprisonment were set at +liberty and carried to Paris, where their evidence confirmed that of de +Beauffort. The conspirators were grievously alarmed. Jacques du Boys, +the dean, who had been the prime mover, became insane about the time set +for the hearing; and though he recovered his senses, his limbs failed +him; he took to his bed, where bed-sores ate great holes in his flesh, +and he died in about a year, some persons attributing to sorcery and +others to divine vengeance what evidently was mental trouble, causing +temporary insanity followed by paresis. The Bishop of Beirut was thrown +in prison, charged with having set the affair on foot, but he managed to +escape, by miracle as he asserted; he made a pilgrimage to Compostella, +and on his return secured the position of confessor to Queen Marie, +dowager of Charles VII., where he was safe. Other conspicuous actors in +the tragedy left Arras to escape the hatred of their fellow-citizens. +Meanwhile the legal proceedings<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_530" id="page_530"></a>{530}</span> dragged on with the interminable delays +for which the Parlement was notorious, enhanced on this occasion by the +political vicissitudes of the period, and the final decision was not +rendered until 1491, thirty years after its commencement, when all the +sufferers had passed off the scene except the indomitable Huguet Aubry, +who was still alive to enjoy a rehabilitation celebrated in a manner as +imposing as possible. On July 18 the decree was published from a +scaffold erected on the spot where the sentences had been pronounced. +The magistrates had been ordered to proclaim a holiday, and to offer +prizes for the best <i>folie moralisée</i> and <i>pure folie</i>, and to send +notice to all the neighboring towns, so that a crowd of eight or nine +thousand persons was collected. After a sermon of two hours and a half, +preached by the celebrated Geoffroi Broussart, subsequently chancellor +of the University, the decree was read, condemning the Duke of Burgundy +to pay the costs, and the processes and sentences to be torn and +destroyed as unjust and abusive; ordering the accused and condemned to +be restored to their good name and fame, all confiscations and payments +to be refunded, while the vicars were to pay twelve hundred livres each, +Gilles Flameng one thousand, de Saveuse five hundred, and others smaller +sums, amounting in all to six thousand five hundred; out of which +fifteen hundred were to be applied to founding a daily mass for the +souls of those executed, and erecting a cross on the spot where they had +been burned. The cruel and unusual tortures made use of in the trials +were, moreover, prohibited for the future in all secular and +ecclesiastical tribunals. It was probably the only case on record in +which an inquisitor stood as a defendant in a lay court to answer for +his official action. One cannot help reflecting that, if the Council of +Vienne had done its duty as fearlessly as the Parlement, the affair of +the Templars, so similar in many of its features, might have had a +similar termination; and the contrast between this and the +rehabilitation proceedings in the case of Joan of Arc shows how the +Inquisition had fallen during the interval.<a name="FNanchor_577_577" id="FNanchor_577_577"></a><a href="#Footnote_577_577" class="fnanchor">[577]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_531" id="page_531"></a>{531}</span></p> + +<p>Besides the general significance of this transaction in the history of +witchcraft and of its persecution, there are several points worthy of +attention in their bearing on the practical application of the methods +of procedure described above. In the first place, it is evident +throughout that no counsel were allowed to the accused. Then, the +combined episcopal and inquisitorial court permitted no appeals, even to +the Parlement, whose supreme jurisdiction was unquestioned. Not only was +the attempt of de Beauffort to interject such an appeal contemptuously +suppressed, but when Willaume le Febvre, who had fled to Paris and +constituted himself a prisoner there to answer all charges, sent his son +Willemet with a notary to serve an appeal, the service was rightly +regarded as involving considerable risk. After watching their +opportunity, Willemet and the notary served the notice on one of the +vicars at church, then leaped on their horses and made all speed for +Paris, but the vicars instantly despatched well-mounted horsemen, who +overtook them at Montdidier and brought them back. They were clapped in +jail, along with a number of friends and kinsmen who had been privy to +their intention without betraying it, and were not released until they +agreed to withdraw the appeal. Thus, an appeal was treated as an offence +justifying vigorous measures. It is more difficult to understand the +contemptuous indifference with which a papal bull was treated. Martin +Cornille, the other fugitive, had pursued a different policy. He carried +with him an ample store of money, part of which he invested in a bull +from Pius II. transferring the whole matter to Gilles Charlier and +Grégoire Nicolai of Cambrai, and two of the Arras vicars. This was +brought to Arras in August, 1460, by the Dean of Soignies, after which +we hear nothing more of it, though it may have contributed to cool the +ardor of those who were expecting to profit by the prosecutions.<a name="FNanchor_578_578" id="FNanchor_578_578"></a><a href="#Footnote_578_578" class="fnanchor">[578]</a></p> + +<p>The means employed to obtain confession show that Sprenger only recorded +the usage of the period in advising recourse to whatever fraud or force +might prove necessary. Promises of immunity<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_532" id="page_532"></a>{532}</span> or of trifling penance were +lavished on those whom it was intended to burn if they yielded to the +blandishment, and these were supplemented with threats of burning as the +punishment of taciturnity. De Beauffort’s confession without torture +excited general astonishment until it was known that, on his arrest, +after he had sworn to his innocence, Jacques du Boys entreated him to +confess, even kneeling before him and praying him to do so, assuring him +that if he refused he could not be saved from the stake, and that all +his property would be confiscated, to the beggaring of his children, +while, if he would confess, he should be released within four days +without public humiliation or exposure; and when de Beauffort argued +that this would be committing perjury, du Boys told him not to mind +that, as he should have absolution. Those whose constancy was proof +against such persuasiveness were tortured without stint or mercy. The +women were frightfully scourged. Huguet Aubry was kept in prison for +eleven months, during which, at intervals, he was tortured fifteen +times, and when the ingenuity of the executioners failed in devising +more exquisite forms of torment, he was threatened with drowning and +thrown into the river, and then with hanging and suspended from a tree +with his eyes duly bandaged. Le petit Henriot’s resolution was tried +with seven months’ incarceration, during which he was also tortured +fifteen times, fire being applied to the soles of his feet until he was +crippled for life. Others are mentioned whose endurance was equally +tried, and we hear of such strange devices as pouring oil and vinegar +down the throat, and other expedients not recognized by law.<a name="FNanchor_579_579" id="FNanchor_579_579"></a><a href="#Footnote_579_579" class="fnanchor">[579]</a></p> + +<p>With regard to the death-penalty, it is to be observed that none of +these were cases of relapse, and under the old inquisitorial practice +they would all have been entitled to the penance of imprisonment. Their +burning had not even the pretext of being punishment for injuries +inflicted on their neighbors, for, with the exception of Pierre du +Carieulx, the only offence assigned to them was attendance at the +Sabbat. At the same time there was no resort to the juggle suggested by +later authorities, of assigning penance, and then not inquiring what the +secular power might see fit to do. The condemned were formally delivered +to the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_533" id="page_533"></a>{533}</span> magistrates to be burned, and though at the first <i>auto</i> a +death-sentence was pronounced by the eschevins, at the second even this +formality was omitted, and the victims were dragged directly from the +place of sentence to that of execution.<a name="FNanchor_580_580" id="FNanchor_580_580"></a><a href="#Footnote_580_580" class="fnanchor">[580]</a></p> + +<p>One specially notable feature of the whole affair was the utter +incredulity everywhere excited. Just as the crimes imputed to the +Templars found credence nowhere out of France, so, outside of Arras, we +are told not one person in a thousand believed in the truth of the +charges. This was fortunate, for the victims naturally included in their +lists of associates many residents of other places, and the +conflagration might readily have spread over the whole country, had it +found agents like Pierre le Brousart, who carried the spark from Langres +to Arras. On the strength of revelations in the confessions several +persons were arrested in Amiens, but the bishop, who was a learned clerk +and had long resided in Rome, promptly released them and declared that +he would dismiss all brought before him, for he did not believe in the +possibility of such offences. At Tournay others were seized, and the +matter was warmly debated, with the result that they were set free, +although Jean Taincture, a most notable clerk, wrote an elaborate +treatise to prove their guilt. It was the same with the accused who +managed to fly. Martin Cornille was caught in Burgundy and brought +before the Archbishop of Besançon, who acquitted him on the strength of +informations made in Arras. Willaume le Febvre surrendered himself to +the Bishop of Paris; the Inquisitor of Paris came to Arras to get the +evidence concerning him, and the vicars furnished the confessions of +those who had implicated him. The result was that the tribunal, +consisting of the Archbishop of Reims, the Bishop of Paris, the +Inquisitor of France, and sundry doctors of theology, not only acquitted +him, but authorized him to prosecute the vicars for reparation of his +honor, and for expenses and damages.<a name="FNanchor_581_581" id="FNanchor_581_581"></a><a href="#Footnote_581_581" class="fnanchor">[581]</a> Evidently up to this time the +excitement concerning<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_534" id="page_534"></a>{534}</span> witchcraft was to a great extent artificial—the +creation of a comparatively few credulous ecclesiastics and judges: the +mass of educated clerks and jurists were disposed to hold fast to the +definition of the <i>Cap. Episcopi</i>, and to regard it as a delusion. Had +the Church resolutely repressed the growing superstition, in place of +stimulating it with all the authority of the Holy See, infinite +bloodshed and misery might have been spared to Christendom.</p> + +<p> </p> + +<p>The development of the witchcraft epidemic, in fact, had not been rapid. +The earliest detailed account which we have of it is that of Nider, in +his <i>Formicarius</i>, written in 1337. Although Nider himself seems to have +sometimes acted as inquisitor, he tells us that his information is +principally derived from the experience of Peter of Berne, a secular +judge, who had burned large numbers of witches of both sexes, and had +driven many more from the Bernese territory, which they had infested for +about sixty years. This would place the origin of witchcraft in that +region towards the close of the fourteenth century, and Silvester +Prierias, as we have seen, attributes it to the first years of the +fifteenth. Bernardo di Como, writing about 1510, assigns to it a +somewhat earlier origin, for he says the records of the Inquisition of +Como showed that it had existed for a hundred and fifty years. It is +quite likely, indeed, that the gradual development of witchcraft from +ordinary sorcery commenced about the middle of the fourteenth century. +The great jurist Bartolo, who died in 1357, when acting as judge at +Novara, tried and condemned a woman who confessed to having adored the +devil, trampled on the cross, and killed children by touching and +fascinating them. This approach to the later witchcraft was so novel to +him that he appealed to the theologians to explain it. In this there +seems no reference to the distinctive feature of the Sabbat, but the +popular beliefs concerning Holda and Dame Habonde and their troop were +rife, and the coalescence of the various superstitions was only a +question of time. As early as 1353 an allusion to the witches’ dance +occurs in a trial at Toulouse. Thus the stories grew, under the skilful +handling of such<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_535" id="page_535"></a>{535}</span> judges as Peter of Berne, until they assumed the +detailed and definite shape that we find in Nider. The latter also +acknowledges his obligation to the Inquisitor of Autun, which would +indicate that witchcraft was prevalent in Burgundy at a comparatively +early period. In 1424 we hear of a witch named Finicella burned in Rome +for causing the death of many persons and bewitching many more. +According to Peter of Berne, the evil originated with a certain Scavius, +who openly boasted of his powers, and always escaped by transforming +himself into a mouse, until he was assassinated through a window near +which he incautiously sat. His principal disciple was Poppo, who taught +Staedelin; the latter fell into the hands of Peter, and, after four +vigorous applications of torture, confessed all the secrets of the +diabolical sect. The details given are virtually those described above, +showing that the subsequent inquisitors who drew their inspiration from +Nider were skilled in their work and knew how to extract confessions in +accordance with their preconceived notions. There are a few unimportant +variants, of course; infants, as already stated, when killed, were +boiled down, the soup being used to procure converts by its magic power, +while the solid portion was worked up into ointment required for the +unholy rites. Apparently, moreover, the theory had not yet established +itself that the witch was powerless against officers of public justice, +for the latter were held to incur great dangers in the performance of +their functions. It was only by the most careful observance of religious +duties and the constant use of the sign of the cross that Peter of Berne +escaped, and even he once, at the castle of Blankenburg, nearly lost his +life when, going up a lofty staircase at night in such haste that he +forgot to cross himself, he was precipitated violently to the +bottom—manifestly the effect of sorcery, as he subsequently learned by +torturing a prisoner.<a name="FNanchor_582_582" id="FNanchor_582_582"></a><a href="#Footnote_582_582" class="fnanchor">[582]</a></p> + +<p>Although, in 1452, a witch tried at Provins declared that in all France +and Burgundy the total number of witches did not exceed<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_536" id="page_536"></a>{536}</span> sixty, no +believer contented himself with figures so moderate. In 1453 we hear of +an epidemic of witchcraft in Normandy, where the witches were popularly +known as Scobaces, from <i>scoba</i>, a broom, in allusion to their favorite +mode of equitation to the Sabbat. The same year occurred the case of +Guillaume Edeline, which excited wide astonishment from the character of +the culprit, who was a noted doctor of theology and Prior of St. +Germain-en-Laye. Madly in love with a noble lady, he sought the aid of +sorcery. He doubtless fell victim to some sharper, for on his person was +found a compact with Satan, formally drawn up with reciprocal +obligations, one of which was that in his sermons he should assert the +falsity of the stories told of sorcerers, and this, we are told, greatly +increased their number, for the judges were restrained from prosecuting +them. Another condition was that he should present himself before Satan +whenever required. The methods of his examination must have been sharp, +for he confessed that he performed this obligation by striding a +broomstick, when he would be at once transported to the Sabbat, where he +performed the customary homage of kissing the devil, in the form of a +white sheep, under the tail. Prosecuted before Guillaume de Floques, +Bishop of Evreux, he persuaded the University of Caen to defend him; but +the bishop procuring the support of the University of Paris, he was +forced to confess and was convicted. It shows the uncertainty of +procedure as yet that he was not burned, but was allowed to abjure, and +was penanced with perpetual imprisonment on bread and water. At the +<i>auto de fé</i> the inquisitor dwelt upon his former high position and the +edification of his teaching, when the unfortunate man burst into tears +and begged mercy of God. He was thrown into a <i>basse-fosse</i> at Evreux, +where he lingered for four years, showing every sign of contrition, and +at last he was found dead in his cell in the attitude of prayer. The +epidemic was spreading, for in 1446 several witches were burned in +Heidelberg by the inquisitor, and in 1447 another, who passed as their +teacher; but there was as yet no uniform practice in such cases, for in +this same year, 1447, at Braunsberg, a woman convicted of sorcery was +only banished to a distance of two (German) miles, and three securities +were required for her in the sum of ten marks.<a name="FNanchor_583_583" id="FNanchor_583_583"></a><a href="#Footnote_583_583" class="fnanchor">[583]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_537" id="page_537"></a>{537}</span></p> + +<p>It was probably about this time that the inquisitors of Toulouse were +busy with burning the numerous witches of Dauphiné and Gascony, as +related by Alonso de Spina, who admired on the walls of the Toulousan +Inquisition pictures painted from their confessions, representing the +Sabbat, with the votaries adoring, with lighted candles, Satan in the +form of a goat. The allusions of Bernardo di Como show that at the same +period persecution was busy in Como. In 1456 we hear of two burned at +Cologne. They had caused a frost so intense in the month of May that all +vegetation was blasted, without hope of recovery. The steward of the +archbishop asked one of them to give him an example of her art, when she +took a cup of water, and muttering spells over it for the space of a +couple of Paternosters, it froze so solidly that the ice could not be +broken with a dagger. In this case, at least, the hand of justice had +not weakened her power, though why she allowed herself to be burned is +not recorded. In 1459 Pius II. called the attention of the Abbot of +Tréguier to somewhat similar practices in Britanny, and gave him papal +authority for their suppression, showing how vain had been the zeal of +Duke Artus III., of whom, at his death in 1457, it was eulogistically +declared that he had burned more sorcerers in France, Britanny, and +Poitou than any man of his time.<a name="FNanchor_584_584" id="FNanchor_584_584"></a><a href="#Footnote_584_584" class="fnanchor">[584]</a></p> + +<p>These incidents will show the growth and spread of the belief throughout +Europe, and it must be borne in mind that they are but the indications +of much that never attracted public attention or came to be recorded in +history. A chance allusion, in a pleading of 1455, shows what was +working under the surface in probably every corner of Christendom. In +the parish of Torcy (Normandy) there had been for forty years a belief +that a family of laborers—Huguenin de la Meu and his dead father before +him, and Jeanne his wife—were all sorcerers who killed or sickened many +men and beasts. An appeal to the Inquisition would doubtless have +extracted<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_538" id="page_538"></a>{538}</span> from them confessions of the Sabbat and devil-worship, with +lists of accomplices leading to a widespread epidemic, but the simple +peasants found a speedier remedy in beating Huguenin and his wife, when +the person or animal whom they had bewitched would recover. A certain +André suspected them of causing the death of some of his cattle, and +Jeanne said to his wife, Alayre, “Your husband has done ill in saying +that I killed his cattle, and he will find it so before long.” That same +day Alayre fell sick and was not expected to survive the night. To cure +her André went next morning to Jeanne, and threatened that if she did +not restore Alayre he would beat her so that she would never be well +again—and Alayre recovered the next day.<a name="FNanchor_585_585" id="FNanchor_585_585"></a><a href="#Footnote_585_585" class="fnanchor">[585]</a></p> + +<p>This shows the material which existed everywhere for development into +organized persecution when properly handled by the Inquisition, and the +<i>Flagellum Hæreticorum Fascinariorum</i> of the Inquisitor, Nicholaus +Jaquerius, in 1458, indicates that the Holy Office was beginning to +appreciate the necessity of organizing its efforts for systematic work. +Perhaps the untoward result of the affair at Arras may have retarded +this somewhat by the over-zeal and unscrupulous greed of its +manipulators, but if there was a reaction it was limited, both in extent +and duration. All the accumulated beliefs in the occult powers of +demonic agencies inherited from so many creeds and races still +flourished in their integrity. In the existing wretchedness of the +peasantry throughout the length and breadth of Europe, recklessness as +to the present and hopelessness as to the future led thousands to wish +that they could, by transferring their allegiance to Satan, find some +momentary relief from the sordid miseries of life. The tales of the +sensual delights of the Sabbat, where exquisite meats and drink were +furnished in abundance, had an irresistible allurement for those who +could scantily reckon on a morsel of black bread, or a turnip or a few +beans, to keep starvation at bay. Sprenger, as already stated, tells us +that the attraction of intercourse with incubi and succubi was a +principal cause of luring souls to ruin. The devastating wars, with +bands of écorcheurs and condottieri pillaging everywhere with savage +cruelty, reduced whole populations to despair, and those who fancied +themselves abandoned by God might well<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_539" id="page_539"></a>{539}</span> turn to Satan for help. +According to Sprenger, a prolific source of witches was the seduction of +young girls who when refused marriage had nothing more to hope for, and +sought to avenge themselves on society by acquiring at least the power +of evil.<a name="FNanchor_586_586" id="FNanchor_586_586"></a><a href="#Footnote_586_586" class="fnanchor">[586]</a> Not only thus was there on the part of many a desire to +enter the abhorred sect of Satan-worshippers, which the Church declared +to be so numerous and powerful, but doubtless not a few performed the +ceremonies to effect it, when perhaps some evil wish which chanced to be +realized would convince them that Satan had really accepted their +allegiance, and granted them the power which they sought. Certain minds +might, in moments of high-wrought exaltation, even imagine that they had +obtained admission to the foul mysteries whose reality was rapidly +becoming an article of orthodox belief. Others again, in weakness and +poverty, found that the reputation of possessing the power of evil was a +protection and a support, and they encouraged rather than repressed the +credulity of their neighbors. To these must be added the multitudes who +derived a source of gain from curing the sorcery which the Church was +confessedly unable to relieve, and there was ample material in the +despised and lower stratum of society for the innumerable army of +witches conjured up by the heated imaginations of the demonographers.</p> + +<p>Unfortunately the Church, in its alarm at the development of this new +heresy, stimulated it to the utmost in the endeavor to repress it. Every +inquisitor whom it commissioned to suppress witchcraft was an active +missionary who scattered the seeds of the belief ever more widely. We +have seen what a brood of witches Pierre le Brousart hatched at Arras +out of the single one burned at Langres, and how Chiabaudi succeeded in +infecting the valleys of the Canavese. It mattered little in the end +that le Brousart overreached himself and that Chiabaudi was outwrangled. +The minds of the people became more and more familiarized with the idea +that witches were everywhere around them, and that every misfortune and +accident was the result of their malignity. Every man was thus +assiduously taught, when he lost an ox or a child, or a harvest, or was +suddenly prostrated with illness, to suspect his neighbors and look for +evidence to confirm his suspicions, so that<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_540" id="page_540"></a>{540}</span> wherever an inquisitor +passed he was overwhelmed with accusations against all who could be +imagined to be guilty, from children of tender years to superannuated +crones. When Girolamo Visconti was sent to Como he speedily raised such +a storm of witchcraft that in 1485 he burned no less than forty-one +unfortunates in the little district of Wormserbad in the Grisons—an +exploit repeatedly referred to by Sprenger with honest professional +pride.<a name="FNanchor_587_587" id="FNanchor_587_587"></a><a href="#Footnote_587_587" class="fnanchor">[587]</a></p> + +<p>A special impulse was given to this development when Innocent VIII., +December 5, 1484, issued his Bull <i>Summis desiderantes</i>, in which he +bewailed the deplorable fact that all the Teutonic lands were filled +with men and women who exercised upon the faithful all the malignant +power which we have seen ascribed to witchcraft, and of which he +enumerates the details with awe-inspiring amplification. Henry +Institoris and Jacob Sprenger had for some time been performing the +office of inquisitors in those regions, but their commissions did not +specially mention sorcery as included in their jurisdiction, wherefore +their efforts were impeded by over-wise clerks and laymen who used this +as an excuse for protecting the guilty. Innocent therefore gives them +full authority in the premises and orders the Bishop of Strassburg to +coerce all who obstruct or interfere with them, calling in, if +necessary, the aid of the secular arm. After this, to question the +reality of witchcraft was to question the utterance of the Vicar of +Christ, and to aid any one accused was to impede the Inquisition. Armed +with these powers the two inquisitors, full of zeal, traversed the land, +leaving behind them a track of blood and fire, and awakening in all +hearts the cruel dread inspired by the absolute belief thus inculcated +in all the horrors of witchcraft. In the little town of Ravenspurg alone +they boast that they burned forty-eight in five years.<a name="FNanchor_588_588" id="FNanchor_588_588"></a><a href="#Footnote_588_588" class="fnanchor">[588]</a></p> + +<p>It is true that they were not everywhere so successful. In the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_541" id="page_541"></a>{541}</span> Tyrol +the Bishop of Brixen published Innocent’s bull July 23, 1485, and on +September 21 he issued to the inquisitor Henry Institoris a commission +granting him full episcopal jurisdiction, but recommending him to +associate with him a secular official of the suzerain, Sigismund of +Austria. The latter, however, ordered the bishop to appoint a +commissioner, and he named Sigismund Samer, pastor of Axams near +Innsbruck. The pair commenced operations October 14, but their career, +though vigorous, was short and inglorious. It chanced that some of the +archduke’s courtiers desired to separate him from his wife, Catharine of +Saxony, and spread reports that she had endeavored to poison him; and +they followed this up by placing in an oven a worthless woman who +personated an imprisoned demon and denounced a number of people. +Institoris at once seized the accused and applied torture without stint. +Then the bishop interposed, and by the middle of November ordered him to +leave the diocese and betake himself to his convent, the sooner the +better. Institoris, however, was loath to abandon his duty, and drew +upon himself a sharper reproof on Ash Wednesday, 1486; he was told that +he had nought to do there, that the bishop would attend to all that was +necessary through the exercise of the ordinary jurisdiction, and he was +warned that if he persisted in remaining he was in danger of +assassination from the husbands or kinsmen of the women whom he was +persecuting. He finally withdrew to Germany, richly rewarded for his +labor by Sigismund, and from his account of the matter it is easy to see +that all the sick and withered of Innsbruck had flocked to him with +complaints of their neighbors so detailed that he was justified in +regarding the place as thoroughly infected. The next year the Tyrolese +Landtag complained to the archduke that recently many persons, on +baseless denunciations, had been imprisoned, tortured, and disgracefully +treated, and we can readily understand the complaint of the <i>Malleus +Maleficarum</i> that Innsbruck abounded in witches of the most dangerous +character, who could bewitch their judges and could not be forced to +confess. Still, the seeds of superstition were scattered to fructify in +due time. Although in the Tyrolese criminal ordinance issued by +Maximilian I., in 1499, there is no allusion to sorcery and witchcraft, +yet in 1506 we find the craze fully developed. Some records which have +been preserved show trials before secular judges with juries of twelve +men,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_542" id="page_542"></a>{542}</span> in which the unfortunate women accused, after due torture, confess +all the customary horrors.<a name="FNanchor_589_589" id="FNanchor_589_589"></a><a href="#Footnote_589_589" class="fnanchor">[589]</a></p> + +<p>One result of this campaign of Institoris in the Tyrol was that it left +Sigismund of Austria in a condition of perplexity as to the reality of +witchcraft. His judges had apparently been inexperienced in such +matters, the confessions of the accused had varied greatly, and the +inquisition had been cut short before they could be forced to +consentaneous avowals. To satisfy his mind, in 1487, he consulted on the +subject two learned doctors of the law, Ulric Molitoris and Conrad +Stürtzel, and the result was published at Constance in 1489 by Ulric, in +the form of a discussion between the three. Sigismund is represented as +urging the natural argument that the results obtained by witchcraft were +so wofully inadequate to the powers ascribed to it as to cast doubt upon +the reality of those powers—if they were real, a conqueror would only +have, like William the Manzer at Ely, to put a witch at the head of his +army to overcome all opposition. Against this view the customary texts +and citations were alleged, and the conclusions reached represent very +fairly the moderate opinions of the conservatives, who had not as yet +yielded fully to the witchcraft craze, but who shrank from a +rationalistic denial of that which had been handed down by the wisdom of +ages. These are summed up in eight propositions: 1. Satan cannot +himself, or by means of human instruments, disturb the elements, or +injure men and animals, or render them impotent, but God sometimes +permits him to do so to a certain determinate extent. 2. He cannot +exceed this designated limit. 3. By permission of God he can sometimes +cause illusions by which men appear to be transformed. 4. The +night-riding and assemblages of the Sabbat are illusions. 5. Incubi and +succubi are incapable of procreation. 6. God alone knows the future and +the thoughts of men; the devil can only conjecture and use his knowledge +of the stars. 7. Nevertheless witches, by worshipping and sacrificing to +Satan, are real heretics and apostates. 8. Finally, they should +therefore be put to death. In this cautious endeavor to harmonize the +old school and the new, the witch thus gained nothing; everything was +conceded, that had<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_543" id="page_543"></a>{543}</span> a practical bearing on the tribunals, and it was a +mere matter of speculation whether the Sabbat was a dream or a reality, +and whether the evil she wrought was the result of a special or a +general concession of power by God to Satan. Thus the work of Molitoris +is important as showing how feeble were the barriers which intelligent +and fair-minded men could erect against the prevailing tendencies so +sedulously fostered by popes and inquisitors.<a name="FNanchor_590_590" id="FNanchor_590_590"></a><a href="#Footnote_590_590" class="fnanchor">[590]</a></p> + +<p>The fine-drawn distinctions of such men were quickly brushed aside by +the aggressive self-confidence of the inquisitors. Even more potent than +the personal activity of Sprenger was the legacy which he left behind +him in the work which he proudly entitled the <i>Malleus Maleficarum</i>, or +Hammer of Witches, the most portentous monument of superstition which +the world has produced. All his vast experience and wide erudition are +brought to the task of proving the reality of witchcraft and the extent +of its evils, and, further, of instructing the inquisitor how to elude +the wiles of Satan and to punish his devotees. He was no vulgar +witch-finder, but a man trained in all the learning of the schools. He +apparently was not inhumane. In many places he manifests a laudable +desire to give the accused the benefit of whatever pleas they might +rightfully put forward, but he is so fully convinced of the gigantic +character of the evils to be combated, he so thoroughly believes that +his tribunal is engaged in a contest with Satan for human souls, that he +eagerly justifies every artifice and every cruelty that could be +suggested to outwit the adversary, on whom fair play would be thrown +away. Like Conrad of Marburg and Capistrano, he was a man of the most +dangerous type, an honest fanatic. His work is, moreover, an +inexhaustible storehouse of marvels to which successive generations +resorted whenever evidence<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_544" id="page_544"></a>{544}</span> was needed to prove any special +manifestation of the power or malignity of the witch. Told as the +results of his own experience or that of his colleagues, with the utmost +good faith, they carried conviction with them. In fact, but for the +delusive character of human testimony in such matters, the evidence +would seem to be overwhelming. Statements of disinterested +eye-witnesses, complaints of sufferers, confessions of the guilty, even +after condemnation, and at the stake, when there was no hope save of +pardon of their sins by God, are innumerable, and so detailed and +connected together that the most fertile imagination would seem +inadequate to their invention. Besides, the work is so logical in form, +according to the fashion of the time, and so firmly based on scholastic +theology and canon law, that we cannot wonder at the position accorded +to it for more than a century of a leading authority on a subject of the +highest practical importance. Quoted implicitly by all succeeding +writers, it did more than all other agencies, save the papal bulls, to +stimulate and perfect the persecution, and consequently the extension of +witchcraft.<a name="FNanchor_591_591" id="FNanchor_591_591"></a><a href="#Footnote_591_591" class="fnanchor">[591]</a></p> + +<p>Thus the Inquisition in its decrepitude had a temporary resumption of +activity, before the Reformation came to renew its vigor in a different +shape. Yet it was not everywhere allowed to work its will upon this new +class of heretics. In France edicts of 1490 and 1493 treat them as +subject exclusively to the secular courts, unless the offenders happen +to be justiciable by the ecclesiastical tribunals, and no allusion +whatever is made to the Inquisition. At the same time the growing +sharpness of persecution is seen in provisions which subject those who +consult necromancers and sorcerers to the same penalties as the +practitioners themselves, and threaten judges who are negligent in +arresting them with loss<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_545" id="page_545"></a>{545}</span> of office, perpetual disability, and heavy +arbitrary fines. It was doubtless owing to this exclusion of spiritual +jurisdiction over sorcery that the spread of witchcraft in France was +slower than in Germany and Italy.<a name="FNanchor_592_592" id="FNanchor_592_592"></a><a href="#Footnote_592_592" class="fnanchor">[592]</a></p> + +<p>Cornelius Agrippa, whose learned treatises on the occult sciences trench +so nearly on forbidden ground, when he held the position of Town Orator +and Advocate of Metz, had the hardihood, in 1519, to save from the +clutches of the inquisitor, Nicholas Savin, an unfortunate woman accused +of witchcraft. The only evidence against her was that her mother had +been burned as a witch. Savin quoted the “<i>Malleus Maleficarum</i>” to show +that if she were not the offspring of an incubus she must undoubtedly +have been devoted to Satan at her birth. In conjunction with the +episcopal official, John Leonard, he had her cruelly tortured, and she +was then exposed to starvation in her prison. When Agrippa offered to +defend her he was turned out of court and threatened with prosecution as +a fautor of heresy, and her husband was refused access to the place of +trial, lest he should interject an appeal. Leonard chanced to fall +mortally sick, and, touched with remorse on his death-bed, he executed +an instrument declaring his conviction of her innocence and asked the +chapter to set her at liberty; but Savin demanded that she should be +further tortured and then burned. Agrippa, however, labored so +effectually with Leonard’s successor and with the chapter that the woman +was discharged; but his disinterested zeal cost him his office, and he +was obliged to leave Metz. Relieved of his presence, the inquisitor +speedily found another witch, whom he burned after forcing her by +torture to confess all the horrors of the Sabbat and customary evil +deeds wrought through the power of Satan. Encouraged by this, he +organized a search for others, doubtless based on the confessions of the +victim, and imprisoned a number, while others fled, and there would have +been a pitiless massacre had not Roger Brennon, parish priest of St. +Cross, openly opposed him and vanquished him in disputation, whereupon +the jail doors were thrown open and the fugitives returned.<a name="FNanchor_593_593" id="FNanchor_593_593"></a><a href="#Footnote_593_593" class="fnanchor">[593]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_546" id="page_546"></a>{546}</span></p> + +<p>The most decided rebuff, however, which the Inquisition experienced in +its new sphere of activity was administered by Venice. I have had +occasion more than once to allude to the controversy between the Signory +and the Holy See over the witches of Brescia, when the Republic +definitely refused to execute the sentences of the inquisitors. To +understand the full significance of its action, it is to be observed +that for two generations the Church had been energetically cultivating +witchcraft throughout Lombardy by unceasingly urging its persecution and +breaking down all resistance on the part of the intelligent laity, until +it had succeeded in rendering upper Italy a perfect hot-bed of the +heresy. In 1457 Calixtus III. ordered his nuncio, Bernardo di Bosco, to +use active measures in repressing its growth in Brescia, Bergamo, and +the vicinage. Thirty years later Frà Girolamo Visconti found an abundant +field for his labor in Como, the result of which he communicated to the +world in his <i>Lamiarum Tractatus</i>, and Sprenger assures us that a whole +book would be required to record the cases, in Brescia alone, of women +who had become witches through despair in consequence of seduction, +although the episcopal court had shown the most praiseworthy vigor in +suppressing them. In 1494 we find Alexander VI. stimulating the Lombard +inquisitor, Frà Angelo da Verona, to greater activity, assuring him that +witches were numerous in Lombardy and inflicted great damage on men, +harvests, and cattle. When at Cremona, in the early years of the +sixteenth century, the inquisitor, Giorgio di Casale, endeavored to +exterminate the numberless witches flourishing there, and was interfered +with by certain clerks and laymen, who asserted that he was exceeding +his jurisdiction, Julius II., following the example of Innocent VIII. in +the case of Sprenger, promptly came to the rescue by defining his +powers, and offering to all who would aid him in the good work +indulgences such as were given to crusaders—provisions which, in 1523, +were extended to the Inquisitor of Como by Adrian VI. The result of all +this careful stimulation is seen in the description of the Lombard +witches by Gianfrancesco Pico, and in the alarming report by Silvester +Prierias that they were extending down the Apennines and boasting that +they would outnumber the faithful. The spread of popular belief is +illustrated in the remark of Politian, that, when he was a child he had +great dread of the witches whom his<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_547" id="page_547"></a>{547}</span> grandmother used to tell him lie in +wait in the woods to swallow little boys.<a name="FNanchor_594_594" id="FNanchor_594_594"></a><a href="#Footnote_594_594" class="fnanchor">[594]</a></p> + +<p>Venice had always been careful to preserve the secular jurisdiction over +sorcery. A resolution of the great council in 1410 allows the +Inquisition to act in such cases when they involve heresy or the abuse +of sacraments, but if injury had resulted to individuals the spiritual +offence alone was cognizable by the Inquisition, while the resultant +crimes were justiciable by the lay court; and when, in 1422, some +Franciscans were charged with sacrificing to demons, the Council of Ten +committed the affair to a councillor, a capo, an inquisitor, and an +advocate. Brescia was a spot peculiarly infected with witchcraft. As +early as 1455 the inquisitor, Frà Antonio, called upon the Senate for +aid to exterminate it, which was presumably afforded, but when a fresh +persecution arose in 1486 the podestà refused to execute the +inquisitorial sentences, and the Signoria supported him, calling forth, +as we have seen, the vigorous protest of Innocent VIII. Under the +stimulus of persecution the evil increased with terrible rapidity. In +1510 we hear of seventy women and seventy men burned at Brescia; in 1514 +of three hundred at Como. In such an epidemic every victim was a new +source of infection, and the land was threatened with depopulation. In +the madness of the hour it was currently reported that on the plain of +Tonale, near Brescia, the customary gathering at the Sabbat exceeded +twenty-five thousand souls; and in 1518 the Senate was officially +informed that the inquisitor had burned seventy witches of the +Valcamonica, that he had as many in his prisons, and that those +suspected or accused amounted to about five thousand, or one fourth of +the inhabitants of the valleys. It was time to interfere, and the +Signoria interposed effectually, leading to violent remonstrances from +Rome. Leo X. issued, February 15, 1521, his fiery bull, <i>Honestis</i>, +ordering the inquisitors to use freely the excommunication and the +interdict, if their sentences on the witches were not executed without +examination or revision, showing how transparent were the subterfuges +adopted to throw<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_548" id="page_548"></a>{548}</span> upon the secular courts the responsibility of putting +to death those who were not relapsed. On March 21 the imperturbable +Council of Ten quietly responded by laying down regulations for all +trials, including the cases in question, of which the sentences were +treated as invalid, and all bail heretofore taken was to be discharged. +The examinations were to be made without the use of torture by one or +two bishops, an inquisitor, and two doctors of Brescia, all selected for +probity and intelligence. The result was to be read in the court of the +podestà, with the participation of the two <i>rettori</i>, or governors, and +four more doctors. The accused were to be asked if they ratified their +statements, and were to be liable to torture if they modified them. When +all this was done with due circumspection, judgment was to be rendered +in accordance with the counsel of all the above-named experts, and under +no other circumstances was a sentence to be executed. In this way the +Signoria hoped that the errors said to have been committed would be +avoided for the future. Moreover, the papal legate was to be admonished +to see that the expenses of the Inquisition were moderate and free from +extortion, and was to find expedients to prevent greed for money from +causing the condemnation of the innocent, as was said to have often been +the case. He should also depute proper persons to investigate the +extortions and other evil acts of the inquisitors, which had excited +general complaint, and he should summarily punish the perpetrators to +serve as an example. He was further requested to consider that these +poor people of Valcamonica were simple folk of the densest ignorance, +much more in need of good preachers than of persecutors, especially as +they were so numerous.<a name="FNanchor_595_595" id="FNanchor_595_595"></a><a href="#Footnote_595_595" class="fnanchor">[595]</a></p> + +<p>In an age of superstition this utterance of the Council of Ten stands +forth as a monument of considerate wisdom and calm common-sense. Had its +enlightened spirit been allowed to guide the counsels of popes and +princes, Europe would have been spared the most disgraceful page in the +annals of civilization. The lesson of cruel fear so sedulously +inculcated on the nations was thoroughly learned. Hideous as are the +details of the persecution of witchcraft which we have been considering +up to the fifteenth century,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_549" id="page_549"></a>{549}</span> they were but the prelude to the blind and +senseless orgies of destruction which disgraced the next century and a +half. Christendom seemed to have grown delirious, and Satan might well +smile at the tribute to his power seen in the endless smoke of the +holocausts which bore witness to his triumph over the Almighty. +Protestant and Catholic rivalled each other in the madness of the hour. +Witches were burned no longer in ones and twos, but in scores and +hundreds. A bishop of Geneva is said to have burned five hundred within +three months, a bishop of Bamburg six hundred, a bishop of Würzburg nine +hundred. Eight hundred were condemned, apparently in one body, by the +Senate of Savoy. So completely had the intervention of Satan, through +the instrumentality of his worshippers, become a part of the unconscious +process of thought, that any unusual operation of nature was attributed +to them as a matter of course. The spring of 1586 was tardy in the +Rhinelands and the cold was prolonged until June: this could only be the +result of witchcraft, and the Archbishop of Trèves burned at Pfalz a +hundred and eighteen women and two men, from whom confessions had been +extorted that their incantations had prolonged the winter. It was well +that he acted thus promptly, for on their way to the place of execution +they stated that had they been allowed three days more they would have +brought cold so intense that no green thing could have survived, and +that all fields and vineyards would have been cursed with barrenness. +The Inquisition evidently had worthy pupils, but it did not relax its +own efforts. Paramo boasts that in a century and a half from the +commencement of the sect, in 1404, the Holy Office had burned at least +thirty thousand witches who, if they had been left unpunished, would +easily have brought the whole world to destruction.<a name="FNanchor_596_596" id="FNanchor_596_596"></a><a href="#Footnote_596_596" class="fnanchor">[596]</a> Could any +Manichæan offer more practical evidence that Satan was lord of the +visible universe?<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_550" id="page_550"></a>{550}</span></p> + +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_VIII" id="CHAPTER_VIII"></a>CHAPTER VIII.<br /><br /> +<small>INTELLECT AND FAITH.</small></h2> + +<p>T<small>HE</small> only heresies which really troubled the Church were those which +obtained currency among the people unassisted by the ingenious +quodlibets of dialecticians. Possibly there may be an exception to this +in the theories of the Brethren of the Free Spirit, which apparently +owed their origin to the speculations of Amaury of Bène and David of +Dinant; but, as a whole, the Cathari and the Waldenses, the Spirituals +and the Fraticelli, even the Hussites, had little or nothing in common +with the fine-spun cobwebs of the schoolmen. For a heresy to take root +and bear fruit, it must be able to inspire the zeal of martyrdom; and +for this it must spring from the heart, and not from the brain. We have +seen how, during centuries, multitudes were ready to face death in its +most awful form rather than abandon beliefs in which were entwined their +sentiments and feelings and their hopes of the hereafter; but history +records few cases, from Abelard to Master Eckart and Galileo, in which +intellectual conceptions, however firmly entertained, were strong enough +to lead to the sacrifice. It is sentiment rather than reason which +renders heretics dangerous; and all the pride of intellect was +insufficient to nerve the scholar to maintain his thesis with the +unfaltering resolution which enabled the peasant to approach the stake +singing hymns and joyfully welcoming the flames which were to bear him +to salvation.</p> + +<p>The schools, consequently, have little to show us in the shape of +contests between free thought and authority pushed to the point of +invoking the methods of the Inquisition. Yet the latter, by the system +which it rendered practicable of enforcing uniformity of belief, +exercised too potent an influence on the mental development of Europe +for us to pass over this phase of its activity without some brief +review.</p> + +<p>There were two tendencies at work to provoke collisions between<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_551" id="page_551"></a>{551}</span> the +schoolmen and the inquisitors. The ardor of persecution, which rendered +the purity of the faith the highest aim of the Christian and the most +imperative care of the ruler, secular and spiritual, created an +exaggerated standard of orthodoxy, which regarded the minutest point of +theology as equally important with the fundamental doctrines of +religion. We have already seen instances of this in the questions as to +the poverty of Christ, as to whether he was dead when lanced on the +cross, and as to whether the blood which he shed in the Passion remained +on earth or ascended to heaven; and Stephen Palecz, at the Council of +Constance, proved dialectically that a doctrine in which one point in a +thousand was erroneous was thereby rendered heretical throughout. +Moreover, erroneous belief was not necessary, for the Christian must be +firm in the faith, and doubt itself was heresy.<a name="FNanchor_597_597" id="FNanchor_597_597"></a><a href="#Footnote_597_597" class="fnanchor">[597]</a></p> + +<p>The other tendency was the insane thirst which inflamed the minds of the +schoolmen for determining and defining, with absolute precision, every +detail of the universe and of the invisible world. So far as this +gratified itself within the lines of orthodoxy laid down by an +infallible Church it resulted in building up the most complex and +stupendous body of theology that human wit has ever elaborated. The +<i>Sentences</i> of Peter Lombard grew into the <i>Summa</i> of Thomas Aquinas, an +elaborate structure to be grasped and retained only by minds of peculiar +powers after severe and special training. When this was once defined and +accepted as orthodox, theology and philosophy became the most dangerous +of sciences, while the perverse ingenuity of the schoolmen, revelling in +the subtleties of dialectics, was perpetually rearguing doubtful points, +raising new questions, and introducing new refinements in matters +already too subtle for the comprehension of the ordinary intellect. The +inquirer who disturbs the dust now happily covering the records of these +forgotten wrangles can only feel regret that such wonderful intellectual +acuteness and energy should have been so wofully wasted when, if rightly +applied, it might have advanced by so many centuries the progress of +humanity.</p> + +<p>The story of Roger Bacon, the <i>Doctor Mirabilis</i>, is fairly illustrative +of the tendencies of the time. That gigantic intellect<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_552" id="page_552"></a>{552}</span> bruised itself +perpetually against the narrow bars erected around it by an age +presumptuous in its learned ignorance. Once a transient gleam of light +broke in upon the darkness of its environment, when Gui Foucoix was +elevated to the papacy, and, as Clement IV., commanded the Englishman to +communicate to him the discoveries of which he had vaguely heard. It is +touching to see the eagerness with which the unappreciated scholar +labored to make the most of this unexpected opportunity; how he +impoverished his friends to raise the money requisite to pay the scribes +who should set forth in a fair copy the tumultuous train of thought in +which he sought to embody the whole store of human knowledge, and how, +within the compass of little more than a single year, he thus +accomplished the enormous task of writing the <i>Opus Majus</i>, the <i>Opus +Minus</i>, and the <i>Opus Tertium</i>. Unfortunately, Clement was more +concerned at the moment with the fortunes of Charles of Anjou than with +the passing fancy which had led him to call upon the scholar; in little +more than two years he was dead, and it is doubtful whether he even +repaid the sums expended in gratifying his wishes.<a name="FNanchor_598_598" id="FNanchor_598_598"></a><a href="#Footnote_598_598" class="fnanchor">[598]</a></p> + +<p>It was inevitable that Bacon should succumb in the unequal struggle at +once with the ignorance and the learning of his age. His labors and his +utterances were a protest against the whole existing system of thought +and teaching. The schoolmen evolved the universe from their internal +consciousness, and then wrangled incessantly over subtleties suggested +by the barbarous jargon of their dialectics. It was the same with +theology, which had usurped the place of religion. Peter Lombard was +greater than all the prophets and evangelists taken together. As Bacon +tells us, the study of Scripture was neglected for that of the +Sentences, in which lay the whole glory of the theologian. He who taught +the Sentences could select his own hour for teaching, and had +accommodations provided for him. He who taught the Scriptures had to beg +for a time in which to be heard, and had no assistance. The former could +dispute, and was held to be a master; the latter was condemned to +silence in the debates of the schools. It is impossible, he adds, that +the Word of God can be understood, on account of the abuse of the +Sentences; and whoso seeks in Scripture<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_553" id="page_553"></a>{553}</span> to elucidate questions is +stigmatized as whimsical, and is not listened to. Worse than all, the +text of the Vulgate is horribly corrupt, and where not corrupt it is +doubtful, owing to the ignorance of would-be correctors and their +presumption, for every one deemed himself able to correct the text, +though he would not venture to alter a word in a poet. First of moderns, +Bacon discerned the importance of etymology and of comparative +philology, and he exposed unsparingly the wretched blunders customary +among the so-called learned, who only succeeded in leading their pupils +into error. Bacon’s methods were strictly scientific. He wanted facts, +actual facts, as a basis for all reasoning, whether on dogma or physical +and mental experiences. To him all study of nature or of man was +empirical; to know first, and then to reason. Mathematics was first in +the order of sciences; then metaphysics; and to him metaphysics was not +a barren effort to frame a system on postulates assumed at caprice and +built up on dialectical sophisms, but a solid series of deductions from +ascertained observations, for, according to Avicenna, “the conclusions +of other sciences are the principles of metaphysics.”<a name="FNanchor_599_599" id="FNanchor_599_599"></a><a href="#Footnote_599_599" class="fnanchor">[599]</a></p> + +<p>The vast labors of the earnest life of a great genius were lost to a +world too conceited of its petty vanities to recognize how far he was in +advance of it. It was enamored of words; he dealt in things: the actual +was rejected for the unsubstantial, and an intellectual revolution of +priceless value to mankind was stifled in its inception. It was as +though Caliban should chain Prospero and cast him into the ocean. How +completely Bacon was unappreciated by an age unable to understand him +and his antagonism towards its methods is evidenced by the scarcity of +manuscripts of his works, the fragmentary condition of some of them, and +the utter disappearance of others. “It is easier,” says Leland, “to +collect the leaves of the Sibyl than the titles of the works of Roger +Bacon.” The same evidence is furnished by the absence of detail as to +his life no less than by the vulgar stories of his proficiency in magic +arts. Even the tragic incident of his imprisonment by his Franciscan +superiors and the prohibition to pursue his studies is so obscure that +it is told in contradictory fashion, and its truth has been not<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_554" id="page_554"></a>{554}</span> +unreasonably denied. According to one account he was accused of +unorthodox speculations, in 1278, to Geronimo d’Ascoli, General of the +Order; his opinions were condemned, the brethren were ordered +scrupulously to avoid them, and he himself was cast into prison, +doubtless because he did not submit as serenely as Olivi to Geronimo’s +sentence. He must have had followers and sympathizers, for Geronimo is +said to have prevented their complaints by promptly applying to Nicholas +III. for a confirmation of the judgment. How long his imprisonment +lasted is not known, though there is a tradition that he perished in +jail, either through sickness or the ill-treatment which we have seen +was freely visited by the Franciscans on their erring brethren. Another +statement attributes his incarceration to the ascetic Raymond Gaufridi, +who was General of the Order from 1289 to 1295. In either case it would +not be difficult to explain the cause of his disgrace. In the fierce +passions of the schools, one who antagonized so completely the +prevailing currents of thought, and who exposed so mercilessly the +ignorance of the learned, could not fail to excite bitter enmities. The +daring scholar who preferred Scripture to the Sentences, and pronounced +the text of the Vulgate to be corrupt, must have given ample opportunity +for accusations of heresy in a time when dogma had become so intricate, +and mortal heresy might lurk in the minutest aberration. The politic +Geronimo might readily listen to enemies so numerous and powerful as +those whom Bacon must have provoked. The ascetic Raymond, whose aim was +to bring back the Order to its primitive rudeness and simplicity, would +regard Bacon’s labors with the same aversion as that manifested by the +early Spirituals to Crescenzio Grizzi’s learning. It was a standing +complaint with his section of the Order that Paris had destroyed Assisi. +As Jacopone da Todi sang:</p> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">“Tal’è, qual’è, tal’è,<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Non religione c’ è.<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Mal vedemmo Parigi<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Che n’ a destrutto Assisi,”<br /></span> +</div></div> + +<p class="nind">and the Spiritual General might well like to strike a blow at the +greatest scholar of the Order.<a name="FNanchor_600_600" id="FNanchor_600_600"></a><a href="#Footnote_600_600" class="fnanchor">[600]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_555" id="page_555"></a>{555}</span></p> + +<p>While Bacon suffered because he antagonized the thought of his time, +there was much of scholastic bitterness which escaped animadversion +because it was the development of the tendencies of the age, and the +schoolmen were allowed to indulge in endless wrangling for the most part +without censure. The great quarrel between the Nominalists and the +Realists occupies too large a space in the intellectual history of +Europe to be wholly passed over, although its relation to our immediate +subject is not intimate enough to justify detailed consideration.</p> + +<p>In the developed theory of the Realists, genera and species—the +distinctive attributes of individual beings, or the conceptions of those +attributes—are real entities, if not the only realities. Individuals +are ephemeral existences which pass away; the only things which survive +are those which are universal and common to all. In man this is +humanity, but humanity again is but a portion of a larger existence, the +animate, and the animate is but a transitory form of an Infinite Being, +which is All and nothing in particular. This is the sole Immutable. +These conceptions took their origin in the Periphyseos of John Scot +Erigena in the ninth century, whose reaction against the prevailing +anthropomorphism led him to sublimated views of the Divine Being, which +trenched closely on Pantheism. The heresy latent in his work lay +undiscovered until developed by the Amaurians, when the book, after +nearly four centuries, was condemned by Honorius III., in 1225.<a name="FNanchor_601_601" id="FNanchor_601_601"></a><a href="#Footnote_601_601" class="fnanchor">[601]</a></p> + +<p>Nominalism, on the other hand, regarded the individual as the primal +substance; universals are only abstractions or mental conceptions of +qualities common to individuals, with no more of reality than the sounds +which express them. Even as Realism in the hands of daring thinkers led +to Pantheism, so, step by step, Nominalism could be brought to recognize +the originality of the individual and finally to Atomism.<a name="FNanchor_602_602" id="FNanchor_602_602"></a><a href="#Footnote_602_602" class="fnanchor">[602]</a></p> + +<p>The two antagonistic schools were first clearly defined in the beginning +of the twelfth century, with Roscelin, the teacher of<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_556" id="page_556"></a>{556}</span> Abelard, as the +leader of the Nominalists, and William of Champeaux at the head of the +Realists. Discussion continued in the schools with constantly increasing +bitterness, though neither side dared to push their own views to their +ultimate conclusions. Realism in a modified form achieved a triumph with +the immense authority of Albertus Magnus and Thomas Aquinas. Duns Scotus +was a Realist, though he differed with Aquinas on the problem of +individuation, and the Realists became divided into the opposing +factions of Thomists and Scotists. While they were thus weakened with +dissension, William of Ockham revived Nominalism, and it became bolder +than ever. The perennial hostility between the Dominicans and +Franciscans tended to range the two Orders under the opposing banners, +while Ockham’s defence of Louis of Bavaria in his quarrel with the +papacy served to impress upon the new school of Nominalists his views +upon the relations between Church and State.<a name="FNanchor_603_603" id="FNanchor_603_603"></a><a href="#Footnote_603_603" class="fnanchor">[603]</a></p> + +<p>The schools continued to resound with the clangor of disputation, +occasionally growing so hot that blows supplied the deficiency of words, +and even murder is said to have not been wanting. Under Peter d’Ailly +and John Gerson the University of Paris was Nominalist. With the English +domination the Realists triumphed and expelled their adversaries, who +were unable to return until the restoration of the French monarchy. In +1465 there arose in the University of Louvain a strife which lasted for +ten years over some propositions of Pierre de la Rive on fate and divine +foreknowledge, in which the rival sects took sides. The University of +Paris was drawn in; the Nominalists triumphed in condemning de la Rive, +and the Realists took their revenge by procuring from Louis XI. an edict +prohibiting the teaching of Nominalist doctrines in the University and +in all the schools of the kingdom; all Nominalist books were boxed up +and sealed until 1481, when Louis was persuaded to recall his edict, and +the university rejoiced to regain her liberty. One tragic incident in +the long quarrel has been already alluded to in the trial of John of +Wesel which led to his death in prison, and it illustrates how readily +scholastic ardor assumed that in gratifying its vindictiveness it was +vindicating the faith. The contemporary reporter of the trial assumes +that the persecution<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_557" id="page_557"></a>{557}</span> was caused by the antagonism of the Dominican +Realists to the Nominalism of the victim, and he deplores the rage which +led the Thomists to regard every one who denied the existence of +universals as though guilty of the sin against the Holy Ghost, and as a +traitor to God, to the Christian religion, to justice, and to the +State.<a name="FNanchor_604_604" id="FNanchor_604_604"></a><a href="#Footnote_604_604" class="fnanchor">[604]</a></p> + +<p>The annals of the schools are full of cases which show how the +recklessness of disputatious logic led to subtleties most perilous in +minute details of theology, and also how sensitive were the conservators +of the faith as to anything that might be construed by perverse +ingenuity as savoring of heresy. Duns Scotus did not escape, nor Thomas +Bradwardine; William of Ockham and Buridan were enveloped in a common +condemnation by the University of Paris, of which the latter had been +rector. The boundaries between philosophy and the theology which sought +to define everything in the visible and invisible world were impossible +of definition, and it was a standing grievance that the philosophers +were perpetually intruding on the domains of the theologians. When their +daring speculations were unorthodox they sought to shelter themselves +behind the assertion that according to the methods of philosophy the +Catholic religion was erroneous and false, but that it was true as a +matter of faith, and that they believed it accordingly. This only made +matters worse, for, as the authorities pointed out, it assumed that +there were two opposite truths, contradicting each other. It was not +merely that orthodox sensitiveness was called upon to condemn, as was +done in 1447 by the University of Louvain, such vain sophisms as the +assertion that it is possible to conceive of a line a foot long which +shall yet have neither beginning nor end, and that a whole may be in +England while all its parts are in Rome; or those of Jean Fabre, +condemned by the University of Paris in 1463, that any part of a man is +a man, that one man is infinite men, that no man is ever corrupted, +though sometimes a man is corrupted—propositions in which lurked the +possibilities of heretical development—or the apparently yet more +innocent grammatical obtuseness which recognized no difference between +the phrases “the pot boils” and “pot, thou boilest”—an obtuseness which +Erasmus tells us was regarded as an infallible<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_558" id="page_558"></a>{558}</span> sign of infidelity. +Philosophers were not satisfied unless they could prove by logic the +profoundest and holiest mysteries of theology, and, however zealous they +were in the faith, the intrusion of reason into the theological +preserves was not only resented as an interference, but was rightfully +regarded with alarm at its possible consequences. When the Arab +philosophers were disputing as to the nature and operation of the Divine +Knowledge, the calm wisdom of Maimonides interposed, saying, “To +endeavor to understand the Divine Knowledge is as though we endeavored +to be God himself, so that our perception should be as his.... It is +absolutely impossible for us to attain this kind of perception. If we +could explain it to ourselves we should possess the intelligence which +gives this kind of perception.” Ambitious schoolmen, however, as well as +orthodox theological doctors, refused to admit that the finite cannot +grasp the infinite, and their pride of reason awakened, not unnaturally, +the jealousy of those who considered it their exclusive privilege to +guard the Holy of Holies and to explain the will of God to men. This +feeling finds expression as early as 1201 in the story told of the +learned doctor, Simon de Tournay, who proved by ingenious arguments the +mystery of the Trinity, and then, elated by the applause of his hearers, +boasted that if he were disposed to be malignant, he could disprove it +with yet stronger ones, whereupon he was immediately stricken with +paralysis and idiocy. The self-restraint of such men was a slender +reliance, and yet slenderer was the chance that the interposition of +Heaven would always furnish so salutary a warning.<a name="FNanchor_605_605" id="FNanchor_605_605"></a><a href="#Footnote_605_605" class="fnanchor">[605]</a></p> + +<p>The audacity of these rash intruders upon the sacred precincts increased +immeasurably with the introduction of the works of Averrhoes in the +second quarter of the thirteenth century, constituting a real danger of +the perversion of Christian thought. In the hands of the Arab +commentators the theism of Aristotle became a transcendental +materialism, carried to its furthest expression by the latest of them, +Ibn Roschd or Averrhoes, who died in 1198. In his system matter has +existed from the beginning, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_559" id="page_559"></a>{559}</span> the theory of creation is impossible. +The universe consists of a hierarchy of principles, eternal, primordial, +and autonomous, vaguely connected with a superior unity. One of these is +the Active Intellect, manifesting itself incessantly and constituting +the permanent consciousness of humanity. This is the only form of +immortality. As the soul of man is a fragment of a collective whole, +temporarily detached to animate the body, at death it is reabsorbed into +the Active Intellect of the universe. Consequently there are no future +rewards or punishments, no feelings, memory, sensibility, love, or +hatred. The perishable body has the power of reproducing itself and thus +enjoys a material immortality in its descendants, but it is only +collective humanity that is immortal.<a name="FNanchor_606_606" id="FNanchor_606_606"></a><a href="#Footnote_606_606" class="fnanchor">[606]</a> To those whose conceptions of +paradise and the resurrection were as material as the Swarga of the +Brahman or the Kama Loka heavens of the Buddhist, such collective and +insensible immortality, like the Moksha and Nirvana, was virtually +equivalent to annihilation, and the Averrhoists were universally +stigmatized as materialists.</p> + +<p>Such theories as these necessarily induced the loftiest indifferentism +as to religious formulas, although a wholesome dread of the rising +Moslem fanaticism, from which Averrhoes had not escaped scathless, +rendered him cautious as to assailing the established faith. “The +special religion of philosophers,” he says, “is to study what exists, +for the most sublime worship of God is the contemplation of his works, +which leads us to a knowledge of him in all his reality. In the eye of +God this is the noblest of actions, while the vilest is to accuse of +error and presumption him who pays to divinity this worship, nobler than +all other worship; who adores God by this religion, the best of all +religions.” At the same time the received religions are an excellent +instrument of morality. He who inspires among a people doubts as to the +national religion is a heretic, to be punished as such by the +established penalties. The wise man will utter no word against the +national religion, and will especially avoid speaking of God in a manner +equivocal to the vulgar. When several religions confront each other, one +should select the noblest. Thus all religions are of human origin, and +the choice between them is a matter of opinion or policy—but policy, if +nothing else, must have prevented<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_560" id="page_560"></a>{560}</span> Averrhoes from uttering the phrase +commonly attributed to him—“The Christian faith is impossible; that of +Judaism is a religion of children, that of Islam, a religion of +hogs.”<a name="FNanchor_607_607" id="FNanchor_607_607"></a><a href="#Footnote_607_607" class="fnanchor">[607]</a></p> + +<p>Still less credible is the popular assertion which assigns to him the +famous speech referring to Moses, Christ, and Mahomet as the three +impostors who had deluded the human race. This saying became a +convenient formula with which the Church horrified the faithful by +attributing it successively to those whom it desired to discredit. +Thomas of Cantimpré fathered it upon Simon de Tournay, whose paralytic +stroke in 1201 he ascribed to this impiety. Gregory IX., when in 1239 he +arraigned Frederic II. before the face of Europe, did not hesitate to +assert that he was the author of this utterance, which Frederic made +haste to deny in the most solemn manner. A certain renegade Dominican +named Thomas Scot, who was condemned and imprisoned in Portugal, was +said to have been guilty of this blasphemy among others, and the phrase +drifted through the centuries until there was a current belief that an +impious book existed under the title <i>De Tribus Impostoribus</i>, the +authorship of which was attributed variously to Petrus de Vineis, +Boccaccio, Poggio, Machiavelli, Erasmus, Servetus, Bernardino Ochino, +Rabelais, Pietro Aretino, Étienne Dolet, Francesco Pucci, Muret, Vanini, +and Milton. Queen Christina of Sweden vainly caused all the libraries of +Europe to be searched for it, but it remained invisible until, in the +eighteenth century, various scribblers put forth volumes to gratify the +popular curiosity.<a name="FNanchor_608_608" id="FNanchor_608_608"></a><a href="#Footnote_608_608" class="fnanchor">[608]</a></p> + +<p>Yet to Frederic II. may be attributed the introduction of Averrhoism in +central Europe. In Spain it was so prevalent that about 1260 Alonso X. +describes heresies as consisting of two principal divisions, of which +the worst was that which denies the immortality of the soul and future +rewards and punishments, and in<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_561" id="page_561"></a>{561}</span> 1291 we find the Council of Tarragona +ordering the punishment of those who disbelieved in a future existence. +It was from Toledo that Michael Scot came with translations of Aristotle +and Averrhoes, and was warmly welcomed at the court of Frederic, whose +insatiable thirst for knowledge and whose slender reverence for formulas +led him to grasp eagerly at these unexpected sources of philosophy. It +was probably these translations which formed the body of Aristotelism +distributed by him to the universities of Italy. Hermannus Alemannus +continued Michael’s work at Toledo and brought versions of other books +to Manfred, who inherited his father’s tastes, so that by the middle of +the century the principal labors of Averrhoes were accessible to +scholars.<a name="FNanchor_609_609" id="FNanchor_609_609"></a><a href="#Footnote_609_609" class="fnanchor">[609]</a></p> + +<p>The infection spread with rapidity almost incredible. Already, in 1243, +Guillaume d’Auvergne, Bishop of Paris, and the Masters of the University +condemned a series of scholastic errors, not indeed distinctively +Averrhoist, but manifesting in their bold independence the influence +which the Arab philosophy was beginning to exercise. In 1247 the papal +legate Otto, Bishop of Frascati, condemned Jean de Brescain for certain +heretical speculations concerning light and matter; he was banished from +Paris and forbidden to teach, or dispute, or to live where there was a +college. At the same time a certain Master Raymond who had been +imprisoned for his erroneous views was found to be contumacious and was +ordered back to prison, while, for the future, logicians were forbidden +to argue theologically and theologians logically, as they were growing +accustomed to do. This accomplished little, and as little was effected +by Albertus Magnus and Thomas Aquinas, who employed their keenest +dialectics to check the spread of these dangerous opinions. Bonaventura +likewise denounced the audacious philosophy which denied immortality and +asserted the unity of intellect and the eternity of matter, showing that +Dominicans and Franciscans could co-operate against a common enemy. In +1270, Étienne Tempier, Bishop of Paris, was called upon to condemn a +series of thirteen errors, distinctively Averrhoist, which found +defenders among the schools, to the effect that the intellect of all men +is the same and is one in number; that human will is<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_562" id="page_562"></a>{562}</span> controlled by +necessity; that the world is eternal and there never was a first man; +that the soul is corrupted with the corruption of the body and does not +suffer from corporeal fire; that God does not know individual things, he +knows nothing but himself, and cannot give immortality and +incorruptibility to that which is mortal and corruptible.<a name="FNanchor_610_610" id="FNanchor_610_610"></a><a href="#Footnote_610_610" class="fnanchor">[610]</a></p> + +<p>This availed as little as the previous effort. In 1277 it was deemed +necessary to invoke the authority of John XXI., under which Bishop +Tempier condemned a list of two hundred and nineteen errors, mostly the +same as the previous ones, or deductions drawn from them, tending to +systematize materialism and fatalism. The daring progress made by +free-thought is shown by the sharply defined antagonism proclaimed +between philosophy and theology: The philosopher must deny the creation +of the world because he relies upon natural causes alone, but the +believer may assert it because he relies upon supernatural causes; the +utterances of the theologians are based upon fables, and theology is a +study unworthy the pursuing, for philosophers are the only sages and the +Christian law impedes the progress of learning: prayer, of course, is +unnecessary, and sepulture is not worth consideration by the wise man, +but confession may be practised to save appearances. The Averrhoist +theory of the universe and the celestial spheres was fully expressed, as +well as the controlling influences of the stars upon human will and +fortunes, for which, as we have seen, Peter of Abano and Cecco d’Ascoli +subsequently suffered. In addition we have the speculation that with +every cycle of thirty-six thousand years the celestial bodies returned +to the same relative positions, producing a repetition of the same +series of events.<a name="FNanchor_611_611" id="FNanchor_611_611"></a><a href="#Footnote_611_611" class="fnanchor">[611]</a></p> + +<p>About the same time Robert Kilwarby, Archbishop of Canterbury, together +with the Masters of Oxford, condemned some errors evidently originating +from the same source, but not asserting materialism in a manner so +absolute, and this condemnation was confirmed in 1284 by Archbishop +Peckham, but the only punishment threatened was deposition for a Master, +and for a Bachelor expulsion with disability for promotion. These +articles were combined<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_563" id="page_563"></a>{563}</span> with those of Bishop Tempier, and together the +collection had wide currency, as shown by the number of MSS. containing +it. That the opinions thus condemned continued to be regarded as a +source of real danger to the Church is manifested by the articles being +customarily printed during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries at the +end of the fourth book of the <i>Sentences</i>, and also in an edition each +of Thomas Aquinas, Duns Scotus, and Bonaventura.<a name="FNanchor_612_612" id="FNanchor_612_612"></a><a href="#Footnote_612_612" class="fnanchor">[612]</a></p> + +<p>Yet after the death of Bishop Tempier these articles aroused +considerable complaint as interfering with freedom of discussion, and +they became the object of no little debate. In fact, in so long a list +of errors, many of them scarce apprehensible save by the scholastic +mind, it was almost impossible to avoid trenching upon positions held to +be orthodox in a theology of which the complexity had grown beyond the +grasp of finite intelligence and finite memory. Considerable trouble was +occasioned by the fact that some of the articles assailed positions held +by Thomas Aquinas himself; others were attacked by William of Ockham and +Jean de Poilly. How perilous, indeed, was the position of the +theological expert in the war of dialectics is seen in the case of the +<i>Doctor Fundatissimus</i>, Egidio Colonna, better known as Egidio da Roma. +There was no more earnest and active opponent of Averrhoism, and his +list of its errors long continued to be the basis of its condemnation. +Yet he translated a commentary on Aristotle, and in 1285 he was accused +in Paris of entertaining some of the errors condemned in 1277. After +considerable discussion the matter was carried before the Holy See, and +Honorius IV. referred him back to the University of Paris for sentence. +He made his peace so effectually that Philippe le Bel, whose tutor he +had been, presented him to the great archbishopric of Bourges.<a name="FNanchor_613_613" id="FNanchor_613_613"></a><a href="#Footnote_613_613" class="fnanchor">[613]</a></p> + +<p>At the close of the thirteenth and the commencement of the fourteenth +century the principal figure in the contest with Averrhoes is Raymond +Lully—aptly styled by Renan the hero of the crusade against it—but the +career of Lullism was so remarkable that it must be considered +independently hereafter. All efforts failed to suppress a philosophy +which offered such attractions to the rising energies of the human +intellect. An avowed school of<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_564" id="page_564"></a>{564}</span> Averrhoists arose, whose tenets, +introduced in the University of Padua seemingly by Peter of Abano, +reigned there supreme until the seventeenth century. The University of +Bologna likewise adopted them. Jean de Jandun, the collaborator of +Marsilio of Padua, was a modified Averrhoist, as were Walter Burleigh, +Buridan, and the Ockhamists. John of Baconthorpe, who died in 1346 as +General of the Carmelites, rejoiced in the title of Prince of +Averrhoists, and through him the philosophy became traditional in the +Order. These men might conceal to themselves the dangerous irreligion +which lurked under their cherished theories, but when these spread among +the people, divested of the subtle dialectics of the schools, they +developed into frank materialism. Dante’s description of the portion of +hell where</p> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">“Suo cimitero da questa parte hanno<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Con Epicuro tutti i suoi seguaci<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Che l’anima col corpo morta fanno” (I<small>NFERNO</small>, X.)<br /></span> +</div></div> + +<p class="nind">manifests by its occupants that Averrhoism in its crudest form was +openly professed by men high in station; and some proceedings of the +Inquisitions of Carcassonne and Pamiers in the first quarter of the +fourteenth century indicate that even in the lower strata of society +such opinions were not uncommon. The indignation of Petrarch shows us +how fashionable and how outspoken by the middle of the century this +indifferentism had become in the Venetian provinces, where men did not +hesitate to ridicule Christ and to regard Averrhoes as the fountain of +wisdom. In Florence the tradition of the same philosophic contempt for +dogma is indicated by Boccaccio’s story of the Three Rings, wherein +Melchisedech the Jew, by an ingenious parable, conveys to Saladin the +conclusion that all three religions are on the same plane, with equal +claims for reverence. In Spain, although philosophy was little +cultivated, Moorish tradition seems to have kept Averrhoism alive. The +revolted nobles who, in 1464, presented their complaints to King Enrique +IV., declare him suspect in the faith because he keeps about his person +enemies of Catholicism, and others who, while nominally Christians, +boast of their disbelief in the immortality of the soul.<a name="FNanchor_614_614" id="FNanchor_614_614"></a><a href="#Footnote_614_614" class="fnanchor">[614]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_565" id="page_565"></a>{565}</span></p> + +<p>Averrhoism had thus fairly conquered a position for itself, and it is +one of the inscrutable problems why the Inquisition, so unrelenting in +its suppression of minor aberrations, should have conceded impunity to +speculations which not only sapped the foundations of Christian faith, +but by plain implication denied all the doctrines on which were based +the wealth and power of the hierarchy. Even the University of Paris, so +vigilant in its guard over orthodoxy, seems during the remainder of the +fourteenth century to have abstained from condemning Averrhoism and its +deductions, although there were numerous decisions against minute errors +of scholastic theology. Yet to Gerson Averrhoes was still the most +insolent adversary of the faith; he was the man who had condemned all +religions as bad, but that of the Christians as worst of all, for they +daily ate their God; and, in the allegorical paintings of Orcagna, +Traini, Taddeo Gaddi, and their successors, Averrhoes commonly figures +as the impersonation of rebellious unbelief.<a name="FNanchor_615_615" id="FNanchor_615_615"></a><a href="#Footnote_615_615" class="fnanchor">[615]</a></p> + +<p>It was not till 1512 that Averrhoism had its first recorded victim since +Peter of Abano, in the person of Hermann of Ryswick, who, in 1499, had +been condemned for teaching its materialistic doctrines—that matter is +uncreated and has existed with God from the beginning, that the soul +dies with the body, and that angels, whether good or bad, are not +created by God. He abjured and was sentenced to perpetual imprisonment, +but escaped and persisted in propagating his errors. When again +apprehended, in 1512, the inquisitor at The Hague had no hesitation in +handing him over as a relapsed to the secular arm, and he was duly +burned.<a name="FNanchor_616_616" id="FNanchor_616_616"></a><a href="#Footnote_616_616" class="fnanchor">[616]</a></p> + +<p>In northern Europe, where scholastic theology was engaged in mortal +combat with Humanism, rigor like this is to be looked for, but the case +was different in Italy. There letters had long before got the better of +faith. The infection of culture and philosophy, of elegant paganism, +pervaded all the more elevated ranks of society. A succession of +cultured popes, who were temporal princes rather than vicars of Christ, +and who prided themselves on the patronage of scholars, could turn aside +from the affairs of state to<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_566" id="page_566"></a>{566}</span> stimulate the burning of miserable +witches, but not to condemn the errors of the philosophers who adorned +their courts. If Rome was to remain the mistress of the world under the +New Learning, she could not afford to be relentless in repressing the +aspirations and speculations of scholars and philosophers.<a name="FNanchor_617_617" id="FNanchor_617_617"></a><a href="#Footnote_617_617" class="fnanchor">[617]</a> The +battle had been fought and lost over Lorenzo Valla. It is true that his +destructive criticism of the Donation of Constantine was written at +Naples about 1440, when Alfonso I. was in conflict with Eugenius IV. +Yet, as he not only swept away the foundations of the temporal power, +but argued that the papacy should be deprived of it, the impunity which +he enjoyed is a remarkable proof of the freedom of speech permitted at +the period. His troubles arose from a different cause, and even these he +would probably have escaped but for the quarrelsome humor of the man, +and his unsparing ridicule of the horrible jargon of the schools and +even of the earlier Humanists. He made enemies enough to conspire for +his ruin at the court of Naples, where Alfonso had studied Latin under +his teaching, and he soon gave occasion for their attack. Becoming +involved in a contest with an ignorant priest who asserted that the +Symbol was the production of the Apostles, the discussion spread to the +authenticity of the communications between Christ and King Abgar of +Edessa. Valla posted a list of the propositions assailed, and hired a +hall in which to defend them against all comers, when his enemies +procured from the king a prohibition of disputation. Valla then posted +on the hall-door a triumphant distich:</p> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">“Rex pacis miserans sternendas Marte phalanges,<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Victoris cupidum continuit gladium.”<br /></span> +</div></div> + +<p>Then the Inquisition interposed, but Alfonso exercised the royal +Neapolitan prerogative of putting a stop to the prosecution, Valla<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_567" id="page_567"></a>{567}</span> +being only forced to make a general declaration that he believed as Holy +Mother Church believed—the sincerity of which appeared when, attacked +on a point of dialectics, he defended himself by saying: “In this, too, +I believe as Mother Church believes, though Mother Church knows nothing +about it.” When, in 1443, Alfonso and Eugenius were reconciled, Valla +sought to go to Rome, but was unable to do so; but when the monkish +Eugenius was succeeded by the humanist Nicholas V., the way was opened. +Nicholas not only welcomed him, but gave him a position among the papal +secretaries and rewarded his translation of Thucydides with a gift of +five hundred ducats. Calixtus III. provided him with a prebend in the +pope’s own church of St. John Lateran, and here he was honorably buried. +So little reverence, indeed, existed at the time for the most sacred +subjects that Æneas Sylvius relates with admiration, as an illustration +of Alfonso’s keenness, that when he had been wearied with a sermon by +Frà Antonio, a Sicilian Dominican, on some questions concerning the +Eucharist, he put to the preacher the following puzzle: A man enclosed a +consecrated host in a vase of gold; a month later, on opening it, he +found only a worm; the worm could not have been formed from the pure +gold, nor from the accidents which were there, without the subject; it +was therefore produced from the body of Christ; but from the substance +of God nothing but God can proceed, therefore the worm was God. In such +a spiritual atmosphere it was in vain that Lorenzo’s enemy Poggio, whom +he had mercilessly ridiculed and abused, urged that his errors as to the +nature of God and the vow of chastity should be reproved by fire rather +than by argument. His commentary on the New Testament, in which he +corrected the errors of the Vulgate by the aid of the Greek text, +although subsequently put in the index by Paul IV. in 1559, was not +condemned at the time. Nicholas V. saw it, Bessarion contributed to it, +Nicholas of Cusa begged a copy of it, and Erasmus, in 1505, published it +with enthusiastic encomiums, under the patronage of Christopher Fischer, +papal prothonotary. We have seen from Bacon how hopelessly corrupt the +text of the Vulgate had become; Valla’s attempt to purify it was warmly +contested, but in his controversy over it with Poggio he won the +victory, and the right to do so was thenceforth conceded.<a name="FNanchor_618_618" id="FNanchor_618_618"></a><a href="#Footnote_618_618" class="fnanchor">[618]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_568" id="page_568"></a>{568}</span></p> + +<p>After this, scholarship, however heretical, had little to fear in Italy; +and the toleration thus extended to the most daring speculations offers +abundant food for thought, when we remember that at this very time the +Franciscans and Dominicans were turbulently endeavoring to burn each +other over the infinitesimal question as to whether the blood of Christ +shed in the Passion remained on earth or not. It is true that in 1459 +the Lombard inquisitor, Jacopo da Brescia, condemned to degradation and +perpetual imprisonment Doctor Zanino da Solcia, Canon of Bergamo, who +entertained some crazy theories that the end of the world was +approaching, and that God had created another world populated by human +beings, so that Adam was not the first man, together with some +Averrhoistic tenets that it was the power of the stars, and not love for +humanity that led Christ to the cross, and that Christ, Moses, and +Mahomet governed mankind at their pleasure; but<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_569" id="page_569"></a>{569}</span> Pius II., in confirming +the sentence, moderated it with the evident purpose in due time of +remedying the over-zeal of the inquisitor. He also interfered when the +Inquisition had condemned a high official of Udine for virtually denying +immortality by asserting that the blood is the soul: the sentence was +set aside, and the offender was offered the easy opportunity of escaping +punishment as a heretic by publicly declaring this to be an error. Pius, +however, showed his orthodoxy by reproving the laxity of Eugenius IV. in +the case of Braccio da Montone, the condottiere lord of Perugia, an +avowed infidel, whose body, on his death in 1424 at the siege of Aquila, +was brought to Rome and thrust into unconsecrated ground until Eugenius +had it translated and honorably buried in the cathedral of Perugia. A +more typical case is that of Gismondo Malatesta, Lord of Rimini. He was +a man of high culture, and an ardent adept of the new philosophy, who +manifested his zeal by bringing from the Peloponnesus and burying with a +laudatory inscription, in the cathedral of Rimini, Gemistus Plethon, the +half-pagan founder of a new philosophical religion. All this might have +escaped animadversion had not his ambition led him to extend his +dominions at the expense of papal territory. In the quarrel which ensued +his heterodoxy served as a convenient object of attack, and in 1461 Pius +II. condemned him as a heretic who denied the immortality of the soul, +and in default of his body burned his effigy before a Roman crowd. So +little effect had this that the Venetians maintained their alliance with +Gismondo, and the Bishop of Treviso incurred imminent risk of losing his +see by reason of publishing the sentence. More efficacious was a +crusade, in 1463, under the Cardinal of Theane and Federigo d’ Urbino, +when Gismondo was stripped of nearly all his possessions and was forced +to sue for peace. His heresy then was so little regarded that he was +allowed to abjure by deputy, and was reconciled under the trifling +penance of Friday fasting on bread and water.<a name="FNanchor_619_619" id="FNanchor_619_619"></a><a href="#Footnote_619_619" class="fnanchor">[619]</a></p> + +<p>In fact, as Gregory of Heimburg bitterly declares, it was safer to +discuss the power of God than that of the popes. This was very clearly +demonstrated in the persecution of the “Academy”<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_570" id="page_570"></a>{570}</span> by Paul II. Pius II. +had formed in the curia a college of sixty “abbreviators” for the +expedition of papal briefs, which became for the most part a refuge for +needy men of letters. Platina, the papal biographer, who was one of +them, tells us that it was customary among both philosophers and +theologians to dispute about the soul, the existence of God, the +separated essences, and other matters, and he seeks to palliate the evil +repute thence arising by saying that people confounded search for the +truth with heretical doubt. The people probably had ample cause for +scandal in such debates among papal officials, which was not diminished +when Pomponio Leto founded in honor of Plato an academy of the leading +Humanists, who bestowed on their leader the title of Pontifex Maximus, +offered sacrifices on the anniversary of the foundation of Rome, and +discarded their baptismal names in favor of classical ones. Pomponio +himself would study nothing later than the golden age of Roman +literature, thus dismissing with contempt the Scriptures and the +Fathers, and he daily knelt before an altar dedicated to Romulus. All +this might have passed unrepressed had these classical zealots borne +with philosophy the withdrawal of papal patronage. One of the early acts +of Paul II., in his effort to reform abuses, was the suppression of the +College of Abbreviators in consequence of ugly rumors as to the venality +and extortion of its members. The men of letters, many of whom had +purchased their positions, were indignant at this deprivation of their +means of livelihood. Platina was hardy enough to ask the pope to have +their rights decided by the Auditors of the Rota, and was refused with +abundant emphasis. He then had the incredible audacity to write to Paul +threatening him with an appeal to the princes of Christendom to call a +council on the subject. After Constance and Basle, the word council was +not one to be safely uttered within earshot of a pope; Platina was +promptly arrested on a charge of high-treason and thrown into jail, +where he lay in chains, without fire, during four winter months, until +released on the intercession of Cardinal Gonzaga. All this was not +likely to create harmony between Paul and the Humanists; we can readily +imagine that epigrams and satires on the pope were freely circulated and +that the breach grew wider, but the men of letters, if allowed to remain +hungry, were not molested until, early in 1468, Paul was informed that +the members of the Academy were conspiring<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_571" id="page_571"></a>{571}</span> against him. That a crazy +admiration of antiquity should culminate in an effort to restore the +liberty of Rome was not improbable, and the situation in Italy was such +as to render an effort of the kind abundantly capable of causing +trouble. Paul was thoroughly alarmed, and at once imprisoned the +suspected conspirators. The unlucky Platina, who was one of them, has +given us an account of the relentless tortures to which, for two days, +about twenty of them were subjected, while Pomponio, who chanced to be +in Venice, was dragged to Rome like another Jugurtha. No criminating +evidence of treason was discovered, but they were kept in durance for a +year, and, in order to find some justification for the affair, which had +excited much comment, they were accused of heresy, of disputing about +the immortality of the soul, and of venerating Plato. It proves how +leniently such aberrations were regarded that they were finally +acquitted of all heresy and discharged; and that although Paul abolished +the Academy, prohibiting even the mention of its name, his successor, +Sixtus IV., as a patron of letters, permitted its re-establishment and +appointed Platina librarian of the Vatican library which he +founded.<a name="FNanchor_620_620" id="FNanchor_620_620"></a><a href="#Footnote_620_620" class="fnanchor">[620]</a></p> + +<p>The tolerance thus extended to the paganism of the enthusiastic votaries +of the New Learning produced a curious development of religious +sentiment among them as insidiously dangerous to the faith, except in +its lack of popular attractiveness, as the dogmas so ruthlessly +exterminated by Peter Martyr and François Borel. Marsilio Ficino, the +Platonist, evidently regarded himself, and was regarded, as a champion +of Christianity and a most deserving son of the Church, and yet he kept +a lamp lighted in honor of Plato, whom he repeatedly declared to be a +Greek-speaking Moses. He brought all religions upon the same level. The +worship of the pagan gods of antiquity was a worship of the true God, +and not, as the Church held, an adoration of demons. He found Paradise<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_572" id="page_572"></a>{572}</span> +in the Elysian Fields, and Purgatory in Hades. Zoroaster, Orpheus, +Hermes Trismegistus, Socrates, Plato, and Virgil were prophets on whose +evidence he relies to prove the divinity of Christ. The Crito confirms +the Evangel and contains the foundation of religion. Even the +Neo-Platonists, Plotinus and Proclus, and Iamblichus, are shown to have +been supporters of the faith which they so earnestly combated while +alive. For teachings far less dangerous than this hundreds of men had +been forced to the alternative of recantation or the stake, but Marsilio +was honored as a light of his age. It is true that he avoided the errors +of Averrhoism, but as these were likewise tolerated his impunity is not +to be ascribed to this. While admitting the importance of astrology, he +held that the stars have no power of themselves; they can merely +indicate, and their indication of the future by their regular +revolutions shows that affairs are not abandoned to chance, but are +ruled by Providence. So, while human character is affected by the +position of the stars at the hour of birth, it is much more the result +of heredity and training. Perhaps the most curious illustration which +Marsilio gives us of the confusion and upturning of religious ideas in +the Renaissance is a letter addressed to Eberhard, Count of Wirtemberg, +in which he seriously proves that the sun is not to be worshipped as +God. In one respect he was more orthodox than most of his brethren of +the New Learning, for he believed in the immortality of the soul, and +maintained it in a laborious treatise, but he could not convince his +favorite pupil, Michele Mercato, and made with him a compact that the +one dying first should return, if there was a future life, and inform +the other. One morning Mercato was awakened by the trampling of a horse +and a voice calling to him: on rushing to the window the horseman +shouted, “Mercato, it is true!”. Marsilio had that moment died.<a name="FNanchor_621_621" id="FNanchor_621_621"></a><a href="#Footnote_621_621" class="fnanchor">[621]</a></p> + +<p>An exception to this prevalent tolerance is commonly said to<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_573" id="page_573"></a>{573}</span> be found +in the case of Matteo Palmiere of Pisa, reported to have been burned in +1483 for maintaining in his poem, the <i>Città di Vita</i>, that the souls of +men are the angels who stood neutral in the revolt of Satan. In reality, +however, although the Inquisition disapproved his book, the author was +not persecuted; he was honorably buried in Florence, and his portrait by +Sandro Botticelli was placed over the altar of San Pietro Maggiore.<a name="FNanchor_622_622" id="FNanchor_622_622"></a><a href="#Footnote_622_622" class="fnanchor">[622]</a></p> + +<p>That it was not, however, always safe to presume on this favor shown to +humanism is evident by the case of Giovanni Pico della Mirandola, the +wonder of his age, who in 1487, when but twenty-four years old, +published a series of nine hundred propositions which he offered to +defend in Rome against all comers, paying the expenses of scholars who +might travel for the purpose from distant lands. The list was virtually +<i>de omni scibili</i>, comprising everything recognized as knowable in +theology, philosophy, and science, even including the mysteries of the +East. It was doubtless the pretentiousness of the young scholar which +provoked enmity leading to animadversion on his orthodoxy, and it was +not difficult in so vast an array of conclusions to find some thirteen +which savored of heresy. To us it might appear a truism to say that +belief is independent of volition; we might hesitate to affirm +positively whether Christ descended into hell personally or only +effectively; we might even agree with him that mortal sin, limited and +finite, is not to be visited with chastisement unlimited and infinite; +and we might hesitate to embark with him in investigating too narrowly +the mysteries of transubstantiation; but these speculative assumptions +of the self-sufficient thinker were condemned as heretical by the +theologians appointed for their examination by Innocent VIII., who +quietly remarked: “This youth wishes to end badly, and be burned some of +these days, and then be infamous forever like many another.” Pico was +urged to resist and raise a schism, but nothing was further from his +thoughts. His few remaining years were passed in the assiduous study of +Scripture; he designed, after completing certain works in hand, to +wander barefoot over Europe preaching Christ; then, changing his +purpose, he intended to enter the Dominican Order, but his projects were +cut short, at the age of thirty-two, by the fever<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_574" id="page_574"></a>{574}</span> which carried him +off, gratified in his last hours with a vision of the Virgin. Such a man +was an easy victim; the voluminous apology which he wrote to explain his +errors availed him nothing, and he was compelled to make a full +submission, which earned from Alexander VI., in 1493, not long before +Pico’s death, a bull declaring his orthodoxy and forbidding the +Inquisition to trouble him.<a name="FNanchor_623_623" id="FNanchor_623_623"></a><a href="#Footnote_623_623" class="fnanchor">[623]</a></p> + +<p>In curious contrast to this exceptional rigor was the toleration +manifested towards the Averrhoists. It is true that Leo X., in the +Council of Lateran, December 21, 1513, procured the confirmation of a +bull in which he deplored the spread of the doctrine of the mortality of +the soul and of there being but one soul common to mankind. He also +condemned the opinions which maintained the eternity of the earth and +that the soul has not the form of the body, and in prohibiting their +teaching in the schools he especially alluded to the ingenious device +adopted by professors of arguing against them so equivocally as to lead +to the conviction of their truth. In 1518, moreover, when commissioning +Master Leonardo Crivelli as Inquisitor-general of Lombardy, he calls his +appointee’s special attention to those who seek to know more than it is +well to know, and who think ill of the Holy See; these he is to repress +with the free use of torture, incarceration, and other penalties, and to +pay over their confiscated property to the papal camera, no matter of +what condition or dignity they might be. Yet debates on points of +Averrhoistic philosophy were the favorite amusement of the semi-pagan +philosophers who gathered in Leo’s court, and who deemed that all that +was necessary to preserve them from the Inquisition was to present +arguments on both sides, pronounce the questions insoluble to human +reason, and conclude with a hypocritical submission to the Church. Such +was the device of Pomponazio (1473-1525), under whom Averrhoism became +more popular than ever, although he ridiculed Averrhoes and called +himself an Alexandrian, from Alexander of Aphrodisias, the Aristotelian +commentator, from whom Averrhoes had derived much. Pomponazio invented +the dilemma, “If the three religions are false, all men are deceived: if +only one is true, the majority of men are<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_575" id="page_575"></a>{575}</span> deceived.” He argued, “If +there is a will superior to mine, why should I be responsible for my +acts and deeds? Now a will, a superior order exists, therefore all that +happens must be in accordance with a preordained cause: whether I do +right or wrong there is neither merit nor sin.” In his treatise <i>De +Incantationibus</i> he argued away all miracles. The bones of a dog would +effect cures as readily as the relics of a saint if the patient’s +imagination entertained the same belief in them. Like Peter of Abano, +moreover, he held that everything is according to the order of nature; +revolutions of empires and religions follow the course of the stars; +thaumaturgists are but skilful physicists who foresee the occult +influences at work and profit by the suspension of ordinary laws to +found new religions; when the influences cease, miracles cease, +religions decay, and incredulity would triumph if renewed conjunctions +of the planets did not cause fresh prodigies and new thaumaturgists. All +this was far worse than anything for which Cecco d’Ascoli suffered, but +Pomponazio escaped his fate by cautiously excepting the Christian +faith.<a name="FNanchor_624_624" id="FNanchor_624_624"></a><a href="#Footnote_624_624" class="fnanchor">[624]</a></p> + +<p>In fact, the only work which gave him serious trouble was his treatise +<i>De Immortalitate Animœ</i>, written after the Lateran denunciation, in +1516, which Prierias informs us ought rather to have been entitled “<i>De +Mortalitate</i>.” In this it is true that he rejects the Averrhoist theory +of a universal intelligence as unworthy of refutation through its +monstrous and unintelligible fatuity;<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_576" id="page_576"></a>{576}</span> but, after stating the various +arguments for and against immortality, with an evident bearing towards +the latter, he sums up by declaring the problem to be “neutral,” like +that of the eternity of the earth; there are no natural reasons proving +the soul either to be immortal or mortal, but God and Scripture assert +immortality, and therefore reasons proving mortality must be false. He +evidently seeks to indicate that immortality is a matter of faith, and +not of reason; and he even goes so far as to attribute much of the +popular belief in departed spirits and in visions to the frauds of +corrupt priests, examples of which he says were not uncommon at the +time. The thin veil thus cast over its infidelity did not save the book +in Venice, where the patriarch had it publicly burned, and wrote to +Cardinal Bembo to have it condemned in Rome. Bembo read it with gusto, +pronounced it conformable with the faith, and gave it to the Master of +the Sacred Palace, who reached the same opinion. The latter’s successor +in office, however, Prierias, was less indulgent. In his treatise on +witches (1521) he declares that the example of the Venetians ought to be +everywhere followed, while his elaborate argumentation to prove the +immortality of the soul, and that the souls of brutes are not the same +as those of men, shows how widespread were irreligious opinions, and how +freely the questions were debated at the time. This is further +illustrated in the confession of Eugenio Tarralba before the Spanish +Inquisition in 1528, when he testified that as a youth he had studied in +Rome, where his three masters, Mariana, Avanselo, and Maguera, all +taught him that the soul was mortal, and he was unable to answer their +arguments.<a name="FNanchor_625_625" id="FNanchor_625_625"></a><a href="#Footnote_625_625" class="fnanchor">[625]</a></p> + +<p>Pomponazio did not remain unanswered. In 1492 Agostino Nifo, professor +at Padua, in his work <i>De Intellectu et Dæmonibus</i>, had contended for +the Averrhoist theory of the unity of intelligence; a single intellect +pervades the universe, and modifies all things at its will. He had +already had trouble with the Dominicans, and this gave them the +advantage; it would have fared ill with him had not Pietro Barozzi, the +enlightened Bishop of Padua, saved him, and induced him to modify his +teachings. Despite his philosophy, he was a skilful courtier, and became +a favorite<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_577" id="page_577"></a>{577}</span> with Leo X., who made him count of the palace, and paid him +to prove against Pomponazio that Aristotle maintained the immortality of +the soul. He became the accepted interpreter of Averrhoes throughout +Italy, and his mitigated Averrhoism remained the doctrine taught at +Padua during the remainder of the century.<a name="FNanchor_626_626" id="FNanchor_626_626"></a><a href="#Footnote_626_626" class="fnanchor">[626]</a></p> + +<p>It was impossible that the ministers of the Church should escape the +contagion of this fashionable infidelity, however little, in their +worldly self-seeking, they might trouble themselves about the theories +of Averrhoism. In his sermons on Ezekiel, in the Lent of 1497, +Savonarola describes the priests of the period as slaying the souls of +their flocks by their wicked example; their worship, he says, is to +spend the night with strumpets and the day in singing in the choir; the +altar is their shop; they openly assert that the world is not ruled by +the providence of God, but that everything is the result of chance, and +that Christ is not in the Eucharist.<a name="FNanchor_627_627" id="FNanchor_627_627"></a><a href="#Footnote_627_627" class="fnanchor">[627]</a> It was no wonder, then, that +the more thoughtful of the laity, conscious of the evils of the dominant +faith, and yet powerless, under the watchful eye of the Inquisition, to +apply a corrective short of indifferentism or practical atheism; +striving helplessly for something better than they saw around them, and +yet unable to release the primal principles of Christianity from the +incrustations of scholastic theology, should find their only refuge in +these philosophical speculations which virtually reduced Christianity to +nothingness. Had not the Reformation come, the culture of Europe would +inevitably have been atheistic, or devoted to sublimated deism, scarce +distinguishable from atheism. The Church would permit no dissidence +within its pale, and yet was singularly tolerant of these aberrations of +the fashionable Humanism. It persecuted the Fraticelli who dared to +uphold the poverty of Christ, yet it allowed the paganism of the revived +Hellenism to be disseminated almost without interference. Occasionally +some zealous Dominican, eager to defend the inspired doctrines of the +Angelic Doctor, would threaten trouble, and would burn a too daring +book, but the author could readily find protectors high in the Church, +some Barozzi or Bembo, who conjured the storm.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_578" id="page_578"></a>{578}</span></p> + +<p>The Reformation served a double purpose in checking this tendency to +dangerous speculation. It destroyed the hard-and-fast lines of the rigid +scholastic theology, and gave to active intellects a wide field for +discussion within the limits of the Christian faith. The assaults of +Luther and Melanchthon and Calvin were not to be met with the dialectics +of the schools, but with a freer and wider scope of reasoning. The +worn-out debates over Aristotle and Alexander and Averrhoes, over +Nominalism and Realism, were replaced with new systems of Scriptural +exegesis and an earnest inquiry into man’s place in the universe and his +relations to his fellows and to his God. Then the counter-Reformation +aroused a zeal which could no longer tolerate the philosophical +quodlibets leading to speculations adverse to the received faith. +Servetus and Giordano Bruno belong to a period beyond our present +limits, but their fate shows how little either Protestant or Catholic, +in the fierce strife which enkindled such uncompromising ardor, were +disposed to listen to philosophical discussions upon religious beliefs.</p> + +<p> </p> + +<p>Before leaving this branch of our subject we must recur to the curious +episode of the career of Raymond Lully, the <i>Doctor Illuminatus</i>, of +whom Padre Feyjoo truly says, “Raymond Lully, looked upon from every +side, is a very problematical object. Some make him a saint, others a +heretic; some a most learned man, others an ignoramus; some regard him +as illuminated, others as hallucinated; some attribute to him a +knowledge of the transmutation of metals, others deny it; finally, some +applaud his <i>Ars Magna</i>, others depreciate it.”<a name="FNanchor_628_628" id="FNanchor_628_628"></a><a href="#Footnote_628_628" class="fnanchor">[628]</a></p> + +<p>This enigmatical being was born in Palma, the capital of Majorca, +January 25, 1235. Sprung from a noble family, he was bred in the royal +court, where he rose to the post of seneschal. He married and had +children, but followed a gay and dissolute career until, like Peter +Waldo and Jacopone da Todi, he was suddenly converted by an experience +of the nothingness of life. He was madly in love with Leonor del +Castello, and his reckless temper manifested itself by pursuing her on +horseback into the church of Santa Eulalia during a Sunday service, to +the great scandal of priest and congregation. To rid herself of such +importunate pursuit,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_579" id="page_579"></a>{579}</span> Leonor, with consent of her husband, exhibited to +him her bosom, which was ravaged by a foul and mortal cancer. The shock +brought to him so profound a recognition of the vanity of earthly things +that he renounced the world and distributed his wealth in charity, after +making provision for his family; and the same indomitable ardor which +had rendered him extravagant in his pleasures sustained him to the end +in his new vocation. Thenceforth he devoted his life to the rescue of +the Holy Sepulchre, to the conversion of the Jews and Saracens, and to +the framing of a system which should demonstrate rationally the truth of +the Christian faith, and thus overcome the Averrhoism in which he +recognized its most dangerous adversary.<a name="FNanchor_629_629" id="FNanchor_629_629"></a><a href="#Footnote_629_629" class="fnanchor">[629]</a></p> + +<p>Ten years or more were spent in preparation for this new career. We hear +of a pilgrimage to Compostella in 1266, and of his retirement to the +Monte de Randa, near Palma, in 1275. He was so ignorant of letters that +he was not even acquainted with Latin, the key to all the knowledge of +the age. This he studied, and also Arabic, from a Saracen slave +purchased for the purpose, and the earnest labors of an indefatigable +mind can account for the enormous stores of learning which he +subsequently displayed; so wonderful that to his followers they appeared +necessarily the result of inspiration. In his retreat on Monte de Randa, +where he conceived his <i>Ars Universalis</i>, he is said to have had +repeated visions of Christ and the Virgin, which illuminated his mind; +and the mastic-tree under which he habitually wrote bore testimony to +the miracle, in its leaves inscribed with Latin, Greek, Chaldee, and +Arabic characters. It continued to put forth such leaves. In the +seventeenth century Vicente Mut vouches for the fact, and says he has +some of them, while Wadding tells us that in his time they were carried +to Rome, where they excited much wonder. When his work was completed an +angel in the guise of a shepherd appeared, who kissed the book many +times, and predicted that it would prove an invincible weapon for the +faith.<a name="FNanchor_630_630" id="FNanchor_630_630"></a><a href="#Footnote_630_630" class="fnanchor">[630]</a></p> + +<p>Emerging from his retreat, for forty years he led a wandering<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_580" id="page_580"></a>{580}</span> life of +incessant activity, now stimulating popes and kings to renewed crusades, +or to found colleges of the Oriental tongues to aid in missionary +labors, now pouring forth volume after volume with incredible fecundity, +now disputing and teaching against Averrhoism at Montpellier, Paris, and +elsewhere, and now venturing himself among the infidel to spread among +them the light of Christianity. In any one of these fields of action his +labors would seem enough to exhaust the energies of an ordinary man. +While on his way, in 1311, to the Council of Vienne, with projects for +founding schools of Oriental tongues, for uniting in one all the +military Orders, for a holy war against the infidel, for suppressing +Averrhoism, and for teaching his art in all universities, he summed up +his life: “I was married and a father, sufficiently rich, worldly, and +licentious. For the honor of God, for the public weal, and for the +advancement of the faith I abandoned all. I learned Arabic, and I have +been repeatedly among the Saracens to preach to them, where I have been +beaten and imprisoned. For forty-five years I have labored to excite the +rulers of the Church and the princes of Christendom for the public good. +Now I am old, I am poor, and I still have the same purpose, which, with +the help of God, I will retain till I die.” At Vienne his only success +was in obtaining a decree founding schools of Hebrew, Arabic, and +Chaldee in the papal court and in the Universities of Paris, Oxford, +Bologna, and Salamanca. Thence he went, for the second time, to Algiers, +where, at Bugia, he made many converts, until thrown into prison and +starved; then he was released and ordered out of the country, but +continued proselyting. With wonderful forbearance the Moors contented +themselves with placing him on board a ship bound for Genoa, and warning +him not to return. Ship-wrecked in sight of land, he saved his life by +swimming, but lost his books. Determined to win the palm of martyrdom, +in August, 1314, he again embarked at Palma for Bugia. Promptly +recognized, he was thrown into jail, beaten, and starved; but in prison +he continued to preach to his fellow-captives, until the Moors, finding +him unconquerable, took him out, June 30, 1315, and stoned him. Some +Genoese merchants about to sail carried his yet breathing body on board +their ship and laid their course for Genoa, but to their surprise found +themselves at the entrance of the port of Palma. In vain they endeavored +to leave the spot till, recognizing<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_581" id="page_581"></a>{581}</span> the will of Heaven, they carried +the body ashore. Immediately it shone in miracles, and the cult of the +martyr began. In 1448 a splendid chapel was erected in his honor in the +church of the Franciscans, of which Order he was a Tertiary, and another +one was dedicated to him in the beginning of the seventeenth century. In +1487 his bones were deposited in a richly carved alabaster urn, standing +in a niche in the church-wall over an elaborate sepulchral monument, +where they still remain.<a name="FNanchor_631_631" id="FNanchor_631_631"></a><a href="#Footnote_631_631" class="fnanchor">[631]</a></p> + +<p>Slender were the results achieved at the moment by the self-devotion of +this noble and indefatigable intellect. Averrhoism continued to gain +strength, the Christian princes could not be stimulated to a new +crusade, the conversion of Jew and infidel made no progress, and the +only reward of labor so strenuous and so prolonged were Oriental schools +established in Majorca and Sicily, and the foundation of others +commanded by the Council of Vienne. Yet the prodigious literary activity +of Lully left behind him a mass of writings destined to exercise no +little influence on succeeding generations. He was perhaps the most +voluminous author on record. Juan Llobet, who in the middle of the +fifteenth century taught the Art of Lully in the University of Palma, +had read five hundred of his books; some authors assert that their total +number reached a thousand, others three thousand. Many have been lost, +many spurious ones have been attributed to him, and the bibliography of +his works is hopelessly confused; but Nicolas Antonio, after careful +sifting, gives the titles of three hundred and twenty-one which may +safely be ascribed to him. Of these there are sixty-one on the art of +learning and general subjects, four on grammar and rhetoric, fifteen on +logic, twenty-one on philosophy, five on metaphysics, thirteen on +various sciences—astrology, geometry, politics, war, the quadrature of +the circle, and the art of knowing God through grace—seven on medicine, +four on law, sixty-two on spiritual contemplation and other religious +subjects, six on homiletics, thirteen on Antichrist, the acquisition of +the Holy Land, and other miscellaneous subjects, forty-six controversial +works against Saracens, Jews, Greeks, and Averrhoists, and sixty-four on +theology, embracing the most abstruse points,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_582" id="page_582"></a>{582}</span> and religious poetry. The +great collective edition of his works printed in Mainz from 1721 to 1742 +forms ten folios. Like all other great scholars of his day, his name was +a convenient one to affix to books on alchemy and magic, but all such +are supposititious. His reputation as an alchemist is seen in the +tradition that in England he made six million gold florins, and gave +them to the king to stimulate him to a crusade, but his own opinion of +alchemy is expressed in a passage of his <i>Ars Magna</i>: “Each element has +its own peculiarities so that one species cannot be transmuted to +another, wherefore the alchemists grieve and have occasion to weep,” and +in other equally outspoken expressions.<a name="FNanchor_632_632" id="FNanchor_632_632"></a><a href="#Footnote_632_632" class="fnanchor">[632]</a></p> + +<p>For our purpose we need consider but one phase of his marvellous +productiveness. In the solitude of Monte de Randa he conceived the Art +which passes by his name—a method in which, by diagrams and symbols, +the sublimest truths of theology and philosophy can be deduced and +memorized. Of this the <i>Ars Brevis</i> is a compend, while the <i>Ars Magna</i> +describes it in greater detail and proceeds to build upon it a system of +the universe. As the product of a man untinctured with culture till +after the age of thirty it is a wonderful performance, revealing a +familiar acquaintance with all the secrets of the material and spiritual +worlds, the powers, attributes, motives, and purposes of God and his +creatures logically deduced, which the Lullists might well hold to be +inspired. This Art he himself taught at Montpellier and Paris, and in +1309 forty members of the latter University joined in a cordial +recommendation of it as useful and necessary for the defence of the +faith. At home it had great and enduring vogue. Favored by successive +monarchs, it was taught in the Universities of Aragon and Valencia. In +the middle of the fifteenth century the Estudio Lulliano was founded at +Palma, subsquently enlarged into the Universidad Lulliana, where the +tradition of his teaching was preserved almost to our own days. Cardinal +Ximenes was its great admirer; Angelo Politiano says that to it he owed +his ability to dispute on any subject; Jean Lefèvre d’Etaples prized it<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_583" id="page_583"></a>{583}</span> +highly, as likewise did other men of note. On the other hand, it was +condemned by Gerson and its use forbidden in the University of Paris; it +was ill thought of by Cornelius Agrippa and Jerome Cardan; and Mariana +tells us that in his time many considered it useless and even harmful, +while others praised it as a gift from heaven to remedy ignorance, and +in 1586 its use was prohibited in the University of Valencia.<a name="FNanchor_633_633" id="FNanchor_633_633"></a><a href="#Footnote_633_633" class="fnanchor">[633]</a></p> + +<p>In this and in many of his other works Lully’s object was to prove by +logical processes of thought the truths of Christianity and the +positions of theology. We have already seen how the Church recognized +the risk involved in this and forbade it, and Lully felt that he was +treading on dangerous ground. He therefore lost no opportunity of +declaring that faith is superior to reason, and that they were mistaken +who held that faith proved by reason lost its merit. Devoting his life +to combating Averrhoism and converting the infidel, he had felt that +Christianity could only be spread by argument—that to convert men he +had to convince them. Without this the work must stop, and he urged that +the heathen might logically complain of God if it were impossible to +convince their reason of the truth.<a name="FNanchor_634_634" id="FNanchor_634_634"></a><a href="#Footnote_634_634" class="fnanchor">[634]</a> It was the same effort as that +made two centuries later by Savonarola in his <i>Crucis Triumphus</i>, to +combat the incredulity of the later Averrhoists and of the Renaissance.</p> + +<p>The result showed the danger which lurked in his single-minded efforts. +As his reputation spread and his disciples multiplied, Nicholas +Eymerich, the Inquisitor of Aragon, to whom I have so often had occasion +to refer, undertook to condemn his memory. Perhaps among the Lullists +there were men whose zeal outran their discretion. Eymerich speaks of +one, named Pedro Rosell, whose errors are a curious echo of the +Joachites and Olivists, for he taught that, as the doctrine of the Old +Testament was attributable to the Father and that of the New to the Son, +so was that of Lully to the Holy Ghost, and that in the time of +Antichrist<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_584" id="page_584"></a>{584}</span> all theologians would apostatize, when the Lullists would +convert the world, and all theology but that of their master would +disappear. Perhaps also, Eymerich, as a Dominican, was eager to attack +one in whom the Franciscans gloried as one of their greatest sons. +Doubtless, too, there is truth in the assertion of the Lullists that +their defence of the Immaculate Conception rendered Eymerich desirous of +suppressing them. Be this as it may, in a mass of writings embracing +every conceivable detail of doctrine and faith, set forth with logical +precision, it was not difficult for an expert to find points liable to +characterization as errors. A royal privilege for the teaching of +Lullism, issued by Pedro IV. in 1369, shows that already opposition had +been aroused, and in 1371 Eymerich went to Avignon, where he obtained +from Gregory XI. an order for the examination of Lully’s writings. On +his return the king peremptorily forbade the publication of the papal +mandate, but the irrepressible inquisitor in 1374 sent twenty of the +inculpated books to Gregory, and in 1376 he had the satisfaction of +exhibiting a bull reciting that these works had been carefully +investigated by the Cardinal of Ostia and twenty theologians, who had +found in them two hundred (or, according to Eymerich, five hundred) +errors manifestly heretical. As the rest of Lully’s writings must +presumably be erroneous, the Archbishop of Tarragona was ordered to +cause all of them to be surrendered and sent to Rome for examination. +Then King Pedro again interposed, and asked the pope to have any further +proceedings carried on in Barcelona, as Lully’s works were mostly in +Catalan, and could best be understood there.<a name="FNanchor_635_635" id="FNanchor_635_635"></a><a href="#Footnote_635_635" class="fnanchor">[635]</a></p> + +<p>Eymerich triumphed for a time, and in his <i>Directorium Inquisitorum</i> he +gives full rein to his hatred. Lully, he says, was taught his doctrine +by the devil, but, to avoid prolixity, he enumerates only a hundred of +the five hundred errors condemned by Gregory. Some of these trench on +mystic illuminism, others are merely extravagant modes of putting +ordinary propositions. For the most part they hinge on the assertion, +condemned in the ninety-sixth error, “that all points of faith and the +sacraments and the power of the pope can be and are proved by reasoning, +necessary,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_585" id="page_585"></a>{585}</span> demonstrative, and evident;” for they consist of efforts to +define logically the mysteries of faith in a manner of which conceptions +so subtle are incapable. Two or three, however, are manifestly +heretical—that faith can err, but not reason, that it is wrong to slay +heretics, and that the mass of mankind will be saved, even Jews and +Saracens who are not in mortal sin. The Lullists had not been disposed +to submit quietly. Eymerich describes them as numerous and impudent, and +guilty of the error of holding that Gregory erred grossly in condemning +their master, whose doctrine had been divinely revealed and excelled all +other doctrine, even that of St. Augustin; that it is not to be gained +by study, but by the inspiration of the Holy Ghost, in thirty, forty, +fifty, or sixty hours; that modern theologians know nothing of true +theology, for, on account of their sins, God has transferred all +knowledge to the Lullists, who are to constitute the Church in the times +of Antichrist.<a name="FNanchor_636_636" id="FNanchor_636_636"></a><a href="#Footnote_636_636" class="fnanchor">[636]</a></p> + +<p>There was in all this evidently the material which only needed nursing +and provocation to develop into a new and formidable heresy under +inquisitorial methods. Fortunately the king and a large part of the +population were in sympathy with the Lullists; the Great Schism broke +out in 1378, and Don Pedro acknowledged neither Urban VI. nor Clement +VII. The kingdom was thus virtually independent; the Lullists boldly +claimed that the bull of Gregory XI. had been forged by Eymerich; in +1385 an investigation was held which resulted in driving him from +Aragon, when he was succeeded by his enemy, Bernardo Ermengaudi, who was +devoted to the king, and who hastened to make a formal declaration that +in Lully’s <i>Philosophia Amoris</i> there were not to be found the errors +attributed to it by Eymerich. The banishment of the latter, however, did +not long continue. He returned and resumed his office, which he +exercised with unsparing rigor against the Lullists. This excited +considerable commotion. In 1391 the city of Valencia sent to the pope +Doctor Jayme de Xiva to complain<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_586" id="page_586"></a>{586}</span> of Eymerich’s enormous crimes, and to +supplicate his removal. The envoy stopped at Barcelona to solicit the +co-operation of that powerful community, and the town council, after +listening to him, resolved that if the action of Valencia was general +and not special, they would make “one arm and one heart” with their +sister city; and, moreover, they begged the pope to command some prelate +of the kingdom to examine and declare, under papal authority, whether +the articles attributed to Lully had been justly or unjustly condemned +by Eymerich.<a name="FNanchor_637_637" id="FNanchor_637_637"></a><a href="#Footnote_637_637" class="fnanchor">[637]</a></p> + +<p>The popular effervescence grew so strong that in 1393 Eymerich was again +banished by Juan I. He ended his life in exile, maintaining to the end +the enormity of Lully’s heresy and the genuineness of Gregory’s bull. +Antonio Riera, a Lullist who was active in the matter, he denounced as a +heretic who foretold that before the end of the century all divine +service would cease, that churches would be used as stables, and the +laws of Christian, Jew, and Saracen would be converted into one; but +which of these three it would be he could not tell. Meanwhile, in 1395, +the Holy See granted the prayer of the Lullists for an examination, and +the Cardinal of San Sesto was sent as special commissioner for the +purpose. Gregory’s registers for 1376 were carefully examined, and the +archivists testified that no record of the bull in question could be +found. Still the question would not remain settled, for the honor of the +Dominican Order and the Inquisition was at stake, and again, in 1419, +another investigation was held. The papal legate, Cardinal Alamanni, +deputed Bernardo, Bishop of Città di Castello, to examine the matter +definitely. His sentence pronounced the bull to be evidently false, and +all action taken under it to be null and void, but expressed no opinion +on the writings of Lully, which he reserved for the decision of the Holy +See. From that time forth the genuineness of the bull remained a matter +hotly contested. Father Bremond prints it as authentic, and declares +that after a dispassionate examination he is convinced that it is so; +that the original autograph is preserved in the archives at Gerona, and +he quotes Bzovius to the effect that the Lullists themselves admit that +it is in the archives of Barcelona, Tarragona, and Valencia, whose +bishops would not have admitted<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_587" id="page_587"></a>{587}</span> it if false; but Bzovius was a +Dominican whose bitterness on the subject is seen in his stigmatizing +Lully as a vagabond swindler. Certain it is that in the prolonged and +ardent contest which raged over the question of Lully’s orthodoxy in the +papal court, the Dominicans, with successive popes on their side, were +never able to produce the original nor offer any evidence of its +authenticity.<a name="FNanchor_638_638" id="FNanchor_638_638"></a><a href="#Footnote_638_638" class="fnanchor">[638]</a></p> + +<p>In Aragon the decision of 1419 was regarded as settling the question. +Royal letters in favor of Lullism were issued by Alonso V. in 1415 and +1449, by Ferdinand the Catholic in 1483 and 1503, by Charles V. in 1526, +and by Philip II. in 1597; the latter monarch, indeed, had great relish +for Lully’s writings, some of which he habitually carried with him on +his journeys to read on the way, and in the library of the Escorial many +copies of them were found annotated with his own hand. This royal favor +was needed in the curious controversy which followed. Lully’s name had +passed into the received catalogues of heretics, and as late as 1608 it +was included in the list published by the Doctor of Sorbonne, Gabriel du +Préau. Paul IV., in 1559, put it in the first papal <i>Index +Expurgatorius</i>. When this came to be published in Spain, Bishop Jayme +Cassador and the inquisitors suspended it and referred the matter to the +<i>consejo de la suprema</i>, which ordered the entry to be <i>borrado</i>, or +expunged. At the Council of Trent, Doctor Juan Villeta, acting for +Spain, presented a petition in favor of Lully, which was considered in a +special congregation, September 1, 1563, and a unanimous decision was +reached, confirming all the condemnations passed on Eymerich for +falsehood, and ordering the Index of Paul IV. to be expurgated by +striking out all that related to Lully. This was a secret determination +of the council, and was not allowed to appear in the published acts. It +settled the matter for a time, but the question was revived in 1578, +when Francisco Pegna reprinted Eymerich’s book with the special sanction +of Gregory XIII., bringing anew before the world the bull of Gregory XI. +and the errors condemned in Lully’s writings. Gregory XIII. ordered +Pegna to examine the papal registers for the contested bull. Those in +Rome were found imperfect, and the missing portions were sent for from +Avignon, but the most<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_588" id="page_588"></a>{588}</span> diligent search failed to find the desired +document, though it was alleged that two volumes of the year 1386 could +not be found. Battle was now fairly joined between the partisans of +Eymerich and those of Lully. In 1583 the Congregation of the Index +determined to include Lully among the prohibited writers, but again +Spanish influence was strong enough to prevent it. Under Sixtus V. there +was another attempt, but Juan Arce de Herrera, in the name of Philip +II., presented an <i>Apologia</i> to the Congregation of the Index, and again +the danger was conjured. When the Index of Clement VIII. was in +preparation the question was again taken up, June 3, 1594, and rejected +out of respect for Spain; at the request of the Spanish ambassador the +pope was asked to order a complete set of Lully’s works to be sent to +Rome for examination, that the matter might be definitely settled; but +this was not done, and in March, 1595, it was announced that his name +was omitted from the Index. In 1611 Philip III. revived the controversy +by applying to Paul V. for the canonization of Lully and the expurgation +of Eymerich’s <i>Directorium</i>; a request which was repeated by Philip IV. +After a confused controversy, it was determined that certain articles +admittedly extracted from his books were dangerous, audacious, and +savoring of heresy, and some of them manifestly erroneous and heretical. +At a sitting, under the presidency of the pope himself, held August 29, +1619, it was resolved to send this censure to the Spanish nuncio, with +instructions to inform the king and the inquisitors that Lully’s books +were forbidden. Then came an appeal from the kingdom of Majorca begging +that the books might be corrected, to which Paul replied, August 6, +1620, imposing silence; and on August 30 Cardinal Bellarmine drew up for +the Inquisition a final report that Lully’s doctrine was forbidden until +corrected, adding his belief that correction was impossible, but that +the condemnation was thus phrased so as to mitigate its severity. Thus +Lully was branded by the Holy See as a heretic, but, out of respect for +the Spanish court, the sentence was never published: the matter was +supposed by the public to be undecided, and the worship of him as a +saint continued uninterruptedly. Raynaldus, in fact, writing in 1658, +states that the question is still <i>sub judice</i>. About the same time +certain Jesuits took up his cause against the Dominicans, and in 1662 a +translation of his “Triumph of Love” appeared in Paris, on the title of<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_589" id="page_589"></a>{589}</span> +which he was qualified as “Saint Raymond Lully, Martyr and Hermit.” The +Dominican ire was aroused: appeal was made to the Congregation of Rites, +which reported that Lully was included in the Franciscan martyrology +under March 29, but that he must not be qualified as a saint, and that a +careful examination should be made of his works, to prohibit them if +necessary—a recommendation which was never carried out. Yet when, in +1688, Doctor Pedro Bennazar issued at Palma a book in praise of Lully, +it was condemned by the Inquisition in 1690; and a compendium of his +theology, by Sebastian Krenzer in 1755, was put on the Index, although +this was not done with the numerous controversial writings which +continued to appear, nor with the great edition of his works published +from 1721 to 1742, in the title of which he was qualified as <i>Beatus</i>. +Benedict XIV., in his work <i>De Servorum Dei Beatificatione</i>, after +carefully weighing the authorities on both sides, says that his claims +to sanctity are to be suspended until the decision of the Holy See. That +decision was postponed for a century. In 1847 Pius IX. approved an +office of “the holy Raymond Lully” for Majorca, where he had been +immemorially worshipped; the office reciting that so fully was he imbued +with the divine wisdom that he who had previously been uncultured was +enabled to discourse most excellently on divine things. In 1858, +moreover, Pius permitted the whole Franciscan Order to celebrate his +feast on November 27. Yet the Dominicans had not forgotten their old +rancor, for in 1857 there appeared in a Roman journal, published under +the approbation of the Master of the Sacred Palace, an argument to prove +that the alleged bull of Gregory XI. is still in force, and consequently +that Lully’s books are forbidden, although they do not appear in the +Index. This case and that of Savonarola serve to indicate how +dangerously nebulous are the boundaries between heresy and +sanctity.<a name="FNanchor_639_639" id="FNanchor_639_639"></a><a href="#Footnote_639_639" class="fnanchor">[639]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_590" id="page_590"></a>{590}</span></p> + +<p>The example of Raymond Lully illustrates the pitfalls which surrounded +the footsteps of all who ventured on the dangerous path of theology. +That science assumed to know and define all the secrets of the universe, +and yet it was constantly growing, as ingenious or daring thinkers would +suggest new theories or frame new deductions from data already settled. +Hosts of these were condemned; the annals of an intellectual centre like +the University of Paris are crowded with sentences pronounced against +novel points of faith and their unlucky authors. Occasionally, however, +some new dogma would arise, would be vehemently debated, would refuse to +be suppressed, and would finally triumph after a more or less prolonged +struggle, and would then take its place among the eternal verities which +it was heresy to call in question. This curious process of dogmatic +evolution in an infallible Church is too instructive not to be +illustrated with one or two examples.</p> + +<p>It might seem a question beyond the grasp of finite intelligence to +determine whether the souls of the blessed are wafted to heaven and at +once enjoy the ineffable bliss of beholding the Divine Essence, or +whether they have to await the resurrection and the Day of Judgment. +This was not a mere theoretical question, however, but had a very +practical aspect, for in the existing anthropomorphism of belief, it +might well be thought that the efficacy of the intercession of saints +depended on their admission to the presence of God, and the guardians of +every shrine boasting of a relic relied for their revenues on the +popular confidence that its saint was able to make personal appeals for +the fulfilment of his worshippers’ prayers. The desired conclusion was +only reached by gradual steps. The subject was one which had not escaped +the attention of the early Fathers, and St. Augustin assumes that the +full fruition of the Vision of God can only be enjoyed by the soul after +it has been clothed in the resurrected body. Among the errors condemned +in 1243 by Guillaume d’Auvergne and the University of Paris were two, +one of which held that the Divine Essence is not and will not be seen by +either<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_591" id="page_591"></a>{591}</span> angels or glorified souls; the other, that while angels dwell in +the empyrean heaven, human souls, even including the Virgin, will never +advance beyond the aqueous heaven. The decision of the bishop and +University was cautious as regards the Divine Vision, which was only +asserted in the future and not in the present tense, both as regards +angels and human souls, but there was no hesitation in declaring that +all occupied the same heaven. Thomas Aquinas argues the question with an +elaborateness which shows both its importance and its inherent +difficulty, but he ventures no further than to prove that the Blessed +will, after the resurrection, enjoy the sight of God, face to face. It +must be borne in mind that the prevalent expectation in each successive +generation that the coming of Antichrist and the second advent were not +far off, rendered of less importance the exact time at which the +Beatific Vision would be bestowed, while the development of mystic +theology tended to bring into ever more intimate relations the +intercourse between the soul and its Creator. Bonaventura does not +hesitate to treat as an accepted fact that the souls of the just will +see God, and he asserts that some of them are already in heaven, while +others wait confidently in their graves for the appointed time. The +final step seems to have been taken soon after this by the celebrated +Dominican theologian, Master Dietrich of Friburg, who wrote a tract to +prove that the Blessed are immediately admitted to the Beatific Vision, +a fact revealed to him by one of his penitents who, by order of God to +solve his doubts, appeared to him ten days after death and assured him +that she was in sight of the Trinity.<a name="FNanchor_640_640" id="FNanchor_640_640"></a><a href="#Footnote_640_640" class="fnanchor">[640]</a></p> + +<p>Yet the doctrine was not formally accepted by the Church, and the +mystical tendencies of the time rendered dangerous a too rapid progress +in this direction. The Illuminism of the Brethren of the Free Spirit was +a contagious evil, and the Council of Vienne in 1312 refrained from an +expression of opinion on the subject, except to condemn the error of the +Beghards, that man does not<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_592" id="page_592"></a>{592}</span> need the light of glory to elevate him to +the sight of God—thus only by implication admitting that with the light +of glory the soul is fitted to enjoy the Beatific Vision. When and how +the dogma spread that the souls of the just are admitted at once to the +presence of God does not appear, but it seems to have become generally +accepted without any definite expression of approbation by the Holy See. +In October, 1326, John XXII. treats as a heresy to be extirpated among +the Greeks the belief that the saints will not enter paradise until the +Day of Judgment, but not long afterwards he changed his mind, and his +pride in his theological skill and learning would not let him rest until +he had forced Christendom to change with him. He expressed his doubts as +to the truth of the new dogma and indicated an intention of openly +condemning it. His temper rendered opposition perilous, and none of the +cardinals and doctors of the papal court dared to discuss it with him +until, in 1331, an English Dominican, Thomas Walleys, in a sermon +preached before him, boldly maintained the popular opinion and invoked +the divine malediction on all who asserted the contrary. John’s wrath +burst forth. Walleys was seized and tried by the Inquisition, cast into +jail and almost starved to death, when Philippe de Valois intervened and +procured his liberation. Having thus silenced his opponents, John +proceeded to declare his opinions publicly. In the Advent of 1331 he +preached several sermons in which he asserted that the saints in heaven +will not have distinct vision of the Divine Essence before the +Resurrection of the body and the Day of Judgment, until which time they +will only see the humanity of Christ. “I know,” he said, “that some +persons murmur because we hold this opinion, but I cannot do +otherwise.”<a name="FNanchor_641_641" id="FNanchor_641_641"></a><a href="#Footnote_641_641" class="fnanchor">[641]</a></p> + +<p>It shows the peculiar condition of the human mind engendered by the +persecution of heresy that this was a political event of the gravest +importance. We have seen how much stress was laid, in the quarrel +between the empire and papacy, upon John’s innovation<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_593" id="page_593"></a>{593}</span> on the accepted +belief as to Christ’s poverty, and the manner in which his resolute +purpose had carried that dogma against all opposition. On this occasion +he was the conservator of the previously received faith of the Church, +but the political conjuncture was against him. Not only was Louis of +Bavaria consolidating the empire in resistance to the aggressiveness of +the papacy, but France, the main support of the Avignonese popes, was +indisposed. Philippe de Valois had been offended by the rejection of his +excessive demands in compensation of fulfilling his vows of a new +crusade, and had been alienated by John’s yielding to the schemes of +John of Bohemia, who was endeavoring to secure the imperial territories +in Italy. Both monarchs took active steps to turn to the fullest account +the papal heresy. It was a received principle that, as a dead man was no +longer a man, so a pope detected in heresy was no longer a pope, seeing +that he had <i>ipso facto</i> forfeited his office. Nothing better could +serve the purpose of Louis of Bavaria and his junto of exiled +Franciscans. Under the advice of Michele da Cesena he took steps to call +a German national council, for which Bonagrazia drew up a summons based +upon the papal heresy, and the plan was approved by Cardinal Orsini and +his dissatisfied brethren. This came to nought, however, through the +still greater promptness of Philippe de Valois to avail himself of the +situation. He made the celebrated William Durand, Bishop of Mende, write +a treatise in opposition to the papal views, and protected him when John +sought to punish him. He assembled the University of Paris, which, +January 3, 1333, pronounced emphatically in favor of the Beatific +Vision, and addressed to the pope a letter asserting it without +equivocation. Gerard Odo, the time-serving Franciscan General, was +despatched, ostensibly to make peace between England and Scotland, but +instructed to dally in Paris and endeavor to win over public opinion. He +ventured to preach in favor of John’s conservative views, but only +succeeded in arousing a storm before which he was forced to bow and +humbly to declare that his argument was only controversial and not +assertive. Philippe took the boldest and most aggressive position. He +wrote to John that to deny the Beatific Vision was not only to destroy +belief in the intercession of the Virgin and saints, but to invalidate +all the pardons and indulgences granted by the Church, and so firmly +was<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_594" id="page_594"></a>{594}</span> he convinced of its truth that he would take steps to burn all who +denied it, including the pope himself. Even Robert of Naples joined in +remonstrance. Haughty and obstinate as John had proved himself, he could +not resist single-handed the indignation of all Europe, and he yielded. +He purchased peace by political concessions, and wrote humbly to +Philippe and Robert that he had never positively denied the Beatific +Vision, but had treated it simply as an open question, subject to +discussion. Even this was not enough. All his ambitious schemes had +broken down. In Germany, Louis of Bavaria was posing as the defender of +the faith. In France, even the weak Philippe de Valois had resumed his +ascendency over Avignon. In Italy, John’s son, Cardinal Bertrand, had +been forced to fly, and Lombardy had freed itself. For the wretched old +man there was nothing left but to recant and die. He had convoked a +consistory for December 2, 1234, to choose a successor to Louis of +Bavaria, but before daybreak he was seized with a fatal flux which +stretched him hopeless on his bed. Towards evening of the next day he +assembled the cardinals and exhorted them to select a worthy successor +to the chair of St. Peter, when his kindred urged him to save his soul +and the reputation of the Church by withdrawing from his opinions as to +the Beatific Vision. The secrets of that awful death-bed have never been +revealed, but after he passed away on the 5th, a bull was promulgated +over his name in which he professed his belief as to the Divine Vision, +and, if he had in that or anything else held opinions in conflict with +those of the Church, he revoked all that he might have said or done, and +submitted himself to its judgment. Humiliating as was this, Michele da +Cesena pronounced it insufficient, as he made no formal confession of +error and recantation, whence it was to be inferred that he died a +contumacious heretic. Even Paris was not satisfied, although conclusions +were not expressed so openly.<a name="FNanchor_642_642" id="FNanchor_642_642"></a><a href="#Footnote_642_642" class="fnanchor">[642]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_595" id="page_595"></a>{595}</span></p> + +<p>Benedict XII., who was elected December 20, was a zealous defender of +the faith who had manifested his determination to extirpate all forms of +heresy when, as Bishop of Pamiers, he had personally conducted for years +a very active episcopal Inquisition in co-operation with the labors of +Jean de Beaune and Bernard Gui. Such a man was not likely to underrate +the importance of his predecessor’s error, and in fact he lost no time +in correcting it. On the 22d a significant threat to Gerard Odo to +beware, for he would tolerate no heresy, was a notice to all who had +yielded to John’s imperiousness. On February 2, 1335, he preached a +sermon on the text, “Behold, the bridegroom cometh,” in which he clearly +enunciated the doctrine that the saints have a distinct vision of the +Divine Essence. Two days later he summoned before the consistory all who +had given in their adhesion to the opinion of John and demanded a +statement of their motives, by way, we may presume, of admitting them +back into the fold as easily as possible. A twelvemonth later, January +29, 1336, he held a public consistory in which he published decisively +that the saints enjoy the Beatific Vision, and decreed that all holding +the contrary opinion should be punished as heretics. Benedict had earned +the reputation of a ruthless upholder of orthodoxy and persecutor of +dissent, and no victims were necessary to enforce the reception of the +new article of faith. So thoroughly was it received that it passed into +the formulas of the Inquisition as one of the points on which all +suspected heretics were interrogated; and when, at the Council of +Florence, in 1439, a nominal union was patched up with the Greek Church, +one of the articles enunciated for the acceptance of the latter asserts +that souls which after baptism incur no sin, or after sinning have been +duly purged, are received at once into heaven and enjoy the sight of the +Triune God. Thus a new dogma was adopted by the Church in spite of the +opposition of one of the most arbitrary and headstrong of the successors +of St. Peter.<a name="FNanchor_643_643" id="FNanchor_643_643"></a><a href="#Footnote_643_643" class="fnanchor">[643]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_596" id="page_596"></a>{596}</span></p> + +<p>An even more instructive instance of the development of theological +doctrine is to be found in the history of the dogma of the Immaculate +Conception of the Virgin. Up to the twelfth century it was not +questioned that the Virgin was conceived and born in sin, and doctors +like St. Anselm found their only difficulty in explaining how Christ +could be born sinless from a sinner. With the growth of Mariolatry, +however, there came a popular tendency to regard the Virgin as free from +all human corruption, and towards the middle of the twelfth century the +church of Lyons ventured to place on the calendar a new feast in honor +of the Conception of the Virgin, arguing that as the Nativity was +feasted as holy, the Conception, which was a condition precedent to the +Nativity, was likewise holy and to be celebrated. St. Bernard, the great +conservative of his day, at once set himself to suppress the new +doctrine. He wrote earnestly to the canons of Lyons, showing them that +their argument applied equally to the nativity and conception of all the +ancestors of the Virgin by the male and female lines; he begged them to +introduce no novelties in the Church, but to hold with the Fathers; he +argued that the only immaculate conception was that of Christ, who was +conceived of the Holy Ghost, and proved that Mary, who was sprung of the +union between man and woman, must necessarily have been conceived in +original sin. He admitted that she was born sanctified, whence the +Church properly celebrated the Nativity, but this sanctification was +operated in the womb of St. Anne, even as the Lord had said to Jeremiah, +“Before thou camest out of the womb I sanctified thee” (Jer. <small>I</small>. 5). It +illustrates the recklessness of theological controversy to find St. +Bernard subsequently quoted as sustaining the Immaculate Conception. +Peter Lombard, the great Master of Sentences, was not willing to concede +even as much as St. Bernard, and quotes John of Damascus to show that +the Virgin was not cleansed of original sin until she accepted the duty +of bearing Christ. To this view of the question Innocent III. lent the +authority of his great name by asserting it in the most positive +manner.<a name="FNanchor_644_644" id="FNanchor_644_644"></a><a href="#Footnote_644_644" class="fnanchor">[644]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_597" id="page_597"></a>{597}</span></p> + +<p>These irresistible authorities settled the question for a while as one +of dogma, but the notion had attractiveness to the people, and in the +constant development of Mariolatry anything which tended to strengthen +her position as a subordinate deity and intercessor found favor with the +extensive class to whom her cult was a source of revenue. There is +something inexpressibly attractive in the mediæval conception of the +Virgin, and the extension of her worship was inevitable. God was a being +too infinitely high and awful to be approached; the Holy Ghost was an +abstraction not to be grasped by the vulgar mind; Christ, in spite of +his infinite love and self-sacrifice, was invoked too often as a judge +and persecutor to be regarded as wholly merciful; but the Virgin was the +embodiment of unalloyed maternal tenderness, whose sufferings for her +divine Son had only rendered her more eagerly beneficent in her desire +to aid and save the race for which he had died. She was human, yet +divine; in her humanity she shared the feelings of her kind, and +whatever exalted her divinity rendered her more helpful, without +withdrawing her from the sympathy of men. “The Virgin,” says Peter of +Blois, “is the sole mediator between man and Christ. We were sinners and +feared to appeal to the Father, for he is terrible, but we have the +Virgin, in whom there is nothing terrible, for in her is the plenitude +of grace and the purity of human life;” and he goes on to virtually +prove her divinity by showing that if the Son is consubstantial with the +Father, the Virgin is consubstantial with the Son. In fact, he exclaims, +“if Mary were taken from heaven there would be to mankind nothing but +the blackness of darkness.” God, says St. Bonaventura, could have made a +greater earth and a greater heaven, but he exhausted his power in +creating Mary. Yet Bonaventura, as a doctor of the Church, was careful +to limit her sinlessness to sin arising with herself, and not to include +the absence of inherited sin. She was sanctified, not immaculately +conceived.<a name="FNanchor_645_645" id="FNanchor_645_645"></a><a href="#Footnote_645_645" class="fnanchor">[645]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_598" id="page_598"></a>{598}</span></p> + +<p>In spite of St. Bernard’s remonstrance, the celebration of the Feast of +the Conception gradually spread. Thomas Aquinas tells us that it was +observed in many churches, though not in that of Rome, and that it was +not forbidden, but he warns us against the inference that because a +feast is holy therefore the conception of Mary was holy. In fact, he +denies the possibility of her immaculate conception, though he admits +her sanctification at some period which cannot be defined. This settled +the question for the Dominicans, whose reverence for their Angelic +Doctor rendered it impossible for them to swerve from his teachings. For +a while, strange to say, the Franciscans agreed with their rivals. There +is a tradition that Duns Scotus, in 1304, defended the new doctrine +against the Dominicans in the University of Paris, and that in 1333 the +University declared in its favor by a solemn decree, but this story only +makes its appearance about 1480 in Bernardinus de Bustis, and there is +no trace in the records of any such action, while Duns Scotus only said +that it was possible to God, and that God alone knew the truth. There +were few more zealous Franciscans than Alvaro Pelayo, penitentiary to +John XXII., and he, in refuting the illuminism of the Beghards, makes +use of the Virgin’s conception in sin as an admitted fact which he +employs as an argument; and he adds that this is the universal opinion +of the received authorities, such as Bernard, Aquinas, Bonaventura, and +Richard de Saint Victor, although some modern theologians, abandoning +the teachings of the Church, have controverted it through a false +devotion to the Virgin, whom they thus seek to assimilate to God and +Christ. Yet as, about this very time, the Church of Narbonne commenced, +in 1327, to celebrate the Feast of the Conception, and in 1328 the +Council of London ordered its observance in all the churches of the +Province of Canterbury, we see how rapidly the new dogma was +spreading.<a name="FNanchor_646_646" id="FNanchor_646_646"></a><a href="#Footnote_646_646" class="fnanchor">[646]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_599" id="page_599"></a>{599}</span></p> + +<p>As it was impossible for the Dominicans to change their position, it was +inevitable that in time the Franciscans should range themselves under +the opposite banner. The clash between them first came in 1387, when the +struggle was carried on with all the ferocity of the <i>odium +theologicum</i>. Juan de Monçon, a Dominican professor in the University of +Paris, taught that the Virgin was conceived in sin. This aroused great +uproar, and he fled to Avignon from impending condemnation. Then, at +Rouen, another Dominican preached similar doctrine, and, as we are told, +was generally ridiculed. The University sent to Avignon a deputation +headed by Pierre d’Ailly, who claimed that they procured the +condemnation of Juan, but he escaped to his native Aragon, while the +Dominicans of Paris declared that the papal decision had been in their +favor. If the chronicler is to be believed, they preached on the +conception of the Virgin in the grossest terms and indulged in the most +bestial descriptions, till the fury of the University knew no bounds. +The Dominicans were expelled from all positions in the Sorbonne, and the +Avignonese Clement VII. was too dependent upon France to refuse a bull +proclaiming as heretics Juan and all who held with him. Charles VI. was +persuaded not only to force the Dominicans of Paris to celebrate every +year the Feast of the Conception, but to order the arrest of all within +the kingdom who denied the Immaculate Conception, that they might be +brought to Paris and obliged to recant before the University. It was not +until 1403 that the Dominicans were readmitted to the Sorbonne, to the +disgust of the other Mendicants, who had greatly profited by their +exile. It was natural that where the Dominicans had authority they +should indulge in reprisals. The Lullists were ardent defenders of the +Immaculate Conception, which accounts in part for the hostility which +they incurred.<a name="FNanchor_647_647" id="FNanchor_647_647"></a><a href="#Footnote_647_647" class="fnanchor">[647]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_600" id="page_600"></a>{600}</span></p> + +<p>The University of Paris was the stronghold of the new doctrine, and as +its activity and influence were greatly curtailed by the disturbances +which preceded the invasion of Henry V. and by the English domination, +we hear little of the question until the restoration of the French +monarchy. The belief, however, had continued to spread. In 1438 the +clergy and magistrates of Madrid, on the occasion of a pestilence, made +a vow thereafter to observe the Feast of the Conception. The next year +the Council of Basle, which had long been discussing the matter in a +desultory fashion, came to a decision in favor of the Immaculate +Conception, forbade all assertions to the contrary, and ordered the +feast to be everywhere celebrated on December 8, with due indulgences +for attendance. As the council, however, had previously deposed Eugenius +IV., its utterances were not received as the inspiration of the Holy +Ghost, and the doctrine, though strengthened, was not accepted by the +Church. In fact, the rival Council of Florence, in 1441, in its decree +of union with the Jacobines, although it spoke of Christ assuming his +humanity in the immaculate womb of the Virgin, showed that this was but +a figure of speech, by declaring as a point of faith that no one born of +man and woman has ever escaped the domination of Satan except through +the merits of Christ.<a name="FNanchor_648_648" id="FNanchor_648_648"></a><a href="#Footnote_648_648" class="fnanchor">[648]</a></p> + +<p>A new article could not be introduced without creating a new heresy. +Here was one on which the Church was divided, and the adherents on each +side denounced the other as heretics and persecuted them as far as they +dared where they had the power. In this the Dominicans were decidedly at +a disadvantage, as their antagonists had greatly the preponderance and +were daily growing in strength. In 1457 the Council of Avignon, presided +over by a papal legate, the Cardinal de Foix, who was a Franciscan, +confirmed the decree of Basle, and ordered under pain of excommunication +that no one should teach to the contrary. The same year the University +of Paris was informed that a Dominican in Britanny was preaching the old +doctrine. Immediately it held an assembly, wrote to the Duke of Britanny +asking that the friar, if<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_601" id="page_601"></a>{601}</span> guilty, should be punished as a heretic, and +declared its intention of formulating an article on the dogma.<a name="FNanchor_649_649" id="FNanchor_649_649"></a><a href="#Footnote_649_649" class="fnanchor">[649]</a></p> + +<p>Thus far the popes had skilfully eluded compromising themselves on the +subject. In the quarrels between the Mendicant Orders they could not +afford to alienate either, and we have seen how, in the wrangle over the +blood of Christ, they avoided entanglements and managed to let the +dispute die out. The present debate was far too bitter and too extended +for them to escape being drawn in, and they endeavored to follow the +same line of policy as before. In 1474 Vincenzo Bandello, a Dominican, +who was subsequently general of the Order, provoked a fierce discussion +on the subject in Lombardy by a book on the Conception. The strife +continued for two years with so many scandals that in 1477 Sixtus IV. +evoked the matter before him, when it was hotly debated by Bandello for +the Dominicans, or “<i>Maculistæ</i>” and Francesco, General of the +Franciscans, in defence of the Immaculate Conception. The only result +seems to have been that Sixtus issued a bull ordering the Feast of the +Conception to be celebrated in all the churches, with the grant of +appropriate indulgences. This was a decided defeat for the Dominicans, +who found it excessively galling to celebrate the feast, and thus admit +before the people that they were wrong. They endeavored to elude it in +some places by qualifying it as the Feast of the Sanctification of the +Virgin, but this was not permitted, and they were forced to submit. In +1481, at Mantua, Frà Bernardino da Feltre was formally accused of heresy +before the episcopal court for preaching the Immaculate Conception, but +defended himself successfully; and the next year, at Ferrara, the +Franciscans and Dominicans preached so fiercely on the subject, and +denounced each other as heretics so bitterly, that popular tumults were +excited. To quiet matters Ercole d’Este caused a disputation to be held +before him, which proved fruitless, and Sixtus IV. was again obliged to +intervene. After listening to both sides he issued another bull, in +which he excommunicated all who asserted that the feast was in honor of +the Sanctification of the Virgin, and also all who on either side should +denounce the other as heretics.<a name="FNanchor_650_650" id="FNanchor_650_650"></a><a href="#Footnote_650_650" class="fnanchor">[650]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_602" id="page_602"></a>{602}</span></p> + +<p>As a means of evading a decision without exasperating either Order this +policy was successful, but as a measure of peace it was an utter +failure. Renewed disturbances forced Alexander VI. to confirm the bull +of Sixtus IV., with a clause calling upon the secular arm to keep the +peace, if necessary; but in France the University of Paris wholly +disregarded the prescriptions of both popes and treated as heretics all +who denied the Immaculate Conception. In 1495, on the Feast of the +Conception, December 8, a Franciscan named Jean Grillot so far forgot +his fealty to his Order as to deny the dogma in preaching in +Saint-Germain l’Auxerrois. He was immediately laid hold of and so +energetically handled that by the 25th of the same month he made public +recantation in the same church. This put the University on its mettle, +and on March 3, 1496, it adopted a statute, signed by a hundred and +twelve doctors in theology, affirming the doctrine and ordering that in +future no one should be admitted into its body without taking an oath to +maintain it, when if he proved recreant he should be expelled, degraded +from all honors, and treated as a heathen and a publican. This example +was followed by the Universities of Cologne, Tübingen, Mainz, and other +places, arraying nearly all the learned bodies against the Dominicans, +and training the vast majority of future theologians in the doctrine. +Most of the cardinals and prelates everywhere gave in their adhesion; +kings and princes joined them; the Carmelites took the same side, and +the Dominicans were left almost alone to fight the unequal battle. When +in 1501, at Heidelberg, the Dominicans offered a disputation on the +subject which the Franciscans eagerly accepted, the aspect of public +opinion grew so threatening that they were obliged to get the palsgrave +and magistrates to forbid it.<a name="FNanchor_651_651" id="FNanchor_651_651"></a><a href="#Footnote_651_651" class="fnanchor">[651]</a></p> + +<p>So sensitive did the supporters of the Immaculate Conception become that +a Dominican preaching on December 8 had needs be wary in the allusions +to the Virgin which were unavoidable on that day of his humiliation. At +Dieppe, on the feast of 1496, Jean de Ver, a Dominican, made use of +expressions which were thought to oppose the dogma indirectly; he was at +once brought to account and forced to confess publicly, and swear that +in future<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_603" id="page_603"></a>{603}</span> he would uphold it. On the next anniversary Frère Jean +Aloutier argued that the Virgin had never sinned even venially, although +St. John Chrysostom said that she had done so out of vain-glory on her +wedding-day. This was regarded as a covert attack, and Frère Jean was +disciplined, though not publicly. Soon afterwards another Dominican, +Jean Morselle, in a sermon, said it was a problem whether Eve or the +Virgin was the fairer; it was apocryphal whether Christ went to meet the +Virgin when she was raised to paradise; and that it was not an article +of faith that she was assumed to heaven, body and soul, and that to +doubt it was not mortal sin. All this sounds innocent enough as to +matters incapable of positive assertion, but Frère Jean was compelled +publicly to declare the first article to be suspect of heresy, the +second to be false, and the third to be heretical. It is only this +hyperæsthesia of doctrinal sensibility that will explain the rigorous +measures taken with Piero da Lucca, a canon of St. Augustin, who, in +1504, at Mantua, in a sermon, said that Christ was not conceived in the +womb of the Virgin, but in her heart, of three drops of her purest +blood. At once he was seized by the Inquisition, condemned as a heretic, +and came near being burned. A controversy arose which greatly +scandalized the faithful. Baptista of Mantua wrote a book to prove the +true place of Christ’s conception. Julius II. evoked the matter to Rome +and committed it to the cardinals of Porto and San Vitale, who called +together an assembly of learned theologians. After due deliberation, in +1511 these condemned the new theory as heretical, and the purity of the +faith was preserved.<a name="FNanchor_652_652" id="FNanchor_652_652"></a><a href="#Footnote_652_652" class="fnanchor">[652]</a></p> + +<p>The position of the Dominicans was growing desperate. Christendom was +uniting against them. Only the steady refusal of the papacy to pronounce +definitely on the question saved them from the adoption of a new article +of faith which Aquinas had proved to be false. Aquinas was their tower +of strength, whom the received tradition of the Order held to be +inspired. It never occurred to them, as to his modern commentators, to +prove that he did not mean what he said, and, in default of this, to +yield on the point of the Immaculate Conception was to admit his +fallibility.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_604" id="page_604"></a>{604}</span> The alternative was a cruel one, but they had no choice. +They could only hope to secure the neutrality of the papacy and to +prolong the hopeless fight against the growing strength of the new +doctrine, which their banded enemies propagated with all the enthusiasm +of approaching victory. The perplexity of the position was all the more +keenly felt, as they claimed the Virgin as the peculiar patroness of +their Order; the devotion of the Rosary, in her special honor, was a +purely Dominican institution. They who had always worshipped her with +the most extravagant devotion were forced to become her apparent +detractors, and were everywhere stigmatized as “<i>maculistæ</i>.” Would she +not condescend to save her devotees from the cruel dilemma into which +they had fallen?</p> + +<p>Suddenly, in 1507, the rumor spread that in Berne the Virgin had +interposed to save her servants. In a convent of Observantine Dominicans +she had repeatedly appeared to a holy friar and revealed to him her +vexation at the guilt of the Franciscans in teaching the Immaculate +Conception. After conception she had been three hours in original sin +before sanctification; the teaching of St. Thomas was true and divinely +inspired; Alexander Hales, Duns Scotus, and many other Franciscans were +in purgatory for asserting the contrary. Julius II. would settle the +question and would institute in honor of the truth a greater feast than +that of December 8. To help towards this consummation the Virgin gave +the friar a cross tinged with her son’s blood, three of the tears which +he had shed over Jerusalem, the cloths in which he was wrapped in the +flight to Egypt, and a vial of the blood which he had shed for man, +together with a letter to Julius II. in which he was promised glory +equal to that of St. Thomas Aquinas in return for what was expected of +him, and this letter, duly authenticated by the seals of the Dominican +priors of Berne, Basle, and Nürnberg, was sent to the pope. The reports +of these divine appearances produced an immense sensation; countless +multitudes assembled in the Dominican Church to look upon the friar thus +favored, and he performed feats of fasting, prayer, and scourging, which +increased the reputation for sanctity acquired by the visitations. After +a trance he appeared with the stigmata of Christ; the church was +arranged to enable him in his devotions to represent the various acts of +the Passion, and an immense crowd looked on with awestruck<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_605" id="page_605"></a>{605}</span> admiration. +Then an image of the Virgin wept, and it was explained that her grief +arose from the disregard of her warnings of what would befall the city +unless it ceased to receive a pension from France, unless it expelled +the Franciscans, and unless it ceased to believe in the Immaculate +Conception.</p> + +<p>People flocked from all the region around, and the fame of the +miraculous apparitions spread, when the magistrates of Berne were +surprised by Letser, the favored recipient of the visitations, taking +refuge with them, and begging protection from his superiors, who were +torturing and endeavoring to poison him. An investigation developed the +whole plot. Wigand Wirt, Master of the Observantine Dominicans, and +professor of theology, had had, in 1501, a quarrel with a parish priest +in Frankfort, in which they abused each other from their respective +pulpits. In a sermon the priest thanked God that he did not belong to an +Order which had slain the Emperor Henry VII. with a poisoned host, and +which denied the Immaculate Conception. Wirt, who was present, shouted +to him that he was a liar and a heretic. An uproar followed, in which +the Order sustained Wirt and appealed to Julius II., who appointed a +commission. The result was adverse to Wirt, who left Frankfort filled +with wrath, and published a savage attack upon his adversaries, which +the Archbishop of Mainz caused to be publicly burned, while all his +suffragans prohibited its circulation. Greatly excited, the Dominicans, +in a chapter held at Wimpffen, resolved to prove by miracle the falsity +of the Immaculate Conception. Frankfort was at first selected as the +theatre, but was abandoned through fear of the archbishop; then +Nürnberg, but the number of learned men there was an obstacle, and Berne +was finally chosen as a city populous and powerful, but simple and +unlearned. The officials of the Dominican convent there, John Vetter the +prior, Francis Ulchi the sub-prior, Stephen Bolshorst the lector, and +Henry Steinecker the procurator, undertook to carry out the design, and +selected as an instrument a tailor of Zurzach, John Letser, who had been +recently admitted to the Order. To suit the taste of the age, it was +proved on the trial that they had commenced by invoking the assistance +of the devil and had signed compacts with him in their blood, but their +own ingenuity was sufficient for what followed, though we are told that +when they produced the stigmata on Letser they first rendered him<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_606" id="page_606"></a>{606}</span> +insensible with a magic potion formed of blood from the navel of a +new-born Jew and nineteen hairs from his eyelashes. The victim was +carefully prepared by a series of apparitions, commencing with an +ordinary ghost and ending with the Virgin. According to his own account +he believed in the visions till one day entering Bolshorst’s room +suddenly he found him in female attire like that of the Virgin, +preparing for making an appearance. By threats and promises he had been +prevailed upon to continue the imposture a while longer, till, fearing +for his life, he escaped and told his tale.</p> + +<p>Letser was sent to the Bishop of Lausanne, who heard his story and +authorized the magistrates of Berne to act. The four Dominicans were +confined separately in chains, and envoys were sent to Rome, where, only +after the greatest difficulty, they obtained audience of the pope. A +papal commission was sent, but with insufficient powers, and prolonged +delays were experienced in procuring another, but finally it came, +having at its head Achilles afterwards Cardinal of San Sesto, one of the +most learned jurists of the age. Torture was freely used on both Letser +and the accused, and full confessions were obtained. These were so +damaging that the commissioners desired to keep them secret even from +the magistrates, and when the latter were dissatisfied it was determined +that they should be shown to a select committee of eight under pledge of +secrecy, and that, to satisfy the people, only certain articles +sufficient to justify burning should be publicly read. These were four, +viz., renouncing God, painting and reddening the host, falsely +representing the weeping Virgin, and counterfeiting the stigmata. The +four culprits were abandoned to the secular arm, and eight days +afterwards, as Nicholas Glassberger piously hopes, they were sent to +heaven through fire, for they were burned in a meadow beyond the Arar, +their ashes being thrown into the river to prevent their being +reverenced as relics—not without reason, for the Order promptly +pronounced them to be martyrs. It is worthy of note that in the +published sentence the Immaculate Conception was kept wholly out of +sight. In the existing tension between the Mendicant Orders the papal +representatives evidently deemed it wise to keep this question in the +background. Paulus Langius tells us that the story made an immense +sensation, and that the “<i>maculistæ</i>” endeavored in vain to suppress it, +and circulated<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_607" id="page_607"></a>{607}</span> all manner of distorted and false accounts of it. Julius +II., so far from obeying the visions of Letser, confirmed in 1511 the +religious order of the Immaculate Conception founded at Toledo in 1484 +by the zeal of Beatriz de Silva.<a name="FNanchor_653_653" id="FNanchor_653_653"></a><a href="#Footnote_653_653" class="fnanchor">[653]</a></p> + +<p>Wigand Wirt did not wholly escape, though he does not seem to have been +directly implicated in the fraud. The Observantine Franciscans +prosecuted him before the Holy See for his savage tract against his +adversaries. The case was heard by two successive commissions of +cardinals, until, October 25, 1512, Wirt abandoned the defence and was +sentenced to make the most humiliating of retractions. In public he +revoked, abolished, repudiated, and extirpated his book as scandalous, +insulting, defamatory, useless, and prejudicial; he confessed that in it +he had injured theological doctrine and wounded the fraternal charity of +many, including the venerable Franciscans, and the honor and fame of +Conrad Henselin, Thomas Wolff, Sebastian Brandt, and Jacob of +Schlettstadt (Wimpheling); and he declared his belief that those who +upheld the doctrine of the Immaculate Conception did not err. Moreover, +under penalty of perpetual imprisonment, he promised, within four months +after November 1, to repeat his recantation publicly in Heidelberg, +after giving three days’ notice to the Franciscan convent there; he +begged pardon of all whom he had injured, and he obligated himself to +undergo perpetual imprisonment if he should in any way, directly or +indirectly, repeat the offence. The Dominican general who took part in +the sentence, commanded all priors and prelates of the Order to confine +him for life, wherever he might be found, in case of non-fulfilment<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_608" id="page_608"></a>{608}</span> of +his pledges. In due course, on Ash-Wednesday, February 24, 1513, in the +church of the Holy Spirit of Heidelberg, when the concourse of the +faithful was greatest, Wirt appeared and repeated the humiliating +retraction. So bitter was the trial that he could not repress an +ejaculation that it was hard to endure. The Franciscans had a notary +present who recorded officially the whole proceeding, which was +forthwith printed and spread abroad so as to publish far and wide the +degradation of the unlucky disputant.<a name="FNanchor_654_654" id="FNanchor_654_654"></a><a href="#Footnote_654_654" class="fnanchor">[654]</a></p> + +<p>Despite the fate of the martyrs of Berne the Dominicans still held out +gallantly against the constantly increasing preponderance of their +antagonists. I have before me a little tract, evidently printed by a +Dominican about this time as a manual for disputants, in which the +opinions of two hundred and sixteen doctors of the Church are collected +in proof of the conception of the Virgin in original sin. It presents a +formidable array of all the greatest names in the Church, including many +popes; and the compiler doubtless felt peculiar pleasure in grouping +together the most revered authorities of the Franciscan Order—St. +Antony of Padua, Alexander Hales, St. Bonaventura, Richard Middleton, +Duns Scotus, William of Ockham, Nicholas de Lyra, Jacopone da Todi, +Alvaro Pelayo, Bartolomeo di Pisa, and others. In spite of this +preponderance of authority the Dominicans had a hard struggle in the +Council of Trent, but they possessed strength enough, after a keen +discussion, to have the question left open, with a simple confirmation +of the temporizing bull of Sixtus IV. Still the controversy went on, as +heated as ever, causing tumults and scandals, which the Church deplored +but could not cure. In 1570 Paul IV. endeavored to suppress them by +suppressing public discussion. He renewed the bull of Sixtus IV., +pointed out that the Council of Trent permitted every one to enjoy his +own opinion, and he allowed learned men to debate it in universities and +chapters until it should be decided by the Holy See. All public +disputation or assertion on either side in sermons or addresses was, +however, forbidden under pain of <i>ipso facto</i> deprivation and perpetual +disability. This endeavor to preserve the peace of the Church was as +futile as its predecessors. In 1616 Paul V. deplored that, in spite of +the salutary provisions existing on the subject, quarrels<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_609" id="page_609"></a>{609}</span> and scandals +continued and threatened to grow more dangerous. He therefore added to +the existing penalties perpetual disability for preaching or teaching, +and ordered the bishops and inquisitors everywhere to punish severely +all contraventions of these regulations. Yet the scale continued to +incline against the Dominicans. A twelvemonth later, in August, 1617, +Paul, in a general congregation of the Roman Inquisition, issued another +constitution, in which he extended these penalties to all who in public +should assert the Virgin to have been conceived in original sin. He did +not reprove the opinion, but left it as before, and ordered those who +asserted publicly the Immaculate Conception to do so simply, without +assailing the other side, and, as before, bishops and inquisitors were +instructed to punish all infractions. In 1622 Gregory XV. went a step +further in suppressing the perpetual discord by a further extension of +the penalties to all who in private asserted the Virgin’s conception in +sin; but at the same time he forbade the use of the word “immaculate” in +the office of the Feast of the Conception. The Dominicans grew restive +under this gagging, and in a couple of months procured a relaxation of +the prohibition in so far as to allow them privately with each other to +maintain and defend their opinion. These bulls brought considerable +business to the Inquisition, for disputatious ardor could not be +restrained. A contemporary manual informs us that in spite of the +prohibition of discussion it still continued, and that offenders on both +sides were sent to Rome for judgment by the supreme tribunal, care being +taken, as far as possible, not to have Dominican witnesses when the +offender was Franciscan, and <i>vice versa</i>. In spite of this the +Dominican, Thomas Gage, who wandered through the Spanish colonies about +1630, speaks of holding public discussions on the subject in Guatemala, +in which he maintained the Thomist doctrine against the Franciscan, +Scotist, and Jesuit opinions.<a name="FNanchor_655_655" id="FNanchor_655_655"></a><a href="#Footnote_655_655" class="fnanchor">[655]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_610" id="page_610"></a>{610}</span></p> + +<p>So minutely was the question reasoned out that it became heresy to +assert that one would undergo death in defence of the doctrine of the +Immaculate Conception. In 1571 Alonso de Castro, although a Franciscan, +uses this as an illustration that it is heretical thus to declare +adhesion to a point which is not an article of faith. In the heated +controversy everywhere raging ardent polemics showed their zeal by +offering to stake their existence upon it, and the question became a +practical one for the Inquisition to deal with. A vow or oath to defend +the doctrine was declared to be valid, but in 1619 the inquisitors of +Portugal, with the assent of Paul V., condemned as heretical the opinion +that one who should die in defence of the Immaculate Conception would be +a martyr. As the Inquisition was largely in Dominican hands, it +doubtless was used effectually to persecute the too zealous assertors of +the doctrine, and to this probably is attributable the rule that in all +such cases the denunciation should be sent to the supreme Inquisition in +Rome and its decision be awaited, thus tying the hands of the local +inquisitors. From Carena’s remarks, it is evident that these cases were +not infrequent and that they gave much trouble.<a name="FNanchor_656_656" id="FNanchor_656_656"></a><a href="#Footnote_656_656" class="fnanchor">[656]</a></p> + +<p>The Jesuits threw the immense weight of their influence in favor of the +Immaculate Conception, and in time it became not<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_611" id="page_611"></a>{611}</span> uncommon among them, +at least in certain places, to take the heretical vow to defend it with +life and blood. In 1715 Muratori, under the cautious pseudonym of +Lamindus Pritanius, published a book attacking this practice. This drew +forth a reply, in 1729, from the Jesuit Francesco Burgi, which Muratori +answered under the name of Antonius Lampridius. A lively controversy +arose which lasted for a quarter of a century or more, and Muratori’s +second book was in 1765 placed on the Spanish Index. Benedict XIV., in +his great work <i>De Beatificatione</i>, says that the Church inclines to the +doctrine of the Immaculate Conception, but has not yet made it an +article of faith, and he even leaves the question undecided whether one +who dies in its defence is to be reckoned as a martyr. Yet when, in +1840, Bishop Peter A. Baines, the Apostolic Vicar in England, spoke +inconsiderately on the subject in a pastoral letter, he was sharply +reproved and obliged to sign a pledge that on the first fitting occasion +he would publicly declare his adhesion to whatever the Holy See might +define on the subject. The decision was not long in coming. In 1849 Pius +IX. consulted all the bishops as to the expediency of proclaiming the +Immaculate Conception as a dogma of the Church. Those of Italy, Spain, +and Portugal, about four hundred and ninety in number, were almost +unanimously in its favor, while many in other lands hesitated and +deprecated such action. The latter were not heeded; December 8, 1854, +Pius issued a solemn definition declaring it to be an article of faith, +and thus, after a gallant struggle, protracted through five centuries +with unyielding tenacity, the Dominicans were finally defeated, and +could only console themselves with ingenious glosses on Thomas Aquinas +to prove that he had never really denied the doctrine.<a name="FNanchor_657_657" id="FNanchor_657_657"></a><a href="#Footnote_657_657" class="fnanchor">[657]</a></p> + +<p>It is interesting thus to trace the evolution of dogma, even though the +result cannot be regarded as a finality. In the insatiable desire to +define every secret of the invisible world every decision is only a +stepping-stone to a new discussion. The next point is to ascertain how +the Immaculate Conception took place, and this has already been mooted. +In 1876 a condemnation was pronounced on Joseph de Félicité +(Vercruysse?) among whose<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_612" id="page_612"></a>{612}</span> errors was the assertion that Mary was +conceived by the operation of the Holy Ghost, without the intervention +of St. Joachim.<a name="FNanchor_658_658" id="FNanchor_658_658"></a><a href="#Footnote_658_658" class="fnanchor">[658]</a> Yet who can say that in the centuries to come this +dogma may not also win its place, and the Virgin thus be elevated to an +equality with her Son?</p> + +<p> </p> + +<p>One function of the Inquisition remains to be considered—the censorship +of the press—although its full activity in this direction belongs to a +period beyond our present limits. We have seen how Bernard Gui burned +Talmuds by the wagon-load, and the special training of the inquisitors +would seem to point them out as the most available conservators of the +faith from the dangerous abuse of the pen. Yet it was long before any +definite system was adopted. The universities were almost the only +centres of intellectual activity, and they usually exercised a watchful +care over the aberrations of their members. When some work of importance +was to be condemned the authority of the Holy See was frequently +invoked, as in the case of Erigena’s <i>Periphyseos, the Everlasting +Gospel</i>, William of St. Amour’s assault upon the Mendicants, and +Marsilio of Padua’s <i>Defensor Pacis</i>. On the other hand, as we have +seen, in 1316 the episcopal vicar of Tarragona had no hesitation in +assembling some monks and friars and condemning a number of Arnaldo de +Vilanova’s writings, and about the same time the inquisitors of Bologna +took similar action with respect to Cecco d’Ascoli’s commentary on the +<i>Sphæra</i> of Sacrobosco. Yet no thought seems to have occurred of using +the Inquisition for this purpose as a general agency with power of +immediate decision, before Charles IV. endeavored to establish the Holy +Office in Germany. The heresy of the Brethren of the Free Spirit was +largely propagated by means of popular books of devotion; to check this +and the forbidden use by the laity of translations of Scripture in the +vernacular, the emperor, in 1369, empowered the inquisitors and their +successors to seize and burn all such books, and to employ the customary +inquisitorial censures to overcome resistance. All the subjects of the +empire, secular and clerical, from the highest to the lowest, were +ordered to lend their aid, under pain of the imperial displeasure. In +1376 Gregory XI. followed<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_613" id="page_613"></a>{613}</span> this with a bull in which he deplored the +dissemination of heretical books in Germany, and directed the +inquisitors to examine all suspected writings, condemning those found to +contain errors, after which it became an offence punishable by the +Inquisition to copy, possess, buy, or sell them. No trace remains of any +results of these regulations, but they are interesting as the first +organized literary censorship. About the same period Eymerich was +engaged in condemning the works of Raymond Lully, of Raymond of Tarraga, +and others, but he seems always to have referred the matter to the Holy +See and to have acted only under special papal authority. When, as we +have seen, Archbishop Zbinco burned Wickliff’s writings in Prague, a +papal commission decided that his act was not justified, and their final +condemnation was pronounced by the Council of Rome in 1413.<a name="FNanchor_659_659" id="FNanchor_659_659"></a><a href="#Footnote_659_659" class="fnanchor">[659]</a></p> + +<p>With the gradual revival of letters books assumed more and more +importance as a means of disseminating thought, and this increased +rapidly after the invention of printing. It became a recognized rule +with the Inquisition that he into whose hands an heretical book might +fall and who did not burn it at once or deliver it within eight days to +his bishop or inquisitor was held vehemently suspect of heresy. The +translation of any part of Scripture into the vernacular was also +forbidden. It was not, however, until 1501 that any organized censorship +of the press seems to have been thought of, and even then Germany was +the only land where the issue of dangerous and heretical books was +considered to require it. All printers were ordered in future, under +pain of excommunication and of fines applicable to the apostolic +chamber, to present to the archbishop of the province or to his ordinary +all books before publication, and only to issue those for which a +license should be granted after examination, the prelates being +commanded on their consciences to make no charge for such license. All +existing books in stock, moreover, were to be subject to similar +inspection, and of such as should be found to contain errors all copies +accessible were to be delivered up for burning.<a name="FNanchor_660_660" id="FNanchor_660_660"></a><a href="#Footnote_660_660" class="fnanchor">[660]</a></p> + +<p>It shows to what a state of contempt the German Inquisition<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_614" id="page_614"></a>{614}</span> had fallen, +that in this comprehensive measure to restrict the license of the press +it seems not to have been even thought of as an instrumentality, and +that dependence was placed on the episcopal organization alone. The +archbishops, however, were as usual too much engrossed in the temporal +concerns of their princely provinces to pay attention to such details, +and there is apparently no result to be traced from the effort. The evil +continued to increase, and in 1515, at the Council of Lateran, Leo X. +endeavored to check it by general regulations still more rigid in a bull +which was unanimously approved, except by Alexis, Bishop of Amalfi, who +said that he concurred in it as to new books, but not as to old ones. +After an allusion to the benefits conferred by the art of printing, the +bull proceeded to recite that numerous complaints reached the Holy See +that printers in many places printed and sold books translated from the +Greek, Hebrew, Arabic, and Chaldee, as well as in Latin and the +vernaculars, containing errors in faith and pernicious dogmas, and also +libels on persons of dignity, whence many scandals had arisen and more +were threatened. Therefore forever thereafter no one should be allowed +to print any book or writing without a previous examination, to be +testified by manual subscription, by the papal vicar and master of the +sacred palace in Rome, and in other cities and dioceses by the +Inquisition, and the bishop or an expert appointed by him. For neglect +of this the punishment was excommunication, the loss of the edition, +which was to be burned, a fine of a hundred ducats to the fabric of St. +Peters, and suspension from business for a year. Persistent contumacy +was further threatened with such penalty as should serve as a warning +deterrent to others.<a name="FNanchor_661_661" id="FNanchor_661_661"></a><a href="#Footnote_661_661" class="fnanchor">[661]</a> The precaution came too late.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_615" id="page_615"></a>{615}</span> Except with +regard to witches, the machinery of persecution was too thoroughly +disorganized to curb the rising tide of human intelligence which +speedily swept away all such flimsy barriers. We have seen how prolonged +and unsatisfactory was the attempt to silence Reuchlin. The +printing-press multiplied indefinitely the satires of Erasmus and Ulric +Hutten, and when Luther appeared it scattered far and wide among the +people his vigorous attacks on the existing system. It required time and +the exigencies of the counter-reformation to perfect a plan by which, in +the lands of the Roman obedience, the faithful could be preserved from +the insidious poison flowing from the fountain of the printing-press.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_616" id="page_616"></a>{616}</span></p> + +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_IX" id="CHAPTER_IX"></a>CHAPTER IX.<br /><br /> +<small>CONCLUSION.</small></h2> + +<p>H<small>AVING</small> thus considered with some fulness what the Inquisition +accomplished, directly and indirectly, it only remains for us to glance +at what it did not do.</p> + +<p>The relations of the Greek Church to the Holy See would almost justify +the assumption that persecution of heresy, far from being a matter of +conscience, was one of expediency, to be enforced or disregarded as the +temporal interests of the papacy might dictate. The Greeks were not only +schismatics, but heretics, for, as St. Raymond of Pennaforte proved, +schism was heresy, as it violated the article of the creed “<i>unam +sanctam Catholicam ecclesiam</i>.” We have repeatedly seen that to deny the +supremacy of Rome and to disregard its commands was heresy. Boniface +VIII., in the bull “<i>Unam sanctam</i>,” proclaimed it to be an article of +faith, necessary to salvation, that every human creature is subject to +the Roman pontiff, and he especially includes the Greeks in this. +Besides this, there was the Procession of the Holy Ghost from both the +Father and the Son, in which Charlemagne forced Leo III. to modify the +Nicene symbol, and which the Greeks persistently refused to receive, +rendering them heretics on a doctrinal point assumed to be of the +greatest importance. Yet the Church, when it seemed desirable, could +always establish a <i>modus vivendi</i>, and exercise a prudent toleration +towards the Greek Church. It was thus in southern Italy, which had been +withdrawn from Rome and subjected to Constantinople in the eighth +century by Leo the Isaurian during the iconoclastic controversy. In 968 +the Patriarch of Constantinople substituted the Greek for the Roman rite +in the churches of Apulia and Calabria, and though some resisted, most +of them submitted and retained it even after the conquest of Naples by +the Normans. Thus in the see of Rossano in 1092, when a Latin bishop was +introduced, the people recalcitrated and obtained<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_617" id="page_617"></a>{617}</span> from Duke Roger +permission to retain the Greek rite. This lasted until 1460, when the +Observantine Bishop Matteo succeeded in changing it to the Latin +rite.<a name="FNanchor_662_662" id="FNanchor_662_662"></a><a href="#Footnote_662_662" class="fnanchor">[662]</a></p> + +<p>The Greek churches, which long continued to exist throughout the Slavic +and Majjar territories, were subjected to greater pressure, though it +was fitful and intermittent. In 1204 Andreas II. of Hungary applied to +Innocent III. to appoint Latin priors for the Greek monasteries in his +dominions. In the settlement of 1233, after the kingdom had been placed +under interdict, an oath was exacted of Bela IV. that he would compel +all his subjects to render obedience to the Roman Church, and Gregory +IX. forthwith summoned him to enforce his promise with regard to the +Wallachians, who were addicted to the Greek rite. In 1248 we find +Innocent IV. sending Dominicans to Albania to convert the Greeks, and it +would indicate that persuasion rather than force was relied upon, when +we see these missionaries empowered to grant the ecclesiastics +dispensation for all irregularities, including simony. A hundred years +later Clement VI. and Innocent VI. were more energetic, and ordered the +prelates of the Balkan Peninsula to drive out all schismatics, calling +in the aid of the secular arm if necessary. We have already seen how +fruitless were the efforts to exterminate the Cathari in these regions, +and that the only result of the effort to enforce uniformity of faith +was to facilitate the advance of the Turkish conquest.<a name="FNanchor_663_663" id="FNanchor_663_663"></a><a href="#Footnote_663_663" class="fnanchor">[663]</a></p> + +<p>The possessions of the Crusaders in the Levant offered a more complex +problem. Although Innocent III. had protested against the conquest of +Constantinople in 1204, when it was successful he<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_618" id="page_618"></a>{618}</span> was ardent in his +recognition of the mysterious wisdom of God in thus overthrowing the +Greek heresy, and he took prompt action to secure the utmost advantage +to be expected from it. He ordered the crusaders to suspend all priests +ordained by Greek bishops, and to provide Latin priests for the churches +seized, taking care that their property was not dissipated. A hungry +horde of clerics speedily precipitated itself on the new possessions, +embarrassing those in charge, and Innocent, in answer to inquiries, +advised that only those who brought commendatious letters should be +allowed to officiate in public. Thus, in the Latin kingdoms of the East +a new hierarchy was imposed upon the churches, but the people were not +converted, and an embarrassing situation arose concerning which no +clearly defined policy could be preserved.<a name="FNanchor_664_664" id="FNanchor_664_664"></a><a href="#Footnote_664_664" class="fnanchor">[664]</a></p> + +<p>Strictly speaking, all schismatics and heretics were under <i>ipso facto</i> +excommunication, but this could be disregarded if it was politic to do +so, as when, in 1244, Innocent IV., in sending Dominican missionaries to +the Greeks, Jacobines, Nestorians, and other heretics of the East, gave +full authority to participate with them in all the offices of religion. +Where the Greek churches were independent efforts were made to win them +over by persuasion and negotiation, as in the mission sent in 1233 by +Gregory IX. to Germanus, Patriarch of Nicæa, and in 1247 by Innocent IV. +to the Russians; but when these endeavors failed there was no hesitation +in resorting to force, and the disappointed Gregory preached a crusade +for the purpose of reducing the schismatics to obedience. So, in 1267, +when the measureless ambition of Charles of Anjou, inflamed by the +conquest of Naples, dreamed of reconquering Constantinople, his treaty +with the titular emperor, Baldwin II., recites the uniting of the +Eastern Empire with the Church of Rome as the impelling motive. +Charles’s enterprise was postponed by the submission of Michael +Palæologus at the Council of Lyons in 1274, but this only stirred up +rebellion among his subjects; Michael Comnenus was placed at the head of +the party sustaining the national church, and war broke out in 1279. +Although Charles hastened to take advantage of this, the Sicilian +Vespers, in 1283,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_619" id="page_619"></a>{619}</span> gave him ample occupation at home, and his projects +were, perforce, laid aside.<a name="FNanchor_665_665" id="FNanchor_665_665"></a><a href="#Footnote_665_665" class="fnanchor">[665]</a></p> + +<p>In the territories subjected to Latin domination the conditions were +somewhat different. It was impossible to uproot the native Church, and +the two rites were necessarily permitted to coexist, with alternations +of tolerance and persecution, of persuasion and coercion. In 1303 +Benedict XI., when ordering the Dominican prior of Hungary to send +missionaries to Albania and other provinces, speaks of the Latin +churches and monasteries in a manner to show that the two rites were +allowed side by side, and only intrusions of the Greeks were to be +resisted. Documents which chance to have been preserved concerning the +kingdom of Cyprus illustrate the perplexities of the situation and the +varying policy pursued. In 1216 Innocent III. reduced the bishoprics of +the island from fourteen to four—Nicosia, Famagosta, Limisso, and +Baffo—and provided in each a Greek and Latin bishop for the respective +rites, which was an admission of equality in orthodoxy. Forty years +later we find the Greek monasteries subjected to the Latin Archbishop of +Nicosia, and there seems to have been some ascendency claimed by the +Latin prelates, for in 1250 the Greek archbishop petitioned Innocent IV. +for permission to reconstitute the fourteen sees and consecrate bishops +to fill them; that they should all be independent of the Archbishop of +Nicosia, and that all Greeks and Syrians be subjected to them and not to +the Latins. This prayer was rejected. Alexander IV. gave an express +power of supervision to the Latin prelates, which naturally led to +quarrels, and at times the Greeks were treated as heretics by zealous +churchmen and by those whose authority was set at nought, as we learn +from some appeals to Boniface VIII. in 1295. John XXII. energetically +endeavored to extirpate certain heresies and heretical practices of the +Greeks, but seems to have allowed the regular observance of their rites. +Yet about the same time Bernard Gui, in his collection of inquisitorial +formulas, gives two forms of abjuration of the Greek errors and +reconciliation from the excommunication pronounced by the canons against +the schismatic<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_620" id="page_620"></a>{620}</span> Greeks, showing that the inquisitors of the West were +accustomed to lay hold of any unlucky Greek who might be found in the +Mediterranean ports of France. Their fate was doubtless the same in +Aragon, for Eymerich does not hesitate to qualify them as heretics. The +persecuting spirit grew, for about 1350 the Council of Nicosia, although +it allowed the four Greek bishops of Cyprus to remain, still ordered all +to be denounced as heretics who did not hold Rome to be the head of all +churches and the pope to be the earthly vicar of Christ, and in 1351 a +proclamation was issued ordering all Greeks to confess once a year to a +Latin priest and to take the sacrament according to the Latin rite. If +this was enforced, it must have provided the Inquisition with abundant +victims, for in 1407 Gregory XII. defined that any Greek who reverted to +schism after participating in orthodox sacraments was a relapsed, and he +ordered the inquisitor Elias Petit to punish him as such, calling in if +necessary the aid of the secular arm.<a name="FNanchor_666_666" id="FNanchor_666_666"></a><a href="#Footnote_666_666" class="fnanchor">[666]</a></p> + +<p>The Venetians, when masters of Crete, endeavored to starve out the Greek +Church by forbidding any bishop of that rite to enter the island, and +any inhabitant to go to Constantinople for ordination. Yet, in 1373, +Gregory XI. learned with grief that a bishop had succeeded in landing, +and that ordination was constantly sought by Cretans in Constantinople. +He appealed to the Doge, Andrea Contareni, to have the wholesome laws +enforced, but to little purpose, for in 1375 he announced that nearly +all the inhabitants were schismatics, and that nearly all the cures were +in the hands of Greek priests, to whom he offered the alternative of +immediate conversion or ejection.<a name="FNanchor_667_667" id="FNanchor_667_667"></a><a href="#Footnote_667_667" class="fnanchor">[667]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_621" id="page_621"></a>{621}</span></p> + +<p>Efforts so spasmodic were of course unavailing. So far from suppressing +the Greek Church it was found that many Catholics living in a schismatic +population became perverts. To this, in 1449, Nicholas V. called the +attention of the inquisitor of the Greek province, telling him that +although the Oriental rite was praiseworthy, it must be kept distinct +from the Latin, and that all such cases must be coerced, even if the +assistance of the secular arm was necessary. There was scant +encouragement for the Inquisition in those lands, however, for when, in +1490, Innocent VIII. appointed Frà Vincenzo de’ Reboni as Inquisitor of +Cyprus, where there were many heretics, and ordered the Bishops of +Nicosia, Famagosta, and Baffo each to give him a prebend for his +support, there was so energetic a remonstrance from the prelates that +Innocent withdrew the demand. From all this it is evident that in its +relations with the Greek Church Rome was governed by policy; that it +could exercise toleration whenever the occasion demanded, and that the +Inquisition was practically quiescent in its dealings with these heretic +populations, although their heresy was of a dye so much deeper than that +of many sectaries who were ruthlessly exterminated.<a name="FNanchor_668_668" id="FNanchor_668_668"></a><a href="#Footnote_668_668" class="fnanchor">[668]</a></p> + +<p> </p> + +<p>During the Middle Ages there were few greater pests of society than the +<i>quæstuarii</i>, or pardoners—the sellers of indulgences and pardons, who +wandered over the face of Europe with relics and commissions, with +brazen faces and stout lungs, vending exemptions from penance and +purgatory, and prospective admission to paradise; telling all manner of +lies, and at once disgracing the Church and impoverishing the credulous. +Sometimes they were the authorized agents of Rome or of a bishop of a +diocese; sometimes they farmed out a district for a fixed price or for a +portion of the spoils; sometimes they merely bought from the curia or a +local prelate the letters which authorized them to ply their trade.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_622" id="page_622"></a>{622}</span> +Tetzel, who stirred the indignation of Luther to rebellion, was only a +representative of a horde of vagabonds who for centuries had fleeced the +populations and had done all in their power to render religion +contemptible in the eyes of thinking men. The Dominican Thomas of +Cantimpré bitterly compares the trifling sums which purchased salvation +from papal emissaries collecting funds for the Italian wars of the Holy +See with the endless labors and austerities of his brethren and of the +Franciscans—the sleepless vigils and the days spent in ministering to +the spiritual needs of fellow-creatures, without obtaining assured +pardon for their sins. The character of these peddlers of salvation is +summed up in a tract presented to the Council of Lyons in 1274 by +Umberto de’ Romani, who had resigned the generalate of the Dominican +Order in 1263. He declares that they expose the Church to derision by +their lies and filthiness; they bribe the prelates and thus obtain what +privileges they want; the frauds of their letters of pardon are almost +incredible; they find a fruitful source of gain in false relics, and +though they collect large sums from the people, but little inures to the +ostensible objects for which the collections are made.<a name="FNanchor_669_669" id="FNanchor_669_669"></a><a href="#Footnote_669_669" class="fnanchor">[669]</a></p> + +<p>These creatures were not to be reached by the ordinary jurisdiction, for +they either bore papal commissions or those of the bishop of the +diocese; their trade was too profitable to all parties to be suppressed, +and the only way of curbing their worst excesses seemed through the +Inquisition. Accordingly the Inquisition had hardly been fully organized +when Alexander IV. had recourse to it for this purpose, and included in +the powers conferred on inquisitors that of restraining the <i>quæstuarii</i> +and of forbidding their<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_623" id="page_623"></a>{623}</span> preaching. This was repeated by successive +popes; it came to be embodied in the canon law, and was customarily +included in the enumeration of duties recited in the commissions issued +to inquisitors. A tithe of the energy shown in hunting down Waldenses +and Spirituals would have effectually suppressed the worst features of +this shameful traffic, but that energy was wholly lacking. In all the +annals of the Inquisition I have met with but a single case, occurring +in 1289, when Berenger Pomilli was brought before the inquisitor +Guillaume de Saint-Seine. He was a married clerk of Narbonne, who stated +that for thirty years he had followed the trade of <i>quœstuarius</i> in the +dioceses of Narbonne, Carcassonne, and elsewhere, collecting the alms of +the pious for the building of churches, bridges, and other objects. He +was wont to preach to the people during the celebration of mass, and +confessed to telling the most outrageous lies—that the cross which +Christ carried to the place of crucifixion was so heavy that it would be +a burden for ten men; that when the Virgin stood at the foot of the +cross it bent over so that she kissed the Saviour’s hands and feet, +after which it arose again, and many fables concerning purgatory and the +liberation of souls—the latter, which were the real frauds of his +trade, being prudently suppressed in the official report of his +confession. A question as to his belief in these stories revealed to him +his danger, for to admit it would have been to stamp himself a heretic. +He humbly replied that he knew that he had been habitually uttering +lies, but he told them to move the hearts of his hearers to liberality, +and he at once begged to be penanced. What penance was awarded him does +not appear.<a name="FNanchor_670_670" id="FNanchor_670_670"></a><a href="#Footnote_670_670" class="fnanchor">[670]</a></p> + +<p>That trials of this sort were rare is evident from the complaint of the +Council of Vienne, in 1311, that these vagabonds were in the habit of +granting plenary indulgences to those who made donations to the churches +which they represented, of dispensing from vows, of absolving for +perjury, homicide, and other crimes, of relieving their benefactors from +a portion of any penance assigned them, or the souls of their relations +from purgatory, and granting immediate admission to paradise. All this +was forbidden for the future, but the Inquisition was no longer relied +upon to coerce the pardoners<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_624" id="page_624"></a>{624}</span> to obedience; the bishops were ordered to +take the matter in hand and punish the evil-doers. They proved as +inefficient as might have been expected. The abuse continued until it +became the proximate cause of the Reformation, after which the Council +of Trent abolished the profession of pardoner, avowedly because it was +the occasion of great scandal among the faithful, and that all efforts +to reform it had proved useless.<a name="FNanchor_671_671" id="FNanchor_671_671"></a><a href="#Footnote_671_671" class="fnanchor">[671]</a></p> + +<p> </p> + +<p>More important was the nonfeasance of the Inquisition with respect to +simony. This was the corroding cancer of the Church throughout the whole +of the Middle Ages—the source whence sprang almost all the evils with +which she afflicted Christendom. From the highest to the lowest, from +the pope to the humblest parish priest, the curse was universal. Those +who had only the sacraments to sell made a trade of them. Those whose +loftier position gave them command of benefices and preferment, of +dispensations and of justice, had no shame in offering their wares in +open market, and preferment thus obtained filled the Church with +mercenary and rapacious men whose sole object was to swell their purses +by extortion and to find enjoyment in ignoble vices. Berthold of +Ratisbon, about the middle of the thirteenth century, preaches that +simony is the worst of sins, worse than homicide, adultery, perjury, but +it now so crazes men that they think through it to serve God.<a name="FNanchor_672_672" id="FNanchor_672_672"></a><a href="#Footnote_672_672" class="fnanchor">[672]</a> +Instinctively all eyes turned to the Holy See as the source and fountain +of all these evils. A quaint popular satire, current in the thirteenth +century, shows how keenly this was felt:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“Here beginneth the Gospel according to the silver Marks. In those +days the pope said to the Romans: When the Son of Man shall come to +the throne of our majesty, first say to him: Friend, why comest +thou? And if he continue to knock, giving you nothing, ye shall +cast him into outer darkness. And it came to pass that a certain +poor clerk came to the court of the lord pope and cried out, +saying: Have mercy on me, ye gate-keepers of the pope, for the hand +of poverty hath touched me. I am poor and hungry, I pray you to +help my misery. Then were they wroth and said: Friend, thy poverty +perish with thee; get thee behind me Satan, for thou knowest not +the odor of money. Verily, verily, I say unto thee that thou shalt +not enter into the joy of thy Lord until thou hast given thy last +farthing.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_625" id="page_625"></a>{625}</span></p> + +<p>“Then the poor man went away and sold his cloak and his coat and +all that he had, and gave it to the cardinals and gate-keepers and +chamberlains. But they said: What is this among so many? And they +cast him beyond the gates, and he wept bitterly and could find +nought to comfort him. Then came to the court a rich clerk, fat and +broad and heavy, who in his wrath had slain a man. First he gave to +the gate-keeper, then to the chamberlain, then to the cardinals; +and they thought they were about to receive more. But the lord +pope, hearing that the cardinals and servants had many gifts from +the clerk, fell sick unto death. Then unto him the rich man sent an +electuary of gold and silver, and straightway he was cured. Then +the lord pope called unto him the cardinals and servants, and said +unto them: Brethren, take heed that no one seduce you with empty +words. I set you an example; even as I take, so shall ye +take.”<a name="FNanchor_673_673" id="FNanchor_673_673"></a><a href="#Footnote_673_673" class="fnanchor">[673]</a></p></div> + +<p>Vainly the intrepid energy and inflexible will of Hildebrand in the +eleventh century strove to extirpate the ineradicable curse. It only +grew wider and deeper as the Church extended its powers and centralized +them in the Holy See. Simony was recognized in the canon law as a +heresy, punishable as heresy with perpetual seclusion, and as such was +justiciable by the Inquisition. With that organization at the command of +the Holy See the untiring energy which through so many generations +pursued the Cathari and Waldenses could in time have cured this +spreading ulcer and purified the Church, but the Inquisition was never +instructed to<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_626" id="page_626"></a>{626}</span> prosecute simoniacs, and there is no trace in its records +that it ever volunteered to do so. In fact, had any overzealous official +attempted such uncalled-for work he would speedily have been brought to +his senses, for simony was not only the direct source of profit to the +curia in the sale of preferment, but indirectly so in the sale of +dispensations to those who had incurred its disabilities. It seems +almost a contradiction in terms to speak of the Holy See issuing +dispensations for heresy, and yet this was habitual. Legates and +nuncios, when despatched abroad, were empowered to gather a harvest +among the faithful by issuing dispensations for all manner of +disabilities and irregularities, and among these simony is conspicuously +noted. This ceased when John XXII. systematized the sale of absolutions +and drew everything to the papal penitentiary, when pardon for simony in +a layman could be had for six grossi, in a cleric for seven, and in a +monk for eight. It is easy to see why the Inquisition was not used to +suppress a heresy so profitable in every aspect. Indeed, while under the +canon law it was held to be a heresy, yet it was practically never +treated as such. Guillaume Durand, in his <i>Speculum Juris</i>, written in +1271, gives formulas for the accusation, by private individuals, of +simoniacal bishops and priests and monks, but neither he nor his +numerous commentators make the slightest allusion to it as subject to +the procedure against heresy.<a name="FNanchor_674_674" id="FNanchor_674_674"></a><a href="#Footnote_674_674" class="fnanchor">[674]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_627" id="page_627"></a>{627}</span></p> + +<p>It would be impossible to exaggerate the corruption which from this +cause interpenetrated every fibre of the Church, filling benefices with +ignorant and worldly men, eager to wring from the unfortunates committed +to their cure the sums with which they had bought the preferment. +Stephen Palecz, in a sermon preached before the Council of Constance, +declares that there is scarce a church in Christendom free from the +stain of simony, owing to the desperate struggle of all kinds of men to +obtain the honors, wealth, and luxury attending an ecclesiastical +preferment, and resulting in the promotion of the ignorant, weak, and +wicked, who could not find employment as shepherds or swineherds. So +unblushing was the venality of the Holy See that dialecticians and +jurists of high authority seriously argued that the pope could not +commit simony. This is scarce surprising when popes were found who could +do a sharp stroke of business, like Boniface IX. In want of money to pay +his troopers and defray the cost of his vast buildings, he suddenly +deposed nearly all the prelates who chanced to be at the papal court, +and many absent ones, or he translated them to titular sees, and then +sold to the highest bidder the places thus vacated. Many unlucky ones, +who were unable to buy back their preferment, wandered around the court +without bread to eat, and the confusion and discord caused in many +provinces was indescribable. Theodore a Niem, to whom we are indebted +for this fact, was himself a papal official for thirty-five years, and +knew whereof he spoke when he compared the splendid liberality of the +German prelates with the stingy avarice of the Italians, who gave +nothing in charity, but bent their whole energies to enriching +themselves and their families. But when they die, he says, the +collectors of the apostolic camera seize the whole spoil, and through +this depredation and rapine it would be impossible to exaggerate the +destruction of the Italian cathedrals and monasteries, which are left +almost tenantless. As for the camera itself, its officials have hard +heads and stony bosoms, and hearts more impenetrable to mercy than steel +itself. They are as pitiless to Christians as Turks or Tartars could be, +stripping all newly promoted<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_628" id="page_628"></a>{628}</span> prelates of everything. If the latter +cannot pay their demands, forbearance for a time is sold at an +immoderate price under terrible oaths, and if anything has been kept +back for the expenses of the homeward journey it is extorted, so that +whoever escapes from their clutches can truly say, <i>Cantabit vacuus +coram latrone viator</i>. If you go there to pay a thousand florins and a +single one is light, you are not allowed to depart till you have +replaced it with a heavier one, or made good in silver twice the +deficiency. And if, within a year, the promised sum is not paid, the +bishop becomes a simple priest again, and the abbot a simple monk. Never +satiated, the proper place of these officials is with the infernal +furies, with the harpies, and with the unsatisfied Tantalus. Poggio, who +was papal secretary for forty years, describes the applicants for +preferment as worthy of these officials. They were idle, ignorant, +sordid men, useless for all good purposes, who hung around the curia, +clamoring for benefices or any other favor which they could get. Another +papal official tells us that Boniface IX. filled the German sees with +unfit and useless persons, for he who paid the most obtained the +preferment. Many paid ten times more than it had cost their +predecessors, for some archbishoprics fetched forty thousand florins, +others sixty thousand, and others eighty thousand.<a name="FNanchor_675_675" id="FNanchor_675_675"></a><a href="#Footnote_675_675" class="fnanchor">[675]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_629" id="page_629"></a>{629}</span></p> + +<p>It was in vain that Gerson proved that the papal demand of first-fruits +of preferments was simony. It was in vain that the councils of Constance +and of Siena complained and protested, and that of Basle endeavored to +frame reformatory regulations. Equally vain was the attempt of Charles +VII. and the Emperor Albert II. in the Pragmatic Sanctions of 1438, +against the protests of Eugenius IV., to declare the annates and +first-fruits to be simony. The papal system was too strong for its grasp +to be thrown off, and up to the time of the Reformation simony continued +to be the all-pervading curse.<a name="FNanchor_676_676" id="FNanchor_676_676"></a><a href="#Footnote_676_676" class="fnanchor">[676]</a></p> + +<p>In addition to this source of infection from above there was an equally +potent cause of demoralization from below in the immunity enjoyed by the +clergy from secular jurisdiction. Not only were the people scandalized +by seeing clerical homicides and criminals of all sorts set free after +the mockery of a trial in the ecclesiastical courts, but the impunity +thus enjoyed drew into the ranks of the Church hosts of vile and +worthless men, who sought in the tonsure security from justice.<a name="FNanchor_677_677" id="FNanchor_677_677"></a><a href="#Footnote_677_677" class="fnanchor">[677]</a></p> + +<p>Under such a system it is easy to conceive the character of the prelates +and priests with which the Church was everywhere afflicted.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_630" id="page_630"></a>{630}</span> Making some +allowance for rhetorical enthusiasm, the invective of Nicholas de +Clemangis must be received as true. As for the bishops, he says, as they +have to spend all the money they can raise to obtain their sees, they +devote themselves exclusively to extortion, neglecting wholly their +pastoral duties and the spiritual welfare of their flocks; and if, by +chance, one of them happens to pay attention to such subjects, he is +despised as unworthy of his order. Preaching is regarded as disgraceful. +All preferment and all sacerdotal functions are sold, as well as every +episcopal ministration, laying on of hands, confession, absolution, +dispensation; and this is openly defended, as they say they have not +received gratis, and are not bound to give gratis. The only benefices +bestowed without payment are to their bastards and jugglers. Their +jurisdiction is turned equally to account. The greatest criminals can +purchase pardon, while their proctors trump up charges against innocent +rustics which have to be compounded. Citations under excommunication, +delays and repeated citations, are employed, until the most obstinate is +worn out and forced to settle, with enormous charges added to the +original trifling fine. Men prefer to live under the most cruel tyrants +rather than undergo the judgments of the bishops. Absenteeism is the +rule. Many of the bishops never see their dioceses; and these are more +useful than those who reside, for the latter contaminate their people by +their evil example. As no examination is made into the lives of +aspirants to the priesthood, but only as to their ability to pay the +stipulated price, the Church is filled with ignorant and immoral men. +Few are able to read. They haunt the taverns and brothels, consuming +time and substance in eating, drinking, and gambling; they quarrel, +fight, and blaspheme, and hasten to the altar from the embraces of their +concubines. Canons are no better; since, for the most part, they have +bought exemption from episcopal jurisdiction, they commit all sorts of +crimes and scandals with impunity. As for monks, they specially avoid +all to which their vows oblige them—chastity, poverty, and +obedience—and are licentious and undisciplined vagabonds. The +Mendicants, who pretend to make amends for the neglect of duty by the +secular clergy, are pharisees and wolves in sheep’s clothing. With +incredible eagerness and infinite deceit they seek everywhere for +temporal gain; they abandon themselves beyond all other men to the +pleasures<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_631" id="page_631"></a>{631}</span> of the flesh, feasting and drinking, and polluting all things +with their burning lusts. As for the nuns, modesty forbids the +description of the nunneries, which are mere brothels, so that to take +the veil is equivalent to becoming a public prostitute.<a name="FNanchor_678_678" id="FNanchor_678_678"></a><a href="#Footnote_678_678" class="fnanchor">[678]</a></p> + +<p>We might suspect this to be the exaggeration of a soured ascetic if it +were not for the unanimous testimony of all who describe the condition +of the Church from the thirteenth century on. When St. Bonaventura +defended the Mendicants against the charge of assailing, in their +sermons, the vices of the secular clergy, he denied their doing so for +the reason that any such arraignment would be superfluous; and, +moreover, that if they were to unveil the full turpitude of the clerical +class these would all be expelled, and there would be no hope of seeing +their places more worthily filled, for the bishops would not select +virtuous men. To do so, moreover, would deprive the people of all faith +in the Church, and heresy would become uncontrollable. In another tract +he declares that almost all priests were legally incapable of performing +their functions, either through the simony attendant on their ordination +or through the commission of crimes entailing suspension and +deprivation. It was not infrequent, he says, for priests to persuade +women that there was no sin in intercourse with a clerk.<a name="FNanchor_679_679" id="FNanchor_679_679"></a><a href="#Footnote_679_679" class="fnanchor">[679]</a></p> + +<p>In 1305 Frederic of Trinacria, in a confidential letter to his brother, +Jayme II. of Aragon, says that he has been led to doubt whether the +Gospel was divine revelation or human invention, for three reasons. The +first is the character of the secular clergy, especially of the bishops, +abbots, and other prelates, who are destitute of all spiritual life, and +are pestiferous in their influence through the public display of their +wickedness. The second reason is the character of the regular clergy, +and especially of the Mendicants, whose morals and lives stupefy all +observers; they are so alienated from God that they justify the seculars +and the laity by the comparison; their wickedness is so notorious that +he fears that some day the people will rise against them, for they bring +infection into every house which they frequent. The third<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_632" id="page_632"></a>{632}</span> reason is the +negligence of the Holy See, which of old, as we are told, used to send +legates through the kingdoms to look after the condition of religion; +but now this is never done, and they are sent only for worldly objects. +We see, he says, that it labors without ceasing to slay schismatics, but +we never see it solicitous to convert them. The eloquence of Arnaldo de +Vilanova was required to persuade Frederic that all this was compatible +with the truth of Christianity, and he undertook to introduce a +reformation in his own kingdom, commencing with himself.<a name="FNanchor_680_680" id="FNanchor_680_680"></a><a href="#Footnote_680_680" class="fnanchor">[680]</a></p> + +<p>Marsiglio of Padua may be a suspected witness when he assumes, as a +universally recognized fact, the corruption of the mass of +ecclesiastics. They despoiled the poor, they were insatiable in their +greed, and what they wrung from their flocks was wasted in debauchery. +Boys, unlettered men, unknown persons, were promoted to benefices, and +the bishops, by their example, carried to destruction more souls than +they saved by their teaching. But his contemporary, Alvaro Pelayo, the +Franciscan penitentiary of John XXII., is beyond suspicion, and he +describes the Church of his time as completely secularized. There is no +act of secular life in which priests and monks are not busy. As for the +prelates, he can only compare them to the fabled Lamia, with a human +head and the body of a beast—a monstrous fury which tears its own +offspring to pieces and destroys all within its reach. The prelates, he +says, give no teaching to their people, but flay and rend them. The +bread due to the poor is lavished on jesters and dogs. Faith and justice +have abandoned the earth; there is no humanity or kindness; the +voracious flame of wrath and envy destroys the Church and skins the poor +with fraud and simony. Scripture and the canons are regarded as fables. +Through the iniquity of the priests and prelates the evils gather, for +they publicly pervert the law, they render false judgments, they add +blood to blood, for many perish through their frauds and machinations. +They gloss and declare the law as they choose. The doctors and prelates +and priests shed the blood of the just. They take the broad path that +leads to destruction, and will not enter, nor permit others to enter, +the narrow way that conducts to eternal life. This description is fully +borne out by a letter of Benedict XII. to<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_633" id="page_633"></a>{633}</span> the Archbishop of Narbonne, +describing the utter demoralization of the clergy of his province, so +lately purified of heresy by the tireless labors of the +Inquisition.<a name="FNanchor_681_681" id="FNanchor_681_681"></a><a href="#Footnote_681_681" class="fnanchor">[681]</a></p> + +<p>Benedict’s well-intentioned effort at reformation was fruitless, and +after his death matters only became worse, if possible. Under Clement +VI. vices of all kinds flourished more luxuriantly than ever. In 1351 a +Carmelite, preaching before the pope and cardinals, inveighed against +their turpitude in terms which terrified every one, and caused his +immediate dismissal. Shortly afterwards a letter was affixed to the +portals of the churches addressed to the pope and his cardinals. It was +signed Leviathan, Prince of Darkness, and was dated in the centre of +hell. He saluted his vicar the pope and his servants the cardinals, with +whose help he had overcome Christ; he commended them for all their +vices, and sent them the good wishes of their mother, Pride, and their +sisters, Avarice, Lust, and the rest, who boast of their well-being +through their help. Clement was sorely moved, and fell dangerously sick, +but the writer was never discovered. When Clement died, the next year, a +majority of the cardinals were disposed to cast their votes for Jean +Birel, Prior of the Grande Chartreuse, but the Cardinal of Périgord +warned them that their favorite had such zeal for the Church, and was a +man of such justice, equity, and disregard of persons, that he would +speedily bring them back to their ancient condition, and that in four +months their coursers would be converted into beasts of burden. +Frightened at this prospect, they incontinently elected Innocent +VI.<a name="FNanchor_682_682" id="FNanchor_682_682"></a><a href="#Footnote_682_682" class="fnanchor">[682]</a></p> + +<p>These stories are verified by Petrarch’s descriptions of the papal court +at Avignon, wherein even his glowing rhetoric fails to satisfy the +vehemence of his indignation, while the details which he gives to +justify his ardor are unfit to repeat. It is the Western Babylon, and +nothing which is told of Assyria or Egypt, or even of Tartarus, can +equal it, for all such are fables by comparison. Here you find Nimrod +and Semiramis, Minos and Rhadamanthus, Cerberus consuming all things, +Pasiphaë under the bull, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_634" id="page_634"></a>{634}</span> her offspring, the monster Minotaur. Here +you see confusion, blackness, and horror. It is not a city, but a den of +spectres and goblins, the common sink of all vices, the hell of the +living. Here God is despised, money is worshipped, the laws are trodden +under foot, the good are ridiculed till there scarce is one left to be +laughed at. A deluge is necessary, but there would be no Noah, no +Deucalion to survive it. Avignon is the woman clothed in purple and +scarlet, holding the golden bowl of her abominations and the uncleanness +of her fornications. He returns to the subject again and again with +undiminished wrath, and he casually alludes to one of the cardinals as a +man of a nobler soul, who might have been good had he not belonged to +the sacred college. The mocking spirit of Boccaccio is equally +outspoken. From the highest to the lowest, every one in the papal court +is abandoned to the most abominable vices. The sight of it converts a +Jew, for he argues that Christianity must be of God, seeing that it +spreads and flourishes in spite of the wickedness of its head.<a name="FNanchor_683_683" id="FNanchor_683_683"></a><a href="#Footnote_683_683" class="fnanchor">[683]</a></p> + +<p>Gregory XI. was the fiercest persecutor of heresy in the fourteenth +century, incessantly active against Brethren of the Free Spirit, +Waldenses, and Fraticelli. He could boast that even as his namesake and +prototype, Gregory IX., had founded the Inquisition, so he had restored +it and had extended it into Germany. Yet, with all this zeal for +compelling unity of faith, St. Birgitta was divinely commissioned to +convey to him this message from the Lord:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“Hear, O Gregory XI., the words I say to thee, and give unto them +diligent attention! Why dost thou hate me so? Why are thy audacity +and presumption so great against me that thy worldly court destroys +my heavenly one? Proudly thou despoilest me of my sheep. The wealth +of the Church which is mine, and the goods of the faithful of the +Church, thou extortest and seizest, and givest to thy worldly +friends. Thou takest unjustly the store of the poor and lavishest +it without shame on thy worldly friends. What have I done to thee, +O Gregory? Patiently have I suffered thee to rise to the +high-priesthood, and I have foretold to thee my will by letters +divinely sent to thee, warning thee of<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_635" id="page_635"></a>{635}</span> the salvation of thy soul, +and reproaching thy recklessness. How then dost thou repay my many +favors? Why in thy court dost thou suffer unchecked the foulest +pride, insatiable avarice, wantonness execrable to me, and +all-devouring simony? Moreover, thou dost seize and carry away from +me innumerable souls, for well-nigh all who go to thy court thou +plungest into the fire of hell.... Gird up thy loins, then, and +fear not. Arise and bravely seek to reform the Church which I have +purchased with my blood, and it will be restored to its former +state, though now a brothel is more respected than it is. If thou +dost not obey my command, know verily that thou wilt be condemned, +and every devil of hell will have a morsel of thy soul, immortal +and inconsumable.”</p></div> + +<p>In another vision St. Birgitta was ordered to represent to the pope the +deplorable state of all orders of the clergy. Priests were rather pimps +of the devil than clerks of God. The monasteries were well-nigh +abandoned, mass was only celebrated in them intermittently, while the +monks resided in their houses and had no shame in acknowledging their +offspring, or wandered around, frequently clad in armor under their +frocks. The doors of the nunneries were open night and day, and they +were rather brothels than holy retreats. Such is the burden of St. +Birgitta’s repeated revelations, and nothing that Wickliff or Huss could +say of the depravity of the clergy could exceed the bitterness of her +denunciation.<a name="FNanchor_684_684" id="FNanchor_684_684"></a><a href="#Footnote_684_684" class="fnanchor">[684]</a></p> + +<p>The inspiration of St. Catharine of Siena was equally outspoken. In her +letters to Gregory XI., Urban VI., and the dignitaries who listened +respectfully to her enunciations of the voice of God, her constant theme +is the corruption of every rank in the hierarchy and the immediate +necessity for reform. To Gregory she announces that God will sharply +rebuke him if he does not cleanse the Church of its impurities; God +demands of him to cast aside lukewarmness and fear, and to become +another man, that he may eradicate the abundance of its iniquity. To +Urban she says that it is not possible for him to put an end to the evil +everywhere committed throughout Christendom, and especially by the +clergy, but at least he can do what lies within his power. The prelates +she describes as caring for nothing but pleasure and ambition; they<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_636" id="page_636"></a>{636}</span> are +infernal demons carrying off the souls of their subjects, they are +wolves and traffickers in the divine grace. As for the priests, they are +the exact opposites of what they should be, injuring all who come in +contact with them; all their lives are corrupt, and they are not worthy +to be called men, but, rather, beasts, wallowing in filth and indulging +in all the wickedness craved by their bestial appetites; they are not +guardians of souls, but devourers, delivering them up to the Wolf of +Hell.<a name="FNanchor_685_685" id="FNanchor_685_685"></a><a href="#Footnote_685_685" class="fnanchor">[685]</a> All these warnings fell upon deaf ears, and the Church, +during the Great Schism, plunged, if possible, deeper into the pit of +abominations.</p> + +<p>In 1386 Telesforo, the hermit of Cosenza, could only explain the Schism +by the wealth and worldliness of the clergy, whom God could only reform +by stripping them of their temporalities and thus forcing them to live +according to the gospel. Although Henry of Hesse disputed the prophetic +gifts of Telesforo, he, too, had no hesitation in ascribing the Schism +to the simony, avarice, pride, luxury, and vanity of the Church, and he +can only explain it by God sometimes in his wrath allowing his servants +to act according to their own evil desires. Even should the Schism be +healed, he can only look forward to the Church falling from bad to worse +until the coming of Antichrist. This he anticipates speedily, for all +the prophetic signs are present in the extreme iniquity of the world. +The insatiable avarice and ambition of clergy and laity will lead them +to support any one who promises them worldly advantage, and they will +unite in aiding Antichrist to conquer the world. Bad as were the attacks +of heresy, he says, the peace now enjoyed by the Church after overcoming +the heretics is even worse, for in it the evil spirits succeed in +excluding virtues and substituting vices—a significant admission from +an enthusiastic churchman of the result of the labors of the +Inquisition.<a name="FNanchor_686_686" id="FNanchor_686_686"></a><a href="#Footnote_686_686" class="fnanchor">[686]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_637" id="page_637"></a>{637}</span></p> + +<p>These deplorable statements are confirmed by the supplication of the +Council of Pisa in 1409 to Alexander V., and by the reformers who +gathered around the Council of Constance in hopes of seeing it fulfil +its functions of purifying the Church in its head and members—John +Gerson, Cardinal d’Ailly, Cardinal Zabarella, Bernhardus Baptizatus, +Theodoric Vrie. I have already quoted Nicholas de Clemangis, and need +only say that the others were equally outspoken and equally full of +detail, while the reformatory projects drawn up for consideration by the +council are eloquent as to the evils which they were designed to remove. +At first Sigismund and the Germans, with the French and English nations, +were united in demanding that reformation should precede the election of +a pope in place of the deposed John XXIII., but the close alliance +formed between Sigismund and Henry V. alienated the French; by a skilful +use of this they were won over, and the prospects of reform grew so +desperate that Sigismund seriously contemplated seizing all the +cardinals, as the main obstacle to the wished-for action, and removing +them from Constance. On learning this, far from yielding, they put on +their red hats and wore them in the streets as a token of their +readiness to undergo martyrdom, and a paper was drawn up stigmatizing +the English and Germans as Wickliffites and Hussites. The Germans +responded in a vigorous protest, officially describing the condition of +the Church in terms as decided as those employed by Nicholas de +Clemangis. For this state of things they hold the Holy See solely +responsible, for they date back these abuses to a time, a century and a +half before, when the increasing pretensions of the curia enabled it to +infect all Christendom with its vices, and they allude with special +horror to the use of the papal penitentiary, worse than ordinary simony, +whereby crimes were taxed in proportion to their heinousness and +villainous traffic was made in sin. The Church, they concluded, had +forfeited the reverence of the laity, which regarded it with contempt, +as rather Antichristian than Christian. The steadfast attitude of the +Germans, however, was weakened by the death of their strongest ally, +Robert Hallam, Bishop of Salisbury, and two of Sigismund’s most trusted +prelates were bribed to betray the cause. The Archbishop of Riga, who +was tired of his constant quarrels with the Teutonic knights, was +promised the rich bishopric of Liége, and the Bishop of Coire was +promised the archbishopric<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_638" id="page_638"></a>{638}</span> of Riga. The opposition crumbled away, and +Martin V. was elected. The French quickly saw their mistake, and +appealed to Sigismund, who curtly referred them to the pope whom they +had chosen, and who now had full power of granting or refusing reform. +The council hurriedly adjourned after passing a few canons of little +worth, and providing for a succession of general councils at short +intervals.<a name="FNanchor_687_687" id="FNanchor_687_687"></a><a href="#Footnote_687_687" class="fnanchor">[687]</a></p> + +<p>We have seen how reform was skilfully eluded at the Council of Siena in +1424. At Basle it fared no better. In 1435 Andreas, Bishop of Minorca, +addressed to the Cardinal-legate Cesarini an exhortation in which he +said, “Evils, sins, and scandals have so increased, especially among the +clergy, that, as the prophet says, already accursed lying and theft, and +adultery and simony, and murder and many other crimes have deluged the +earth.... The avarice and lust of domination and the foul and abominable +lives of the ecclesiastics are the cause of all the misfortunes of +Christendom. The infidel and the heretic say that if the Christian faith +and gospel law were true and holy, the prelates and priests would not +live as they do, nor would the spiritual rulers work such confusion and +scandal in Christendom without instant punishment from the Lord Jesus +Christ, the founder of the gospel and the Church.” Bishop Andreas +further urged that the council condemn by an irrefragable decision the +impious doctrine of some canonists that the pope cannot commit simony. +Two years later, in 1437, John Nider, the Dominican, declared that the +general reformation of the Church was hopeless, on account of the +wickedness of the prelates and the lack of good-will of the clergy. +Partial reforms might be practicable, but even in this the difficulty +was almost insuperable. The council, he said, in its six years of +existence had been unable to reform a single nunnery, although aided by +all the force of the secular power.<a name="FNanchor_688_688" id="FNanchor_688_688"></a><a href="#Footnote_688_688" class="fnanchor">[688]</a></p> + +<p>The council, indeed, attempted some reformation, but Eugenius IV. and +his successors refused to observe its canons. Even in Germany and France +the old abuses were reinstated, with their deplorable<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_639" id="page_639"></a>{639}</span> consequences. The +writers of the period are as emphatic as their predecessors in +describing the superabounding and universal turpitude of the Church +during the remainder of the century. That they do not exaggerate may be +assumed from one or two instances. In 1459 there died at Arras, at the +age of eighty, Nicaise le Vasseur, canon and head of the chapter of +Arras. He not only had daughters and committed incest with them, but +also with a daughter-granddaughter whom he had by one of them. Yet so +blunted was the moral sense of Church and people that, as we are told, +this monster officiated “<i>très honorablement</i>” in divine service on all +feasts and holidays, and the only comment of the chronicler is that he +did it most becomingly. When, in 1474, the death of Sixtus IV. was +received in Rome with a pæan of joy, people commented not so much upon +his selling benefices to the highest bidder and his other devices of +extorting money, as upon the manner in which he rewarded the boys who +served his unnatural lusts by granting to them rich bishoprics and +archbishoprics. Under such men as Innocent VIII. and Alexander VI., +there could only be deeper degradation expected. Julius II. was a +<i>condottiere</i> rather than a priest; but when political exigencies led +him to summon the Lateran Council, earnest souls like Jacob Wimpfeling +permitted themselves to hope that he would set bounds to the moral +plague which pervaded all the churches. When he died, and Leo X. +conducted the labors of the assembled fathers, Gianfrancesco Pico della +Mirandola addressed him an epistle describing the evils for which +reformation was requisite. It is a repetition of the old complaints. The +worship of God was neglected, the churches were held by pimps and +catamites; the nunneries were dens of prostitution, justice was a matter +of hatred or favor; piety was lost in superstition; the priesthood was +bought and sold; the revenues of the Church ministered only to the +foulest excesses, and the people were repelled from religion by the +example of their pastors. The author of a little anonymous tract printed +about the year 1500 feels obliged to prove by laborious citations that +fornication is forbidden to the clergy, and he attributes the contempt +generally entertained for the Church to the openly scandalous lives of +its members. To appreciate fully the effect on the popular mind of this +degradation of the Church, we must keep in view the supernatural powers +claimed and exercised by the priesthood, which made it the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_640" id="page_640"></a>{640}</span> arbiter of +every man’s destiny, for salvation depended not so much on individual +desert as on the ministrations of those who controlled the sacraments. +How benumbing was this influence on the moral faculties is visible in +the confession of Anna Miolerin, one of the Tyrolese witches burned in +1506, where the spread of witchcraft is attributed to the sensual and +drunken priests who are unable to confess their penitents properly, or +to baptize children, so that the latter, unprotected by the sacrament, +are easily betrayed to Satan. The priests, she says, ought to baptize +children reverently and repeat all the words of the ceremony.<a name="FNanchor_689_689" id="FNanchor_689_689"></a><a href="#Footnote_689_689" class="fnanchor">[689]</a></p> + +<p>As for monasticism, Abbot Trithemius gives us a vigorous sketch of its +demoralization. The great Benedictine Order, the mother and exemplar of +the rest, had been founded on a wise and comprehensive system, including +productive labor in the fields and religious observances in the houses: +but he tells us that the monks when abroad were idle and vain, and when +inside the walls were abandoned to carnal delights, with nothing of +decorous to show but the habit, and even this was mostly neglected. No +one thought of enforcing the forgotten discipline. The monasteries had +become stables for clerks, or fortresses for fighting-men, or markets +for traders, or brothels for strumpets, in which the greatest of crimes +was to live without sin. The abbots thought of nothing but of satisfying +their appetites and vanities, their lusts, their ambition, and their +avarice, while the brethren were monks only in name, and were vessels of +wrath and sin. A confirmatory glimpse at the interior life of these +establishments is afforded by Angelus Rumpherus, elected Abbot of +Formbach in 1501, in his account of his immediate predecessor, Leonhard, +who had ruled the abbey since 1474. He was especially fond of using +torture, of which he had infinite ingenious varieties at his service. +Unable to endure his tyranny, a monk named Engelschalk, a man of good +natural parts and disposition, fled, but was taken sick and brought +back. He<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_641" id="page_641"></a>{641}</span> was thrown into the dungeon of the abbey, a building without +light and ventilation, except a narrow slit through which to pass in +food. Here he died, without even the viaticum, his request for a +confessor being refused, and when, as he was dying, the abbot and some +of the monks entered, the blood flowed copiously from his nose, showing +that they were his murderers.<a name="FNanchor_690_690" id="FNanchor_690_690"></a><a href="#Footnote_690_690" class="fnanchor">[690]</a></p> + +<p> </p> + +<p>Under the guidance of a Church such as this, the moral condition of the +laity was unutterably depraved. Uniformity of faith had been enforced by +the Inquisition and its methods, and so long as faith was preserved, +crime and sin were comparatively unimportant except as a source of +revenue to those who sold absolution. As Theodoric Vrie tersely puts it, +hell and purgatory would be emptied if enough money could be found. The +artificial standard thus created is seen in a revelation of the Virgin +to St. Birgitta, that a pope who was free from heresy, no matter how +polluted by sin and vice, is not so wicked but that he has the absolute +power to bind and loose souls. There are many wicked popes plunged in +hell, but all their lawful acts on earth are accepted and confirmed by +God, and all priests who are not heretics administer true sacraments, no +matter how depraved they may be. Correctness of belief was thus the sole +essential; virtue was a wholly subordinate consideration. How completely +under such a system religion and morals came to be dissociated is seen +in the remarks of Pius II. quoted above, that the Franciscans were +excellent theologians, but cared nothing about virtue.<a name="FNanchor_691_691" id="FNanchor_691_691"></a><a href="#Footnote_691_691" class="fnanchor">[691]</a></p> + +<p>This, in fact, was the direct result of the system of persecution +embodied in the Inquisition. Heretics who were admitted to be patterns +of virtue were ruthlessly exterminated in the name of Christ, while in +the same holy name the orthodox could purchase<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_642" id="page_642"></a>{642}</span> absolution for the +vilest of crimes for a few coins. When the only unpardonable offence was +persistence in some trifling error of belief, such as the poverty of +Christ; when men had before them the example of their spiritual guides +as leaders in vice and debauchery and contempt of sacred things, all the +sanctions of morality were destroyed and the confusion between right and +wrong became hopeless. The world has probably never seen a society more +vile than that of Europe in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. The +brilliant pages of Froissart fascinate us with their pictures of the +artificial courtesies of chivalry; the mystic reveries of Rysbroek and +of Tauler show us that spiritual life survived in some rare souls, but +the mass of the population was plunged into the depths of sensuality and +the most brutal oblivion of the moral law. For this Alvaro Pelayo tells +us that the priesthood were accountable, and that, in comparison with +them, the laity were holy. What was that state of comparative holiness +he proceeds to describe, blushing as he writes, for the benefit of +confessors, giving a terrible sketch of the universal immorality which +nothing could purify but fire and brimstone from heaven. The chroniclers +do not often pause in their narrations to dwell on the moral aspects of +the times, but Meyer, in his annals of Flanders, under date of 1379, +tells us that it would be impossible to describe the prevalence +everywhere of perjuries, blasphemies, adulteries, hatreds, quarrels, +brawls, murder, rapine, thievery, robbery, gambling, whoredom, +debauchery, avarice, oppression of the poor, rape, drunkenness, and +similar vices, and he illustrates his statement with the fact that in +the territory of Ghent, within the space of ten months, there occurred +no less than fourteen hundred murders committed in the bagnios, +brothels, gambling-houses, taverns, and other similar places. When, in +1396, Jean sans Peur led his crusaders to destruction at Nicopolis, +their crimes and cynical debauchery scandalized even the Turks, and led +to the stern rebuke of Bajazet himself, who as the monk of Saint-Denis +admits, was much better than his Christian foes. The same writer, +moralizing over the disaster of Agincourt, attributes it to the general +corruption of the nation. Sexual relations, he says, were an alternation +of disorderly lusts and of incest; commerce was nought but fraud and +trickery; avarice withheld from the Church her tithes, and ordinary +conversation was a succession of blasphemies. The Church, set<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_643" id="page_643"></a>{643}</span> up by God +as a model and protector for the people, was false to all its +obligations. The bishops, through the basest and most criminal of +motives, were habitual accepters of persons; they anointed themselves +with the last essence extracted from their flocks, and there was in them +nothing of holy, of just, of wise, or even of decent. Luke Wadding is a +witness above suspicion; his conscientious study of original sources +entitles his opinions to weight, and we may accept his description of +Italy in the early part of the fifteenth century: “At that time Italy +was sunk in vice and wickedness. In the Church there was no devotion, in +the laity no faith, no piety, no modesty, no discipline of morals. Every +man cursed his neighbor; the factions of Guelf and Ghibelline flooded +the streets of the towns with fraternal blood, the roads were closed by +robbers, the seas infested with pirates. Parents slew with rejoicing +their children who chanced to be of the opposite faction. The world was +full of sorcery and incantations; the churches deserted, the +gambling-houses filled.” The testimony is too uniform to explain it away +with the assumption that it represents only the disenchantment of +puritanism. Æneas Sylvius was no puritan, and his adventurous life had +made him, perhaps, better acquainted with the whole of Christendom than +any other man of his time, and in 1453 he says: “It is for this that I +dread the Turks. Whether I look upon the deeds of princes or of prelates +I find that all have sunk, all are worthless. There is not one who does +right, in no one is there pity or truth. There is no recognition of God +upon earth; you are Christians in name, but you do the work of heathen. +Execration and falsehood and slaughter and theft and adultery are spread +among you, and you add blood to blood. What wonder if God, indignant at +your acts, places on your necks Mahomet, the leader of the Turks, like +another Nebuchadnezzar, for you are either swollen with pride, or +rapacious with avarice, or cruel in wrath, or livid with envy, or +incestuous in lust, or unsparing in cruelty. There is no shame in crime, +for you sin so openly and shamelessly that you seem to take delight in +it.” To what extent the Church was responsible for this may be judged by +the terrible condition of Rome under Innocent VIII. as pictured in the +diary of Infessura. Outrages of all kinds were committed with impunity +so long as the criminal had wherewith to compound with the papal +chancery;<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_644" id="page_644"></a>{644}</span> and when Cardinal Borgia, the vice-chancellor, was reproached +with this, he piously replied that God did not desire the death of the +sinner, but that he should pay and live. A census of the public women +showed them to number sixty-eight hundred, and when the vicar of the +city issued a decree ordering all ecclesiastics to dismiss their +concubines, Innocent sent for him and ordered its withdrawal, saying +that all priests and members of the curia kept them, and that it was no +sin.<a name="FNanchor_692_692" id="FNanchor_692_692"></a><a href="#Footnote_692_692" class="fnanchor">[692]</a></p> + +<p>This was the outcome of the theocracy whose foundation had been laid by +Hildebrand in the honest belief that it would realize the reign of +Christ on earth. Power such as was claimed and exercised by the Church +could only be wielded by superhuman wisdom. Human nature was too +imperfect not to convert it into an instrumentality for the +gratification of worldly passions and ambition, and its inevitable +result was to plunge society deeper and deeper into corruption, as unity +of faith was enforced by persecution. In this enforcement, as I have +said, faith became the only object of supreme importance, and morals +were completely subordinated, tending naturally to the creation of a +perfectly artificial and arbitrary standard of conduct. If, to win the +favor of Satan, a man trampled on the Eucharist believing it to be the +body of Christ, he was not liable to the pains of heresy; but if he did +so out of disbelief, he was a heretic. If he took interest for money +believing it to be wrong, he was comparatively safe; if believing it to +be right, he was condemned. It was not the act, but the mental process, +that was of primary importance, and wilful wrong-doing was treated more +tenderly than ignorant conscientiousness. Thus the divine law on which +the Church professed to be founded was superseded by human law +administered by those who profited by its abuse. As Cardinal d’Ailly +tells us, the doctors of civil law regarded the imperial jurisprudence +as more binding than the commands of God, while the professors of canon +law taught that the papal decretals were of greater weight<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_645" id="page_645"></a>{645}</span> than +Scripture. Such a theocracy, practically deeming itself as superior to +its God, when it had overcome all dissidence, could have but one +result.<a name="FNanchor_693_693" id="FNanchor_693_693"></a><a href="#Footnote_693_693" class="fnanchor">[693]</a></p> + +<p>When we consider, however, the simple earnestness with which such +multitudes of humble heretics endured the extremity of outrage and the +most cruel of deaths, in the endeavor to ascertain and obey the will of +God in the fashioning of their lives, we recognize what material existed +for the development of true Christianity, and for the improvement of the +race, far down in the obscurer ranks of society. We can see now how +greatly advanced might be the condition of humanity had that leaven been +allowed to penetrate the whole mass in place of being burned out with +fire. Unorganized and unresisting, the heretics were unable to withstand +the overwhelming forces arrayed against them. Power and place and wealth +were threatened by their practical interpretation of the teachings of +Christ. The pride of opinion in the vast and laboriously constructed +theories of scholastic theology, the conscientious belief in the +exclusive salvation obtainable through the Church alone, the recognized +duty of exterminating the infected sheep and preserving the vineyard of +the Lord from the ravages of heretical foxes, all united to form a +conservatism against which even the heroic endurance of the sectaries +was unavailing. Yet there are few pages in the history of humanity more +touching, few records of self-sacrifice more inspiring, few examples +more instructive of the height to which the soul can rise above the +weaknesses of the flesh, than those which we may glean from the +fragmentary documents of the Inquisition and the scanty references of +the chroniclers to the abhorred heretics so industriously tracked and so +pitilessly despatched. Ignorant and toiling men and women—peasants, +mechanics, and the like—dimly conscious that the system of society was +wrong, that the commands of God were perverted or neglected, that +humanity was capable of higher development, if it could but find and +follow the Divine Will; striving each in his humble sphere to solve the +inscrutable and awful problems of existence, to secure in tribulation +his own salvation, and to help his fellows in the arduous task—these +forgotten martyrs of<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_646" id="page_646"></a>{646}</span> the truth drew from themselves alone the strength +which enabled them to dare and to endure martyrdom. No prizes of +ambition lay before them to tempt their departure from the safe and +beaten track, no sympathizing crowds surrounded the piles of fagots and +strengthened them in the fearful trial; but scorn and hatred and +loathing were their portion to the last. Save in cases of relapse, life +could always be saved by recantation and return to the bosom of the +Church, which recognized that even from a worldly point of view a +converted heretic was more valuable than a martyred one, yet the +steadfast resolution, which the orthodox characterized as satanic +hardening of the heart, was too common to excite surprise.<a name="FNanchor_694_694" id="FNanchor_694_694"></a><a href="#Footnote_694_694" class="fnanchor">[694]</a></p> + +<p>This inestimable material for the elevation of humanity was plucked up +as tares and cast into the furnace. Society, so long as it was orthodox +and docile, was allowed to wallow in all the wickedness which depravity +might suggest. The supreme object of uniformity in faith was practically +attained, and the moral condition of mankind was dismissed from +consideration as of no importance. Yet the incongruity between the ideal +of Christianity and its realization was too unnatural for the situation +to be permanent. In the Church as well as out of it there was a leaven +working. While St. Birgitta was thundering her revelations in the +unwilling ears of Gregory XI., William Langland, the monk of Malvern, +sharpened his bitter denunciations of friar and prelate by reminding<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_647" id="page_647"></a>{647}</span> +the common-folk that love and truth were the sole essentials of +Christianity—</p> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">“Loue is leche of lyf and nexte owre lorde selve,<br /></span> +<span class="ist">And also the graith gate that goth in-to heuene;<br /></span> +<span class="ist">For-thi I sey as I seide ere by the textis,<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Whan alle tresores ben ytryed treuthe is the beste.<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Now haue I tolde the what treuthe is, that no tresore is bettere,<br /></span> +<span class="ist">I may no lenger lenge the with, now loke the owre lorde!”<br /></span> +<span class="i12">(V<small>ISION</small>, I. 202-7.)<br /></span> +</div></div> + +<p class="nind">All such warnings, however, were disregarded, and in the hour of its +unquestionable supremacy the sacerdotal system, which seemed impregnable +to all assaults and to have no assailants, was on the eve of its +overthrow. The Inquisition had been too successful. So complete had been +the triumph of the Church that the old machinery was allowed to become +out of gear and to rust for want of daily use. The Inquisition itself +had ceased to inspire its old-time terror. For a century it had little +to do save an occasional foray upon the peasants of the Alpine valleys, +or an extortion on the Jews of Palermo, or the fomenting of a witchcraft +craze. It no longer had the stimulus of active work or the opportunity +of impressing the minds of the people with the certainty of its +vengeance and the terrors of its holocausts.</p> + +<p>At the same time the Great Schism had inflicted a serious blow upon the +veneration entertained for the Holy See by both clergy and laity, which +found expression in the great councils of Constance and Basle. Dexterous +management, it is true, averted the immediate dangers threatened by +these parliaments of Christendom, and the Church remained in theory an +autocracy instead of being converted into a constitutional monarchy, but +nevertheless the old unquestioning confidence in the vicegerent of God +was gone, while the aspirations of Christendom grew stronger under +repression. The invention of printing came to stimulate the spread of +enlightenment, and a reading public gradually formed itself, reached and +influenced by other modes than the pulpit and the lecture-room, which +had been the monopoly of the Church. No longer was culture virtually the +sole appanage of ecclesiastics. The New Learning spread among a daily +increasing class the thirst for knowledge and the critical spirit of +inquiry, which insensibly<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_648" id="page_648"></a>{648}</span> undermined the traditional claims of the +Church on the veneration and obedience of mankind.</p> + +<p>Save in Spain, where racial divisions furnished peculiar factors to the +problem, everything conspired to disarm the Inquisition and render it +powerless when it was most sorely needed. Orthodox uniformity had been +so successfully enforced that the popes of the fifteenth century, +immersed in worldly cares beyond the capacity of the Inquisition to +gratify, scarce gave themselves the trouble to keep up its organization; +and, save when some madness of witchcraft called for victims, the people +and the local clergy made no demand for vindicators of the faith. +Scholastic quarrels, for the most part, were settled by the +universities, which arrogated to themselves much of the jurisdiction of +the Holy Office; and the episcopal ordinaries seemed almost to have +forgotten the functions which were theirs by immemorial right.</p> + +<p>Although German orthodoxy had been so uniform that the Inquisition there +had always been weak and unorganized, yet Germany was the inevitable +seat of the revolt. In England and France the power of a monarchy, +backed by a united people, had set some bounds to papal aggression and +assumption. In Italy the pope was regarded more as a temporal prince +than as the head of the Church, and the Ghibellines had never hesitated +to oppose his schemes of political aggrandizement. In Germany, however, +the papal policy of disunion and civil strife had proved fatally +successful, and since the untimely death of Louis of Bavaria there had +been no central power strong enough to defend the people and the local +churches from the avarice and ambition of the representatives of St. +Peter. Luther came when the public mind was receptive and insubordinate, +and when there was no organized instrumentality for his prompt +repression. As I have already pointed out, his scholastic discussion as +to the power of the keys seemed at first too insignificant to require +attention; when the debate enlarged there were no means at hand for its +speedy suppression, and, by the time the Church could marshal its +unwieldy forces, the people had espoused his cause in a region where, as +the Sachsenspiegel shows, there was no hereditary or prescriptive +readiness to venerate the canon law. The hour, the place, and the man +had met by a happy concurrence, and the era of modern civilization and +unfettered thought was opened, in spite of the fact that<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_649" id="page_649"></a>{649}</span> the reformers +were as rigid as the orthodox in setting bounds to dogmatic +independence.</p> + +<p> </p> + +<p>The review which we have made of the follies and crimes of our ancestors +has revealed to us a scene of almost unrelieved blackness. We have seen +how the wayward heart of man, groping in twilight, has under the best of +impulses inflicted misery and despair on his fellow-creatures while +thinking to serve God, and how the ambitious and unprincipled have +traded on those impulses to gratify the lust of avarice and domination. +Yet such a review, rightly estimated, is full of hope and encouragement. +In the unrest of modern society, where immediate relief is sought from +the mass of evils oppressing mankind, and impatience is eager to +overturn all social organization in the hope of founding a new structure +where preventable misery shall be unknown, it is well occasionally to +take a backward view, to tear away the veil which conceals the passions +and the sufferings of bygone generations, and estimate fairly the +progress already effected. Human development is slow and irregular; to +the observer at a given point it appears stationary or retrogressive, +and it is only by comparing periods removed by a considerable interval +of time that the movement can be appreciated. Such a retrospect as we +have wearily accomplished has shown us how, but a few centuries since, +the infliction of gratuitous evil was deemed the highest duty of man, +and we learn how much has been gained to the empire of Christian love +and charity. We have seen how the administration of law, both spiritual +and secular, was little other than organized wrong and injustice; we +have seen how low were the moral standards, and how debased the mental +condition of the populations of Christendom. We have seen that the Ages +of Faith, to which romantic dreamers regretfully look back, were ages of +force and fraud, where evil seemed to reign almost unchecked, justifying +the current opinion, so constantly reappearing, that the reign of +Antichrist had already begun. Imperfect as are human institutions +to-day, a comparison with the past shows how marvellous has been the +improvement, and the fact that this gain has been made almost wholly +within the last two centuries, and that it is advancing with accelerated +momentum, affords to the sociologist the most cheering<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_650" id="page_650"></a>{650}</span> encouragement. +Principles have been established which, if allowed to develop themselves +naturally and healthfully, will render the future of mankind very +different from aught that the world has yet seen. The greatest danger to +modern society lies in the impatient theorists who desire to reform the +world at a blow, in place of aiding in the struggle of good with evil +under the guidance of eternal laws. Could they be convinced of the +advance so swiftly made and of its steady development, they might +moderate their ardor and direct their energies to wise construction +rather than to heedless destruction.</p> + +<p>A few words will suffice to summarize the career of the mediæval +Inquisition. It introduced a system of jurisprudence which infected the +criminal law of all the lands subjected to its influence, and rendered +the administration of penal justice a cruel mockery for centuries. It +furnished the Holy See with a powerful weapon in aid of political +aggrandizement, it tempted secular sovereigns to imitate the example, +and it prostituted the name of religion to the vilest temporal ends. It +stimulated the morbid sensitiveness to doctrinal aberrations until the +most trifling dissidence was capable of arousing insane fury, and of +convulsing Europe from end to end. On the other hand, when atheism +became fashionable in high places, its thunders were mute. Energetic +only in evil, when its powers might have been used on the side of +virtue, it held its hand and gave the people to understand that the only +sins demanding repression were doubt as to the accuracy of the Church’s +knowledge of the unknown, and attendance on the Sabbat. In its long +career of blood and fire, the only credit which it can claim is the +suppression of the pernicious dogmas of the Cathari, and in this its +agency may be regarded as superfluous, for those dogmas carried in +themselves the seeds of self-destruction, and higher wisdom might have +trusted to their self-extinction. Thus the judgment of impartial history +must be that the Inquisition was the monstrous offspring of mistaken +zeal, utilized by selfish greed and lust of power to smother the higher +aspirations of humanity and stimulate its baser appetites.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_651" id="page_651"></a>{651}</span></p> + +<h2><a name="APPENDIX" id="APPENDIX"></a>APPENDIX.</h2> + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<hr style="width: 5%;" /> + +<h3>I.</h3> + +<p class="c"><span class="smcap">Confession of a Harborer of Spirituals</span>.</p> + +<p class="c">(Doat, XXVII. fol. 7 sqq.)</p> + +<p>This is one of twenty-two similar cases. The statements have every +appearance of being drawn up to lay before an assembly of experts.</p> + +<p>Johannes de Petra, sartor, filius quondam Guillelmi de Petra +oriundus de parrochia Vallis diocesis Mimatensis, habitator +Montispessulani, sicut per ipsius confessionem in judicio sub anno +Domini MCCC vigesimo sexto mense Novembris et Januarii factam, +legitime nobis constat a tribus vel quatuor annis ante tempus +confessionis factæ per eum de infrascriptis contra Guillelmum +Verrerii de Narbona et Petrum Dayssan de Biterris pro hæresi +fugitivos in domo propria multo tempore receptavit, cum eis comedit +et bibit, et ad diversa loca in eorum societate ivit, multosque +alios fugitivos et alios de credentia beguinorum combustorum etiam +in dicta domo sua vidit, et cum eis comedit et bibit frequenter, et +etiam fratrem Raimundum Johannis apostatam ab ordine minorum et a +fide fugitivum in dicta domo propria ad prandendum invitavit, +sibique comedere et bibere de suis bonis dedit, in festo fratris +Petri facto per eos in Montepessulano interfuit et comedit, +aliasque multipliciter et diversimode cum ipsis fugitivis et +quibusdam aliis de credentia beguinorum conversatus fuit non cum +omnibus simul et semel, sed diversis vicibus, aliquando cum uno, +alias cum duobus vel pluribus, sicuti veniebant, sciens eos esse +tales. Item ab eis fugitivis et beguinis seu aliquibus eorum +errores infrascriptos audivit, videlicet: quod beguini qui fuerant +condemnati et combusti in Narbona, Capitestagno, Biterris, Lodeva +et Lunello et alibi fuerant boni homines et catholici, et fuerant +indebite et injuste condemnati, et quod erant sancti et martyres +gloriosi; et idem audivit a quodam quem nominat dici de fratribus +minoribus Massiliæ combustis, videlicet quod erant injuste +condemnati, et quod erant mortui sancti martyres gloriosi, et erant +in Paradiso, et quod tenuerant sanctam vitam et bonam, et viam +veritatis et paupertatis, et quod propter hoc inquisitores +condemnabant eosdem. Item audivit ab eodem quem nominat quod +dominus papa qui nunc est non est verus papa sicut fuit Sanctus +Petrus nee habet illam potestatem quam Dominus Jesus Christus +dederat beato Petro, quodque si fuisset verus papa non consentiret +nec sustineret quod<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_652" id="page_652"></a>{652}</span> dicti beguini et fratres minores +condemnarentur qui tenebant viam Dei et veritatis. Item quod +cardinales et alii prælati ecclesiæ Romanæ sustinebant et faciebant +prædictas condemnationes propter favorem et timorem dicti domini +papæ, dicens ipse Joannes quod inductus per dictum hominem +prædictos errores credidit, scilicet dictos condemnatos credidit +fuisse injuste condemnatos et esse sanctos et martyres gloriosos et +esse in Paradiso, credidit etiam quod dominus papa non esset verus +papa propter condemnationem prædictorum, sicut a prædicto homine et +pluribus aliis quos nominat se asserit audivisse, et fuit in +credentia prædictorum errorum ab illo tempore citra, quo prædictus +homo sibi prædictos errores dixit usque ad illud tempus quo fuit in +Montepessulano arrestatus de mandato inquisitoris, et tunc pœnituit +ut asserit, de prædictis. Item audivit a quibusdam, scilicet a +predicto Guillelmo Verrerii et aliis quod si unus homo fecisset +votum eundi ad Sanctum Jacobum quod melius faceret si daret +pecuniam illam quam expendere posset in via pauperibus latitantibus +et non aliis qui publiæ mendicabant, quia S. Jacobus vel aliquis +alius sanctus non indiget oblationibus quæ sibi offerebantur. Item +quod si unus homo promiserit alicui sancto vel beatæ Mariæ virgini +unam candelam vel ejus valorem, daret pauperibus, et hoc credidit +ipse loquens et in ipsa credentia stetit per unum annum vel quasi +sicut dixit; committens prædicta a prædicto tempore citra celavit +ea nec confiteri voluit, donec captus est et longo tempore sub +arresto positus et denique in muri carcere detentus fuit, et contra +proprium juramentum de prædictis celavit et negavit expressius a +principio veritatem, nec dictos fugitivos detexit nec capi +procuravit, dicens se pœnitere.</p> + +<hr style="width: 5%;" /> + +<h3>II.</h3> + +<p class="c"><span class="smcap">Bull of John</span> XXII. <span class="smcap">Ordering the Transfer of Pierre Trencavel</span>.</p> + +<p class="c">(Archives de l’Inquisition de Carcassonne.—Doat, XXXV. fol. 18.)</p> + +<p>Johannes episcopus servus servorum Dei dilecto filio Michaeli +Monachi de ordine fratrum minorum inquisitori hæreticæ pravitatis +in partibus Provinciæ auctoritate apostolica deputato salutem et +apostolicam benedictionem. Ex insinuatione dilecti filii Joannis de +Prato de ordine fratrum prædicatorum inquisitoris hæreticæ +pravitatis in partibus Carcassonensibus auctoritate apostolica +deputati nuper accepimus quod Petrus Trencavelli de Aurilhat +Biterrensis diocesis, qui olim de crimine hæresis delatus et +vehementer suspectus captus extitit et in muro inquisitionis +Carcassonæ positus et detentus, de quo muro postmodum temerariis +dicitur ausibus aufugisse, quodque factis subsequente rite +processibus contra eum, ipsoque reperto de crimine hujusmodi +culpabili et resperso, in sermone publico Carcassonæ de eodem fuit +crimine condemnatus tanquam hæreticus, necnon Andræa ejusdem Petri +filia, de prædicto crimine vehementer suspecta et etiam fugitiva, +mancipati tuis carceribus detinentur. Cum autem negotio fidei +expediat quod præfati Petrus et Andræa, ut de aliis per ipsos ut +fertur infectis, ipsorumque fautoribus in eis partibus possit +haberi certitudo plenior, inquisitori restituantur prædicto, nos +qui negotium hujusmodi ubique cupimus, Domino cooperante,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_653" id="page_653"></a>{653}</span> +prosperari, præfati inquisitoris in hac parte supplicationibus +inclinati, discretioni tuæ per apostolica scripta mandamus quatinus +eidem inquisitori vel ejus certo nuncio prædictos Petrum +Trencavelli et Andræam filiam ejus restituere, cessante +difficultatis obstaculo, non postponas. Datum Avenione decimo +secundo Kalendas Aprilis, Pontificatus nostri anno undecimo. (21 +Mar. 1327.)</p> + +<hr style="width: 5%;" /> + +<h3>III.</h3> + +<p class="c"><span class="smcap">Sentence of Naprous Boneta</span>.</p> + +<p class="c">(Doat, XXVII. fol. 95.)</p> + +<p>In nomine Patris et Filii et Spiritus Sancti, Amen. Cum nos fratres +Henricus de Chamayo Carcassonæ et P. Bruni Tholosanus inquisitores, +et Hugo Augerii et Durandus Catherini commissarii supradicti per +inquisitionem legitime factam invenimus et per confessionem vestram +fatam in judicio legitime nobis constat quod tu Naprous Boneta +filia quondam Stephani Boneti de Sancto Petro de la Cadiera +diocesis Nemausensis, habitatrix Montispessulani, contra veram +fidem catholicam et ecclesiam Romanam sacrosanctam, potestati et +auctoritati sanctæ sedis apostolicæ et domini summi pontificis +detrahendo, de potestate et auctoritate ipsius vicarii Domini +nostri Jesu Christi ac sacrosanctæ ecclesiæ principatum et +fundamentum indissolubile, et claves ac sacramenta blasphemando et +quantum in te est totaliter enervando, et male ac perverse +sentiendo de fide, plures articulos sacris canonibus contrarios, +hæreticales et erroneos sustinuisti et adhuc sustinere niteris +animo pertinaci, sicque tam graviter in crimine hæreseos deliquisti +prout est tibi lectum et recitatum intelligibiliter in vulgari; +idcirco nos inquisitores et commissarii antedicti, præfati illius +vestigiis inhærentes qui non vult mortem peccatoris, sed majus ut +convertatur et vivat, te Naprous Boneta prædictam tantos et tam +enormes errores et hæreses, ut præmittitur sustinentem et defendere +volentem protervia improba et anima pertinaci, sæpe ac sæpius +caritative prius per nostrum prædecessorem multipliciter monitam et +rogatam iteratis vicibus, nihilominus requisivimus, rogavimus, +monuimus et per probos viros religiosos et sæculares moneri et +rogari salubriter et humiliter fecimus ut a prædictis erroribus +resilire et eos revocare verbo et animo ac etiam abjurare velles, +redeundo fideliter et veraciter ad sanctæ matris ecclesiæ unitatem +quæ claudere non consuevit, imo potius aperire gremium ad eam +redire volenti; tu vero monitiones et requisitiones hujusmodi et +preces admittere hactenus recusasti et adhuc etiam recusas tuæ +sævitiæ inhærens et insuper asserens te velle in ipsis erroribus et +hæresibus, quos veros et catholicos asseris, vivere atque mori, +nolens nostris et peritorum proborumque virorum in sacra scriptura +et in utroque jure doctorum consilio credere, quoquomodo attento +per nos, et viso per experientiam manifestam quod per impunitatis +audaciam fiunt qui nequam fuerunt quotidie nequiores, ex nostro +compulsi officio, ad quod cum diligentia exercendum ex præcepto +sanctæ obedientiæ obligamur, nolentes sicuti nec debemus tam +nefanda et totæ ecclesiæ et fidei catholicæ obviantia +periculosissime ulterius tolerare, de multorum virorum religiosorum +et sæcularium peritorum in utroque jure super præmissis<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_654" id="page_654"></a>{654}</span> consilio +præhabito diligenti, Deum habentes præ oculis, sacrosanctis +evangeliis Jesu Christi positis coram nobis ut de vultu Dei nostrum +prodeat judicium et rectum appareat coram Deo, oculique nostri +videant æquitatem, hac die loco et hora præsentibus per nos +peremptorie assignatis ad audiendum diffinitivam sententiam, +sedentes pro tribunali, Christi nomine invocato, te Naprous, in et +cum his scriptis pronuntiamus, judicamus et declaramus esse +hæreticam et hæresiarcham impœnitentem et in tua duritia +pertinacem, et ecclesia non habeat quid ulterius faciat de talibus, +te, tanquam hæreticam et hæresiarcham impœnitentem et obstinatam +relinquimus curiæ sæculari, eamdem curiam rogantes, prout suadent +canonicas sanctiones, ut tibi vitam et membra citra mortis +periculum illibata conservet.</p> + +<hr style="width: 5%;" /> + +<h3>IV.</h3> + +<p class="c"><span class="smcap">Confession of a Fraticello of Languedoc</span>.</p> + +<p class="c">(Doat, XXVII. fol. 202.)</p> + +<p>Frater Bartholomeus Bruguiere, sicut per ipsius confessionem sub +anno Domini MCCCXXVIII. mense Februarii factam in judicio, legitime +nobis constat, quod quibusdam quos nominat dixit: <i>Loquamur de +istis papis</i>, intelligendo sicut dixit, de Domino Joanne Papa XXII. +et de illo Italico, sic intruso, et subjunxit in veritatem: “Modo +dum Missam celebrabam, et fui in illo puncto in quo est orandum pro +Papa nostro, steti ibi aliquandiu rogitans et hesitans pro quo +istorum Paparum orare debuerem, et dum sic stetissem per aliquod +spatium, non procedens ultra, cogitavi quod unus illorum ecclesie +regimen usurpabat, alio existente vero Papa, et idcirco volui quod +oratio mea esset pro illo qui juste regimen Ecclesie tenebat, +quicunque esset ille.” Nec dixit quid determinasset se ad unum nec +ad alium predictorum. Item dixit duobus fratribus predicatoribus: +“Vos alii fratres habetis bonum tempus in isto Papa in istis +partibus, et fratres nostri malum, sed in Lombardia cum illo Papa +Italico est totaliter contrarium.” Dixit enim quod audiverat quod +in creatione illius Pape italici fuerunt septuaginta prelati. Item +dum citatus veniret ad inquisitoris penitentiam et jurasset ad +sancta Dei Evangelia certa hora in ejus presentia comparere, hoc +non obstante non comparuit, sed abscondit se nolens venire ad +inquisitoris mandatum. Item frequenter audivit multos fratres sui +ordinis qui dicebant quod bene staret, quod Deus daret Domino +Joanni Pape tales facendas quod de negotiis illius ordinis non +recordaretur, quia videbatur dictis fratribus quod dictus dominus +Papa non haberet aliquid pungere vel restringere nisi ordinem +eorumdem, et dixit seipsum dixisse predicta cum aliis; causam suam +et dictorum fratrum quare ista dicebant assignavit, quia dominus +Papa revocaverat constitutionem per quam dicebant procuratores suos +esse procuratores ecclesie Romane. Item dixit quod audivit +frequenter a multis fratribus sui ordinis fratrem Michaelem quondam +suum ministrum generalem esse injuste depositum et excommunicatum. +Item dixit quod dum semel predicabat dixit ista verba: “Dicitur +quod habemus duos Papas, et tamen ego credo unum esse verum Papam,” +et, aliquibus verbis interjectis, subjunxit hec verba: “Teneant se +ergo cum fortiori.” Item dixit quod dum semel<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_655" id="page_655"></a>{655}</span> in magna societate +fratrum diceret: “Utinam iste Antipapa esset de ordine +predicatorum, vel de statu alio” respondit unus de fratribus: “Plus +volo quod dictus Antipapa sit de ordine nostro, quia si esset de +statu alio, tunc nec ipsum nec istum Joannem Papam haberemus +amicum, et tandem istum Italicum habemus amicum.” Cujus dicto +applauserunt omnes presentes dicentes: “Bene comedit se et rodit +semetipsum modo iste Papa Joannes;” et videbatur ipsi qui loquitur, +sicut dixit, quod de ruina, infortuniis ecclesie que Domino Joanni +pape contingebant, tempore sui regiminis, multum gaudebant. Hec +omnia audivit ipse qui loquitur, nec revelavit. Item, mense Maii +sequenti, ipse predicta verba que debuit dicere in sermone, +videlicet: “Habemus duos Papas, teneamus nos cum fortiori” revocat +tanquam falso confessata per eumdem, quam confessionem fecerat, +sicut dixit, metu carceris et catene et jejunii et aque, de quibus +sibi plurimi minabantur ut dixit. Premissa omnia alia asserit esse +vera, dixit tamen quod, istis non obstantibus, nunquam credidit +quin dominus noster Papa Joannes XXII. esset verus Papa. Postque, +anno quo supra, die nona Septembris, sentiens et videns se +convictus per testis super verbis predictis in ipso sermone +prolatis, rediit ad confessionem predictam, et ab ipsa revocatione +penitus resilivit et se supposuit misericordie Inquisitoris.</p> + +<hr style="width: 5%;" /> + +<p class="c">(Doat, XXXV. fol. 87.)</p> + +<p>Joannes episcopus, servus servorum Dei, dilecto filio Inquisitori +heretice pravitatis in partibus Carcassonensibus, auctoritate +apostolica deputato, salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Exposuit +nobis dilectus filius Raimundus de Ladots ordinis fratrum minorum, +ejusdem ordinis procurator generalis, quod licet Bartholomeus +Brugerie olim predicti ordinis jamdudum, suis culpis et delictis +exigentibus, per dilectum filium Geraldum Ottonis ipsius ordinis +generalem ministrum ab eodem ordine fuerit per sententiam +deffinitivam expulsus, tu tamen ipsum ratione criminis heresis de +qua se respersum reddidit et convictum, cum habitu dictorum fratrum +detines tuis carceribus mancipatum; sane quia in opprobrium +redundaret fratrum et ordinis predictorum si dictus Bartholomeus +postquain sic expulsus extitit ab eorum ordine ipsorum habitum in +carceribus gestaret predictis, discretioni tue per apostolica +scripta mandamus quatenus habitum ejusdem Bartholomei prefato +procuratori vel dilecto filio guardiano fratrum ejusdem ordinis +Carcassone studeas quantocius assignari. Datum Avenione decimo +sexto Kalendas Octobris, Pontificatus nostri anno quintodecimo (16 +Sep. 1331).</p> + +<hr style="width: 5%;" /> + +<h3>V.</h3> + +<p class="c"><span class="smcap">Extracts from the Sentence of Cecco d’Ascoli</span>.</p> + +<p>Senza nissuna opressione di forza per sua libera e spontanea +voluntà costituito dinanzi a noi in giudizio disse e confessò che +mentre che fu citato e ricevuto per il religioso e reverendo Fr. +Lamberto del Cordiglio del Ordine de’ Predicatori, inquisitore +dell’ eretica pravità della Provincia de Lombardia comparse +dinanzi<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_656" id="page_656"></a>{656}</span> a lui e confessò in giudizio che elli aveva detto e +dogmatizato publicamente, leggendo che un uomo poteva nascere sotto +la Costellazione che necessariamente fosse rico o povere e d’esser +decapitato o appiccato, se Iddio non mutasse l’ordine della natura, +nè altrimenti potesse essere parlando della potenza di Dio +ordinata, overo ordinario, benchè per potenza assoluta di Dio +potesse essere altrimenti.</p> + +<p>Ancora che aveva detto in una certa sua lezione che dal segno dell’ +ottava sfera nascono homini felici di divinità, i quali si chiamo +<i>dijnabet</i>, i quali mutano le leggi secondo più o meno, come fu +Moyse, Ermete Mello e Simone Mago.</p> + +<p>Ancora che egli aveva detto e dogmatizato perchè Cristo figliolo di +Dio ebbe nella sua nascita la Libra nel decimo grado d’ essa per +ascendente, che per ciò doveva essere giusta la sua morte per +destinazione, e doveva morire di quella morte e modo che mori, e +perchè Cristo ebbe il Capricorno nell’ angolo della terra però +nacque in una stalla, e perchè ebbe lo Scorpione in secondo grado, +però doveva esser povero, e perchè l’ istesso Cristo ebbe Mercurio +in Gemmini in casa propria nella nona parte del cielo, però doveva +avere scienza profonda data sotto metafora.</p> + +<p>Ancora perchè aveva detto che l’ istesso Anticristo era per venire +in forma di buon soldato et accompagnato nobilmente, ne verrà in +forma di poltrone, como venne Cristo accompagnato da poltroni—</p> + +<p>—Ancora disse e confessò che doppo la predetta abiurazione e +penitenza ... confessò d’ aver osservato le costellazioni de’ corpi +celesti e che secondo il corso della stel a crede che nascono i +costumi degli huomini e azioni e fini e che secondo queste cose +giudicò nel comprare e vendere per argomentare il bene e schifare +il male, et ancora nel fare essercizij et altre azzioni umane.</p> + +<p>Ancora disse e confessò che quando fu interrogato da un certo +fiorentino rispose che credeva esser vere quelle cose che si +contengono nell’ arte magica o Negromantia, e replicando il +medesimo fiorentino che se fosse vero i principi e potenti huomini +nel mondo acquisterebbero tutto, rispose e disse che non +s’acquistano perchè non sono in tutto il mondo tre astrologi che +sappiano servirsi bene di quell’ arte, e questo disse aver detto +per se medesimo perchè fecce più in quell’ arte astrologica che +alcun altro che fosse stato da Tolomeo in qua—</p> + +<p>—Pronunciamo in questi scritti il predetto Maestro Cecco eretico a +sentire questa sentenza, e costituto in nostra presenza di essere +ricaduto nella eresia abiurata e di essere stato relasso, e per +questo doversi rilassare al giudizio secolare, e lo rilasiamo al +nobil soldato e cavaliere illustrissimo signor Jacopo da Brescia +Vicario fiorentino di questo ducato presente e recipiente, che lo +debba punire con debita considerazione, e di più che il suo +libretto e scritto superstizioso pazzo e negromantico fatto dal +detto Maestro sopra la sfera pieno di eresie falsità e ingane, et +un cert’ altro libretto volgare intitolato Acerbo, il nome del +quale esplica benissimo il fatto, avenga che non contenga in se +maturità o dolcezza alcuna Cattolica, ma v’ abbiamo trovato molte +acerbità eretiche e principalmente quando v’ include che si +appartengono alia virtù e costume che riduce ogni cosa alle stelle +come in causa, e dannando i loro dogmi e dottrine e riprovandoli +deliberiamo e comandiamo per sentenza doversi abbrucciare, et al +eretico<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_657" id="page_657"></a>{657}</span> desiderando toglier la vena della fonte pestifera per +qualsivoglia meato derivino—</p> + +<p>—Il sopradetto Signor Vicario immediatamente e senza dilazione +mandando per il capitano e sua famiglia il predetto Maestro Cecco +al luogo della giustizia dinanzi ad una moltitudine grande radunata +di popolo in quel luoga, lo fece abbrucciare come richiedevano li +suoi errori, sino alla morte sua penale, et a terrore et esempio di +tutti gli altri, come riferiscono di aver visto con li proprij +occhij Signor Vandi dal Borgo, Borghino di Maestro Chiarito dal +Prato, Manovello di Jacopo, e Giovanni Serafino, familiari dell’ +Uffizio andando all’ istesso luogo, come in Firenze e publico e per +evidenza del fatto manifesto.</p> + +<hr style="width: 5%;" /> + +<h3>VI.</h3> + +<p class="c"><span class="smcap">Sentence of a Carmelite Sorcerer</span>.</p> + +<p class="c">(Archives de l’Inquisition de Carcassone.—Doat, XXVII. fol. 150.)</p> + +<p>In nomine Domini amen. Quoniam nos frater Dominicus Dei gratia et +apostolicæ sedis Appamiæ episcopus et fratres Henricus de Chamayo +Carcassonæ et P. Bruni Tholosanus ordinis prædicatorum inquisitores +hæreticæ pravitatis in regno Franciæ auctoritate apostolica +deputati, per tuam confessionem propriam in judicio legitime factam +coram reverendo patre in Christo domino Jacobo tunc Appamiæ +episcopo nunc vero sedis apostolicæ cardinalis,<a name="FNanchor_695_695" id="FNanchor_695_695"></a><a href="#Footnote_695_695" class="fnanchor">[695]</a> et postmodum +coram nobis per te recognitam, et etiam duobus vicibus confirmatam +legitime invenimus et nobis constat quod tu, frater Petrus Recordi +ordinis beatæ Mariæ de Carmelo a quinque annis ante confessionem +per te factam in judicio de infrascriptis et citra diversis +temporibus et locis, diabolico seductus consilio et libidinis +ardore succensus, voto castitatis quod in professione tui ordinis +emiseras, pro dolor! violato, multa gravia et enormia commisisti +sortilegia hæresim sapientia, modis et conditionibus variis et +abominabilibus, etiam recitatione indignis, et inter alia quinque +imagines cereas diversis temporibus succesive fecisti et +fabricasti, multas et diversas dæmonum conjurationes et +invocationes dicendo dum dictas imagines fabricabas, et quamplurima +venenosa etiam immiscendo, et sanguinem bufonis terribili et +horribili modo extractum infra dictas imagines infundendo et ipsas +imagines supra unam tabulam tapazeto vel panno coopertam prostratas +de sanguine narium tuarum in ventre spargendo et etiam de saliva +tua immiscendo, intendens per hoc diabolo sacrificare, quas +imagines sic factas et aliis modis recitatione indignis ponebas +clandestine in limine hospitiorum aliquarum mulierum quas +cognoscere volebas carnaliter, et de quarum numero tres isto modo +habuisti et carnaliter cognovisti et duas alias cognovisses +carnaliter nisi de loco ad locum per ordinem tuum transmissus +fuisses; et cognitis eisdem<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_658" id="page_658"></a>{658}</span> mulieribus et cum eis actu luxuriæ +perpetrato dictas imagines recipiens easdem in flumine jaciebas et +unum papilionem dabas diabolo in sacrificium, et ejusdem diaboli +præsentiam per ventum aut alias sentiebas, credens dictas imagines +habere virtutem astringendi dictas mulieres ad amorem tui vel si +consentire nollent per dæmones affligendi, et in dicta credentia +stetisti per sex annos vel circa usque captus fuisti. Item quamdam +de imaginibus prædictis in ventre percussisti, et inde sanguis +exivit. Item cuidam personæ quam sciebas esse de hæresi culpabilem, +in muro de Alemannis detentæ favorem impertivisti quamdam cedulam +manu tua scriptam cum qua se defenderet scribendo et tradendo +eidem, et multa alia sortilegia commisisti quæ prolixum esset +referre et audientibus forte tædiosum. Multociens in confessionibus +tuis variasti et revocasti eas sæpius contra juramentum proprium +temere veniendo. Demum tamen ad cor rediens ad istas confessiones +pristinas redeundo et eas ratificando et approbando tanquam veras, +dixisti te corde et animo pœnitere et velle redire ad viam +veritatis, et sanctæ matris ecclesiæ unitatem, supponens te +humiliter misericordiæ ejusdem sanctæ matris ecclesiæ ac nostræ et +petens absolutionis beneficium a sententia excommunicationis, quam +pro præmissis culpis incurreras tibi per nos misericorditer +impendi, offerendo te paratum portare et complere humiliter pro +posse pœnitentiam quam pro prædictis et aliis per te commissis tibi +duxerimus injungendam. Ideirco nos episcopus et inquisitores +præfati, attenta gravitate culparum tuarum prædictarum et aliarum +quæ commisisti, et revocationes varias quas fecisti, considerantes +rectæ intentionis oculo quod si talia nefanda crimina transires +impune, forsitan ad eadem vel similia imposterum iteranda facilius +relabereris et mala malis ultimaque pejora prioribus aggregares; +quodque si austeritatem justitiæ et rigorem apud te vellemus cum +totali severitate judicialiter exercere gravibus pœnis et quasi +insupportabilibus punire deberes, quia tamen ecclesia non claudit +gremium redeunti humiliter misericordiam et gratiam postulanti, +æstimantes et per experientiam æstimantes te corde bono et +intentione non ficta demum fuisse confessum, et recognovisse de te +et aliis veritatem, necnon toto posse ad promotionem negotii +inquisitionis existens in carcere cum quibusdam personis de hæresi +culpabilibus et delatis, veritatem super dicto crimine celantibus +et confiteri nolentibus, ad confitendum multipliciter induxisti +multaque gravia quæ ab ipsis audiveras revelare curasti, de quibus +in fidei negotio et dictæ inquisitionis officio bonum spirituale +non modicum provenit et in futurum etiam provenire poterit, Domino +annuente, propter quod majori gratia et misericordia te reddidisti +in hoc casu spiritualiter digniorem, et insuper pensato dicti +ordinis tui honore, cui quantum bono modo poterimus deferre +volumus, et ipsius confusionem effugere, gratiose in facto +hujusmodi procedentes, te præfatum fratrem Petrum Recordi a +sententia excommunicationis qua ligatus eras pro culpis prædictis, +abjurata primitus per te in judicio coram nobis omni imaginum +talium indebita fabricatione, adoratione, et dæmonum sacrificiis et +immolatione, ac credentia sortilegiorum aliorutn quorumcumque +hæreticam sapientium pravitatem, et aliam quamcumque et specialiter +omnem fautoriam hæreticorum et etiam hæresim necnon credentiam et +receptationem et fautoriam sortilegorum et hæreticorum +quorumcumque, de peritorum consilio super hoc habito +misericorditer<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_659" id="page_659"></a>{659}</span> duximus absolvendum, et sedentes pro tribunali, +sacrosanctis Dei evangeliis positis coram nobis, ut de vultu Dei +nostrum prodeat judicium, et oculi nostri videant æquitatem rectum +quoque appareat coram ipso, hac die loco et hora præsentibus tibi +per nos peremptorie assignatis, de prædictorum peritorum consilio, +in et cum his scriptis, per hanc nostram diffinitivam sententiam +dicimus et pronunciamus te fuisse sortilegum ac immolatorem dæmonum +et fautorem hæreticorum et te tanquam talem et corde non ficto ut +asseris pœnitentem et ad sinum matris ecclesiæ reversum, et nostris +mandatis obedire paratum, promittentemque pro posse tuo complere +pænitentiam tibi per nos injungendam in et cum eisdem præsentibus +scriptis te primitus omni sacerdotali et quocumque alio +ecclesiastico seu clericali ordine dicimus et decernimus +degradandum, et te sicut præmittitur postquam degradatus fueris ad +agendum pænitentiam pro commissis ex nunc pro tunc et ex tunc pro +nunc ad perpetuum carcerem in Tholosano conventu tui ordinis tibi +per nos deputatum sententialiter condemnamus et etiam adjudicamus; +in quo quidem carcere in vinculis et compedibus ferreis detineri et +panem et aquam dumtaxat pro omni cibo et potu tibi ministrari +volumus et mandamus, ut ibidem perpetuo peccata tua defleas et +panem pro cibo doloris et aquam pro potu tribulationis habeas et +recipias patienter; ita quod vivere inibi sapiat tibi mortem, et +mors quam ibi tuleris tibi vitam tribuat sempiternam. Verum si, +quod absit et Deus avertat, te in posterum antequam ad dictum +carcerem venias vel in ipso fueris intrusus, diabolico instinctu +fugere contigerit vel ipso carcere modo quolibet exire vel frangere +absque nostro speciali mandato vel licentia et negligere aut non +complere pœnitentiam prædictam tibi per nos impositam, volumus, +ordinamus, et præsentis scripti serie declaramus absolutionem per +nos et gratiam tibi factam penitus esse nullam, et te tanquam +impœnitentem ficteque et dolose conversum, pristinæ +excommunicationis vinculo fore totaliter irretitum. Porro, ne +priores et fratres dicti conventus ubi fueris in carcere detrusus +negligenter aut scienter te permiserint evadere vel licentiam +dederint evadendi, vel procurantibus assenserint, opem vel auxilium +dederint scienter, protestamur eisdem et auctoritate qua fungimur +nobis et nostris in officio successoribus potestatem specialiter +reservamus procedendi contra ipsos et eorum quemlibet prout de +jure, stylo, cursu, usu et privilegiis inquisitionis fuerit +procedendum; retinemus autem nobis et nostris in hoc officio +successoribus liberam potestatem et auctoritatem mutandi in dicta +pœnitentia, et eam mitigandi vel minuendi, vel ipsam totaliter +remittendi, si et quando et prout de peritorum consilio nobis visum +fuerit faciendum, et in favorem tui ordinis super degradatione +actualiter facienda de speciali gratia dispensamus, et dictam +degradationem facere nec fieri volumus ob reverentiam ordinis +memorati. Lata fuit hæc sententia anno Domini MCCC vicesimo octavo, +die Martis in crastino festi Sti. Marcelli (17 Jan. 1329), +indictione XII., pontificatus SS<sup>mi</sup> patris et domini, Domini +Joannis divina providentia papæ XXII. anno decimo tertio, in aula +episcopali urbis Appamiæ, præsentibus <span class="pagenum"><a name="page_660" id="page_660"></a>{660}</span>venerabilibus et discretis +viris (sequuntur 43 nomina), testibus ... et notariis....</p> + +<hr style="width: 5%;" /> + +<h3>VII.</h3> + +<p class="c"><span class="smcap">Bull of John XXII. Removing Sorcery from the Jurisdiction of the +Inquisition</span>.</p> + +<p class="c">(Archives des Frères-prêcheurs de Toulouse.—Doat, XXXIV. fol. +181.)</p> + +<p>Johannes episcopus servus servorum Dei venerabilibus fratribus +archiepiscopo tholosano ejusque suffraganeis et dilecto filio +inquisitori hæreticæ pravitatis in regno Franciæ per sedem +apostolicam depututo, Tholosæ residenti, salutem et apostolicam +benedictionem. Dudum venerabilis frater noster Guillelmus episcopus +Sabinensis scripsit tibi, fili inquisitor, de mandato nostro per +suas litteras in hac forma: Guillelmus miseratione divina episcopus +Sabinensis religioso viro inquisitori hæreticæ pravitatis in +partibus tholosanis salutem in Domino sempiternam. Sanctissimus +pater noster et dominus, dominus Johannes divina providentia papa +vicesimus secundus optans ferventer maleficos infectores gregis +Dominici effugare de medio domus Dei, vult, ordinat, vobisque +committit quod auctoritate sua contra eos qui dæmonibus immolant +vel ipsos adorant aut homagium ipsis faciant, dando eis in signum +cartam scriptam seu aliud quodcumque; vel qui expressa pacta +obligatoria faciunt cum eisdem, aut qui operantur vel operari +procurant quamcumque imaginem vel quodcumque aliud ad dæmonem +alligandum seu cum dæmonum invocatione ad quodcumque maleficium +perpetrandum, aut qui sacramento baptismatis abutendo imaginem de +cera seu re alia factam baptizant, sive faciunt baptizare, seu +alias cum invocatione dæmonum ipsam fabricant quomodolibet, aut +faciunt fabricari, aut si scienter baptismus seu ordo vel +confirmatio iterantur. Item de sortilegis et maleficis qui +sacramento eucharistiæ seu hostia consecrata necnon et aliis +sacramentis ecclesiæ, seu ipsorum aliquo, quoad eorum formam vel +materiam utendo eis in suis sortilegiis seu maleficiis abutuntur, +possitis inquirere et alias procedere contra ipsos, modis tamen +servatis qui de procedendo cum prælatis in facto heresis vobis a +canonibus sunt præfixi. Ipse namque dominus noster præfatus +potestatem inquisitoribus datam a jure quoad Inquisitionis officium +contra hæreticos, necnon et privilegia, ad prætactos casus omnes et +singulos ex certa scientia ampliat et extendit quoadusque duxerit +revocandum. Nos itaque præmissa omnia vobis significamus per has +nostras patentes litteras de præfati Domini nostri Papæ speciali +mandato facto nobis ab ipso oraculo vivæ vocis. Datum Avenione die +vicesima secunda mensis Augusti anno Domini MCCC vicesimo, +pontificatus prædicti Domini Papæ anno quarto. Sane noviter +intellecto quod errores et abominationes in eisdem litteris +comprehensi in partibus illis, de quibus in litteris ipsis habetur +mentio, adhuc vigent, nos cupientes super ipsis, ne deinceps +pullulent, plenius providere, discretioni vestræ præsentium tenore +committimus et mandamus quatinus omnes inquisitiones quas +auctoritate litterarum hujusmodi, vos, fratres Archiepiscope et +suffraganei, prout quemlibet vestrum tangit, et tu inquisitor +præfate, cum singulis eorumdem insimul, vel tu inquisitor solus per +teipsum inchoastis, si completæ non fuerint, vos, Archiepiscope et +suffraganei, quilibet vestrum videlicet in sua diocesi per se vel +alium, quem ad huc deputandum duxeritis, et<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_661" id="page_661"></a>{661}</span> tu inquisitor +prædicte, insimul celeriter compleatis; quas postquam compleveritis +una cum illis quæ jam per te solum, præfate inquisitor, forsitan +sunt completæ, nobis sub vestris sigillis fideliter interclusas +quanto citius poteritis transmittatis, ut eis visis quid faciendum +sit tam super illis de quibus fuerit inquisitum, quam super omnibus +cæteris de quibus nondum est inceptum inquiri, plenius et certius, +auctore Domino, disponamus. Tu vero, inquisitor prædicte, super +illis de quibus adhuc inquirere non cœpisti prætextu dictarum +litterarum, nisi forsan aliud a nobis receperis in mandatis, te +nullatenus intromittas. Per hæc autem non intendimus vobis vel +vestrum alicui, quantum ad illa quæ a jure vobis alias sunt +permissa, in aliquibus derogari. Datum Avinione secundo Nonas +Novembris, pontificatus nostri anno decimo quinto (Nov. 4, 1330).</p> + +<hr style="width: 5%;" /> + +<h3>VIII.</h3> + +<p class="c"><span class="smcap">Decision of the Council of Venice Concerning the Witches of +Brescia</span>.</p> + +<p class="c">(Archivio di Venezia. Misti Cons. X. Vol. 44, p. 7.)</p> + +<p>1521 Die 21 Martii in Cons. X. cum additione. É sta sempre +instituto del religiosissimo stato nostro in scontar li heretici et +extirpar cussi detestando crimine, siccome nella promission del +Serenissimo Principe et capitular de conseieri nei primi capituli +se leze. Dal che sine dubbio è processa la protectione che sempre +el Signer Dio ha havuta della Republica nostra come per infinite +experiente de tempo in tempo se ha veduto. Unde essendo in questa +materia de i strigoni et heretici da proceder cum gran maturità +però l’ andarà parte che chiamado nel collegio nostro el Rev<sup>mo</sup> +Legato intervenendo i capi di questo conseio li sia per el Ser<sup>mo</sup> +Prencipe nostro cum quelle grave et accomodate parole pareranno +alla sapientia de sua serenità dechiarito quanto l’ importi che +questa materia sia cum maturità et justicia rite et recte et per +ministri che manchino de ogni suspitione tractata et terminata in +forma che iuxta la intention et desiderio nostro tutto passi +iuridicamente et cum satisfaction dell’ honor del Signor Dio et +della fede catholica. E però ne par debino esser deputadi ad questa +inquisitione uno o doi Reverendi Episcopi insieme cum uno +venerabile Inquisitor i qual tutti siano de doctrina, bontà et +integrità prestanti ac omni exceptione majores: Azò non se incorri +nelli errori vien ditto esser seguiti fin questo jorno et +unitamente cum doi excellenti doctori de Bressa habbino a formar +legitime i processi contra i dicti strigoni et heretici. Formati +veramente i processi (citra tamen torturam) siano portati a Bressa +dove per i predicti cum la presentia et intervento de ambi li +Rectori nostri et cum la corte del Podestà et quattro altri Doctori +de Bressa della qualità sopradicta: siano lecti essi processi facti +cum al dir etiam i rei et intender se i ratificheranno i loro dicti +o se i voranno dir altro nec non far nove examinatione o +repetitione et etiam torturar se cussi indiciaranno. Le quel cose +facte cum ogni diligentia et circumspectione se procedi poi alla +sententia per quelli a chi l’ appartien, iuxta el conseio dei +sopranominati. Ala execution de la qual servatis omnibus premissis +et non aliter, sia dato el<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_662" id="page_662"></a>{662}</span> brachio secular; et questo che se ha a +servar neli processi da esser formati nel advenir sia medesimamente +servato et exequito neli processi formati per avanti; non obstante +che le sententie fusseno sta facte sopra de quelli. Preterea sia +efficacemente parlato cum dicto Rev<sup>mo</sup> Legato e datogli cargo che +circa la spese da esser fatte per la inquisitione el facci tal +limitatione che sia conveniente e senza extorsion o manzarie come +se dice esser sta facte fin al presente. Sed in primis se trovi +alcun expediente che lo appetito del danaro non sia causa de far +condennar o vergognar alcuno senza aver cum minima culpa sicome +vien divulgato finhora in molti esser seguito. Et die cader in +considerazione che quelli poveri di Valcamonica sono gente simplice +et de grossissimo inzegno et che hariano non minor bisogno de +predicatori cum prudente instructione della fede catholica che de +persecutori cum animadversione essendo uno tanto numero de anime +quante se ritrovano in quelli monti e vallade.</p> + +<p>Demum sia suaso el R<sup>mo</sup> Legato a la deputation de alcune persone +idonee qual habbino ad reveder et investigar le manzarie et altre +cose mal fatte che fusseno sta commesse fin questo jorno ne la +inquisitione, et che habbino ad syndicar et castigar quelli che +havesseno perpetrati de i mancamenti che si divulgano cum +murmuration universale. Et questo sia facto de presenti senza +interposition de tempo per bon exemplo de tutti.</p> + +<p>Et ex nunc captum sit: che da poi facta la presente execution cum +el R<sup>mo</sup> Legato se vegni a questo Conseio per deliberar quanto se +havrà ad scriver alli Rectori nostri de Bressa et altrove sicome +sarà indicato necessario. Et sia etiam preso che tutte le +pignoration ordinate et facte da poi la sospension presa a dì XII +Dicembre proximo preterito in questo conseio siano irrite et nulle +ne haver debbino alcuna executione.</p> + +<p>De parte—24. De non—1. Non sinceri—2.</p> + +<hr style="width: 5%;" /> + +<h3>IX.</h3> + +<p class="c"><span class="smcap">Confession of a Pardoner.</span></p> + +<p class="c">(Doat, XXVI. fol. 314.)</p> + +<p>Anno Domini MCCLXXXIX quinto Kalendas Aprilis, Berengarius Pomilli +clericus uxoratus de Narbona predicator questuarius citatus +comparuit Carcassone coram fratre Guillelmo de Sancto Secano +inquisitore, et juratus super sancta Dei evangelia dicere +veritatem, requisitus per dictum inquisitorem sponte recognovit et +dixit quod officium questuarii exercuerat pro fabrica pontium et +ecclesiarum et pro aliis negotiis triginta annis vel circa in +diocesi Carcassone et Narbone et quibusdam aliis. Dixit etiam quod +in diocesi Carcassonensi infra annum pluries predicavit publice +clero et populo, dum missa solemniter celebrabatur, et inter alia +predicavit ut dixit quod qui daret ei pro hospitali Sancti Johannis +unam poneriam bladi pro dicta mensura haberet triginta missas. Item +dixit quod crux, in qua pependit Dominus Jesus Christus et quam +portavit in suis humeris, erat adeo magna et tanti ponderis quod +decem homines essent onerati de ea portanda. Item dixit quod cum +beata Virgo staret ad pedem crucis, ad<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_663" id="page_663"></a>{663}</span> preces ipsius crux +inclinata est ad eam versus terram, et ipsa osculata est pedes et +manus filii sui dum penderet in dicta cruce, et iterato crux se +erexit. Dixit etiam quod beata Maria Magdalena quandocumque esset +peccatrix et exposita operibus luxurie, non tamen se exponebat +hominibus effectu libidinis vel desiderio voluptatis carnalis, sed +cum ipsa vocaretur Maria et Christus debebat concipi et nasci de +Maria, credebat quod Christum debebat concipere et parere, et se +diversis hominibus exponebat. Dixit etiam se predicasse quedam +fabulosa de Purgatorio et de liberatione animarum benefacto +eleemosinarum et Missarum, que tamen in scriptura reperiuntur, sed +dixit se a bonis hominibus audivisse; et ista predicavit in +presentia fratris Berengarii de ordinis hospitalis sancti Johannis +qui moratur Narbone. Requisitus si predicta que superius scripta +sunt credit et credidit esse vera, respondit quod non, sed falsa et +mendosa et erronea, sed ea predicavit ut moveret homines quod +darent sibi aliquid. Dixit etiam quod predicta predicavit in +ecclesiis de Podionauterio, de Aragone, de Villasicca, de Sancta +Eulalia, de Comelano, de Monteclaro, de Roffiaco. Inquisitus si +intelligit Latinum, respondit quod non. Super quibus petivit +penitentiam et indulgentiam quam predictus inquisitor voluerit sibi +injungere. Hec deposuit coram predicto inquisitore, presentibus +fratribus Petro de Leva, Petro Regis, Joanne de Felgosio, ordinis +fratrum predicatorum, et me Raimundo de Malveriis, notario +inquisitionis qui hec scripsi et recepi.</p></div> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_664" id="page_664"></a>{664}</span></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_665" id="page_665"></a>{665}</span></p> + +<h2><a name="INDEX" id="INDEX"></a>INDEX.</h2> + +<p class="c"> +A<small>BBREVIATIONS</small>.—Abp. = Archbishop.—Bp. = Bishop.—C. = Council.—exc. = excommunication or<br /> +excommunicated.—Inq. = Inquisition.—inq. = inquisitor.</p> + +<p> </p> + +<p class="cb"><a href="#A">A</a>, +<a href="#B">B</a>, +<a href="#C">C</a>, +<a href="#D">D</a>, +<a href="#E">E</a>, +<a href="#F">F</a>, +<a href="#G">G</a>, +<a href="#H">H</a>, +<a href="#I">I</a>, +<a href="#J">J</a>, +<a href="#K">K</a>, +<a href="#L">L</a>, +<a href="#M">M</a>, +<a href="#N">N</a>, +<a href="#O">O</a>, +<a href="#P">P</a>, +<a href="#Q">Q</a>, +<a href="#R">R</a>, +<a href="#S">S</a>, +<a href="#T">T</a>, +<a href="#U">U</a>, +<a href="#V">V</a>, +<a href="#W">W</a>, +<a href="#Y">Y</a>, +<a href="#Z">Z</a></p> + +<p> </p> + +<p class="nind"> + +<a name="A" id="A"></a><span class="letra">A</span>BELARD on the sale of salvation, i. 41. his “<i>Sic et Non</i>,” i. 57.<br /> + +Abjuration of penitents in <i>autos de fé</i>, i. 392.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of suspects, i. 456.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">by confessed heretics, i. 457.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">receivable at the stake, i. 542.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">necessity of, ii. 476.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">required of Huss, ii. 485.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">modified offered to Huss, ii. 488, 489.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of Jerome of Prague, ii. 499.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of Joan of Arc, iii. +<a href="#page_370">370</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_499">499</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">not required of Savonarola, iii. +<a href="#page_234">234</a>; nor of Gilles de Rais, iii. +<a href="#page_486">486</a>.</span><br /> + +Abruzzi, a refuge for Cathari, ii. 245.<br /> + +Absentees, trial of, i. 403.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">confiscation of their property, i. 504.</span><br /> + +Absolution by wholesale, i. 40.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">concurrence of bishop and inq. in, i. 336.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of familiars, i. 381.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">mutual, of inqs., i. 422.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">priestly, unavailing, i. 462.</span><br /> + +Abundia, Domina, iii. +<a href="#page_494">494</a>.<br /> + +Abuses of familiars, i. 382.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">pecuniary, of Inq., i. 477.</span><br /> + +Abyssinia, Dominican missions in, i. 298.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Inq. in, i. 355.</span><br /> + +Academy of Rome, iii. +<a href="#page_570">570</a>.<br /> + +Acciajuoli, their debt to Clement VI., ii. 277.<br /> + +Accomplices, evidence of, i. 434.<br /> + +Accursio, Frà, his proceedings against Ghibellines, iii. +<a href="#page_201">201</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">burns Cecco d’Ascoli, iii. +<a href="#page_443">443</a>.</span><br /> + +Accusatio, i. 310.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">discouraged by Inq., i. 401.</span><br /> + +Accusations of heresy, their political utility, iii. +<a href="#page_191">191</a>.<br /> + +Accused, examination of, i. 410.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">preliminary oath of, i. 399.</span><br /> + +Accuser, security required of, i. 402.<br /> + +Acerinus, St., i. 460.<br /> + +Achaia, Templars prosecuted in, iii. +<a href="#page_285">285</a>.<br /> + +Acquittal prohibited, i. 453; iii. +<a href="#page_513">513</a>.<br /> + +Acre, fall of, in 1291, iii. +<a href="#page_246">246</a>.<br /> + +Acts, unimportance of, i. 100; iii. +<a href="#page_644">644</a>.<br /> + +Ada d’Avesnes, her piety, i. 45<br /> + +Adalbert, Bp., teaches angel-worship, iii. +<a href="#page_412">412</a>.<br /> + +Adam, inquisitorial trial of, i. 406.<br /> + +Adam of Bremen, his account of northern church, iii. +<a href="#page_183">183</a>.<br /> + +Adam de Marisco, his belief in pseudo-Joachim, iii. +<a href="#page_013">13</a>.<br /> + +Adamites in Bohemia, ii. 518.<br /> + +Adamo da Como, his rigor, ii. 244.<br /> + +<i>Ad conditorem</i>, bull, iii. +<a href="#page_133">133</a>.<br /> + +<i>Ad extirpanda</i>, bull, i. 337, 421, 510; ii. 214; iii. +<a href="#page_191">191</a>, +<a href="#page_431">431</a>.<br /> + +Adjuration for mercy, i. 227, 534.<br /> + +Adoptianism, i. 217.<br /> + +Adoration of heretics, its significance, i. 95, 450.<br /> + +<i>Ad providam</i>, bull, iii. +<a href="#page_323">323</a>.<br /> + +Adrian IV. overcomes Arnald of Brescia, i. 74.<br /> + +Adrian V. protects John of Parma, iii. +<a href="#page_025">25</a>.<br /> + +Adrian VI. commends Maximus, i. 214.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders persecution of witches, iii. +<a href="#page_546">546</a>.</span><br /> + +Advocates of heretics, their punishment, i. 321.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">denial of, i. 444; ii. 478.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">appointed by inq., iii. +<a href="#page_517">517</a>.</span><br /> + +Æneas Sylvius—see Pius II.<br /> + +Æsir, their magic powers, iii. +<a href="#page_403">403</a>.<br /> + +Affirmative apostoli, i. 451.<br /> + +Affonso II. (Portugal) persecutes heresy, ii. 188.<br /> + +Africa, Inq. in, i. 355.<br /> + +Age for holding benefices, i. 25; ii. 433.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of inqs., i. 374.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of responsibility, i. 402, 436; ii. 399.</span><br /> + +<i>Agnus Dei</i>, iii. +<a href="#page_410">410</a>.<br /> + +Agostino Luciano serves Calixtins, ii. 565.<br /> + +Agobard (St.) of Lyons denies sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_414">414</a>.<br /> + +Agrippa, Cornelius, on suspicion of heresy, i. 455.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his belief in Joachim, iii. +<a href="#page_011">11</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">defends a witch, iii. +<a href="#page_545">545</a>.</span><br /> + +Ahriman, influence of the conception of, iii. +<a href="#page_379">379</a>.<br /> + +Aicardo, Abp. of Milan, tries Matteo Visconti, iii. +<a href="#page_199">199</a>.<br /> + +Aikenhead, hanged for heresy, i. 354. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_666" id="page_666"></a>{666}</span><br /> + +Ailly, Pierre d’, on toleration, i. 540.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">recognizes the Inq., ii. 139.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemns William of Hilderniss, ii. 406.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemns Matthew Grabon, ii. 410.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his dealing with Huss, ii. 485, 489.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">favors Jerome of Prague, ii. 501.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his belief in Joachim, iii. +<a href="#page_011">11</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his astrological work, iii. +<a href="#page_438">438</a>, +<a href="#page_445">445</a>.</span><br /> + +Aimeric Castel, son of Castel Fabri, ii. 69, 73, 90, 93, 102, 574.<br /> + +Akkads, lustful spirits of, iii. +<a href="#page_383">383</a>.<br /> + +Alain de l’Isle refutes the Waldenses, i. 79.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his derivation of Cathari, iii. +<a href="#page_495">495</a>.</span><br /> + +Alaman de Roaix, case of, i. 508, 550.<br /> + +Albanenses, i. 115; ii. 193.<br /> + +Albania, inq. provided for, ii. 311.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Greek Church in, iii. +<a href="#page_617">617</a>, +<a href="#page_619">619</a>.</span><br /> + +Albano, Pierre, Cardinal of, i. 284, 332, 370; iii. +<a href="#page_426">426</a>.<br /> + +Alberic of Ostia confutes Éon, i. 66.<br /> + +Alberic, legate, assails Henry of Lausanne, i. 70.<br /> + +Alberico, first inq. in Lombardy, ii. 201.<br /> + +Alberico da Romano, his death, ii, 228.<br /> + +Albero of Mercke, his heresy, i. 63.<br /> + +Albert, inq., burns Martin of Mainz, ii. 395.<br /> + +Albert of Austria, his reign in Bohemia, ii. 539.<br /> + +Albert, Bp. of Halberstadt, tried for heresy, ii. 392.<br /> + +Albert of Saxony protects Gregory of Heimburg, ii. 418.<br /> + +Albertino, Arnaldo, on Lully, iii. +<a href="#page_589">589</a>.<br /> + +Alberto de’ Capitanei, his crusade against Waldenses, ii. 160, 266.<br /> + +Alberto, Giovanni, his Inq. resisted, ii. 259.<br /> + +Alberto of Pisa, Franciscan general, iii. +<a href="#page_007">7</a>.<br /> + +Albertus Magnus controverts the Ortlibenses, ii. 323.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">overcomes Wm. of St. Amour, iii. +<a href="#page_023">23</a>.</span><br /> + +Albi, Henricians in, i. 70.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">struggle with Cathari in, i. 117.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">quarrel between bishop and inq., i. 363.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">viguier of, disabled, i. 380.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">bribery of inqs. at, i. 478.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Inq. in, ii. 10.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">insurrection in 1234, ii. 12.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">zeal against heresy, ii. 40.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">appeals to Philippe III., ii. 58.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">quarrels with Bp. Bernard, ii. 68, 78.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">arrest of citizens in 1299, ii. 71, 76, 81, 83.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">persecution of Dominicans, ii. 82.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">suspension of persecution, ii. 87.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">it escapes by bribery, ii. 89.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">petition of clergy against Inq., ii. 91, 571.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">accuses the Inq., ii. 92, 574.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">state of prisons at, ii. 94.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">prisoners of, delay in their trials, ii. 95, 572.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">question of their guilt, ii. 603.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">reconciliation of, ii. 102.</span><br /> + +Albi, Bp. of, imprisoned, i. 123.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">share in confiscations, i. 515.</span><br /> + +Albi, C. of, 1254, regulates the Inq., ii. 51, 317, 340, 350, 380, 432, 435, 444, 476, 489, 507, 526.<br /> + +Albigenses, i. 115.<br /> + +Albigensian crusades, i. 147.<br /> + +Albik of Unicow, ii. 447.<br /> + +Albizio, Cardinal, on burning heretics, i. 536.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on political heresy, iii. +<a href="#page_198">198</a>.</span><br /> + +Alchemy not considered a crime, iii. +<a href="#page_482">482</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">aid of Satan requisite, iii. +<a href="#page_436">436</a>, +<a href="#page_473">473</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">cultivated by Arnaldo de Vilanova iii. +<a href="#page_052">52</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Lully’s opinion, iii. +<a href="#page_582">582</a>.</span><br /> + +Alcoran des Cordeliers, i. 262.<br /> + +Aldhelm, St., his test of continence, iii. +<a href="#page_109">109</a>.<br /> + +Aldobrandini, Accursio, case of, i. 433.<br /> + +Aldobrandini, Frà, prosecutes Armanno Pongilupo, ii. 241.<br /> + +Alessandro da Alessandria, iii. +<a href="#page_061">61</a>.<br /> + +Alexander II., his laxity, i. 32.<br /> + +Alexander III. exempts Templars from papal legates, i. 16.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on promotion of minors, i. 25.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">regulates wills, i. 29.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">maintains monastic exemption, i. 35.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on abuse of indulgences, i. 41.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his leniency to Cathari, i. 112, 220.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his measures against heresy, i. 118.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">prohibits ordeals, i. 306.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his uncertainty as to penalties, i. 308.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his leniency to sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_422">422</a>.</span><br /> + +Alexander IV. supports the Mendicants, i. 284.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemns Wm. of St. Amour, i. 287.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">bull to Franciscan missionaries, i. 297.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">restricts legatine Inq., i. 317; ii. 51.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">annuls episcopal concurrence in sentences, i. 335.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">forces Mantua to obey the Inq., i. 341.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">case of Capello di Chia, i. 343.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on removability of inquisitors, i. 344.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">revises bull <i>ad extirpanda</i>, i. 339.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders capture of Niccolò da Vercelli, i. 397.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">allows inqs. to torture, i. 422.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">admits heretics as witnesses, i. 435.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">lightens disabilities of descendants, i. 498.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">assumes the confiscations, i. 510.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">suspends Inq. in Besançon, i. 530; ii. 120.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">punishment for relapse, i. 546.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on relapse in suspicion, i. 547.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on unfulfilled penance, i. 548.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his energetic support of Inq., ii. 222.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders crusade against Ezzelin da Romano, ii. 227.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his treatment of Uberto Pallavicino, ii. 228, 230.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">urges suppression of heresy, in 1258, ii. 238.</span> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_667" id="page_667"></a>{667}</span><br /> + +Alexander IV. introduces Inq. in Bohemia, ii. 428.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">forces John of Parma to resign, iii. +<a href="#page_024">24</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on the question of poverty, iii. +<a href="#page_027">27</a>, +<a href="#page_028">28</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">preaches crusade against Manfred, iii. +<a href="#page_193">193</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">grants restricted jurisdiction on sorcery to Inq., iii. +<a href="#page_434">434</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his dealings with Greek Church, iii. +<a href="#page_619">619</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on <i>quæstuarii</i>, iii. +<a href="#page_622">622</a>.</span><br /> + +Alexander V. provides for expenses of Inq., i. 532; ii. 138.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders Talmud burned, i. 556.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders Wickliff’s books suppressed, ii. 443.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders Hussitism suppressed, ii. 447.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his instructions to Pons Feugeyron, ii. 157; iii. +<a href="#page_204">204</a>.</span><br /> + +Alexander VI., his excommunication scorned in France, ii. 137.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">tolerates Waldenses, ii. 160.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">supports the Mendicants, i. 292.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his dealings with Savonarola, iii. +<a href="#page_214">214</a>-21, 232.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders persecution of witches, iii. +<a href="#page_546">546</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">rehabilitates Giov. Pico, iii. +<a href="#page_574">574</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">evades question of Immaculate Conception, iii. +<a href="#page_602">602</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his cynicism, iii. +<a href="#page_644">644</a>.</span><br /> + +Alexander VIII. canonizes Capistrano, ii. 555.<br /> + +Alexians, ii. 351.<br /> + +Alexis Comnenus converts the Paulicians, i. 90.<br /> + +Alfonso I. (Naples), his Humanism, iii. +<a href="#page_566">566</a>, +<a href="#page_567">567</a>.<br /> + +Algisius releases heretics, i. 452.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">commutes penances, i. 473.</span><br /> + +Alibi, resort to, i. 447.<br /> + +Alienations by heretics invalid, i. 520.<br /> + +Allart on Templar possessions, iii. +<a href="#page_252">252</a>.<br /> + +Allegiance dissolved by heresy, ii. 469.<br /> + +<i>Alma mater</i>, bull, iii. +<a href="#page_297">297</a>.<br /> + +Alonso I. (Aragon), his bequest to Military Orders, iii. +<a href="#page_240">240</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">addicted to divination, iii. +<a href="#page_429">429</a>.</span><br /> + +Alonso II. (Aragon), persecutes Waldenses, i. 81.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">decrees confiscation, i. 502.</span><br /> + +Alonso V. (Aragon) favors Lullism, iii. +<a href="#page_587">587</a>.<br /> + +Alonso IX. (Castile) wins battle of Las Navas, i. 169.<br /> + +Alonso X. (Castile), his laws on heresy, i. 221; ii. 183.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on Jewish books, i. 555.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on occult arts, iii. +<a href="#page_430">430</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on denial of immortality, iii. +<a href="#page_560">560</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">denounced as Antichrist, iii. +<a href="#page_024">24</a>.</span><br /> + +Alonso XI. (Castile) retains Templar property, iii. +<a href="#page_333">333</a>.<br /> + +Alonso de Almarzo, his heresy, ii. 186.<br /> + +Alonso of Avila on plenary indulgence, i. 43.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on Spanish Inq., ii. 186.</span><br /> + +Alonso de Spina on death-penalty, i. 535.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on condition of Spain, ii. 186, 187.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemns astrology, iii. +<a href="#page_445">445</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">disbelieves the Sabbat, iii. +<a href="#page_496">496</a>.</span><br /> + +Aloutier, Jean, denies sinlessness of Virgin, iii. +<a href="#page_603">603</a>.<br /> + +Alphonse of Poitiers marries Jeanne of Toulouse, i. 206.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">urges use of synodal witnesses, i. 317.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">commutes confiscations, i. 515.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his zeal for the Inq., i. 519, 527, 528; ii. 48.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">grants jurisdiction to Inq., iii. +<a href="#page_435">435</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his death, ii. 56.</span><br /> + +Alphonse of Portugal, burning of, ii. 142.<br /> + +Altburg, Beguines ejected, ii. 413.<br /> + +Altenesch, battle of, 1234, iii. +<a href="#page_188">188</a>.<br /> + +Amadeo VI. (Savoy) ordered to persecute, ii. 153, 261.<br /> + +Amadeo VII., his lukewarmness, ii. 256, 261.<br /> + +Amadeo VIII. elected pope, ii. 533.<br /> + +Amadeo de’ Landi, case of, ii. 271.<br /> + +Amasis of Egypt, iii. +<a href="#page_418">418</a>.<br /> + +Amauri de Bène, his heresy, ii. 320.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">influences German mysticism, ii. 354, 360.</span><br /> + +Amauri de Montfort, i. 185, 186, 187, 188, 189, 190, 198, 205.<br /> + +Amauri of Tyre arrests Templars of Cyprus, iii. +<a href="#page_309">309</a>.<br /> + +Amaurians, their suppression, ii. 321.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">doctrine of the three eras, iii. +<a href="#page_017">17</a>.</span><br /> + +Ambrose, St., excommunicates Maximus, i. 214.<br /> + +Amelius of Toulouse represses Cathari, i. 117.<br /> + +Amiel de Perles, i. 393; ii. 106, 107, 130, 240.<br /> + +Amiens, Bp. of, refuses to burn witches, iii. +<a href="#page_533">533</a>.<br /> + +Amistance of Narbonne, ii. 13.<br /> + +Amizzoni, Lanfranco de’, inq., iii. +<a href="#page_098">98</a>.<br /> + +Amosites, ii. 566.<br /> + +Amselfeld, battles of, ii. 306, 311.<br /> + +Amulets, relics worn as, i. 49.<br /> + +Anagni, Commission of, condemns Joachim, iii. +<a href="#page_016">16</a>, +<a href="#page_022">22</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">prevalence of heresy in 1258, ii. 238.</span><br /> + +Anathema, papal, heresy of disregarding, iii. +<a href="#page_181">181</a>.<br /> + +Ancona, Clareni in, iii. +<a href="#page_040">40</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Franciscan laxity in, iii. +<a href="#page_034">34</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Fraticelli persecuted, iii. +<a href="#page_175">175</a>, +<a href="#page_176">176</a>, +<a href="#page_177">177</a>.</span><br /> + +Andrea Saramita, iii. +<a href="#page_091">91</a>, +<a href="#page_093">93</a>, +<a href="#page_094">94</a>, +<a href="#page_095">95</a>, +<a href="#page_097">97</a>, +<a href="#page_098">98</a>, +<a href="#page_100">100</a>, +<a href="#page_101">101</a>.<br /> + +Andrea da Segna protects Spirituals, iii. +<a href="#page_040">40</a>.<br /> + +Andreani, burned at Pisa, ii. 282.<br /> + +Andreas of Caffa, inq. of Tartary, i. 355.<br /> + +Andreas of Hungary, ii. 294.<br /> + +Andreas of Krain summons a general council, iii. +<a href="#page_223">223</a>.<br /> + +Andreas, Bp. of Minorca, on corruption of Church, iii. +<a href="#page_638">638</a>.<br /> + +Andreas of Prague condemned, ii. 437.<br /> + +Andres, abbey of, its litigation, i. 22. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_668" id="page_668"></a>{668}</span><br /> + +Aneberg, Count, accused of heresy, ii. 339.<br /> + +Angel-worship, iii. +<a href="#page_412">412</a>.<br /> + +Angèle de la Barthe, her demon child, iii. +<a href="#page_384">384</a>.<br /> + +Angelo da Clarino, his punishment, iii. +<a href="#page_033">33</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his expatriation, iii. +<a href="#page_038">38</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">returns to Italy, iii. +<a href="#page_039">39</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">becomes chief of Spirituals, iii. +<a href="#page_040">40</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his estimate of Clementines, ii. 97; iii. +<a href="#page_060">60</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his pacific temper, iii. +<a href="#page_064">64</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">imprisoned and released, iii. +<a href="#page_070">70</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">denounced by Olivists, iii. +<a href="#page_081">81</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his death and beatification, iii. +<a href="#page_065">65</a>.</span><br /> + +Angelo Ricciardino persecutes Waldenses, ii. 267.<br /> + +Angelo of Verbosa, ii. 308, 315.<br /> + +Angermünde, Luciferans burned at, i. 456; ii. 375.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Waldenses suppressed, ii. 416.</span><br /> + +Anglo-Saxon legislation on sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_420">420</a>.<br /> + +Angrogna, Waldenses of, ii. 195, 259, 267.<br /> + +Anhalt, Flagellants burned in, ii. 409.<br /> + +Anjou, number of heretics in, i. 127.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1294, on sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_426">426</a>.</span><br /> + +Annibaldo, his laws against heresy, i. 324.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">sent to Aragon, ii. 163.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">sent to Milan, ii. 200.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">sent to Germany, ii. 331.</span><br /> + +Anno of Cologne, his tolerance, i. 219.<br /> + +Anquira, C. of, on the Sabbat, iii. +<a href="#page_494">494</a>.<br /> + +Anselm of Liége, his tolerance, i. 219.<br /> + +Anselm, St., on the Conception of the Virgin, iii. +<a href="#page_596">596</a>.<br /> + +Antichrist, belief in, iii. +<a href="#page_527">527</a>.<br /> + +Antipopes of Spirituals, iii. +<a href="#page_038">38</a>, +<a href="#page_063">63</a>, +<a href="#page_065">65</a>, +<a href="#page_080">80</a>.<br /> + +Antisacerdotal heresies, i. 62.<br /> + +Antisacerdotalism of Waldensianism, i. 83.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of Flagellants, ii. 407.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of Wickliff, ii. 441.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of Apostolic Brethren, iii. +<a href="#page_121">121</a>.</span><br /> + +Antonino, St., on the Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_328">328</a>.<br /> + +Antonio, Frà, his failure at Venice, ii. 253.<br /> + +Antonio da Brescia, ii. 272.<br /> + +Antonio, Bp. of Massa, his campaign against Waldenses, ii. 154.<br /> + +Antony, St., of Padua, persecutes heretics, i. 197.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">scourged by Elias, iii. +<a href="#page_006">6</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his canonization, i. 256.</span><br /> + +Antwerp, church of, in eleventh century, i. 64.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">origin of Lollards in, ii. 350.</span><br /> + +Apollonius of Tyana, iii. +<a href="#page_389">389</a>, +<a href="#page_390">390</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">transmits Notory Art, iii. +<a href="#page_436">436</a>.</span><br /> + +Apostasy of Jewish converts, ii. 63.<br /> + +Apostates, confiscation for, i. 502.<br /> + +Apostoli, i. 361.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">application for, i. 451.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in witch-trials, iii. +<a href="#page_517">517</a>.</span><br /> + +Apostolic Brethren, iii. +<a href="#page_103">103</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their growth, iii. +<a href="#page_105">105</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their austerity, iii. +<a href="#page_108">108</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their doctrines, iii. +<a href="#page_109">109</a>, +<a href="#page_111">111</a>, +<a href="#page_121">121</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their organization, iii. +<a href="#page_112">112</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">persecuted in Spain ii. 184.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">burned in Mecklenburg, ii. 402.</span><br /> + +Apostolic Succession in Bohemia, ii. 564.<br /> + +Appeals from Inq., i. 450.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">punished, ii. 62.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">refused in witch-trials, iii. +<a href="#page_517">517</a>, +<a href="#page_531">531</a>.</span><br /> + +Appellate jurisdiction of Rome, its influence, i. 17.<br /> + +Appointment of bishops, i. 6.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of inqs., i. 344; ii. 272.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of notaries, i. 379.</span><br /> + +Appuleius, his trial, iii. +<a href="#page_391">391</a>.<br /> + +Apulia, Waldensian settlements in, ii. 248, 259, 268.<br /> + +Aquila, Bp. of, his fate, i. 558.<br /> + +Aquileia, nature-worship in, ii. 301.<br /> + +Aquinas, St. Thomas, on punishment of heresy, i. 229, 535.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on guilt of heresy, i. 236.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on burning for relapse, i. 546.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">answers William of St. Amour, i. 286.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">confutes Joachim, iii. +<a href="#page_014">14</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on withdrawal of cup from laity, ii. 473.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">concessions as to poverty, iii. +<a href="#page_001">1</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">denies papal dispensation for vows, iii. +<a href="#page_077">77</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on heresy of disobedience, iii. +<a href="#page_192">192</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on Incubi and Succubi, iii. +<a href="#page_385">385</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">admits sorcerers’ power over elements, iii. +<a href="#page_415">415</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on Ars Notoria, iii. +<a href="#page_436">436</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemns astrology, iii. +<a href="#page_439">439</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on divination by dreams, iii. +<a href="#page_447">447</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on the Divine Vision, iii. +<a href="#page_591">591</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">denies Immaculate Conception, iii. +<a href="#page_598">598</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on papal simony, iii. +<a href="#page_628">628</a>.</span><br /> + +Aquitaine, Cathari appear in, i. 108.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">number of heretics in, i. 127.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">confiscations in, ii. 112.</span><br /> + +Arabic literature of magic, iii. +<a href="#page_429">429</a>.<br /> + +Aragon, Waldenses persecuted in, 1194, i. 81.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its subjection to St. Peter, i. 157.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">inqs. appointed, i. 302.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">legislation of Jayme I., i. 319, 323.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">subjection of State, i. 340.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">confiscation for heresy, i. 502.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">expenses of Inquisition, i. 531.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Jewish books seized, i. 555.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">lampoons on Church, ii. 3.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">career of Inq. in, ii. 162.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Arnaldo de Vilanova, iii. +<a href="#page_055">55</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Spirituals in, iii. +<a href="#page_085">85</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Fraticelli, iii. +<a href="#page_168">168</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">crusade against Pedro III., iii. +<a href="#page_190">190</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">bequest of Alonso I. to the Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_240">240</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">proceedings against Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_310">310</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Templar property, iii. +<a href="#page_332">332</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">laws on sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_430">430</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">controversy over Lully, iii. +<a href="#page_584">584</a>.</span><br /> + +Arbitrary procedure, i. 406, 440.<br /> + +Archdeacons superseded, i. 309. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_669" id="page_669"></a>{669}</span><br /> + +Ardingho, Bishop of Florence, his statutes, i. 327.<br /> + +Argentières, Waldenses of, ii. 147, 154, 157, 160.<br /> + +Arians, persecution by, i. 216.<br /> + +Aristotle, his works suppressed, i. 58, 554; ii. 322.<br /> + +Arius, his writings suppressed, i. 213.<br /> + +Arles, conference of, in 1211, i. 166.<br /> + +Aries, C. of, 1234, orders synodal witnesses, i. 317.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">regulates episcopal Inq., i. 331.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders converts imprisoned, i. 484.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1265, condemns the Joachites, iii. +<a href="#page_026">26</a>.</span><br /> + +Arlotto di Prato condemns Olivi’s writings, iii. +<a href="#page_044">44</a>.<br /> + +Arms, familiars to bear, i. 382.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">licenses to bear, sold by inqs., i. 383.</span><br /> + +Armanno Pongilupo, case of, i. 404; ii. 240.<br /> + +Armenia, Franciscan missions in, i. 298.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Inq. in, i. 355.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Paulicians in, i. 90.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Spirituals sent to, iii. +<a href="#page_035">35</a>.</span><br /> + +Arnald of Brescia, i. 72.<br /> + +Arnaldistas, i. 75.<br /> + +Arnaldo of Castelbo, his condemnation, ii. 169.<br /> + +Arnaldo di Pelagrua leads crusade against Ferrara, iii. +<a href="#page_195">195</a>.<br /> + +Arnaldo de Vilanova, his career, iii. +<a href="#page_052">52</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">intercedes for Spirituals, iii. +<a href="#page_056">56</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his description of inqs., ii. 249.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his writings burned, iii. +<a href="#page_085">85</a>.</span><br /> + +Arnaud Catala, ii. 8, 10, 12.<br /> + +Arnaud of Citeaux appointed legate, i. 139.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders crusade preached, i. 147.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">leads the crusade, i. 153.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his ferocity at Béziers, i. 154.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">selects de Montfort, i. 159.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">obtains archbishopric of Narbonne, i. 15, 168.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">leads crusade into Spain, i. 169.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">supports Raymond VI., i. 182.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">exc. de Montfort, i. 184.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his death, i. 196.</span><br /> + +Arnaud Dominique, his murder, ii. 16.<br /> + +Arnaud Garsia resists the Inq., ii. 82, 100, 101.<br /> + +Arnaud Morlana, ii. 60.<br /> + +Arnaud Novelli, of Fontfroide, ii. 87, 572.<br /> + +Arnest of Prague persecutes heresy, ii. 434.<br /> + +Arnold the Catharan burned at Cologne, i. 104.<br /> + +Arnold of Trèves buys off papal legates, i. 16.<br /> + +Arnoul, Bp. of Lisieux, iii. +<a href="#page_422">422</a>.<br /> + +Arrabbiati, opponents of Savonarola, iii. +<a href="#page_215">215</a>, +<a href="#page_221">221</a>.<br /> + +Arras, Bp. of, burns Beghards, ii. 127.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Vaudois of, i. 505, 532; iii. +<a href="#page_384">384</a>, +<a href="#page_519">519</a>.</span><br /> + +Arrest, preliminaries requisite to, ii. 139.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">destroys power of witches, iii. +<a href="#page_509">509</a>.</span><br /> + +Arringer of Ragusa, ii. 292.<br /> + +Ars Notoria, iii. +<a href="#page_429">429</a>, +<a href="#page_436">436</a>.<br /> + +Art of Lully, iii. +<a href="#page_582">582</a>.<br /> + +Art of St. George, iii. +<a href="#page_436">436</a>.<br /> + +Articles, the four, of the Hussites, ii. 519, 533, 534.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">the forty-five of Wickliff, ii. 446, 482.</span><br /> + +Artisson, Robert, the demon, iii. +<a href="#page_457">457</a>.<br /> + +Artois, Cathari in, 1153, i. 111.<br /> + +Artus III. (Brit.) persecutes witches, iii. +<a href="#page_537">537</a>.<br /> + +Ascalon, siege of, iii. +<a href="#page_242">242</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">execution of witches, iii. +<a href="#page_396">396</a>.</span><br /> + +Asceticism a sign of heresy, i. 87.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">akin to Manichæism, i. 100.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of Cathari, i. 96, 101.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of St. Dominic, i. 251.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of Observantines, iii. +<a href="#page_179">179</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of Order of the Temple, iii. +<a href="#page_239">239</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of Ortlibenses, ii. 357.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of Peter Martyr, ii. 214.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of Waldenses, i. 86; ii. 150.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">influence of, i. 238.</span><br /> + +Aschaffenburg, C. of, 1292, condemns Beghards, ii. 367.<br /> + +Aschersleben, Flagellants of, ii. 408.<br /> + +Ashes of heretics thrown in river, i. 75, 553; ii. 420, 493; iii. +<a href="#page_234">234</a>, +<a href="#page_374">374</a>, +<a href="#page_608">608</a>.<br /> + +Asia, Inq. in, i. 355.<br /> + +Assalit, Arnaud, his accounts, i. 528.<br /> + +Assembly of experts, i. 377, 387, 389, 390.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">not used in northern France, ii. 123; iii. +<a href="#page_367">367</a>.</span><br /> + +Assessors in the case of Joan of Arc, iii. +<a href="#page_361">361</a>.<br /> + +Assisi, church of St. Francis in, iii. +<a href="#page_004">4</a>.<br /> + +Assises de Jerusalem, heresy in, i. 356; iii. +<a href="#page_431">431</a>.<br /> + +Assistants of inqs, i. 374.<br /> + +Assizes of Clarendon, i. 113, 311, 481.<br /> + +Assyrian Lil and Lilit, iii. +<a href="#page_383">383</a>.<br /> + +Asti, introduction of Inq., i. 322; ii. 221.<br /> + +Astrolabe, punishment for use of, iii. +<a href="#page_422">422</a>.<br /> + +Astrologers employed in behalf of church, ii. 227.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">burned by Ramiro I., iii. +<a href="#page_429">429</a>.</span><br /> + +Astrology, forbidden in Rome, iii. +<a href="#page_392">392</a>, +<a href="#page_437">437</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its connection with necromancy, iii. +<a href="#page_426">426</a>, +<a href="#page_444">444</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">permitted in Spain, iii. +<a href="#page_430">430</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its origin, iii. +<a href="#page_437">437</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">tacit toleration in the Middle Ages, iii. +<a href="#page_438">438</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemned as fatalistic, iii. +<a href="#page_439">439</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemned in France, iii. +<a href="#page_446">446</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">used by Henry III. (Eng.), i. 196.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Marsilio Ficino’s belief, iii. +<a href="#page_572">572</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Pomponazio’s belief, iii. +<a href="#page_575">575</a>.</span><br /> + +Astruchio da Piera, his heresy, ii. 175.<br /> + +Asylum, right of, denied to heretics, ii. 121.<br /> + +Athelstan, King, on sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_420">420</a>.<br /> + +Atto of Vercelli on angel-worship, iii. +<a href="#page_412">412</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on clerical sorcerers, iii. +<a href="#page_416">416</a>.</span><br /> + +Aubinas, C. of, in 1208, i. 149.<br /> + +Aubriot, Hughes, case of, ii. 127.<br /> + +Aubry, Huguet, iii. +<a href="#page_526">526</a>, +<a href="#page_532">532</a>.<br /> + +Audeneham, Marshal, defends the Inq., ii. 132. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_670" id="page_670"></a>{670}</span><br /> + +Augury by birds, iii. +<a href="#page_403">403</a>. 429, 431.<br /> + +Augustin, St., on persecution, i. 211, 214.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">disbelieves in incubi, iii. +<a href="#page_384">384</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on magic transformation, iii. +<a href="#page_391">391</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on efficacy of prayer, iii. +<a href="#page_395">395</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">disbelieves in astrology, iii. +<a href="#page_437">437</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on the Divine Vision, iii. +<a href="#page_590">590</a>.</span><br /> + +Augustin (England), his missionary labors, iii. +<a href="#page_400">400</a>.<br /> + +Augustinians, Order of, iii. +<a href="#page_032">32</a>, +<a href="#page_103">103</a>.<br /> + +Ausch, Abp. of, summoned to persecute, i. 136.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Waldenses in, ii. 148.</span><br /> + +Austria, Inq. in, i. 301; ii. 347.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Luciferans in, ii. 358, 375.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Waldenses in, ii. 400, 416.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">order to arrest Templars in, iii, 303.</span><br /> + +<i>Auto de fé</i>, or sermo, i. 389, 391.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in Rome in 1231, ii. 200.</span><br /> + +Auvergne, Templar possessions in, iii. +<a href="#page_251">251</a>.<br /> + +Auzon, charter of, in 1260, i. 407, 423.<br /> + +Avegliana, disregard of Inq. in, ii. 263.<br /> + +Averrhoes, iii. +<a href="#page_558">558</a>.<br /> + +Averrhoism, iii. +<a href="#page_561">561</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of Limoux Noir, ii. 108.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">toleration of, in 15th cent., iii. +<a href="#page_574">574</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">taught throughout 16th cent., iii. +<a href="#page_577">577</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in Aragon, ii. 169.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in Castile, ii. 183.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in Portugal, ii. 188.</span><br /> + +Averrhoists, their numbers, iii. +<a href="#page_564">564</a>.<br /> + +Avignon, besieged by crusaders, i. 199.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">magistrates present at trials, i. 377.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Inq. introduced in, ii. 118.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Waldenses in, ii. 147.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">the Black Death in, ii. 379.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Fraticelli burned in, iii. +<a href="#page_168">168</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Petrarch’s description of, iii. +<a href="#page_633">633</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of 1209, on preaching, i. 23.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">establishes episcopal Inq. i. 314.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of 1457, asserts Immaculate</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Conception, iii. +<a href="#page_600">600</a>.</span><br /> + +Avignonet, massacre of, ii. 35.<br /> + +Avis, Order of, in Portugal, iii. +<a href="#page_317">317</a>.<br /> + +Aymeri de Collet, Catharan bp., ii. 26.<br /> + +Aymon, Bp. of Vercelli, his capture, i. 11.<br /> + +Aymond Picard rejects transubstantiation,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">ii. 144.</span><br /> + +Azzo IX. attacks Ezzelin, ii. 228.<br /> + +Azzo X. settles case of Armanno Pongilupo,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">ii. 241.</span><br /> + +<br /> +<a name="B" id="B"></a><span class="letra">B</span>ACON, Roger, his career, iii. +<a href="#page_552">552</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on civil law, i. 309.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on magic, iii. +<a href="#page_425">425</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on alchemy, iii. +<a href="#page_436">436</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on Notory Art, iii. +<a href="#page_436">436</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on astrology, iii. +<a href="#page_439">439</a>.</span><br /> + +Bafomet, iii. +<a href="#page_270">270</a>.<br /> + +Bail taken of accused, i. 407, 476.<br /> + +Baines, Bp. Peter A., on Immaculate Conception, iii. +<a href="#page_611">611</a>.<br /> + +Bajolenses, i. 98; ii. 193.<br /> + +Balardi, Tommaso, his witch-trials, iii. +<a href="#page_518">518</a>.<br /> + +Balbinus, his praise of Huss, ii. 445.<br /> + +Baldwin of Toulouse, his fate, i. 168.<br /> + +Bamberg, quarrels with its bp., ii. 532.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Observantine reformation in, iii. +<a href="#page_173">173</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">witches burned in, iii. +<a href="#page_549">549</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of 1491, on heresy, ii. 413, 423.</span><br /> + +Bandello, Vincenzo, denies Immaculate Conception, iii. +<a href="#page_601">601</a>.<br /> + +Banishment for heresy, i. 220, 462; ii. 170.<br /> + +Barbara, Empress, her character, ii. 539.<br /> + +Barbarian codes, sorcery in, iii. +<a href="#page_409">409</a>.<br /> + +Barbarians, toleration under, i. 216.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their helpful spirits, iii. +<a href="#page_382">382</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their magic, iii. +<a href="#page_401">401</a>.</span><br /> + +Barbes, their missionary circuits, ii. 248, 268.<br /> + +Barcelona, its subjection to Charlemagne, ii. 162.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Inq. organized in, ii. 166.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">separate Inq. for, ii. 179.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">complains of Eymerich, iii. +<a href="#page_586">586</a>.</span><br /> + +Baroni of Florence, their protection of heresy,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">ii. 209, 210.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their prosecution, i. 496; ii. 211.</span><br /> + +Barozzi, Bp. of Padua, protects Nifo, iii. +<a href="#page_576">576</a>.<br /> + +Bartholomew the Augustinian, ii. 360.<br /> + +Bartolino da Perugia, his inquest at Todi, iii. +<a href="#page_149">149</a>.<br /> + +Bartolo, his perplexity as to witchcraft, iii. +<a href="#page_534">534</a>.<br /> + +Bartolomeo da Cervere, his martyrdom, ii. 264.<br /> + +Bartolomeo di Tybuli, i. 355.<br /> + +Bartolomeo of Pisa, his belief in Joachim, iii. +<a href="#page_011">11</a>.<br /> + +Basilius the sorcerer burned, iii. +<a href="#page_399">399</a>.<br /> + +Basle, its reconciliation in 1348, iii. +<a href="#page_157">157</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Beguines persecuted in, 1400, ii. 403.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, indicated, ii. 528.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">abolishes annates, ii. 530.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its quarrels with Eugenius IV., ii. 531,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">533.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">negotiates with Hussites, ii. 530, 533,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">534, 536, 537.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">withdraws cup from laity, ii. 473, 539.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">burns Nicholas of Buldesdorf, iii. +<a href="#page_089">89</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">decides in favor of Observantines, iii.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">173.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">asserts Immaculate Conception, iii. +<a href="#page_600">600</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">failure of its reform, iii. +<a href="#page_638">638</a>.</span><br /> + +Bassani, Giacobba de’, iii. +<a href="#page_098">98</a>, +<a href="#page_100">100</a>.<br /> + +Bavaria, the Inq. in, ii. 347.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">slaughter of Jews, ii. 379.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Waldenses in, ii. 397.</span><br /> + +Beatific Vision, the, iii. +<a href="#page_590">590</a>.<br /> + +Beaucaire, siege of, i. 184.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">restriction on bearing arms, i. 382.</span><br /> + +Beauffort, Payen de, case of, iii. +<a href="#page_523">523</a>, +<a href="#page_525">525</a>, +<a href="#page_529">529</a>, +<a href="#page_532">532</a>.<br /> + +Beaumanoir on sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_427">427</a>.<br /> + +Beaurevoir, Joan of Arc confined in, iii. +<a href="#page_359">359</a><br /> + +Beauvais, Bp. of, his capture, i. 11.<br /> + +Bech, Giacomo, case of, ii. 265. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_671" id="page_671"></a>{671}</span><br /> + +Bedford, Regent, on Joan of Arc, iii. +<a href="#page_346">346</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">purchases Joan of Arc, iii. +<a href="#page_358">358</a>.</span><br /> + +Beggary, holy, ii. 352.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its merit called in question, ii. 367; iii. +<a href="#page_131">131</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of the Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_242">242</a>.</span><br /> + +Beghards and Beguines (see also Ortlibenses and Brethren of the Free Spirit).<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their origin, ii. 350.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">efforts at repression, ii. 354,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">confusion as to the name, ii. 355.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">commencement of persecution, ii. 367.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemned by C. of Vienne, ii. 369.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">persecuted under the Clementines, ii. 371.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">as Tertiaries of Mendicant Orders, ii. 371, 413.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">severely persecuted, ii. 386, 387, 390, 392, 395, 401, 403, 411.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their houses confiscated, i. 530; ii. 389, 391.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">protected by bishops, ii. 394.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Wasmod’s account of them, ii. 397.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">protected by C. of Constance, ii. 409.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">aid the Reformation, ii. 413.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in Bohemia, ii. 430, 435, 517.</span><br /> + +Beguinages, ii. 352, 363.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">canon of Vienne concerning, ii. 369.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their destruction under the Clementines, ii. 371.</span><br /> + +Beguines, or Olivists of Languedoc, iii. +<a href="#page_050">50</a>, +<a href="#page_077">77</a>, +<a href="#page_081">81</a>.<br /> + +Beirut, Bp. of, iii. +<a href="#page_520">520</a>, +<a href="#page_522">522</a>, +<a href="#page_529">529</a>.<br /> + +Beissera, case of, ii. 12.<br /> + +Bela IV. (Hungary), his crusades against Bosnia, ii. 295, 296, 297.<br /> + +Belgrade, victory of, ii. 553.<br /> + +Bellarmine, Card., condemns Lully, iii. +<a href="#page_588">588</a>.<br /> + +Bembo, Card., protects Pomponazio, iii. +<a href="#page_576">576</a>.<br /> + +Benedict XI. tries to reconcile clergy and Mendicants, i. 290.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">deprives bps. of financial control, i. 336.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">represses extortion, i. 478.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">regulates confiscations, i. 510, 512.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">favors the Inq. of Languedoc, ii. 84.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">prejudges Pequigny, ii. 85.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders arrest of Bern. Délicieux, ii. 86.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">reconciles Philippe le Bel, ii. 86.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his mercy to Ghibellines, ii. 236.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">introduces Inq. in Sicily, ii. 248.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">releases Jacopone da Todi, iii. +<a href="#page_041">41</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">penances Arnaldo de Vilanova, iii. +<a href="#page_055">55</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">summons Ubertino da Casale, iii. +<a href="#page_059">59</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">reconciles the Colonnas, iii. +<a href="#page_194">194</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his dealings with Greek Church, iii. +<a href="#page_619">619</a>.</span><br /> + +Benedict XII. urges Inq. on England, i. 354.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his persecution of Waldenses, ii. 151.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">annuls the laws of Siena, ii. 275.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">persecutes Cathari of Dalmatia and Croatia, ii. 301, 302.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">appoints inqs. in Bohemia, ii. 431.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">builds palace of Avignon, iii. +<a href="#page_068">68</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">rejects appeal of Felipe of Majorca, iii. +<a href="#page_081">81</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders Dolcinists suppressed, iii. +<a href="#page_123">123</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">refuses submission of Louis of Bavaria, iii. +<a href="#page_155">155</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">assails the Fraticelli, iii. +<a href="#page_159">159</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">annuls condemnation of Visconti, iii. +<a href="#page_202">202</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">burns sorcerers, iii. +<a href="#page_459">459</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">asserts the Divine Vision, iii. +<a href="#page_595">595</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on clerical demoralization, iii. +<a href="#page_632">632</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">tries Pierre Recordi, iii. +<a href="#page_657">657</a>.</span><br /> + +Benedict XIII. on Savonarola’s saintliness, iii. +<a href="#page_236">236</a>.<br /> + +Benedict XIV. regards Savonarola as a saint, iii. +<a href="#page_236">236</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on Raymond Lully, iii. +<a href="#page_589">589</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on Immaculate Conception, iii. +<a href="#page_611">611</a>.</span><br /> + +Benedict XIII. (antipope) protects Vicente Ferrer, ii. 176.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">divides Inq. of Majorca, ii. 177.</span><br /> + +Benedictines, their corruption, i. 37; iii. +<a href="#page_640">640</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">as inqs., ii. 118.</span><br /> + +Benefices, distribution of, i. 24.<br /> + +Benevento, battle of, ii. 232.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">witches’ gathering-place, iii. +<a href="#page_500">500</a>.</span><br /> + +Benigno, Frà, his extortions, i. 478.<br /> + +Berard, Thomas, purchases Sidon, iii. +<a href="#page_271">271</a>.<br /> + +Bérard Tremoux, inq., imprisonment of, ii. 141.<br /> + +Berardo da Rajano, ii. 246, 585.<br /> + +Berenger of Carcassonne, expelled by heretics, i. 138.<br /> + +Berenger de Frèdole, iii. +<a href="#page_278">278</a>, +<a href="#page_283">283</a>.<br /> + +Berenger of Narbonne, his trial, i. 15.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">refuses assistance against heresy, i. 137.</span><br /> + +Berenger de Palau organizes Inq. in Barcelona, ii. 166.<br /> + +Berenger of Tours, his heresy, i. 218.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">accused of magic, iii. +<a href="#page_419">419</a>.</span><br /> + +Bergamo, Waldensian conference, i. 76; ii. 196.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">toleration of heresy in 1232, ii. 202.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its laws against the Inq., ii. 230.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">persistence of heresy, ii. 239, 271.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">witches of, contest over, i. 539; iii. +<a href="#page_546">546</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1311, revives episcopal Inq., i. 359.</span><br /> + +Berlaiges, heretics burned at, i. 537; ii. 46.<br /> + +Berger, W., his argument as to Huss’s safe-conduct, ii. 463.<br /> + +Bernabo Visconti condemned as heretic, iii. +<a href="#page_202">202</a>.<br /> + +Bernard, St., his condemnation of the Church, i. 16, 24, 52.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on the study of the civil law, i. 59.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">confutes Henry of Lausanne, i. 70.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">opposes Arnald of Brescia, i. 73.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">admits the virtues of Cathari, i. 101.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his uncertainty of tolerance, i. 219.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">approves of ordeal in heresy trials, i. 306.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">frames the Templar Rule, iii. +<a href="#page_239">239</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">denies Immaculate Conception, iii. +<a href="#page_596">596</a>.</span><br /> + +Bernard Aspa, case of, iii. +<a href="#page_073">73</a>. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_672" id="page_672"></a>{672}</span><br /> + +Bernard Audoyn, ii. 240.<br /> + +Bernard de Castanet as inq., i. 356.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his liberality, i. 516.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his persecution of heretics, ii. 67, 71.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his reception at Albi, ii. 78.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">deprived of inquisitorial power, ii. 93.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his trial, ii. 572.</span><br /> + +Bernard de Caux issues sentences in his own name, i. 333.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">complained of by Jayme I., i. 395.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">mercy shown by, i. 486, 550.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his liberality, i. 528.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">imprisons for relapse, i. 544.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his activity in 1246, ii. 45.</span><br /> + +Bernard de Combret, his agreement with St. Louis, i. 515.<br /> + +Bernard Délicieux, his character and career, ii. 75.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his impeding Inq., i. 349.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on falsification of records, i. 380; ii. 72.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on hopelessness of defence, i. 450; ii. 570.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">defends Castel Fabri, i. 445; ii. 73.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">attacks the Inq., ii. 70, 79, 81, 82, 84, 87.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his arrest and release, ii. 86.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">before Philippe at Toulouse, ii. 87.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">negotiates with Ferrand of Majorca, ii. 88.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his treason pardoned, ii. 90.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">appeals to Clement V., ii. 92.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his belief in Joachim, iii. +<a href="#page_011">11</a>, +<a href="#page_073">73</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his relations with Arnaldo de Vilanova, iii. +<a href="#page_055">55</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">appeals to John XXII., iii. +<a href="#page_070">70</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">accused of magic, iii. +<a href="#page_452">452</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his trial and fate, ii. 100.</span><br /> + +Bernard l’Espinasser, ii. 52.<br /> + +Bernard Gui on use made of officials, i. 340.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on Clementines, i. 344, 454, 478; ii. 97.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on itinerant inquests, i. 370.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on advantages of time of grace, i. 372.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on limitation of familiars, i. 384.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">enforces oath of obedience, i. 385.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">requires episcopal concurrence, i. 387.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his great <i>autos de fé</i>, i. 393.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">approves of torture, i. 424.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on evidence of heresy, i. 432.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">discovers false witness, i. 440.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on advocates of heretics, i. 444.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on penance of crosses, i. 470.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">penalties inflicted by, i. 495, 551.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on death-penalty, i. 535.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on relapse in fautorship, i. 548.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on unfulfilled penance, i. 548.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">burns the Talmud, i. 555.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his career at Toulouse, ii. 104, 107.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his account of Waldensian tenets, ii. 149.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">drives Dolcinists to Spain, ii. 184.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on Olivi’s remains, iii. +<a href="#page_045">45</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his description of Olivists, iii. +<a href="#page_083">83</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">of Apostolic Brethren, iii. +<a href="#page_122">122</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">sent as nuncio to Lombardy, iii. +<a href="#page_196">196</a>.</span><br /> + +Bernard de Montesquieu, case of, i. 519.<br /> + +Bernard Peitevin, case of, ii. 8.<br /> + +Bernard Pons, case of, i. 448.<br /> + +Bernard du Puy, inq., i. 396.<br /> + +Bernard Raymond, i. 123, 124.<br /> + +Bernardino of Cona, his condemnation as heretic, iii. +<a href="#page_202">202</a>.<br /> + +Bernardino da Feltre, ii. 275; iii. +<a href="#page_601">601</a>.<br /> + +Bernardino, St., of Siena, ii. 272; iii. +<a href="#page_172">172</a>.<br /> + +Bernardo, inq. of Aragon, ii. 170.<br /> + +Bernardo del Bosco, ii. 271; iii. +<a href="#page_546">546</a>.<br /> + +Bernardo di Como proves reality of Sabbat. iii. +<a href="#page_498">498</a>.<br /> + +Bernardo de Puycerda persecutes Spirituals, iii. +<a href="#page_085">85</a>.<br /> + +Bernardo Travesser, inq., his martyrdom, ii. 167.<br /> + +Berne, Beguines persecuted, ii. 403.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Dominicans burned at, ii. 424; iii. +<a href="#page_604">604</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">witches in, iii. +<a href="#page_534">534</a>.</span><br /> + +Berner de Nivelle, heresy of, ii. 121.<br /> + +Bernez, proceedings at, ii. 265.<br /> + +Bernhard of Hirsau ejects Beguines, ii. 413.<br /> + +Berthold of Coire murdered by heretics, ii. 346.<br /> + +Berthold of Ratisbon, his preaching, i. 268.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on merits of contemplation, iii. +<a href="#page_002">2</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on papal dispensation, iii. +<a href="#page_028">28</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on simony, iii. +<a href="#page_624">624</a>.</span><br /> + +Berthold, Bp. of Strassburg, persecutes Beghards, ii. 374.<br /> + +Berti, Michele, burned at Florence, iii. +<a href="#page_165">165</a>.<br /> + +Bertrand, Bp. of Albi, i. 515.<br /> + +Bertrand de la Bacalairia, ii. 42.<br /> + +Bertrand Blanc denounces the Inq., ii. 92.<br /> + +Bertrand de Bordes of Albi disregards Clement’s orders, ii. 95.<br /> + +Bertrand, Cardinal-legate, i. 185, 187.<br /> + +Bertrand de Cigotier as inq., ii. 118; iii. +<a href="#page_044">44</a>.<br /> + +Bertrand de Clermont, ii. 55, 71.<br /> + +Bertrand of Embrun on scandals of familiars, i. 383, 572; ii. 276.<br /> + +Bertrand of Metz, his troubles with Waldenses, ii. 318.<br /> + +Bertrand de Poyet, Cardinal, iii. +<a href="#page_068">68</a>, +<a href="#page_135">135</a>.<br /> + +Bertrand de Sartiges, iii. +<a href="#page_293">293</a>, +<a href="#page_297">297</a>.<br /> + +Bertrand de la Tour, Cardinal, iii. +<a href="#page_069">69</a>, +<a href="#page_132">132</a>, +<a href="#page_148">148</a>, +<a href="#page_196">196</a>.<br /> + +Bertrando Piero, his activity, ii. 264.<br /> + +Besançon, trial of Abp. of, i. 14.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Abp. of, uses magic, i. 306.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Inq. in, i. 530; ii. 119, 149.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">wer-wolves burned at, ii. 145.</span><br /> + +Bethlehem chapel, Huss’s sermons in, ii. 445.<br /> + +Betrayal of accomplices, i. 409.<br /> + +Béziers, Bp. of, refuses to persecute, i. 137.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">prevalence of heresy in, i. 138.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Pierre de Castelnau threatened at, i. 142.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">sack of, i. 154.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">assembly of experts in 1329, i. 390.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">heresy of disobedience at, ii. 66.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">the Black Death in, ii. 379.</span> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_673" id="page_673"></a>{673}</span><br /> + +Béziers, Raymond Roger of, endeavors to make peace, i. 150.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">resists the crusade, i. 153.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">his capture and death, i. 156.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Spiritual convent of, iii. +<a href="#page_043">43</a>, +<a href="#page_062">62</a>, +<a href="#page_070">70</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, in 1233, on monastic abuses, i. 39.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">regulates episcopal Inq., i. 331, 469, 507.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1243, Raymond VII. urges episcopal Inq., ii. 39.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1246, orders synodal witnesses, i. 317.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">regulates the Inq., i. 332, 370, 375, 386, 404, 438, 444, 462, 464, 466, 469, 471, 485, 489, 496, 507, 514, 517, 526, 544; ii. 45.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1299, on growth of Catharism, ii. 71.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">condemns Olivists, iii. +<a href="#page_050">50</a>, +<a href="#page_071">71</a>.</span><br /> + +Bianchi, pilgrimage of, ii. 404.<br /> + +Bible, prohibition of, i. 131, 324; iii. +<a href="#page_612">612</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">translation forbidden, iii. +<a href="#page_613">613</a>.</span><br /> + +Bidon de Puy-Guillem, i. 452; ii. 127.<br /> + +Billon, Martin, inq., claims Joan of Arc, iii. +<a href="#page_357">357</a>.<br /> + +Bingen, Waldenses burned in 1392, ii. 397.<br /> + +Birds, divination by, iii. +<a href="#page_403">403</a>, +<a href="#page_429">429</a>.<br /> + +Birgitta, St., on the Franciscans, i. 296.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on John XXII., iii. +<a href="#page_069">69</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on Fraticelli, iii. +<a href="#page_159">159</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on corruption of the Church, iii. +<a href="#page_634">634</a>.</span><br /> + +Biscay, case of Alonso de Mella, iii. +<a href="#page_169">169</a>.<br /> + +Bishops, methods of appointment, i. 6.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">military character of, i. 9.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their salvation impossible, i. 13.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">prostitution of their power, i. 16; iii. +<a href="#page_630">630</a>, +<a href="#page_631">631</a>, +<a href="#page_632">632</a>, +<a href="#page_643">643</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">abuse of their letters, i. 19.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their methods of extortion, i. 20.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their quarrels with the Mendicants, i. 278.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">origin of their jurisdiction, i. 308.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">inq. of parishes by, i. 312.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their indifference as to heresy, i. 315.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">responsible for persecution, i. 330.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">asked to aid inqs., i. 329.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">they regulate the Inq., i. 331.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their co-operation with inqs., i. 364; ii. 87, 94, 96, 140; iii. +<a href="#page_479">479</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their concurrence in sentences, i. 332, 333, 387.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their jealousy of Inq., i. 350, 357; ii. 132.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">obliged to enforce inquisitorial sentences, i. 333.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their presence required in torture, i. 426.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">share in control of prisons, i. 493; ii. 96.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">as assistants of inqs., i. 374.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">as inqs., ii. 163, 198.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their jurisdiction questioned, i. 358.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">distinction of jurisdiction, iii. +<a href="#page_482">482</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">surrender their jurisdiction to Inq., ii. 578.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">not subject to jurisdiction of Inq., i. 347.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">to obey inqs., i. 348.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">jurisdiction over inqs., i. 363; ii. 80, 87, 94, 133.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">supervised by inqs., iii. +<a href="#page_027">27</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">delegate their powers to inqs., i. 388.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">responsible for expenses of Inq., i. 489, 525; ii. 139, 154, 174.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">endeavor to share in the spoils, i. 336, 359, 510, 512, 514.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">complain of leniency of Inq., ii. 46.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">appeals from, i. 450.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">they protect the Beghards, ii. 394, 401.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their obligation of poverty, iii. +<a href="#page_132">132</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their complaints of the Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_241">241</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">ordered to examine Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_282">282</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">ordered to employ torture, iii. +<a href="#page_286">286</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">cognizance of sorcery reserved to, iii. +<a href="#page_434">434</a>.</span><br /> + +Bishops, Catharan, i. 93, 119.<br /> + +Bishops, French, oppose the Inq., ii. 114.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">ordered to aid Inq., ii. 116.</span><br /> + +Bishops, German, resist the Inq., ii. 338, 346.<br /> + +Bishops of Languedoc, their seizure of lands, ii. 3.<br /> + +Bishops, Waldensian, i. 83; ii. 522, 564.<br /> + +Bishoprics, sale of, i. 8.<br /> + +Bizenus, Eleutherus, his triumph of Reuchlin, ii. 424.<br /> + +Bizochi, iii. +<a href="#page_037">37</a>, +<a href="#page_075">75</a>.<br /> + +Black Death, the, ii. 379.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">services of Mendicants in, i. 290.</span><br /> + +Blaise Boerii assists Olivists, iii. +<a href="#page_074">74</a>.<br /> + +Blanc, Humbert, his crusading enterprise, iii. +<a href="#page_248">248</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his trial in England, iii. +<a href="#page_301">301</a>.</span><br /> + +Blanche, Regent, her difficulties, i. 201, 202.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">relations with the Pastoureaux, i. 270, 271.</span><br /> + +Blanchet, Eustace, iii. +<a href="#page_475">475</a>.<br /> + +Blasio di Monreale, inq., ii. 266.<br /> + +Blasphemy, punishment of, i. 235; ii. 122.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">profitable to Inq., i. 479.</span><br /> + +Blomaert confuted by John of Rysbroek, ii. 377.<br /> + +Blood, judgments of, forbidden to clergy, i. 223.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">duty of Church to shed, i. 536.</span><br /> + +Blood of Christ, quarrel over, ii. 171.<br /> + +Blouyn, Jean, inq., tries Gilles de Rais, iii. +<a href="#page_479">479</a>.<br /> + +Bluebeard, iii. +<a href="#page_489">489</a>.<br /> + +Boccaccio on Florentine inq., i. 479.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on the Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_328">328</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">story of the Three Rings, iii. +<a href="#page_564">564</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on corruption of the curia, iii. +<a href="#page_634">634</a>.</span><br /> + +Böckeler, inq., persecutes Winkelers, ii. 400.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemns John Malkaw, iii. +<a href="#page_206">206</a>.</span><br /> + +Bogomili, i. 90, 216. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_674" id="page_674"></a>{674}</span><br /> + +Bohemia, ii. 427.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Flagellants in 1260, i. 272.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Franciscan inqs. in, i. 302.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">heretics escape to, ii. 269.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Luciferans in, ii. 358.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">indignation at Huss’s death, ii. 494.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">renounces obedience to Rome, ii. 507.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its condition in 1418, ii. 511.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">defeat of the crusades, ii. 516, 525, 530.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">religious discord in, ii. 517.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">commerce with, prohibited, ii. 527.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">fear of its influence in Germany, ii. 532.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">peasantry reduced to serfdom, ii. 536.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">peace with C. of Basle, ii. 537.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">reaction under Sigismund, ii. 538.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">supremacy of Calixtins, ii. 540.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">situation under Podiebrad, ii. 541.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Capistrano’s mission, ii. 550.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its independence of Rome, ii. 556.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its anomalous position, ii. 559.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Templar property in, iii. +<a href="#page_330">330</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">sorcerers reproved, iii. +<a href="#page_419">419</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">canons against sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_460">460</a>.</span><br /> + +Bohemian Brethren, their origin, ii. 561.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their creed, ii. 563.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their discipline, ii. 565.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">they unite with Waldenses, ii. 416, 564.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their mission to Savoy Waldenses, ii. 267.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their persecutions, ii. 566.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their missionary zeal, ii. 567.</span><br /> + +Bolbonne, mutilation of monks of, i. 162.<br /> + +Bologna, restriction on bearing arms, i. 382.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">abuses of familiars in, i. 383.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Giovanni Schio at, ii. 203.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">decay of Inq. in, ii. 283.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, on the Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_307">307</a>.</span><br /> + +Bomm, Johann, burns wer-wolves, ii. 145.<br /> + +Bonaccorso, Filippo, i. 303.<br /> + +Bonageta, Pedro, his heresy, ii. 175.<br /> + +Bonagrazia da Bergamo attacks Olivi, iii. +<a href="#page_049">49</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">defends the Conventuals, iii. +<a href="#page_059">59</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">placed in confinement, iii. +<a href="#page_061">61</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">imprisoned in 1323, iii. +<a href="#page_133">133</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">escapes to Louis of Bavaria, iii. +<a href="#page_148">148</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his death, iii. +<a href="#page_156">156</a>.</span><br /> + +Bonagrazia di S. Giovanni, iii. +<a href="#page_043">43</a>.<br /> + +Bonato, Fray, case of, iii. +<a href="#page_085">85</a>.<br /> + +Bonaventura, St., on torment of the damned, i. 241.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his cardinalate, i. 264.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">answers William of St. Amour, i. 286.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">replies to Gerald of Abbeville, i. 287.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on Franciscan corruption, i. 296.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">persecutes the Spirituals, iii. +<a href="#page_024">24</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his zeal for poverty, iii. +<a href="#page_026">26</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his mysticism, iii. +<a href="#page_027">27</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his efforts at reform, iii. +<a href="#page_029">29</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">denies Immaculate Conception, iii. +<a href="#page_547">547</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on clerical corruption, iii. +<a href="#page_631">631</a>.</span><br /> + +Boncampagno di Prato, his austerity, iii. +<a href="#page_028">28</a>.<br /> + +Bond, bail-, form of, i. 476.<br /> + +Bones, exhumation of, i. 232, 404, 553; iii. +<a href="#page_188">188</a>.<br /> + +<i>Boni Homines</i>, i. 115.<br /> + +Boniface, St., his suppression of heresy, i. 308.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">a legendary inq., ii. 181.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">suppresses sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_412">412</a>.</span><br /> + +Boniface VIII., his character, iii. +<a href="#page_051">51</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">grants jubilee indulgence, i. 42.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">tries to settle the question of burials, i. 281.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">tries to reconcile clergy and Mendicants i. 290.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on removability of inqs., i. 344.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">subjects bishops to inqs., i. 348.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">asserts episcopal jurisdiction, i. 358.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">authorizes inqs. to appoint deputies, i. 375.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">suspends office of inq.-general, i. 398.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders witnesses’ names withheld, i. 438.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on extortion of inqs., i. 477.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">lightens disabilities of descendants, i. 498.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">prohibits confiscation in advance, i. 517.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">subjects secular officials to Inq., i. 536; ii. 67.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his capture at Anagni, ii. 58.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his quarrel with Philippe le Bel, ii. 66.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">threatens Aimeric Castel, ii. 69.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders prosecution of Castel Fabri, ii. 73.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">heresies charged against him, ii. 97; iii. +<a href="#page_450">450</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">favors Pierre de Fenouillèdes, ii. 111.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">decides case of Armanno Pongilupo, ii. 241.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">cases of leniency, ii. 243.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">acknowledges Frederic of Trinacria, ii. 248.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">organizes Inq. in Slavonia, ii. 299.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemns Ortlibenses, ii. 367.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">annuls acts of Celestin V., iii. +<a href="#page_036">36</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">persecutes irregular mendicancy, iii. +<a href="#page_037">37</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">persecutes Spirituals, iii. +<a href="#page_039">39</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">imprisons Jacopone da Todi, iii. +<a href="#page_041">41</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">silences Arnaldo de Vilanova, iii. +<a href="#page_055">55</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his quarrel with Colonnas, iii. +<a href="#page_194">194</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">tries to unite the Military Orders, iii. +<a href="#page_247">247</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">enforces obedience among the Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_253">253</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his bull <i>Unam Sanctam</i>, iii. +<a href="#page_568">568</a>, +<a href="#page_616">616</a>.</span><br /> + +Boniface IX. favors the Mendicants, i. 273.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">appoints inq. for Portugal, i. 530.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">appoints inq. for Spain, ii. 185.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">reproves cruelty of inq., ii. 264.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">appoints inqs. for Sicily, ii. 285.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his policy with Beghards, ii. 401.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">appoints inq. for Germany, ii. 402.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">suppresses the Bianchi, ii. 404.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">sells dispensations to Franciscans, iii. +<a href="#page_170">170</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his financial expedients, iii. +<a href="#page_627">627</a>, +<a href="#page_628">628</a>.</span> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_675" id="page_675"></a>{675}</span><br /> + +Bonn, Tanchelmites burned in, i. 65.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Cathari burned in 12th cent., i. 113.</span><br /> + +Bonrico di Busca, case of, i. 386.<br /> + +Books, burning of, i. 554.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Luther’s, condemned, ii. 284.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Wickliff’s burned, ii. 446.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Huss’s burned, ii. 490.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Arnaldo de Vilanova’s burned, iii. +<a href="#page_085">85</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">astrological, burned, iii. +<a href="#page_446">446</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of magic to be burned, iii. +<a href="#page_438">438</a>, +<a href="#page_453">453</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Villena’s burned, iii. +<a href="#page_490">490</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">censorship of, iii. +<a href="#page_612">612</a>.</span><br /> + +Bordeaux, wealth of Templars in, iii. +<a href="#page_251">251</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, in 1255, on judgments of blood, i. 223.</span><br /> + +Borel, François, his persecution of Waldenses, ii. 152-6, 261, 263.<br /> + +Bortolamio, Bp. of Vicenza, ii. 223, 234.<br /> + +<i>Bos homes</i>, i. 118.<br /> + +Bosnia, recurrence of Cathari to, ii. 256.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">career of Catharism in, ii. 291.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Inq. organized in, ii. 299.</span><br /> + +Bourges, Pastoureaux in, i. 271.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">inq. of, ii. 141.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, in 1225, i. 194.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1432, on Waldenses, ii. 157.</span><br /> + +Boys, age of responsibility, i. 403.<br /> + +Brabant, Lollards in, ii. 368.<br /> + +Braccio da Montone, iii. +<a href="#page_569">569</a>.<br /> + +Braine, Cathari burned in, 1204, i. 131.<br /> + +Brancaleone, crusade preached against him, ii. 226.<br /> + +Branda, his reforming decree, ii. 527.<br /> + +Brandeis, Synod of, in 1490, ii. 565.<br /> + +Brandenburg, demon worship in, 1337, ii. 375.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Waldenses in, ii. 416, 435.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Templar property in, iii. +<a href="#page_330">330</a>.</span><br /> + +Branding for heresy, ii. 182.<br /> + +Brandt, Sebastian, his ferocity against Dominicans, ii. 424.<br /> + +Braunsberg, sorcery in laws of, iii. +<a href="#page_432">432</a>, +<a href="#page_536">536</a>.<br /> + +Bread, holy, of the Cathari, i. 94.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of the Waldenses, ii. 146.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">dipped in wine for Eucharist, ii. 472.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">and water the prison diet, i. 488, 491.</span><br /> + +Brehal, Jean, inq., rehabilitates Joan of Arc, iii. +<a href="#page_378">378</a>.<br /> + +Bremen, Abps. of, and the tithes, iii. +<a href="#page_183">183</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1230, on the Stedingers, iii. +<a href="#page_185">185</a>.</span><br /> + +Brennon, Roger, defends witches, iii. +<a href="#page_545">545</a>.<br /> + +Brescia, Bp. of, on quarrel over blood of Christ, ii. 172.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">heretic troubles in, 1224, ii. 198.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">captured by Ezzelin da Romano, ii. 227.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">case of Guido Lacha, ii. 242.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">heresy in, 1457, ii. 271.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">witches of, contest over, i. 539; iii. +<a href="#page_546">546</a>.</span><br /> + +Breslau, John of Pirna in, ii. 431.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Sigismund’s cruelty, ii. 515.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Capistrano’s labors, ii. 548.</span><br /> + +Brethren, Apostolic, iii. +<a href="#page_303">303</a>.<br /> + +Brethren of the Common Life, ii. 361.<br /> + +Brethren of the Cross, ii. 407.<br /> + +Brethren of Felipe of Majorca, iii. +<a href="#page_082">82</a>, +<a href="#page_163">163</a>.<br /> + +Brethren of the Free Spirit—see also Ortlibenses.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their origin, ii. 323.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in France, ii. 123, 126, 406, 578.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in Bohemia, ii. 518.</span><br /> + +Brethren of the Hermitages, iii. +<a href="#page_172">172</a>.<br /> + +Bretonelle, Jean, on the blood of Christ, ii. 171.<br /> + +Briançon, persecution in, ii. 152, 157, 160.<br /> + +Bribery of the curia, i. 195; ii. 90, 92; iii. +<a href="#page_628">628</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of inqs., i. 477.</span><br /> + +Bridges, fines used for, i. 474.<br /> + +Brigandi, i. 125.<br /> + +Britanny, Cathari in, i. 112.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">no heretics in, i. 127.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">sorcerers and heretics in, iii. +<a href="#page_537">537</a>.</span><br /> + +Brixen, Bp. of, drives inq. away, iii. +<a href="#page_541">541</a>.<br /> + +Brocken, witches’ gathering-place, iii. +<a href="#page_500">500</a>.<br /> + +<i>Brod durch Gott!</i> ii. 353, 412.<br /> + +Bruges, Tanchelm expelled from, i. 65.<br /> + +Bruguière Bart., case of, iii. +<a href="#page_151">151</a>, +<a href="#page_654">654</a>.<br /> + +Brulliano, Observantines founded at, iii. +<a href="#page_172">172</a>.<br /> + +Brünn, Dominican scandal in, i. 274.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Sigismund at, in 1419, ii. 514.</span><br /> + +Bruno of Segni reproaches Paschal II., iii. +<a href="#page_181">181</a>.<br /> + +Brussels, Ortlibenses in, ii. 377.<br /> + +Buda, C. of, 1279, on judgments of blood, i. 223.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">suppression of council in, ii. 298.</span><br /> + +Bugres, i. 115.<br /> + +Buildings of Inq., i. 373; ii. 145.<br /> + +Bulgari, i. 115.<br /> + +Bulgaria, its submission to Rome, ii. 292.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">inq. provided for, ii. 311.</span><br /> + +Bull in Cæna Domini on forgeries, i. 19.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">George Podiebrad cursed in, ii. 558.</span><br /> + +Burchard, Bp., does not allude to heresy, i. 218.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">denies power of Tempestarii, iii. +<a href="#page_416">416</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on belief in sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_417">417</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on witch cannibalism, iii. +<a href="#page_503">503</a>.</span><br /> + +Burchard III. (Magdeburg) and the Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_302">302</a>.<br /> + +Burchard of Oldenburg, his crusade against Stedingers, iii. +<a href="#page_187">187</a>.<br /> + +Burgin the Beghard, ii. 405.<br /> + +Burgundy, heretics in, i. 127.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Inq. introduced in, ii. 113, 120.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Waldenses in, ii. 148.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">witchcraft in, iii. +<a href="#page_535">535</a>.</span><br /> + +Burgundian minister, his supervision, ii. 140.<br /> + +Burial of heretics forbidden, i. 132.<br /> + +Burials, quarrels over, i. 30, 280; iii. +<a href="#page_241">241</a>.<br /> + +Burning alive introduced, i. 216, 221.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">seignorial right of, i. 537.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">a last resort, i. 541.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">for relapse, i. 544.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">frequency of, i. 549.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">details of, i. 551.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">expenses of, i. 553.</span> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_676" id="page_676"></a>{676}</span><br /> + +Burning of Templars for revoking confessions, iii. +<a href="#page_295">295</a>, +<a href="#page_308">308</a>, +<a href="#page_324">324</a>, +<a href="#page_325">325</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">invariable for witches, iii. +<a href="#page_515">515</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of books, i. 554; ii. 466, 490; iii. +<a href="#page_085">85</a>, +<a href="#page_438">438</a>, +<a href="#page_446">446</a>, +<a href="#page_453">453</a>, +<a href="#page_490">490</a>.</span><br /> + +Burzet, Sire de, killed by love-potion, iii. +<a href="#page_463">463</a>.<br /> + +<br /> +<a name="C" id="C"></a><span class="letra">C</span>ABASSE, Raymond, burns Catharine Sauve, ii. 157.<br /> + +Cabestaing, C. of, 1166, i. 119.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Olivists burned at, iii. +<a href="#page_077">77</a>.</span><br /> + +Cæsarius of Heisterbach on episcopal wickedness, i. 13.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on monastic disorders, i. 36.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on spread of heresy, i. 128.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on liberty, ii. 321.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his demonology, iii. +<a href="#page_381">381</a>, +<a href="#page_383">383</a>.</span><br /> + +Cæsarius of Speier, his martyrdom, iii. +<a href="#page_006">6</a>.<br /> + +Cagots, the, ii. 108.<br /> + +Cahors, Inq. in, ii. 9.<br /> + +Caietano, Card., his dealings with Luther, ii. 426.<br /> + +Cairo, martyrdom of Templars in, iii. +<a href="#page_277">277</a>.<br /> + +Calabria, Cathari in, i. 116; ii. 245.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Waldensian settlements, ii. 248, 268, 269.</span><br /> + +Calcagni, Ruggieri, inq. of Florence, i. 327; ii. 210.<br /> + +Caldron, the witches’, iii. +<a href="#page_406">406</a>, +<a href="#page_408">408</a>.<br /> + +Caligula, cause of his insanity, iii. +<a href="#page_391">391</a>.<br /> + +Calixtins—see Utraquists.<br /> + +Calixtus II. condemns Cathari, i. 117.<br /> + +Calixtus III. favors the Mendicants, i. 293.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">stimulates the Inq., ii. 265, 271.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders crusade against Turks, ii. 553.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">invites Rokyzana, ii. 556.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders rehabilitation of Joan of Arc, iii. +<a href="#page_378">378</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders witches persecuted, iii. +<a href="#page_546">546</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">patronizes Lorenzo Valla, iii. +<a href="#page_567">567</a>.</span><br /> + +Calo Johannes of Bulgaria, ii. 292.<br /> + +Calvinists, merger of Waldenses with, ii. 268.<br /> + +Cambrai, heresy in 11th cent., i. 110.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">case of Marie du Canech, i. 479.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">heretics burned at, ii. 115, 317.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Men of Intelligence, ii. 406.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">chapter of, and their Bp., iii. +<a href="#page_447">447</a>.</span><br /> + +Camerino, the Fraticelli favored in, iii. +<a href="#page_159">159</a>, +<a href="#page_160">160</a>.<br /> + +Can Grande della Scala, iii. +<a href="#page_197">197</a>, +<a href="#page_201">201</a>.<br /> + +Canavese, witches of, iii. +<a href="#page_503">503</a>, +<a href="#page_515">515</a>-18.<br /> + +Canidia, iii. +<a href="#page_390">390</a>.<br /> + +Canneman, John, suppresses Waldenses, ii. 416.<br /> + +Cannibalism of witches, iii. +<a href="#page_407">407</a>, +<a href="#page_503">503</a>.<br /> + +Canonical purgation—see Compurgation.<br /> + +Canonries, papal efforts to control, i. 195; iii. +<a href="#page_067">67</a>.<br /> + +Canterbury, pilgrimages to, ii. 31.<br /> + +Cap of darkness, iii. +<a href="#page_406">406</a>, +<a href="#page_421">421</a>.<br /> + +Capello di Chia, case of, i. 342; ii. 239.<br /> + +Capistrano, his character, ii. 546, 554.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">appointed inq., ii. 270.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">suppresses Tommaso of Florence, ii. 272.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">investigates the Jesuats, ii. 274.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">persecutes Jews, ii. 286, 287, 549.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">rebukes Nicholas of Cusa, ii. 473.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his mission to Bohemia, ii. 547.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">endeavors to reunite the Franciscans, iii. +<a href="#page_173">173</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">persecutes Fraticelli, iii. +<a href="#page_176">176</a>, +<a href="#page_177">177</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">veneration felt for him, iii. +<a href="#page_179">179</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his death and canonization, ii. 554, 555.</span><br /> + +Capitani di Santa Maria of Florence, ii. 211.<br /> + +Caracalla persecutes magicians, iii. +<a href="#page_392">392</a>.<br /> + +Caraman, Catharan Council of, i. 119.<br /> + +Carbonello, Lorenzo, in Tunis, iii. +<a href="#page_167">167</a>.<br /> + +Carcassonne, preponderance of heresy in, i. 138.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">capture of, i. 155.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">assembly of experts in 1329, i. 390.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">prison of Inq. at, i. 491, 492, 494.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">appeals to Philippe III., ii. 58.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">attempt to destroy records, i. 381; ii. 59.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">appeals to king and pope, ii. 60.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">struggles with Inq., ii. 68, 69, 70, 78, 82.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its despair and treason, ii. 88.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its punishment, ii. 90.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">accuses the Inq., ii. 92.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">investigation by cardinals at, ii. 93.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">contempt for Dominicans, ii. 132.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">contest between inqs. in 1424, ii. 138.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">persecution of Waldenses, ii. 148.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">convent given to Spirituals, iii. +<a href="#page_062">62</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Olivists burned, iii. +<a href="#page_077">77</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1310, on Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_295">295</a>, +<a href="#page_296">296</a>.</span><br /> + +Carieulx, Pierre des, iii. +<a href="#page_523">523</a>, +<a href="#page_526">526</a>.<br /> + +Carino Balsamo, his murder of Peter Martyr, i. 460; ii. 214.<br /> + +Carlovingian legislation on heresy, i. 218.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">system of inquests, i. 308.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">sorcery under, iii. +<a href="#page_413">413</a>.</span><br /> + +Carmelites, recognition of the Order, iii. +<a href="#page_032">32</a>, +<a href="#page_103">103</a>, +<a href="#page_107">107</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">they cite the pseudo-Joachim, iii. +<a href="#page_012">12</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their Averrhoism, iii. +<a href="#page_564">564</a>.</span><br /> + +Cardinals, oath of, in conclave, i. 6.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">bribery of, ii. 90, 92.</span><br /> + +Carnaschio, Rio, iii. +<a href="#page_116">116</a>, +<a href="#page_117">117</a>.<br /> + +Carpentras, conclave of, ii. 98.<br /> + +Carta de Logu, inqs. in, i. 311.<br /> + +Casser, capture of, i. 162.<br /> + +Castel Fabri, case of, i. 445, 449; ii. 69, 73.<br /> + +Castelbo, heretics persecuted in, ii. 165, 167.<br /> + +Castelnaudary, siege of, i. 168.<br /> + +Castile, punishment for heresy in, i. 221.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">law as to houses of heretics, i. 482.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">treatment of Jewish books, i. 555.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">dealings with heresy, ii. 180.</span> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_677" id="page_677"></a>{677}</span><br /> + +Castile, case of Alonzo de Mella, iii. +<a href="#page_169">169</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">prosecution of Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_316">316</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Templar property, iii. +<a href="#page_333">333</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">laws on sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_430">430</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">astrology condemned, iii. +<a href="#page_444">444</a>.</span><br /> + +Castores, iii. +<a href="#page_395">395</a>.<br /> + +Castres, seizure of Jean Ricoles at, ii. 83.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Waldenses in, ii. 148.</span><br /> + +Castruccio of Lucca condemned for heresy, iii. +<a href="#page_201">201</a>.<br /> + +Cat, worship of, iii. +<a href="#page_263">263</a>, +<a href="#page_496">496</a>.<br /> + +Catalan Fabri murdered by Waldenses, ii. 150.<br /> + +Catalano, Frà. his murder, ii. 215.<br /> + +Catalonia, separate Inq. for, ii. 179.<br /> + +Cathari, i. 89.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their predominance in Languedoc, i. 135.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their growth under the crusades, i. 187, 189, 193.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">converted by Foulques de Neuilly, i. 244.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">evidences of, i. 432.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of Languedoc, betrayed by Raymond Gros, ii. 22.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their loss at Montségur, ii. 43.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their indomitable zeal, ii. 44, 49, 61.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their numbers about 1250, ii. 49.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">driven to forests and caves, ii. 52.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their revival ii. 71, 104.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their extinction in Languedoc, ii. 108.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in northern France, ii. 113, 120,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their relation with Waldenses, ii. 146, 579.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their existence in Aragon, ii. 162, 165.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their development in Leon, ii. 181.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their numbers in Italy, ii. 193.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Milan their headquarters, ii. 194.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">numerous in Naples, ii. 244.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">classed with usurers in Venice, ii. 251.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their persistence in Italy, ii. 255.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of Bosnia, ii. 290.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their numbers east of the Adriatic, ii. 297.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">they welcome the Turks, ii. 307.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of Bosnia embrace Islam, ii. 314.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their disappearance from Germany, ii. 318.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of Orleans, their infernal rites, ii. 334.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in Bohemia, ii. 428.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their conjectured relations with the Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_249">249</a>.</span><br /> + +Catharism, causes of its failure, i. 106; ii. 254.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">varieties of, in Piedmont, ii. 256.</span><br /> + +Catharine de Medicis a Tertiary, i. 268.<br /> + +Catharine Sauve burned, ii. 157.<br /> + +Catharine de la Rochelle, iii. +<a href="#page_376">376</a>.<br /> + +Catharine de Thouars, iii. +<a href="#page_469">469</a>, +<a href="#page_487">487</a>.<br /> + +Catharine, St., of Siena, her stigmata, i. 262; ii. 217.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on corruption of the Church, iii. +<a href="#page_635">635</a>.</span><br /> + +Cathedrals, suffering caused by their building, i. 23.<br /> + +Cato, his dread of divination, iii. +<a href="#page_397">397</a>.<br /> + +Catoptromancy, iii. +<a href="#page_422">422</a>.<br /> + +Cauchon, Pierre, Bp. of Beauvais, iii. +<a href="#page_357">357</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">claims Joan of Arc, iii. +<a href="#page_358">358</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">commences her trial, iii. +<a href="#page_360">360</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">abandons her to secular arm, iii. +<a href="#page_372">372</a>.</span><br /> + +Caurzim, Calixtins slain in, ii. 514.<br /> + +Cavalcanti, Aldobrandino, inq., i. 327.<br /> + +Cazzagazzari, i. 115.<br /> + +Cecco d’ Ascoli, iii. +<a href="#page_441">441</a>.<br /> + +Ceccone manipulates Savonarola’s confessions, iii. +<a href="#page_230">230</a>, +<a href="#page_233">233</a>.<br /> + +Celestin III. intercedes for Bp. of Beauvais, i. 11.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">excommunicates Raymond VI., i. 133.</span><br /> + +Celestin IV., his short pontificate, ii. 26.<br /> + +Celestin V. protects the Spirituals, iii. +<a href="#page_035">35</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his acts annulled, iii. +<a href="#page_036">36</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">insulted by Conventuals, iii. +<a href="#page_037">37</a>.</span><br /> + +Celestin, Spiritual antipope, iii. +<a href="#page_063">63</a>, +<a href="#page_065">65</a>.<br /> + +Celibacy, clerical, its effect, i. 3, 31.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">disregarded in Bohemia, ii. 427.</span><br /> + +Cella, Pierre, joins Dominic, i. 251.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his sentences in Querci, i. 465, 469; ii. 30, 579.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his lenity to Waldenses, ii. 147.</span><br /> + +Cellites, ii. 351.<br /> + +Censorship intrusted to Inq., ii. 391; iii. +<a href="#page_612">612</a>.<br /> + +Cerdaña, Inq. in, ii. 177.<br /> + +Cesarini, Giuliano, legate to Germany, ii. 529, 530, 531.<br /> + +Cesena, massacre of, i. 559; iii. +<a href="#page_204">204</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">miracle by St. Peter Martyr, ii. 208.</span><br /> + +Chains for prisoners, i. 487.<br /> + +Chakamim, Egyptian, iii. +<a href="#page_387">387</a>.<br /> + +Chalons, Cathari of, i. 109, 218.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 813, on legacies, i. 29.</span><br /> + +Champagne, Inq. in, ii. 121, 575.<br /> + +Charlemagne complains of clerical rapacity, i. 29.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">establishes episcopal jurisdiction, i. 308.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his Missi Dominici, i. 311.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his laws on sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_413">413</a>.</span><br /> + +Charles IV. (Emp.), his election, iii. +<a href="#page_156">156</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his duty to persecute, i. 226.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">divides the confiscations, i. 507.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his submissiveness, ii. 378.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">represses Flagellants, ii. 382.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">organizes German Inq., i. 530; ii. 388.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">increases powers of Inq., ii. 391.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">confirms John of Boland, ii. 393.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">sends Rienzo to Avignon, iii. +<a href="#page_203">203</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">censorship of Inq., iii. +<a href="#page_612">612</a>.</span><br /> + +Charles V. (Emp.), cruelty of his code, i. 235.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">he favors Lullism, iii. +<a href="#page_587">587</a>.</span><br /> + +Charles II. (Engl.) repeals persecuting laws, i. 353.<br /> + +Charles IV. (France) shares spoils with John XXII., iii. +<a href="#page_068">68</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his life attempted by sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_458">458</a>.</span><br /> + +Charles V. (France) seizes church revenues, i. 196.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">forbids destruction of houses, i. 482.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">aids the Inq., i. 531; ii. 126, 155.</span> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_678" id="page_678"></a>{678}</span><br /> + +Charles V. (France) orders persecution, ii. 154.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">monopolizes confiscations, ii. 155.</span><br /> + +Charles VI. (France), attempts to cure him by sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_465">465</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">asserts the Immaculate Conception, iii. +<a href="#page_599">599</a>.</span><br /> + +Charles VII. (France), his independence of Rome, ii. 134.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on Franciscan quarrels, iii. +<a href="#page_173">173</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his desperate position, iii. +<a href="#page_339">339</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">receives Joan of Arc, iii. +<a href="#page_343">343</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">ennobles the Darc family, iii. +<a href="#page_351">351</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">abandons Joan of Arc, iii. +<a href="#page_359">359</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">rehabilitates Joan of Arc, iii. +<a href="#page_377">377</a>.</span><br /> + +Charles VIII. (France) permits persecution of Waldenses, ii. 159.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his relations with Savonarola, iii. +<a href="#page_213">213</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">proposes a general council, iii. +<a href="#page_224">224</a>.</span><br /> + +Charles I. (Naples) allows one inq. assistant, i. 374.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">assists French inqs., i. 395.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his rapacity, i. 511, 517, 520.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">defrays expenses of Inq., i. 525, 527.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">marries Sanche of Provence, ii. 27.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his conquest of Naples, ii. 231.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his power in Italy, ii. 232.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his active persecution, ii. 245.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his letters concerning Inq., ii. 584.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his attempts on Constantinople, iii. +<a href="#page_618">618</a>.</span><br /> + +Charles II. (Naples) divides the confiscations, i. 512.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">defrays expenses of Inq., i. 526.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">an eager persecutor, ii. 247, 586.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">persecutes Spirituals, iii. +<a href="#page_039">39</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">protects Spirituals, iii. +<a href="#page_056">56</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his crusade, iii. +<a href="#page_247">247</a>.</span><br /> + +Charles III. (Naples) receives inqs., ii. 285.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">confiscates estate of Bp. of Trivento, iii. +<a href="#page_204">204</a>.</span><br /> + +Charles I. (Savoy) orders investigation, ii. 266.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">pacifies the Waldenses, ii. 267.</span><br /> + +Charles II. (Navarre), mortuary offering by, i. 31.<br /> + +Charles de Banville threatened for his tolerance, ii. 153.<br /> + +Charles Robert (Hungary), his relations with Bosnia, ii. 299, 301.<br /> + +Charles de Valois, his crusading projects, iii. +<a href="#page_247">247</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">hangs Enguerrand de Marigny, iii. +<a href="#page_451">451</a>.</span><br /> + +Charms for endurance of torture, iii. +<a href="#page_509">509</a>.<br /> + +Charroux, Abbey of, lawsuit with, i. 22.<br /> + +Chartres, C. of, 1366, on sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_459">459</a>.<br /> + +Châtelet of Paris, punishes sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_461">461</a>.<br /> + +Chiabaudi, Francesco, his witch-trials, iii. +<a href="#page_516">516</a>, +<a href="#page_518">518</a>.<br /> + +Chiaravalle, Abbey of, iii. +<a href="#page_092">92</a>, +<a href="#page_099">99</a>, +<a href="#page_102">102</a>.<br /> + +Chieri, Catharans of, ii. 255.<br /> + +Chiersy, C. of, in 849, i. 217.<br /> + +Chiliasts in Bohemia, ii. 518.<br /> + +Children, crusade of the, i. 147, 268.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">evidence of, i. 436.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">responsibility of, ii. 399.</span><br /> + +Children admitted to Order of Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_268">268</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">devoted to Satan, iii. +<a href="#page_382">382</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">eaten by witches, iii. +<a href="#page_502">502</a>, +<a href="#page_503">503</a>, +<a href="#page_504">504</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">frequent Sabbat, iii. +<a href="#page_501">501</a>, +<a href="#page_505">505</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">unbaptized, killed by witches, iii. +<a href="#page_504">504</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of demons, iii. +<a href="#page_384">384</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of heretics, disabilities of, i. 321.</span><br /> + +Chilperic I., his treatment of sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_410">410</a>.<br /> + +Chindaswind, his laws on sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_399">399</a>.<br /> + +Chinon, Templar chiefs detained at, iii. +<a href="#page_281">281</a>, +<a href="#page_283">283</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Joan of Arc at, iii. +<a href="#page_342">342</a>.</span><br /> + +Chiuso, his torture and constancy, iii. +<a href="#page_178">178</a>.<br /> + +Christ, proclaimed King of Florence by Savonarola, iii. +<a href="#page_213">213</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">blood of, question as to, ii. 171; iii. +<a href="#page_127">127</a>, +<a href="#page_166">166</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Cecco’s horoscope of, iii. +<a href="#page_442">442</a>, +<a href="#page_656">656</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">incarnations of, iii. +<a href="#page_102">102</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">lancing of, on the cross, iii. +<a href="#page_046">46</a>, +<a href="#page_207">207</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">place of his conception, iii. +<a href="#page_603">603</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">poverty of—see Poverty.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Soldiery of, i. 267.</span><br /> + +Christann of Prachatitz, ii. 497, 512.<br /> + +Christian V. (Denmark) on blasphemy, i. 235.<br /> + +Christian theurgy overcomes pagan, iii. +<a href="#page_393">393</a>.<br /> + +Christianity, pagan influences on, iii. +<a href="#page_400">400</a>.<br /> + +Christine de Pisan on Joan of Arc, iii. +<a href="#page_350">350</a>.<br /> + +Christopher, St., power of his image, i. 49.<br /> + +Christopher of Sweden, his laws on sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_433">433</a>.<br /> + +Chrysostom, St., on persecution, i. 214.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on exc. of the dead, i. 230.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">denies the power of demons, iii. +<a href="#page_380">380</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">disbelieves in Incubi, iii. +<a href="#page_384">384</a>.</span><br /> + +Church, the, i. 1.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its corruption explains heresy, i. 54, 129; iii. +<a href="#page_163">163</a>, +<a href="#page_164">164</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">it enforces persecution, i. 224.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its spiritual jurisdiction, i. 309.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its early aversion to torture, i. 422.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its responsibility for death-penalty, i. 224, 534; iii. +<a href="#page_547">547</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its subordination to the state in France, ii. 57.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its repression of magic, iii. +<a href="#page_396">396</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its jurisdiction over sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_398">398</a>, +<a href="#page_399">399</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its inconsistent views of sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_417">417</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">governed by astrology, iii. +<a href="#page_438">438</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its responsibility for witchcraft, iii. +<a href="#page_505">505</a>, +<a href="#page_512">512</a>, +<a href="#page_544">544</a>, +<a href="#page_546">546</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">powerless against witchcraft, iii. +<a href="#page_506">506</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its infidelity in 15th cent., iii. +<a href="#page_566">566</a>, +<a href="#page_577">577</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its corruption in later Middle Ages, iii. +<a href="#page_627">627</a>, +<a href="#page_630">630</a>.</span><br /> + +Churches, justice not administered in, i. 223.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">right of asylum in, ii. 121.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">pollution of, ii. 440.</span><br /> + +Churland, magicians in, iii. +<a href="#page_403">403</a>.<br /> + +Cincinnati, Perfectionists in, iii. +<a href="#page_102">102</a>. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_679" id="page_679"></a>{679}</span><br /> + +Cinthio, Legate, judges Henry Minneke, i. 315; ii. 325, 330.<br /> + +Circumcisi, i. 88.<br /> + +Ciruelo on Ars Notoria, iii. +<a href="#page_436">436</a>.<br /> + +Cistercians undertake conversion of Albigenses, i. 142.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">abandon their missions, i. 144.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">preach the crusade, i. 147.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">clerical opposition to them, i, 281.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their penalties for sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_455">455</a>.</span><br /> + +Citation, secrecy of, i, 406.<br /> + +Citeaux, Abbey of, payments to, ii. 2.<br /> + +Citizen, duty of, to aid Inq., i. 340, 386.<br /> + +Civil Law, revival of the, i. 58.<br /> + +Claessens, his defence of the Church, iii. +<a href="#page_646">646</a>.<br /> + +Clamme, Waldenses of, ii. 347.<br /> + +Clareni, the, iii. +<a href="#page_040">40</a>, +<a href="#page_065">65</a>.<br /> + +Claudius of Turin, i. 217.<br /> + +Clavelt, persecution at, ii. 337.<br /> + +Clement IV. demands release of Bp. of Verona, i. 12.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">supports the Mendicants, i. 287, 289.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">intervenes in quarrels of Mendicants, i. 302, 303.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">confirms episcopal concurrence in sentences, i. 335.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">enforces bull <i>ad extirpanda</i>, i. 339.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">enlarges powers of inqs., i. 357.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on episcopal jurisdiction, i. 358.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on withholding witnesses’ names, i. 438.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on unfulfilled penance, i. 475, 548.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on confiscation, i. 504.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on parsimony of bishops, i. 525.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on Jewish books, i. 555.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on apostate Jews, ii. 63.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">persecutes heretics of Rousset, ii. 118.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">enlarges power of Burgundian provincial, iii. +<a href="#page_141">141</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">stimulates the Inq., ii. 230.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">aids the Angevine conquest of Naples, ii. 231.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">tries Manfred for heresy, iii. +<a href="#page_193">193</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">allows Franciscans to receive legacies, iii. +<a href="#page_029">29</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">favors the Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_242">242</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">patronizes Roger Bacon, iii. +<a href="#page_552">552</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">represses simony, iii. +<a href="#page_626">626</a>.</span><br /> + +Clement V., his election, ii. 91.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his plunder of churches, i. 17.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">increases episcopal responsibility, i. 335, 358; ii. 96.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on punishment of inqs., i. 344.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">restricts number of familiars, i. 383.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">requires episcopal concurrence, i. 387.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">restricts use of torture, i. 424.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on abuses of Inq., i. 453, 478.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">investigates Inq. of Languedoc, i. 493; ii. 85, 92, 571.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">intercedes for Carcassonne, ii. 90.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">fails to secure trial of prisoners, ii. 94, 572.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">protects the Jews, ii. 96.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his condemnation of Beguines, ii. 369.</span><br /> + +Clement V. orders trial of Bernard de Castenet, ii. 572.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on the heretics of Langres, ii. 578.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">protects the Spirituals, iii. +<a href="#page_056">56</a>, +<a href="#page_058">58</a>, +<a href="#page_059">59</a>, +<a href="#page_061">61</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">prosecutes Italian Spirituals, iii. +<a href="#page_062">62</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders crusades against Dolcino, iii. +<a href="#page_114">114</a>, +<a href="#page_116">116</a>, +<a href="#page_118">118</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">suppresses the Spirit of Liberty, iii. +<a href="#page_125">125</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">seizes Ferrara, iii. +<a href="#page_194">194</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">summons de Molay to France, iii. +<a href="#page_248">248</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">disregards accusations of Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_258">258</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his indignation at the Templar arrest, iii. +<a href="#page_277">277</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders arrest of Templars throughout Europe, iii. +<a href="#page_278">278</a>, +<a href="#page_285">285</a>, +<a href="#page_298">298</a>, +<a href="#page_302">302</a>, +<a href="#page_304">304</a>, +<a href="#page_309">309</a>, +<a href="#page_310">310</a>, +<a href="#page_316">316</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">suspends proceedings in France, iii. +<a href="#page_279">279</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">comes to an agreement with Philippe, iii. +<a href="#page_281">281</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders proceedings resumed, iii. +<a href="#page_282">282</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his bulls of Aug. 12, 1308, iii. +<a href="#page_284">284</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his orders to use torture, iii. +<a href="#page_286">286</a>, +<a href="#page_300">300</a>, +<a href="#page_310">310</a>, +<a href="#page_312">312</a>, +<a href="#page_318">318</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">urges prosecution in Germany, iii. +<a href="#page_303">303</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">sends commission to States of the Church, iii. +<a href="#page_305">305</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders relapsed Templars burned, iii. +<a href="#page_308">308</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">abolishes the Temple without condemnation, iii. +<a href="#page_321">321</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">endeavors to secure Templar property, iii. +<a href="#page_329">329</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">assumes Templar property in Morea, iii. +<a href="#page_333">333</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his death, ii. 98, 372; iii. +<a href="#page_326">326</a>.</span><br /> + +Clement VI. on emperor’s duty to persecute, i. 225.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">defends the Mendicants, i. 290.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">revives office of inq.-general, i. 398.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">prosecutes inqs., i. 511.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">extends Inq. over Touraine, ii. 126.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">persecutes Waldenses, ii. 152, 170.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">decides as to the blood of Christ, ii. 171.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders investigation of Lombard Inq., ii. 269.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his proceedings against Florence, ii. 277.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">punishes apostate Jews, ii. 284.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his intervention in Bosnia, ii. 303.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">reproves Charles IV., ii. 378.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">prohibits Flagellants as heretics, ii. 383.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on benefices for minors, ii. 432.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">grants the cup to John of Normandy, ii. 473.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">refuses submission of Louis of Bavaria, iii. +<a href="#page_156">156</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">form of absolution imposed on Germany, iii. +<a href="#page_157">157</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">persecutes the Fraticelli, iii. +<a href="#page_160">160</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">warns the East against Fraticelli, iii. +<a href="#page_167">167</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders Jayme Justi prosecuted, iii. +<a href="#page_168">168</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">encourages Gentile of Spoleto, iii. +<a href="#page_171">171</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">proceedings against the Maffredi, iii. +<a href="#page_203">203</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">dealings with Greek Church, iii. +<a href="#page_617">617</a>.</span> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_680" id="page_680"></a>{680}</span><br /> + +Clement VI., state of Church under, iii. +<a href="#page_633">633</a>.<br /> + +Clement VII. subjects Mendicants to Inq.. i. 363.<br /> + +Clement VIII. proposes to canonize Savonarola, iii. +<a href="#page_237">237</a>.<br /> + +Clement XIV. abolishes the Jesuits, iii. +<a href="#page_322">322</a>.<br /> + +Clement VII. (Avignon), his cruelty, i. 559; iii. +<a href="#page_204">204</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">renews Borel’s commission, ii. 156.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">accepts Immaculate Conception, iii. +<a href="#page_599">599</a>.</span><br /> + +Clement VIII, antipope, iii. +<a href="#page_351">351</a>.<br /> + +Clementines, delay in issuing, ii. 370; iii. +<a href="#page_060">60</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">legislation of the, ii. 96.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">restriction on torture in, i. 424.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">disregard of, i. 493.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">enforced in Milan, ii. 270.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">observed in witch-trials, iii. +<a href="#page_512">512</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">persecution of Beguines caused by, ii. 369, 371.</span><br /> + +Clergy, their separation from the laity, i. 3.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">character of, i. 24, 286; ii. 527, 531; iii. +<a href="#page_630">630</a>, +<a href="#page_631">631</a>, +<a href="#page_632">632</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">immunity of, i. 32.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">contempt felt for them, i. 54.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">popular dislike for, i. 127, 270, 271.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their quarrels with the Mendicants, i. 281, 289, 290.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">heresies among, ii. 3.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">antagonism to Inq., ii. 4.</span><br /> + +Clermont, Bp. of, his treatment of Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_286">286</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1095, on communion, ii. 472.</span><br /> + +Cluson, Val, attack on, in 1488, ii. 160.<br /> + +Coining, boiling to death for, i. 235.<br /> + +Cold produced by witches, iii. +<a href="#page_537">537</a>, +<a href="#page_549">549</a>.<br /> + +Collar, wooden, penance of, i. 468.<br /> + +College of Abbreviators, iii. +<a href="#page_570">570</a>, +<a href="#page_571">571</a>.<br /> + +Colmar, arrest of Beghards at, ii. 367.<br /> + +Cologne, Tanchelm condemned in, i. 65.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Henricians and Cathari in, i. 72.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Cathari punished in 12th cent., i. 113.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">number of Beguines in, ii. 352.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">persecution of Beghards in, ii. 373, 386.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Flagellants persecuted, 1353, ii. 385.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">opposition to Inq. in 1374, ii. 394.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">burning of Martin of Mainz, ii. 395.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">John Malkaw’s career, iii. +<a href="#page_207">207</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">witch killed in 1074, iii. +<a href="#page_419">419</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">witches burned in, iii. +<a href="#page_537">537</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, on wandering monks, i. 38.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1306, on Dolcinists, iii. +<a href="#page_123">123</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1307, persecutes Beghards, ii. 367.</span><br /> + +Coloman of Hungary, ii. 294.<br /> + +Colombini, Giov., founds the Jesuats, iii. +<a href="#page_170">170</a>.<br /> + +Colonna, Ottone, see Martin V.<br /> + +Colonnas, their quarrel with Boniface VIII., iii. +<a href="#page_194">194</a>.<br /> + +Columbus, Franciscans accompany him, i. 298.<br /> + +Comets, superstitions respecting, iii. +<a href="#page_446">446</a>.<br /> + +Commerce, influence of confiscation on, i. 524.<br /> + +Commines, Phil., his belief in Savonarola, iii. +<a href="#page_211">211</a>.<br /> + +Commission, papal, for defence of Temple at Vienne, iii. +<a href="#page_289">289</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">appeals to C. of Sens, iii. +<a href="#page_295">295</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its sessions interrupted, iii. +<a href="#page_296">296</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">result of its labors, iii. +<a href="#page_297">297</a>.</span><br /> + +Commissioners of Inq., i. 374.<br /> + +Commissions of inqs., their duration, i. 343, 345.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">inquisitorial, abuse of, ii. 141.</span><br /> + +Communion in both elements, ii. 472, 511.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of infants, ii. 474, 512.</span><br /> + +Commutation of vows, i. 44.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of penance, i. 464, 473.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">for the dead, i. 475.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of imprisonment, i. 496.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of confiscation, i. 515.</span><br /> + +Como adopts the laws of Fred. II., i. 322.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">officials slain by witches, iii. +<a href="#page_501">501</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">date of witchcraft in, iii. +<a href="#page_534">534</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">number of witches, iii. +<a href="#page_540">540</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their persecution, iii. +<a href="#page_546">546</a>, +<a href="#page_547">547</a>.</span><br /> + +Compactata, the four articles of, ii. 519.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">accepted at Basle, ii. 534, 537.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">definitely rejected by Rome, ii. 550.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">sworn to by Ferdinand I., ii. 560.</span><br /> + +Compacts not to be kept with heretics, ii. 469.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">with Satan, iii. +<a href="#page_424">424</a>, +<a href="#page_464">464</a>.</span><br /> + +Compagna della Fede of Florence, ii. 211.<br /> + +Compagnacci, iii. +<a href="#page_215">215</a>, +<a href="#page_219">219</a>, +<a href="#page_226">226</a>, +<a href="#page_227">227</a>.<br /> + +Company of Poverty, ii. 126.<br /> + +Compassion for heretics a sin, i. 240.<br /> + +Compiègne, siege of, iii. +<a href="#page_356">356</a>.<br /> + +Compostella, pilgrimages to, ii. 31.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Dolcinists in, ii. 185; iii. +<a href="#page_106">106</a>, +<a href="#page_122">122</a>.</span><br /> + +Compromise between Mendicants and seculars, i. 293.<br /> + +Compurgation, i. 32, 310, 421, 455.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in Count Sayn’s case, ii. 344.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">by Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_308">308</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in trials for sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_433">433</a>.</span><br /> + +Comtat Venaissin, Inq. introduced in, ii. 118, 148.<br /> + +Conception, Immaculate, of the Virgin, iii. +<a href="#page_596">596</a>.<br /> + +<i>Conciliator</i>, the, of Peter of Abano, iii. +<a href="#page_440">440</a>.<br /> + +Conclave, oath of cardinals in, i. 6.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">after death of Clement V., ii. 98.</span><br /> + +Concorrezenses, i. 98, 107; ii. 193.<br /> + +Concubinage defined to be heresy, ii. 545.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of Bohemian clergy, ii. 432.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of Hungarian clergy, ii. 543.</span><br /> + +Concurrence of bps. in sentences, i. 332, 333, 335, 357.<br /> + +Conde, Juan, inq. of Barcelona, ii. 179.<br /> + +Condemnation inevitable, i. 453.<br /> + +Confession (judicial), spontaneous, inducements for. i. 371.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">carefully recorded, i. 379.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">read at <i>auto de fé</i>, i. 392.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">importance of, i. 408, 410; ii. 476; iii. +<a href="#page_483">483</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">extortion of, i. 415.</span> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_681" id="page_681"></a>{681}</span><br /> + +Confession (judicial) recorded as free from torture, i. 425, 428; iii. +<a href="#page_266">266</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">retraction of, i. 428, 543.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">requires abjuration, i. 457.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">as alternative of condemnation, ii. 334, 336.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">required of Huss, ii. 485.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of Templars, character of, iii. +<a href="#page_274">274</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">required in witch-trials, iii. +<a href="#page_514">514</a>.</span><br /> + +Confession (sacramental) by wholesale, 40.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">used as magic formula, i. 51.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">to laymen sufficient, i. 79.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Catharan use of, i. 102.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">quarrels over, i. 278, 279.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">used by Waldenses, ii. 146, 150, 160.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">heresy concerning, in Spain, ii. 187.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">unnecessary in Wickliffitism, ii. 440.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">retained by Calixtins, ii. 520.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">derided by Taborites, ii. 523.</span><br /> + +Confessional, priestly neglect of, i. 278.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its secrecy set aside, i. 437.</span><br /> + +Confessor, inq. as, i. 399.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">evidence of, i. 436.</span><br /> + +Confirmation of confession under torture, i. 427.<br /> + +Confiscation for heresy, i. 220, 321, 501.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">division of, i. 338.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">bp. not to share, i. 359.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">to be inflicted on prisoners, i. 489.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">commutation for, i. 515.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">before condemnation, i. 517.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">stimulates persecution, i. 532; ii. 371.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its results in Languedoc, ii. 56, 110.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its thoroughness, ii. 112.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">forbidden by Louis XI., ii. 159.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">renewed by Charles VIII., ii. 160.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">modified, in Spain, ii. 183, 185.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">assumed by the State in Venice, ii. 252.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in Sicily, ii. 285.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in Germany, ii. 331, 389.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">case of the Guglielmites, iii. +<a href="#page_102">102</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 3.5em;">of the Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_255">255</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 3.5em;">of Gilles de Rais, iii. +<a href="#page_487">487</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 3.5em;">of Vaudois of Arras, iii. +<a href="#page_522">522</a>, +<a href="#page_525">525</a>.</span><br /> + +Conformities, Book of, i. 262.<br /> + +Confraternity of St. Cecilia, ii. 40.<br /> + +Conjurators for suspects, i. 455.<br /> + +Coni, heretics burned at, ii. 264.<br /> + +Connecte, Thomas, iii. +<a href="#page_208">208</a>.<br /> + +Conrad III. (Emp.), rejects Arnald of Brescia, i. 73.<br /> + +Conrad IV. (Emp.), favors Waldenses, ii. 347.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">appoints Pallavicino vicar-general, ii. 219.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his death, ii. 220.</span><br /> + +Conrad of Barenfels, iii. +<a href="#page_157">157</a>.<br /> + +Conrad of Hildesheim, i. 87; ii. 324, 343.<br /> + +Conrad II. (Mainz) on the Mendicants, i. 292.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">persecutes Waldenses, ii. 396.</span><br /> + +Conrad of Marburg, his career and character, ii. 325.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">powers conferred on him, ii. 332.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his methods, ii. 336.</span><br /> + +Conrad of Marburg, his defeat in assembly of Mainz, ii. 340.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his murder, ii. 341.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his assassins, ii. 342, 345.</span><br /> + +Conrad of Montpellier, ii. 376.<br /> + +Conrad of Porto, Legate, i. 187, 189.<br /> + +Conrad of Thuringia exterminates heretics, ii. 343.<br /> + +Conrad of Vechta (Prague) favors Huss, ii. 447, 457, 461.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">opposes use of cup by the laity, ii, 471.</span><br /> + +Conrad of Waldhausen, ii. 436.<br /> + +Conradin, his execution, ii. 232.<br /> + +<i>Consolamentum</i>, i. 94, 96.<br /> + +Constance, Queen, and the Cathari of Orleans, i. 109.<br /> + +Constance of Hungary, iii. +<a href="#page_090">90</a>, +<a href="#page_094">94</a>.<br /> + +Constance, Cathari in 11th cent., i. 111.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Ortlibenses in 1339, ii. 376.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Burgin the Beghard burned, ii. 405.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, convoked in 1414, ii. 453.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 3em;">on Flagellants, ii. 384.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 3em;">on the Beghards, ii. 409.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 3em;">on safe-conducts, ii. 468.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 3em;">acts as Inq., ii. 475.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 3em;">tries John Huss, ii. 482.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 3em;">tries Jerome of Prague, ii. 498.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 3em;">its dealings with Bohemia, ii. 494, 507, 510.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 3em;">orders burning for Hussites, i. 227.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 3em;">appeals to Sigismund, ii. 509.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 3em;">its decree <i>Frequens</i>, ii. 526.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 3em;">its measures to heal the schism, iii. +<a href="#page_207">207</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 3em;">case of Jean Petit, iii. +<a href="#page_336">336</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 3em;">its failure to reform, iii. +<a href="#page_637">637</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1463, on Lollards, ii. 413.</span><br /> + +Constantine the Great, his persecuting edicts, i. 212.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Arian books burned, i. 554.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">triumphs through the cross, iii. +<a href="#page_394">394</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">suppresses divination, iii. +<a href="#page_397">397</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Donation of, iii. +<a href="#page_566">566</a>.</span><br /> + +Constantine the Paulician, i. 90.<br /> + +Constantine the Beghard burned, ii. 375.<br /> + +Constantinople, number of Cathari in, ii. 297.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Latin and Greek churches in, iii. +<a href="#page_618">618</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">effect of its capture, ii. 551.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, on exc. of dead, i. 230, 231.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 869, its use of wine of Eucharist, ii. 474.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, burns Bogomili, i. 116.</span><br /> + +Constantius (Emp.) persecutes diviners, iii. +<a href="#page_397">397</a>.<br /> + +Contarini, Giac., his ducal oath, ii. 251.<br /> + +Contemplation, merits of, iii. +<a href="#page_002">2</a>.<br /> + +Continence, test of, among Segarellists, iii. +<a href="#page_109">109</a>, +<a href="#page_123">123</a>.<br /> + +Continuance of torture, i. 427; iii. +<a href="#page_514">514</a>.<br /> + +Contumacy, punishment of, i. 404, 542.<br /> + +Conventicles, heretical, iii. +<a href="#page_495">495</a>.<br /> + +Conventschwestern, ii. 388.<br /> + +Conventuals (Franciscan) their origin, iii. +<a href="#page_007">7</a>. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_682" id="page_682"></a>{682}</span><br /> + +Conventuals (Franciscan) persecute Spirituals, iii. +<a href="#page_023">23</a>, +<a href="#page_033">33</a>, +<a href="#page_038">38</a>, +<a href="#page_040">40</a>, +<a href="#page_057">57</a>, +<a href="#page_078">78</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">insult Celestin V., iii. +<a href="#page_037">37</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">supported by Boniface VIII., iii. +<a href="#page_041">41</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">repressed by Clement V., iii. +<a href="#page_058">58</a>, +<a href="#page_061">61</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">assail Gentile of Spoleto, iii. +<a href="#page_171">171</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their quarrels with Observantines, iii. +<a href="#page_173">173</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their prevailing laxity, iii. +<a href="#page_174">174</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">oppose the Recollects, iii. +<a href="#page_180">180</a>.</span><br /> + +Conversion not to be enforced, i. 242.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">time allowed for, i. 393.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">procured by torture, i. 417.</span><br /> + +Converts from heresy imprisoned, i. 321, 484.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">confiscation for, i. 507.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">from Judaism, ii. 63.</span><br /> + +Conviction, motives impelling to, i. 408.<br /> + +Coranda, Wenceslas, ii. 512, 513, 518.<br /> + +Corasse, the Sieur de, and his demon, iii. +<a href="#page_383">383</a>.<br /> + +Cord of Chastity of Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_314">314</a>.<br /> + +Cordes, Dominicans killed at, ii. 12.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">accuses the Inq., ii. 92.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">reconciliation of, i. 483; ii. 103.</span><br /> + +Cordova, school of magic in, iii. +<a href="#page_429">429</a>.<br /> + +Cornelis, Wilhelm, his heresy, ii. 352.<br /> + +Cornille, Martin, iii. +<a href="#page_524">524</a>, +<a href="#page_531">531</a>, +<a href="#page_533">533</a>.<br /> + +Coronation, imperial, ceremony of, i. 225.<br /> + +Coronation-edict of Frederic II., how drawn up, i. 322.<br /> + +Corpses, profits derived from, i. 30, 280.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">exhumation of, i. 232, 404, 553; iii. +<a href="#page_188">188</a>.</span><br /> + +Corrado Coppa, iii. +<a href="#page_097">97</a>.<br /> + +Corrado da Offida, iii. +<a href="#page_041">41</a>.<br /> + +Corruption, heresy justified by, i. 54, 129; ii. 493, 531.<br /> + +Corsica, Inq. in, ii. 255.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Templars of, prosecuted, iii. +<a href="#page_285">285</a>.</span><br /> + +Cortenuova, battle of, ii. 206.<br /> + +Cossa, Balthasar—see John XXIII.<br /> + +<i>Cossolament</i>, i. 94.<br /> + +Cotereaux, i. 125, 205.<br /> + +Cotta, Dionisio, iii. +<a href="#page_092">92</a>, +<a href="#page_093">93</a>.<br /> + +Councils, general, dreaded by papacy, ii. 529; iii. +<a href="#page_223">223</a>.<br /> + +Counsel, denial of, i. 444; iii. +<a href="#page_290">290</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">appointed by Inq., iii. +<a href="#page_517">517</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">result of admitting them, iii. +<a href="#page_518">518</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">refusal of, in Huss’s case, ii. 478.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">offered to Joan of Arc, iii. +<a href="#page_366">366</a>.</span><br /> + +Counsellors of inqs., i. 376.<br /> + +Counter-Reformation, its temper, iii. +<a href="#page_578">578</a>.<br /> + +Courts, spiritual, character of, i. 21; iii. +<a href="#page_630">630</a>, +<a href="#page_632">632</a>.<br /> + +<i>Covenansa, la</i>, i. 94.<br /> + +Coventry, Bp. of, accused of sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_451">451</a>.<br /> + +Credentes, i. 94.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">punishment of, i. 321; ii. 10.</span><br /> + +Creditors of heretics unpaid, i. 524.<br /> + +Cremona, decree of, by Frederic II., i. 221.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">witches of, persecuted, iii. +<a href="#page_546">546</a>.</span><br /> + +Crescenzio Grizzi, Franciscan general, iii. +<a href="#page_007">7</a>.<br /> + +Crete, magicians of, iii. +<a href="#page_389">389</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Greek Church in, iii. +<a href="#page_620">620</a>.</span><br /> + +Crimea, Fraticelli missions in, iii. +<a href="#page_167">167</a>.<br /> + +Criminal law, secular, i. 234, 401.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">influence of Inq. on, i. 559.</span><br /> + +Criminals, their evidence received, i. 434.<br /> + +Crivelli, Leonardo, inq., iii. +<a href="#page_574">574</a>.<br /> + +Croatia, Wickliffitism in, ii. 542.<br /> + +Crocesegnati, the, ii. 217.<br /> + +Cross, veneration of, by the Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_272">272</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">fetichism of the, iii. +<a href="#page_395">395</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">sign of, protects from witches, iii. +<a href="#page_506">506</a>.</span><br /> + +Crosses, incombustibility of Templars’ iii. +<a href="#page_303">303</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">penance of, i. 468.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 3em;">penalty for evading, i. 396, 549.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 3em;">not known in Germany, ii. 336.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 3em;">first use of, in Germany, ii. 370.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 3em;">in the form of scissors, ii. 361.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 3em;">redemption for, iii. +<a href="#page_101">101</a>.</span><br /> + +Crown, extension of its jurisdiction, ii. 57.<br /> + +Crucigeri, Order of, i. 267.<br /> + +Crudacio, Abbot of, sent to Germany, iii. +<a href="#page_303">303</a>.<br /> + +Crusade of the children in 1208, i. 147, 268.<br /> + +Crusaders, immunities of, i. 44, 148.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their savage cruelty, i. 162.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their demoralization, i. 42; iii. +<a href="#page_642">642</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">redemption of their vows, i. 198, 205, 206.</span><br /> + +Crusades, origin of indulgences for, i. 42.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">preached by Foulques de Neuilly, i. 245.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">ordered as penance, i. 466; ii. 31, 47, 395.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">first employment of, against heresy in 1181, i. 124.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">against Albigenses, i. 147.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">against opponents of the papacy, i. 44; ii. 226; iii. +<a href="#page_189">189</a>, +<a href="#page_195">195</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">against Ezzelin da Romano, ii. 227.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">against Manfred of Naples, ii. 231; iii. +<a href="#page_193">193</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">against Bosnian Cathari, ii. 294, 296, 304, 306, 311.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">against heretics in Germany, ii. 340, 343.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">against Hussites, ii. 516, 525, 530, 534, 536.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">against Hussites urged in 1452. ii. 550.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">against Turks in 1455, ii. 553.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">against Bohemia in 1468, ii. 550.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">against Dolcino, iiii. +<a href="#page_114">114</a>, +<a href="#page_115">115</a>, +<a href="#page_116">116</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">against the Stedingers, iii. +<a href="#page_186">186</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">against Viterbo, iii. +<a href="#page_189">189</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">against Frederick II., iii. +<a href="#page_189">189</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">against Aragon, iii. +<a href="#page_190">190</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">against Ferrara, iii. +<a href="#page_195">195</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">against the Visconti, iii. +<a href="#page_197">197</a>, +<a href="#page_201">201</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">against the Maffredi, iii. +<a href="#page_204">204</a>.</span><br /> + +Culin of Bosnia, ii. 291.<br /> + +<i>Cum inter nonnullos</i>, bull, iii. +<a href="#page_134">134</a>.<br /> + +Cumans, martyrdom of Dominicans among, ii. 293, 297.<br /> + +Cup withdrawn from laity, ii. 473.<br /> + +Curative sorcery condemned, iii. +<a href="#page_464">464</a>, +<a href="#page_507">507</a>. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_683" id="page_683"></a>{683}</span><br /> + +Curators, i. 403.<br /> + +Curia, papal, character of, i. 20; ii. 627, 633.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its responsibility for corruption of Church, ii. 528; iii. +<a href="#page_637">637</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its relations with German prelates, ii. 337.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemns the Sachsenspiegel, ii. 349.</span><br /> + +Cyprian on toleration, i. 212.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on exc. of the dead, i. 230.</span><br /> + +Cypriotes descended from demons, iii. +<a href="#page_385">385</a>.<br /> + +Cyprus, bought and sold by the Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_240">240</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Templars take refuge there, iii. +<a href="#page_246">246</a>, +<a href="#page_248">248</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">number of Templars in, iii. +<a href="#page_251">251</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">proceedings against Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_309">309</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders to torture Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_318">318</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Templar property in, iii. +<a href="#page_331">331</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Greek Church in, iii. +<a href="#page_619">619</a>, +<a href="#page_621">621</a>.</span><br /> + +Cyril, prophecies of, iii. +<a href="#page_012">12</a>.<br /> + +<br /> +<a name="D" id="D"></a><i><span class="letra">D</span>ÆMONIUM meridianum</i>, iii. +<a href="#page_494">494</a>.<br /> + +Dalmatia, Cathari in, i. 107; ii. 301.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Franciscan inqs. in, i. 302.</span><br /> + +Damiani, Francesco, driven from Todi, iii. +<a href="#page_149">149</a>.<br /> + +Damned, the, the saints enjoy their torment, i. 240.<br /> + +Dance, peculiar, of witches, iii. +<a href="#page_501">501</a>.<br /> + +Dancing mania, iii. +<a href="#page_393">393</a>.<br /> + +Dandolo, Giovanni, admits Inq. in Venice, ii. 252.<br /> + +Daniele da Giussano, i. 472; ii. 215, 237.<br /> + +Darc family ennobled, iii. +<a href="#page_351">351</a>.<br /> + +Darc, Isabella, rehabilitates Joan’s memory, iii. +<a href="#page_378">378</a>.<br /> + +Darc, Jacques, iii. +<a href="#page_342">342</a>.<br /> + +Dauphiné, Inq. introduced in, ii. 118, 148.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">expenses of Inq. in, i. 531.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">persecution of Waldenses, ii. 151, 153, 158.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Amaurians in, ii. 322.</span><br /> + +David of Augsburg, ii. 347.<br /> + +David de Dinant, i. 554; ii. 319.<br /> + +Dead, prosecution of the, i. 230, 404, 448, 497; ii. 56.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">limited in Spain, 184.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">penance unfulfilled by, i. 475.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">confiscation of estates of, 504, 522.</span><br /> + +Death, power of witches to cause, iii. +<a href="#page_502">502</a>.<br /> + +Death-bed recantation, i. 436.<br /> + +Death-penalty for heresy, i. 221.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">responsibility of Church for, i. 224, 534.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">frequency of, i. 549.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">for witchcraft, iii. +<a href="#page_515">515</a>, +<a href="#page_521">521</a>, +<a href="#page_532">532</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of witches, Church responsible for, iii. +<a href="#page_547">547</a>.</span><br /> + +Debts due to heretics, confiscation of, i. 519; iii. +<a href="#page_196">196</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">due to the Templars sequestrated, iii. +<a href="#page_285">285</a>, +<a href="#page_329">329</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">due by heretics confiscated, i. 524.</span><br /> + +Debts evaded by crusaders, i. 148.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">use of Inq. for collecting, ii. 277.</span><br /> + +Deceit to procure confession, i, 416.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">habitual in witch-trials, iii. +<a href="#page_514">514</a>, +<a href="#page_522">522</a>, +<a href="#page_532">532</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in trial of Joan of Arc, iii. +<a href="#page_361">361</a>.</span><br /> + +Declaration of the Four Masters, iii. +<a href="#page_007">7</a>.<br /> + +Defamation, relapse into, i. 548.<br /> + +Defence, i. 443.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">accused deprived of, i. 405.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">hopelessness of, ii. 336, 422, 477.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">left to inquisitor, i. 447.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in the case of the Temple, iii. +<a href="#page_288">288</a>, +<a href="#page_291">291</a>, +<a href="#page_294">294</a>, +<a href="#page_296">296</a>, +<a href="#page_320">320</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in witch-trials, iii. +<a href="#page_517">517</a>.</span><br /> + +Defenders of the Faith, ii. 229.<br /> + +Defenders of heretics, their punishment, i. 321, 461.<br /> + +<i>Defensor Pacis</i>, the, iii. +<a href="#page_139">139</a>.<br /> + +<i>De hœretico comburendo</i>, statute of, i. 221, 353.<br /> + +Delation, necessity of, i. 409, 440.<br /> + +Delay in inquisitorial trials, i. 419; ii. 94, 572.<br /> + +Delegated powers of inqs., i. 388.<br /> + +Delegates of inqs., i. 375.<br /> + +Demetrius the Bogomil, i. 91.<br /> + +Demoniality, iii. +<a href="#page_385">385</a>.<br /> + +Demonology, Christian, iii. +<a href="#page_380">380</a>.<br /> + +Demons, beneficent, iii. +<a href="#page_383">383</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">confined in rings, etc., iii. +<a href="#page_453">453</a>, +<a href="#page_464">464</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">invocation of, among Wisigoths, iii. +<a href="#page_399">399</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 3em;">common in 13th cent., iii. +<a href="#page_424">424</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 3em;">denied by Roger Bacon, iii. +<a href="#page_426">426</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 3em;">punishment in Spain, iii. +<a href="#page_430">430</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 3em;">it is heresy, iii. +<a href="#page_435">435</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 3em;">by Gilles de Rais, iii. +<a href="#page_473">473</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 3em;">witches necessary to, iii. +<a href="#page_501">501</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">worship of, ii. 324, 335, 375; iii. +<a href="#page_200">200</a>, +<a href="#page_426">426</a>, +<a href="#page_493">493</a>.</span><br /> + +Denial of heresy is obstinacy, i. 407, 542.<br /> + +Deniselle burned for sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_520">520</a>, +<a href="#page_522">522</a>.<br /> + +Denmark, Inq. ordered in, i. 355.<br /> + +Denunciation, duty of, i. 228, 409.<br /> + +<i>Denuntiatio</i>, i. 310.<br /> + +Deonarii, i. 115.<br /> + +<i>De Periculis novissimorum Temporum</i>, i. 285.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its suppression by Louis XIII, i. 288.</span><br /> + +Deputies of inqs., i. 375.<br /> + +Descendants of heretics, disabilities of, i. 321, 498.<br /> + +Destruction of records attempted, i. 380; ii. 59.<br /> + +Detentive imprisonment, character of i. 420 488.<br /> + +Devil-worship ascribed to heretics, i. 105, ii. 334.<br /> + +Deza. Diego, endeavors to introduce Inq. in Naples, ii. 289.<br /> + +Diana, the demon, iii. +<a href="#page_494">494</a>.<br /> + +Didius Julianus uses Catoptromancy, iii. +<a href="#page_423">423</a>.<br /> + +Diefenbach, his theory of witchcraft, iii. +<a href="#page_544">544</a>.<br /> + +Diego de Azevedo, i. 141. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_684" id="page_684"></a>{684}</span><br /> + +Diet of prisoners, i. 491.<br /> + +Diether of Isenburg, ii. 418, 421.<br /> + +Dietrich of Friburg on the Divine Vision, iii. +<a href="#page_591">591</a>.<br /> + +Diniz of Portugal saves the Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_317">317</a>.<br /> + +Diocesan Inq. by bps., i. 312; iii. +<a href="#page_478">478</a>.<br /> + +Diocletian, his laws on Manichæism, i. 222.<br /> + +Diotesalvi of Florence, i. 115.<br /> + +Disabilities of descendants, i. 321, 380, 498.<br /> + +Discipline, the, penance of, i. 463, 464.<br /> + +Discretionary penalties, i. 483.<br /> + +Disobedience is heresy, i. 229; iii. +<a href="#page_181">181</a>, +<a href="#page_189">189</a>, +<a href="#page_192">192</a>, +<a href="#page_616">616</a>, +<a href="#page_617">617</a>.<br /> + +Dispensations for pluralities, i. 25.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">for simony, iii. +<a href="#page_626">626</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">for vows, papal power of, iii. +<a href="#page_028">28</a>, +<a href="#page_077">77</a>.</span><br /> + +Districts, inquisitorial, i. 370.<br /> + +Divination, Roman laws against, iii. +<a href="#page_392">392</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Christian zeal against, iii. +<a href="#page_395">395</a>, +<a href="#page_397">397</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">restrictions under Wisigoths, iii. +<a href="#page_399">399</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Teutonic, iii. +<a href="#page_402">402</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in C. of Paris, iii. +<a href="#page_414">414</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">virtual toleration in 12th cent., iii. +<a href="#page_422">422</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">punished in Spain in 13th cent., iii. +<a href="#page_430">430</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">regarded as heresy, iii. +<a href="#page_435">435</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">by dreams, iii. +<a href="#page_446">446</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">power of witches in, iii. +<a href="#page_502">502</a>.</span><br /> + +Divine Vision, the, iii. +<a href="#page_590">590</a>.<br /> + +Division of fines and confiscations, i. 338, 510.<br /> + +Djed, head of Bosnian Church, ii. 305.<br /> + +Dolcinists—see Apostolic Brethren.<br /> + +Dolcino, his first letter, iii. +<a href="#page_109">109</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his career and character, iii. +<a href="#page_110">110</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his memory preserved, iii. +<a href="#page_120">120</a>.</span><br /> + +Domenico da Pescia, iii. +<a href="#page_214">214</a>, +<a href="#page_216">216</a>, +<a href="#page_224">224</a>, +<a href="#page_228">228</a>, +<a href="#page_233">233</a>, +<a href="#page_234">234</a>.<br /> + +<i>Dominæ nocturnæ</i> iii. +<a href="#page_494">494</a>.<br /> + +Dominic, St., his first appearance, i. 141.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his life, i. 248.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his missionary zeal, i. 297.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">not responsible for the Inq., i. 299.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">penance prescribed by, i. 463, 464.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">legend of his founding the Inq., ii. 180.</span><br /> + +Dominican legend of Spanish Inq., ii. 180.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">provincials to appoint inqs., i. 329.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">territory in France, ii. 119.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">in Italy, ii. 233.</span><br /> + +Dominican Order, founding of, i. 252.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">adopts poverty, i. 254.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its rapid growth, i. 255, 266.</span><br /> + +Dominicans cause the death of Innocent IV., i. 284.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their losses in the Black Death, i. 292.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their demoralization, i. 294.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their missionary labors, i. 297; ii. 293.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">as inqs., i. 299, 328; ii. 201.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their quarrels with Franciscans, i. 302; ii. 76, 171, 217, 299, 300; iii. +<a href="#page_154">154</a>, +<a href="#page_599">599</a>, +<a href="#page_601">601</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">immunities claimed for, i. 361.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their growth in Toulouse, i. 197; ii. 6.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">killed at Cordes, ii. 12.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their troubles in Toulouse, ii. 18, 19.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">they ask to be relieved of Inq., ii. 39.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">persecuted at Albi, ii. 82.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Inq. in France confided to them, ii. 117.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Inq. of Aragon in their hands, ii. 168.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Reformed Congregation, ii. 145.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">question as to the blood of Christ, ii. 171.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">they refuse to believe in the Stigmata, ii. 217.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">assailed in Naples, ii. 245.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">are inqs. in Germany, ii. 333.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">killed by Flagellants, ii. 383.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their quarrel with the Humanists, ii. 423.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">they attack Arnaldo de Vilanova, iii. +<a href="#page_054">54</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their attitude towards Louis of Bavaria, iii. +<a href="#page_154">154</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">they regard Savonarola as a martyr, iii. +<a href="#page_237">237</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their Realism, iii. +<a href="#page_556">556</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">they condemn Lully, iii. +<a href="#page_588">588</a>, +<a href="#page_589">589</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">they deny Immaculate Conception, iii. +<a href="#page_598">598</a>, +<a href="#page_599">599</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their troubles over the question, iii. +<a href="#page_602">602</a>, +<a href="#page_603">603</a>, +<a href="#page_604">604</a>, +<a href="#page_608">608</a>.</span><br /> + +Domremy, Joan of Arc’s birthplace, iii. +<a href="#page_338">338</a>, +<a href="#page_340">340</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">relieved from taxation, iii. +<a href="#page_351">351</a>.</span><br /> + +Donation of Constantine, its evil, ii. 396.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">rejected by Waldenses, ii. 415.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 3em;">by Bohemian Brethren, ii. 562.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">disproved by Valla, iii. +<a href="#page_566">566</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">heresy to deny it, iii. +<a href="#page_568">568</a>.</span><br /> + +Donatists, persecution of, i. 210, 211, 214.<br /> + +Donnici, Gabriele, his sect, iii. +<a href="#page_127">127</a>.<br /> + +Douai, heretics burned at, ii. 115, 127.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Deniselle burned at, iii. +<a href="#page_522">522</a>.</span><br /> + +Doubt equivalent to heresy, i. 400.<br /> + +Douceline, St., iii. +<a href="#page_018">18</a>.<br /> + +Dowers of wives not confiscated, i. 509.<br /> + +Drachenfels, Hans, forced to burn heretics, i. 539.<br /> + +Drändorf, John, burned in 1424, ii. 414.<br /> + +Dreams, Arabic treatises on, iii. +<a href="#page_429">429</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">divination by, iii. +<a href="#page_446">446</a>.</span><br /> + +<i>Droit de marquette</i>, i, 269.<br /> + +Drowning as punishment for heresy, ii. 373.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">for sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_414">414</a>.</span><br /> + +Dualism, i. 89, 91.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of Cathari, i. 96, 98, 107.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Christian, iii. +<a href="#page_380">380</a>.</span><br /> + +Du Boys, Jacques de, burns witches at Arras, iii. +<a href="#page_520">520</a>, +<a href="#page_527">527</a>, +<a href="#page_529">529</a>, +<a href="#page_532">532</a>.<br /> + +Duns Scotus sent to Cologne, ii. 368.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his Realism, iii. +<a href="#page_556">556</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on Immaculate Conception, iii. +<a href="#page_598">598</a>.</span><br /> + +Duprat, Cardinal, procures Concordat with Rome, ii. 134.<br /> + +Duprat, Jean, claims Pierre Trencavel, iii. +<a href="#page_076">76</a>, +<a href="#page_652">652</a>.<br /> + +Du Puy, his work on the Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_328">328</a>.<br /> + +Durán de Baldach, case of, iii. +<a href="#page_085">85</a>.<br /> + +Durán de Huesca, i. 246. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_685" id="page_685"></a>{685}</span><br /> + +Durand, Bp. of Albi, ii. 40, 42.<br /> + +Durand, Bp. of Mende, on ligatures, iii. +<a href="#page_418">418</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_426">426</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on the Divine Vision, iii. +<a href="#page_593">593</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on trials for simony, iii. +<a href="#page_626">626</a>.</span><br /> + +Durand Boissa, case of, i. 420.<br /> + +Durango, case of Alonso de Mella, iii. +<a href="#page_169">169</a>.<br /> + +Durant, inq., examines prisoners of Montségur, ii. 43.<br /> + +Dusii, iii. +<a href="#page_383">383</a>.<br /> + +Duty of persecution, i. 224.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of ruler to burn heretics, i. 536.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">to burn witches, iii. +<a href="#page_547">547</a>.</span><br /> + +Duval, Simon, his formulas, i. 370.<br /> + +<br /> +<a name="E" id="E"></a><span class="letra">E</span>ATING of men by witches, iii. +<a href="#page_407">407</a>, +<a href="#page_408">408</a>, +<a href="#page_411">411</a>, +<a href="#page_413">413</a>, +<a href="#page_503">503</a>.<br /> + +Ebionitic toleration, i. 210.<br /> + +Ebner, Margaret, supports Louis of Bavaria, iii. +<a href="#page_154">154</a>.<br /> + +Ecclesiastical courts, growth of, i. 309.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">evidence in, i. 430.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">jurisdiction over sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_428">428</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">law means torture, iii. +<a href="#page_300">300</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">property, immunity of, i. 34.</span><br /> + +Ecclesiastics, their personal immunity, i. 32.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">forbidden to practise surgery, i. 223.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their favor for heretics, i. 328.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">heresy of, ii. 3.</span><br /> + +Eck, Dr. John, inq., ii. 425.<br /> + +Eckart, case of Master, i. 360; ii. 359.<br /> + +Edeline, Guillaume, case of, iii. +<a href="#page_512">512</a>, +<a href="#page_515">515</a>, +<a href="#page_536">536</a>.<br /> + +Edward and Guthrum, on sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_420">420</a>.<br /> + +Edward the Elder on sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_420">420</a>.<br /> + +Edward II. (Eng.), his dealings with the Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_298">298</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">surrenders Templar property, iii. +<a href="#page_331">331</a>.</span><br /> + +Edward III. (Eng.), enslaves Florentine merchants, ii. 281.<br /> + +Edward VI. (Eng.), repeals persecuting laws, i. 363.<br /> + +Egidio of Cortenuova protects heretics, ii. 219.<br /> + +Egidio da Roma, iii. +<a href="#page_563">563</a>.<br /> + +Egilbert, Abp. of Trèves, iii. +<a href="#page_419">419</a>.<br /> + +Egiza, his laws on sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_399">399</a>.<br /> + +Egypt, belief in incubi, iii. +<a href="#page_383">383</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">belief in ligatures, iii. +<a href="#page_418">418</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">magic in, iii. +<a href="#page_387">387</a>.</span><br /> + +Einhardt of Soest, his sale of penance, i. 27.<br /> + +Eleanor de Montfort, her suit, i. 516.<br /> + +Election of bps., i. 6.<br /> + +Elias, the Franciscan general, i. 295; iii. +<a href="#page_003">3</a>-7.<br /> + +Elias Patrice, ii. 88, 90.<br /> + +Elias Petit, i. 355; iii. +<a href="#page_620">620</a>.<br /> + +Elijah, his slaughter of Baal-priests, i. 238.<br /> + +Elipandus of Toledo, i. 217.<br /> + +Elizabeth of Bosnia persecutes Cathari, ii. 298.<br /> + +Elizabeth, (Eng.), repeals persecuting laws, i. 353.<br /> + +Elizabeth of Thuringia, St., ii. 326.<br /> + +<i>Elohim acherim</i>, iii. +<a href="#page_387">387</a>.<br /> + +Embezzlement by inqs., i. 511; ii. 279.<br /> + +Embrun, persecution of Waldenses, ii. 147, 152, 157.<br /> + +Emeric of Anchin on contempt felt for monks, i. 54.<br /> + +Emeric of Hungary, ii. 291.<br /> + +Emmerich, Community of, ii. 361.<br /> + +Empenbach, Waldensian bp. of, ii. 347.<br /> + +Emperor, his duty to persecute, i. 225.<br /> + +Empire, papal assertions of supremacy over, iii. +<a href="#page_135">135</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its independence of the papacy asserted, iii. +<a href="#page_155">155</a>, +<a href="#page_157">157</a>.</span><br /> + +Endura, i. 95, 96, 393.<br /> + +England, papal extortion in, i. 17.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Cathari in, i. 113.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">punishment for heresy, i. 221.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>de hœretico comburendo</i>, writ, i. 221.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">cruelty of criminal law, i. 235.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Pastoureaux in, i. 271.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">inquests in, i. 311.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">persecution for heresy in, i. 352.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>peine forte et dure</i>, i. 447.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">prisoners not chained, i. 488.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 0.5em;">confiscation, i. 503.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">no prosecution of the dead, i. 522.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Joanna Southcote and Mary Ann Girling, iii. +<a href="#page_102">102</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">proceedings against the Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_298">298</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Templar property given to Hospitallers, iii. +<a href="#page_331">331</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">case of Joan of Arc, iii. +<a href="#page_338">338</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">conversion by S. Augustin, iii. +<a href="#page_400">400</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">sorcery under the Saxons, iii. +<a href="#page_420">420</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">absence of legislation on sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_427">427</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">sorcery in 14th and 15th centuries, iii. +<a href="#page_458">458</a>, +<a href="#page_467">467</a>.</span><br /> + +Enguerrand de Marigny hanged for sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_451">451</a>.<br /> + +Enmity disables witnesses, i. 435, 436.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of witnesses the only defence, i. 446, 448; iii. +<a href="#page_517">517</a>.</span><br /> + +Enrico da Settala of Milan, ii. 208.<br /> + +Enrique III. (Castile), decrees confiscation, ii. 185.<br /> + +Enrique IV. (Castile), favors persecution, ii. 186.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his faith suspected, iii. +<a href="#page_564">564</a>.</span><br /> + +Enrique de Villena, iii. +<a href="#page_489">489</a>.<br /> + +Éon de l’Étoile, i. 66.<br /> + +Ephialtes, iii. +<a href="#page_384">384</a>.<br /> + +Episcopal censorship of press, iii. +<a href="#page_614">614</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">co-operation with Inq., i. 387, 392; ii. 96, 140.</span><br /> + +Episcopal courts, their character, i. 21, 310; iii. +<a href="#page_630">630</a>, +<a href="#page_632">632</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">use of torture in, i. 557.</span><br /> + +Episcopal Inq., i. 312, 330, 356.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">tried by Lucius III., i. 313.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">established by C. of Avignon, i. 314.</span> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_686" id="page_686"></a>{686}</span><br /> + +Episcopal Inq., tried by Honorius III., ii. 198.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">regulated, i. 331.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">similar to papal, i. 364.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in Aragon, i. 324; ii. 163.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in Bohemia, ii. 435.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in Cologne, i. 360; ii. 359, 373, 374.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in England, i. 353.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in Mainz, ii. 397.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in Narbonne, i. 330, 334.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in Toulouse, ii. 9.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">urged by Raymond VII., ii. 38, 39.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in Strassburg, ii. 369.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in the Templar case, iii. +<a href="#page_282">282</a>, +<a href="#page_286">286</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in Westphalia, ii. 374.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in Venice, ii. 250, 273.</span><br /> + +Episcopal intervention in Inq., ii. 80, 87, 94.<br /> + +Episcopal jurisdiction, growth of, i. 308.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">alone recognized in Germany, ii. 349.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">over pardoners, iii. +<a href="#page_624">624</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">over sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_450">450</a>, +<a href="#page_467">467</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">over witchcraft, iii. +<a href="#page_512">512</a>.</span><br /> + +Episcopal opposition to Inq., ii. 132, 395.<br /> + +Episcopal power, prostitution of, i. 16; iii. +<a href="#page_630">630</a>, +<a href="#page_631">631</a>, +<a href="#page_632">632</a>.<br /> + +Episcopal supremacy reasserted, ii. 133.<br /> + +Episcopate, its relations with Inq., i. 331.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">German, its resistance to Inq., ii. 338, 346.</span><br /> + +<i>Episcopi, Cap.</i>, iii. +<a href="#page_494">494</a>, +<a href="#page_497">497</a>, +<a href="#page_498">498</a>, +<a href="#page_524">524</a>, +<a href="#page_534">534</a>.<br /> + +Equitius, St., exorcises a demon, iii. +<a href="#page_381">381</a>.<br /> + +Erard, Abp. of Tours, on sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_414">414</a>.<br /> + +Erasmus on the Mendicant Orders, i. 294.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on papal wars, iii. +<a href="#page_204">204</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on astrology, iii. +<a href="#page_446">446</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on scholastic heresy, iii. +<a href="#page_557">557</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">prints Valla’s New Testament, iii. +<a href="#page_567">567</a>.</span><br /> + +Erfurt, heretics burned in 1231, ii. 332.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Constantine the Beghard burned, ii. 375.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">massacre of Jews, ii. 379.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Flagellants prohibited, ii. 382.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">heretics burned by Kerlinger, ii. 390.</span><br /> + +Eriberto of Milan suppresses Cathari, i. 109.<br /> + +Eric Blood-Axe, iii. +<a href="#page_407">407</a>, +<a href="#page_408">408</a>.<br /> + +Erichtho, iii. +<a href="#page_390">390</a>.<br /> + +Erigena, his Periphyseos condemned, ii. 322; iii. +<a href="#page_555">555</a>.<br /> + +Ermengaudi, Bernardo, succeeds Eymerich, ii. 176; iii. +<a href="#page_585">585</a>.<br /> + +Ermessende of Foix, her memory condemned, ii. 169.<br /> + +Escape from prison, frequency of, i. 494.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">equivalent to relapse, i. 548.</span><br /> + +Esclairmonde de Foix, hereticated, i. 138.<br /> + +Esclairmonde de Péreille, ii. 34.<br /> + +Esparrago of Tarragona, ii. 163.<br /> + +Estaing, Antoine d’, of Angoulême, ii. 161.<br /> + +Estampes, Comte d’, and Vaudois of Arras, iii. +<a href="#page_521">521</a>, +<a href="#page_523">523</a>, +<a href="#page_525">525</a>.<br /> + +Estates, claims of the Church on, i. 30.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of dead heretics confiscated, i. 522.</span><br /> + +Este, Oppizo d’, and Rainaldo condemned as heretics, iii. +<a href="#page_202">202</a>.<br /> + +Este, Frisco d’, his struggle for Ferrara, iii. +<a href="#page_194">194</a>.<br /> + +Étienne de Combes prosecutes Dominicans, iii. +<a href="#page_204">204</a>.<br /> + +Étienne de Gâtine, i. 528; ii. 55, 56.<br /> + +Étienne Mascot, his visit to Lombardy, ii. 50.<br /> + +Étienne de S. Thibéry as inq., i. 302; ii. 21, 36.<br /> + +Étienne de Sissy resists Urban IV., iii. +<a href="#page_242">242</a>.<br /> + +Étienne Tempier, Bp. of Paris, condemns Averrhoism, iii. +<a href="#page_561">561</a>.<br /> + +Étienne de Verberie, blasphemy of, ii. 122.<br /> + +Eucharist, sale of, i. 28.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its use as a fetich, i. 49.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">given to penitents at the stake, i. 546.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">questions concerning its substance, ii. 175.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Wickliff’s theory of, ii. 442.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">veneration of, in Bohemia, ii. 474.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">belief of Bohemian Brethren, ii. 562.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">used in sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_435">435</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>quodlibet</i> concerning, iii. +<a href="#page_567">567</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">(see also Transubstantiation.)</span><br /> + +Euchitæ, i. 91, 102.<br /> + +Eudes, Bp. of Toul, persecutes Waldenses, ii. 147.<br /> + +Eudes de S. Amand, Templar Gr. Master, iii. +<a href="#page_242">242</a>.<br /> + +Eudes de Bures, his Templar initiation, iii. +<a href="#page_277">277</a>.<br /> + +Eugenio, Somma, inq. of Slavonia, ii. 311.<br /> + +Eugenius III., his disinterestedness, i. 22.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">tries Éon de l’Étoile, i. 66.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his relations with Arnald of Brescia, i. 73.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">confers red cross on Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_239">239</a>.</span><br /> + +Eugenius IV. favors the Mendicants, i. 293.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">grants power of removal, i. 345.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his favor to Inq., i. 351.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">divides confiscations, i. 512.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders prosecution of exc., ii. 140.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his intervention in Bosnia, ii. 310.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">protects the Beghards, ii. 411.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">urges convocation of C. of Basle, ii. 530.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his quarrels with C. of Basle, ii. 531, 533.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his relation to the Compactata, ii. 541.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">persecutes Hungarian Hussites, ii. 542.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">concubinage is heresy, ii. 545.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">renews Capistrano’s commission, iii. +<a href="#page_177">177</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">burns Thomas Connecte, iii. +<a href="#page_209">209</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on the power of witches, iii. +<a href="#page_407">407</a>, +<a href="#page_502">502</a>, +<a href="#page_512">512</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">buries Braccio da Montone, iii. +<a href="#page_569">569</a>.</span><br /> + +Euric persecutes Catholics, i. 216.<br /> + +Eusebius, his description of Constantine, iii. +<a href="#page_394">394</a>.<br /> + +Eusebius of Dorylæum, i. 210.<br /> + +Eutyches, his heresy, i. 210. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_687" id="page_687"></a>{687}</span><br /> + +Eutychianus, Pope, inquests ascribed to, i. 312.<br /> + +Eutychius, Patriarch of Constantinople, i. 230.<br /> + +Evasions practised by accused, i. 414.<br /> + +Everard of Châteauneuf burned, i. 130.<br /> + +Everard, Dominican astrologer, ii. 227.<br /> + +Everlasting Gospel, its appearance, i. 285; iii. +<a href="#page_020">20</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemned at Anagni, i. 287; iii. +<a href="#page_022">22</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its theory, iii. +<a href="#page_021">21</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its authorship, iii. +<a href="#page_022">22</a>, +<a href="#page_023">23</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its doctrines revived, iii. +<a href="#page_048">48</a>, +<a href="#page_065">65</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">new heresy based upon it, iii. +<a href="#page_050">50</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its influence on Olivists, iii. +<a href="#page_074">74</a>, +<a href="#page_080">80</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its influence on Guglielmites, iii. +<a href="#page_092">92</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its influence on the Apostolic Brethren, iii. +<a href="#page_120">120</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">last echoes of, iii. +<a href="#page_088">88</a>, +<a href="#page_089">89</a>, +<a href="#page_583">583</a>.</span><br /> + +Everwach of Stalum, case of, iii. +<a href="#page_424">424</a>.<br /> + +Evervin of Steinfield appeals to St. Bernard, i. 72.<br /> + +Evidence, i. 430.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">justifying torture, i. 426.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of heretics received, i. 321, 435.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">slight, sufficient for conviction, i. 437.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">withholding of, i. 316, 439.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">retraction of, i. 439, 441.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in cases of relapse, i. 547.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">against Templars, character of, iii. +<a href="#page_267">267</a>, +<a href="#page_269">269</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 3em;">how obtained, iii. +<a href="#page_293">293</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 3em;">how garbled, iii. +<a href="#page_318">318</a>, +<a href="#page_321">321</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of witchcraft, iii. +<a href="#page_505">505</a>, +<a href="#page_508">508</a>.</span><br /> + +Evil Eye, iii. +<a href="#page_490">490</a>.<br /> + +Evil, personification of, iii. +<a href="#page_379">379</a>.<br /> + +Exactions of inqs., i. 472, 480.<br /> + +Exactitude of records, i. 379.<br /> + +Examination of accused, i. 410.<br /> + +Exclusive salvation, doctrine of, i. 237.<br /> + +Excommunicated officials obliged to aid the Inq., i. 386.<br /> + +Excommunication, its effects, i. 207.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">for neglect to persecute, i. 225.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of the dead, i. 230.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">heresy of enduring it, i. 404; ii. 122, 140; iii. +<a href="#page_181">181</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">by inqs., i. 500.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">for refusal to burn heretics, i. 538; ii. 569.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">abuses of, ii. 3.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">papal, disregarded, ii. 137; iii. +<a href="#page_219">219</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">for sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_423">423</a>, +<a href="#page_434">434</a>.</span><br /> + +Execution, delay of twenty-four hours, i. 393.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">expenses of, i. 535.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">details of, i. 551.</span><br /> + +Executioner, inq. can serve as, i. 537.<br /> + +Exemptions of monasteries, i. 35.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of Mendicants, i. 274.</span><br /> + +Exequaturs of inqs., ii. 575, 578.<br /> + +Exhumation of dead heretics, i. 232, 404, 553.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">coercion of secular authority, i. 498.</span><br /> + +Exhumation waived in case of Stedingers, iii. +<a href="#page_188">188</a>.<br /> + +<i>Exiit qui seminat</i>, bull, iii. +<a href="#page_030">30</a>, +<a href="#page_034">34</a>, +<a href="#page_036">36</a>, +<a href="#page_037">37</a>, +<a href="#page_130">130</a>.<br /> + +Exile as a penance, i. 230, 462.<br /> + +<i>Exivi de Paradiso</i>, bull, iii. +<a href="#page_060">60</a>.<br /> + +Expenses of Inq. immoderate, i. 382, 528; iii. +<a href="#page_548">548</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">how defrayed, i. 332, 342, 525; ii. 132, 138, 154, 252.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of burning heretics, i. 553.</span><br /> + +Experts bound to aid inqs., i. 342.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">assembly of, i. 387, 389, 442.</span><br /> + +Extortions practised by bps., i. 20; iii. +<a href="#page_630">630</a>, +<a href="#page_631">631</a>, +<a href="#page_632">632</a>, +<a href="#page_643">643</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">by inqs., i. 477.</span><br /> + +Eylard burns Dolcinist at Lubec, iii. +<a href="#page_124">124</a>.<br /> + +Eymerich, Nicolas, his career, ii. 174; iii. +<a href="#page_583">583</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on independence of inqs., i. 346.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on co-operation of bp., i. 364.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on itinerant inquests, i. 370.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">recommends legal assistants, i. 376.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on appointment of notaries, i. 378.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on limitation of armed familiars, i. 384.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on risk to witnesses, i. 439.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on counsel for heretics, i. 445.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his view of confiscation, i. 509.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on poverty of Inq., i. 531.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on relapse in fautorship, i. 548.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemns astrology, iii. +<a href="#page_444">444</a>.</span><br /> + +Eyvind Kellda, the sorcerer, iii. +<a href="#page_421">421</a>.<br /> + +Eyvind Kinnrif refuses baptism, iii. +<a href="#page_421">421</a>.<br /> + +Ezzelin da Romano executes Franciscans, i. 276.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">protects heretics, ii. 197, 219, 223.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">invites Fred. II. to Lombardy, ii. 206.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his character, ii. 224.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">tried by Inq., ii. 225.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">crusade against him, ii. 226.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">represented as a heretic, iii. +<a href="#page_192">192</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his faith in astrology, iii. +<a href="#page_438">438</a>.</span><br /> + +<br /> +<a name="F" id="F"></a><span class="letra">F</span>ABIANO, Inq. of Bosnia, ii. 300.<br /> + +Fabiano of Bacs, Inq. of Slavonia, ii. 310, 544.<br /> + +Fabriano, Fraticelli persecuted, iii. +<a href="#page_176">176</a>, +<a href="#page_178">178</a>.<br /> + +<i>Faciens misericordiam</i>, bull, iii. +<a href="#page_284">284</a>, +<a href="#page_285">285</a>, +<a href="#page_294">294</a>, +<a href="#page_302">302</a>, +<a href="#page_316">316</a>.<br /> + +Faenza, Cathari in, i. 117.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Waldenses in, ii. 194.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">case of the Maffredi, iii. +<a href="#page_203">203</a>.</span><br /> + +Fairies’ Tree of Domremy, iii. +<a href="#page_341">341</a>.<br /> + +Faith not to be kept with heretics, i. 174, 228; ii. 468.<br /> + +Faith more important than morals, iii. +<a href="#page_644">644</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">and reason, antagonism of, iii. +<a href="#page_583">583</a>.</span><br /> + +False Decretals on character of witnesses, i. 434.<br /> + +False-witness, i. 440, 441.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in retracted confessions, i. 429.</span> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_688" id="page_688"></a>{688}</span><br /> + +Falsification of papal letters, i. 19.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">justiciable by Inq., iii. +<a href="#page_102">102</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of records, ii. 72.</span><br /> + +Familiars, i. 381.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">absolved by inqs., i. 343.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">tortured in Venice, ii. 273.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">armed, abuse of, i. 382; ii. 270, 274.</span><br /> + +Fantinus, papal orator, imprisoned, ii. 557.<br /> + +Farignano, Franciscan general, iii. +<a href="#page_171">171</a>, +<a href="#page_172">172</a>.<br /> + +Fastolf, Sir John, iii. +<a href="#page_347">347</a>.<br /> + +Fasts of the Cathari, i. 97.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_275">275</a>.</span><br /> + +Fatalism taught by Albert of Halberstadt, ii. 392.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">the heresy in astrology, iii. +<a href="#page_439">439</a>.</span><br /> + +Fauns, iii. +<a href="#page_384">384</a>.<br /> + +Fautorship, punishment of, i. 321, 461.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">relapse in, i. 547.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">advocates guilty of, i. 444.</span><br /> + +Faydits, i. 180, 205; ii. 252.<br /> + +Fazio da Doneratico surrenders Pier di Corbario, iii. +<a href="#page_151">151</a>.<br /> + +Fazio degli Uberti on Virgin Mary, iii. +<a href="#page_598">598</a>.<br /> + +Feast of the Conception, iii. +<a href="#page_596">596</a>, +<a href="#page_598">598</a>, +<a href="#page_599">599</a>, +<a href="#page_600">600</a>, +<a href="#page_601">601</a>.<br /> + +Fees for marriage and funerals, i. 28.<br /> + +Felipe of Majorca, iii. +<a href="#page_081">81</a>.<br /> + +Felix V. elected by C. of Basle, ii. 533.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders Inq. at Bernez, ii. 265.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his abdication, ii. 541.</span><br /> + +Felix de Guzman, i. 248.<br /> + +Felix of Urgel, his heresy, i. 217.<br /> + +Fenouillèdes, confiscation of, ii. 111.<br /> + +Ferdinand I. (Emp.), swears to support the Compactata, ii. 560.<br /> + +Ferdinand IV. (Aragon) urges Huss’s burning, ii. 469.<br /> + +Ferdinand V. (Aragon) strengthens Inq. of Aragon, ii. 179.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">confirms diploma of Fred. II., ii. 288.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">fails to introduce Inq. in Naples, ii. 289.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">threatens a general council, iii. +<a href="#page_223">223</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">favors Lullism, iii. +<a href="#page_587">587</a>.</span><br /> + +Fernando III. (Castile) punishes heretics, ii. 182.<br /> + +Fernando IV. (Castile), his dealings with the Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_316">316</a>.<br /> + +Fernando de Cordoba taken for Antichrist, iii. +<a href="#page_527">527</a>.<br /> + +Ferrand of Majorca, Carcassonne offered to, ii. 89.<br /> + +Ferrara, Cathari in, i. 117, 192.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">case of Armanno Pongilupo, ii. 240.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Clement V.’s seizure of, iii. +<a href="#page_194">194</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1438, ii. 544.</span><br /> + +Ferrer, inq., his vengeance on Albi, ii. 12.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">investigates massacre of Avignonet, ii. 37.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">exc. Raymond VII., ii. 41.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">examines prisoners of Montségur, ii. 43.</span><br /> + +Ferrer, S. Vicente, converts Waldenses, ii. 176.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">prosecuted by Eymerich, ii. 176.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his Alpine mission, ii. 258, 264.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">defends Flagellants, ii. 384.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">prophesies Antichrist, iii. +<a href="#page_087">87</a>.</span><br /> + +Ferri, Noel, iii. +<a href="#page_533">533</a>.<br /> + +Ferriz, Miguel, burns Wickliffites, ii. 179.<br /> + +Fetichism of mediæval religion, i. 47.<br /> + +Feudal oath required of inqs., i. 351.<br /> + +Feyjoo, Fr., on Raymond Lully, iii. +<a href="#page_578">578</a>.<br /> + +Ficino, Marsilio, his belief in Savonarola, iii. +<a href="#page_211">211</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his paganism, iii. +<a href="#page_571">571</a>.</span><br /> + +Figurines in Greece, iii. +<a href="#page_389">389</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in Rome, iii. +<a href="#page_391">391</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in Spain in 13th cent., iii. +<a href="#page_430">430</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">case in 1279, iii. +<a href="#page_434">434</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">constitute heresy, iii. +<a href="#page_435">435</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">use of, i. 51; iii. +<a href="#page_453">453</a>, +<a href="#page_455">455</a>, +<a href="#page_458">458</a>, +<a href="#page_467">467</a>, +<a href="#page_468">468</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">denied by University of Paris, iii. +<a href="#page_464">464</a>.</span><br /> + +Filippo Bonaccorso purifies Sermione, ii. 235.<br /> + +Filippo of Fermo, legate to Hungary, ii. 298.<br /> + +Filippo Neri, St., his opinion of Savonarola, iii. +<a href="#page_236">236</a>.<br /> + +Filippo of Ravenna leads crusade against Ezzelin, ii. 227.<br /> + +Filippo, Bp. of Sidon, ii. 565.<br /> + +Filius Major and Minor, i. 93.<br /> + +Fines as penance, i. 460, 471.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">inqs. not to levy, i. 331.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">inqs. allowed to levy, i. 332.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">abuses of, i. 477.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">ruler obliged to exact, i. 338.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">bp. not to share in, i. 359.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">used for expenses of Inq., i. 525.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">taken by the State in Venice, ii. 252.</span><br /> + +Finns, magic among, iii. +<a href="#page_403">403</a>.<br /> + +Fiore, Order of, founded, iii. +<a href="#page_010">10</a>, +<a href="#page_014">14</a>.<br /> + +Fish eaten by Cathari, i. 97.<br /> + +Flacius Illyricus, his Manichæism, i. 100.<br /> + +Flagellants appear in 1259, i. 272.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">origin of, in 1349, ii. 381.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">denounced as heretics, ii. 383.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their persecution, ii. 385, 395, 405.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their developed heresy, ii. 406.</span><br /> + +Flagellation, penance of, i. 464.<br /> + +Flagge, Georg, case of, i. 235.<br /> + +Flanders, heresy of Tanchelm, i. 64.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Cathari in, i. 110, 112.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">confiscation in, i. 521.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">heretics burned in, ii. 115,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">favor shown to Beguines, ii. 352.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">dancing mania in 1373, ii. 393.</span><br /> + +Florence, Cathari in, i. 117.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">legatine Inq. rejected, i. 317.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">laws on heresy in 1227, i. 320.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">accepts laws against heresy, i. 323, 339.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Inq. founded in, i. 326.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">troubles about armed familiars, i, 383.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">extortions of Pier di Aquila, i. 479; ii. 276.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">destruction of houses, i. 482.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">confiscations in, i. 506, 510, 524.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">embezzlement by inqs., i. 511.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">mission of Giovanni Schio, ii. 203.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">triumph of Peter Martyr, ii. 209, 212.</span> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_689" id="page_689"></a>{689}</span><br /> + +Florence, laws restricting the Inq., ii. 280.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">the Black Death in, ii. 379.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">alarm of Tertiaries, iii. +<a href="#page_077">77</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">laws against the Fraticelli, iii. +<a href="#page_161">161</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Michele Berti burned, iii. +<a href="#page_165">165</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Fraticelli persecuted in 1424, ii. 283; iii. +<a href="#page_175">175</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Capistrano’s reception in, iii. +<a href="#page_179">179</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Savonarola’s career, iii. +<a href="#page_211">211</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">reaction after Savonarola, iii. +<a href="#page_235">235</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">torture of Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_318">318</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1439, on the Divine Vision, iii. +<a href="#page_595">595</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 3em;">on Immaculate Conception, iii. +<a href="#page_600">600</a>.</span><br /> + +Florent, Abp. of Aries, iii. +<a href="#page_025">25</a>.<br /> + +Florent of Holland, his crusade against Stedingers, iii. +<a href="#page_187">187</a>.<br /> + +Florent, Bp. of Utrecht, ii. 360.<br /> + +Florio, Frà, excites trouble in Parma, ii. 237.<br /> + +Flusse Sajo, battle of, ii. 296.<br /> + +Foetus used in divination, iii. +<a href="#page_398">398</a>.<br /> + +Foix, heresy in, i. 138.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">ravaged by inqs., ii. 55.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Count of, claims right to burn heretics, i. 538.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 3em;">persecuted by Inq., ii. 52.</span><br /> + +Folquet of Marseilles, i. 134.<br /> + +Forbearance, payments for, i. 480.<br /> + +Forli, its quarrel with Martin IV., iii. +<a href="#page_196">196</a>.<br /> + +Forgery of papal letters, i. 19.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">justiciable by Inq., iii. +<a href="#page_192">192</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of inquisitorial letters, i. 442.</span><br /> + +Formosus (Pope) condemned after death, i. 231.<br /> + +Formulas of devotion, magic character of, i. 45.<br /> + +Fortescue, Sir John, on inquisitorial process, i. 429, 561.<br /> + +Forty-five articles of Wickliff, the, ii. 446, 482.<br /> + +Foulques de Neuilly, i. 130, 244.<br /> + +Foulques, Bp. of Toulouse, i. 134, 179, 201.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">he aids Dominic, i. 250, 251, 252.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">acts as inq., i. 316.</span><br /> + +Foulques de S. Georges, his powers restricted, ii. 65.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">he cites opponents of Inq., ii. 76.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">accusations against him, ii. 77.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his removal, ii. 79.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">tomb erected to him, ii. 103.</span><br /> + +France, heresy of Éon de l’Étoile, i. 66.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">southern, characteristics of, i. 66.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">heresies in, i. 66.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">rise of Waldenses, i. 76.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Cathari in, i. 109, 111, 117.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Cotereaux, i. 125.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">heresy in Nivernois, i. 130.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condition of Languedoc, i. 133.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Innocent III.’s efforts at persecution, i. 136.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">the Albigensian crusades, i. 147.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">legislation on heresy, i. 221.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">cruelty of criminal law, i. 235.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Foulques de Neuilly, i. 244.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Poor Catholics, i. 247.</span><br /> + +France, the Pastoureaux, i. 269.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">the University of Paris and the Mendicants, i. 281.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of Reims, 1287, against the Mendicants, i. 290.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">divided between Dominicans and Franciscans, i. 301.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">legislation against heresy, i. 323.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">independence of episcopate, i. 332.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">subjection of State, i. 340.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">introduction of torture, i. 423.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">confiscation, i. 503, 504, 513.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">expenses of Inq., i. 526, 531.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Jewish books condemned, i. 555.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">heretics driven to Languedoc, ii. 51.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">career of Inq. in, ii. 113.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Waldenses in, ii. 145.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Amaurians, ii. 320.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">the Black Death, ii. 379.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Pastoureaux in 1320, ii. 380.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Jews and lepers massacred, ii. 380.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Flagellants suppressed, ii. 382.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Marguerite la Porete, ii. 575.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Beghards in Langres, ii. 578.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Joachitism in the south, iii. +<a href="#page_017">17</a>, +<a href="#page_025">25</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Spiritual Franciscans, iii. +<a href="#page_042">42</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condition of Church in 1423, iii. +<a href="#page_069">69</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Fraticelli, iii. +<a href="#page_168">168</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">strife between Conventuals and Observantines, iii. +<a href="#page_173">173</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">overthrow of the Temple, iii. +<a href="#page_227">227</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">case of Jean Petit, iii. +<a href="#page_334">334</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">case of Joan of Arc, iii. +<a href="#page_338">338</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">legislation on sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_427">427</a>, +<a href="#page_544">544</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">secular jurisdiction over sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_460">460</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">case of Gilles de Rais, iii. +<a href="#page_464">464</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">case of Guill. Edeline, iii. +<a href="#page_512">512</a>, +<a href="#page_515">515</a>, +<a href="#page_536">536</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">the Vaudois of Arras, iii. +<a href="#page_519">519</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Averrhoistic errors, iii. +<a href="#page_561">561</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">the Immaculate Conception, iii. +<a href="#page_599">599</a>.</span><br /> + +Francesco dal Borgo San Sepolcro, iii. +<a href="#page_063">63</a>.<br /> + +Francesco, Bp. of Camerino, favors the Fraticelli, iii. +<a href="#page_159">159</a>.<br /> + +Francesco Chioggia suppresses nature-worship, ii. 301.<br /> + +Francesco Marchisio, iii. +<a href="#page_166">166</a>.<br /> + +Francesco di Paola, St., regards Savonarola as a saint, iii. +<a href="#page_236">236</a>.<br /> + +Francesco da Pistoia burned, iii. +<a href="#page_160">160</a>.<br /> + +Francesco della Puglia, iii. +<a href="#page_218">218</a>, +<a href="#page_224">224</a>.<br /> + +Francesco of Venice tried for heresy, iii. +<a href="#page_140">140</a>.<br /> + +Franche Comté, Inq. in, ii. 120.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Waldenses in, ii. 147, 149.</span><br /> + +Francis I., his concordat with Leo X., ii. 134.<br /> + +Francis, St., of Assisi, i. 256.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his adoration of poverty, i. 264.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his veneration for priests, i. 279.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">releases his followers from purgatorv, i. 293.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">predicts the demoralization of the Order, i. 295.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his missionary labors, i. 297.</span> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_690" id="page_690"></a>{690}</span><br /> + +Francis, St., procures Portiuncula indulgence, i. 41; iii. +<a href="#page_246">246</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his approach to Manichæism, i. 100.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his favor for Elias, iii. +<a href="#page_003">3</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his defiance of demons, iii. +<a href="#page_382">382</a>.</span><br /> + +Franciscan habit, its use by the dying, i. 293.<br /> + +Franciscan heretic in 1226, iii. +<a href="#page_003">3</a>.<br /> + +Franciscan inqs., their term of office, i. 345.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in Bohemia, ii. 428, 430.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">they burn Olivists, iii. +<a href="#page_078">78</a>.</span><br /> + +Franciscan Order, its origin and growth, i. 257, 258.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">founded on poverty, i. 265; iii. +<a href="#page_002">2</a>.</span><br /> + +Franciscan Rule divinely revealed, i. 259; iii. +<a href="#page_003">3</a>, +<a href="#page_030">30</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">equal to the Gospel, iii. +<a href="#page_028">28</a>, +<a href="#page_029">29</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">not to be commented on, iii. +<a href="#page_031">31</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">relaxation of, iii. +<a href="#page_005">5</a>, +<a href="#page_034">34</a>, +<a href="#page_060">60</a>.</span><br /> + +Franciscan property, proprietorship in Holy See, iii. +<a href="#page_008">8</a>, +<a href="#page_060">60</a>, +<a href="#page_133">133</a>.<br /> + +Franciscan sorcerers in Venice, ii. 274; iii. +<a href="#page_547">547</a>.<br /> + +Franciscan statute against sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_452">452</a>.<br /> + +Franciscan territory in France, ii. 119, 138.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in Italy, ii. 221, 233.</span><br /> + +Franciscans at first persecuted as heretics, i. 259.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their care of the sick, i. 261.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">banished by Frederic II., i. 275.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">cause the death of Honorius IV., i. 290.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their losses in the Black Death, i. 292.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their demoralization, i. 294; iii. +<a href="#page_170">170</a>, +<a href="#page_173">173</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their missionary labors, i. 297.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">as inqs., i. 301.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their quarrels with Dominicans, i. 302; ii. 76, 171, 217, 299, 300; iii. +<a href="#page_154">154</a>, +<a href="#page_599">599</a>, +<a href="#page_601">601</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">subject to Inq., i. 362.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">they assume defence of Castel Fabri, ii. 73.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their antagonism to Inq., ii. 76, 86; iii. +<a href="#page_098">98</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">question as to the blood of Christ, ii. 171.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their labors in Bosnia, ii. 295-313, 315.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">they persecute heretics in Germany, ii. 334, 346.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their labors with the Hussites, ii. 555, 560.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their tendencies to mysticism, iii. +<a href="#page_002">2</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their devices to elude poverty, iii. +<a href="#page_005">5</a>, +<a href="#page_007">7</a>, +<a href="#page_008">8</a>, +<a href="#page_029">29</a>, +<a href="#page_030">30</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 3em;">annulled by John XXII., iii. +<a href="#page_132">132</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">heresy of the Spirit of Liberty, iii. +<a href="#page_125">125</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their breach with John XXII., iii. +<a href="#page_132">132</a>, +<a href="#page_152">152</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their alliance with Louis of Bavaria, iii. +<a href="#page_137">137</a>, +<a href="#page_153">153</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">they maintain the poverty of Christ, iii. +<a href="#page_143">143</a>, +<a href="#page_148">148</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their sympathy with Fraticelli, iii. +<a href="#page_158">158</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">ascetic movements among, iii. +<a href="#page_171">171</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their Nominalism, iii. +<a href="#page_556">556</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">they hold Lully as a saint, iii. +<a href="#page_589">589</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">at first deny Immaculate Conception, iii. +<a href="#page_598">598</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">afterwards assert it, iii. +<a href="#page_599">599</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">(see also Conventuals, Spirituals, Fraticelli, Observantines, Mendicants.)</span><br /> + +François Aimeric denounces the Inq., ii. 92.<br /> + +François Sanche, his imprisonment, iii. +<a href="#page_071">71</a>.<br /> + +Frankfort, diet of, 1234, ii. 343.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">diet of, in 1454, ii. 552.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Reichstag of, in 1338, iii. +<a href="#page_155">155</a>.</span><br /> + +Franquet d’Arras, iii. +<a href="#page_356">356</a>.<br /> + +Franz von Lautern, iii. +<a href="#page_138">138</a>.<br /> + +Franz von Sickingen supports Reuchlin, ii. 425.<br /> + +Fraticelli, the, iii. +<a href="#page_081">81</a>, +<a href="#page_129">129</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their development in Italy, iii. +<a href="#page_158">158</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their popes, iii. +<a href="#page_164">164</a>, +<a href="#page_175">175</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their refuge in Naples and Sicily, ii. 248, 249; iii. +<a href="#page_158">158</a>, +<a href="#page_165">165</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their relics worshipped in Sicily, ii. 284; iii. +<a href="#page_166">166</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">active persecution in 15th cent., ii. 283; iii. +<a href="#page_175">175</a>.</span><br /> + +<i>Fratres de paupere vita</i>, iii. +<a href="#page_072">72</a>, +<a href="#page_075">75</a>, +<a href="#page_159">159</a>.<br /> + +Fredegonda burns sorceresses, iii. +<a href="#page_410">410</a>.<br /> + +Frederic I. (Emp.), his treatment of Arnald of Brescia, i. 74.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on duty of persecution, i. 224.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his indifference to persecution, i. 319.</span><br /> + +Frederic II. (Emp.), on obduracy of Cathari, i. 105.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">decrees burning for heresy, i. 221.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">admits his duty to persecute, i. 225.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his policy as to persecution, i. 233; ii. 197, 245.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his cruelty, i. 235.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his troubles with the Mendicants, i. 275.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">tries secular Inq., i. 325.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his rules for suspects, i. 403, 454.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">admits evidence of heretics, i. 434.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders houses destroyed, i. 481.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders converts imprisoned, i. 484.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">inflicts disabilities on descendants, i. 498.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders death for relapse, i. 543.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">assumes Lombards to be heretics, ii. 194.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">conquers Lombardy, ii. 206.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his forged Sicilian diploma, ii. 287.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">supports inqs. in Germany, ii. 333.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">subjects episcopal cities to their bishops, ii. 338.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">welcomes Elias, iii. +<a href="#page_006">6</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his praise of the Stedingers, iii. +<a href="#page_185">185</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">crusades against him, iii. +<a href="#page_189">189</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">confirms grant of Countess Matilda, iii. +<a href="#page_190">190</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">expels the Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_244">244</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his belief in astrology, iii. +<a href="#page_431">431</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">the Three Impostors, iii. +<a href="#page_560">560</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">spreads Averrhoism, iii. +<a href="#page_561">561</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">consequences of his death, ii. 213.</span> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_691" id="page_691"></a>{691}</span><br /> + +Frederic II. (Emp.), his legislation on heresy, i. 320.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 3em;">embodied in public law, i. 227.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 3em;">ordered entered in all local statutes, i. 339; ii. 214, 221.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 3em;">introduced in Provence, ii. 148.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 3em;">refused by Rimini, ii. 198.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 3em;">introduced in Brescia, ii. 199.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 3em;">rejected by Venice, ii. 250, 252.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 3em;">suspended in Tuscany, ii. 243.</span><br /> + +Frederic III. (Emp.), his attempt on Bohemia, ii. 540.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">intercedes for Bohemia, ii. 558.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">imprisons Andreas of Krain, iii. +<a href="#page_223">223</a>.</span><br /> + +Frederic of Naples, confirms Waldensian privileges, ii. 268.<br /> + +Frederic of Trinacria, acknowledged by Boniface VIII., ii. 248.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his relations with Arnaldo de Vilanova, iii. +<a href="#page_052">52</a>, +<a href="#page_054">54</a>, +<a href="#page_057">57</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">he protects Spirituals, iii. +<a href="#page_063">63</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">is the expected deliverer, iii. +<a href="#page_080">80</a>, +<a href="#page_110">110</a>, +<a href="#page_112">112</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">he arrests the Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_305">305</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on clerical corruption, iii. +<a href="#page_631">631</a>.</span><br /> + +Frederic III. (Sicily), supports the Inq., i. 531; ii. 285.<br /> + +Frederic of Alvensleben, iii. +<a href="#page_324">324</a>.<br /> + +Frederic of Austria, his disputed election, iii. +<a href="#page_135">135</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">refuses aid of Satan, iii. +<a href="#page_456">456</a>.</span><br /> + +Frederic of Blankenheim, Bp. of Strassburg, iii. +<a href="#page_205">205</a>.<br /> + +Frederic, Bp. of Ratisbon, ii. 434.<br /> + +Frederic of Salm, the Templar, iii. +<a href="#page_303">303</a>.<br /> + +Free Companies, origin of, i. 125.<br /> + +Frequency of burning, i. 549.<br /> + +Freyssinières, Waldenses of, persecuted, ii. 147, 154, 157, 160.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">emigration from, ii. 268.</span><br /> + +Friends of God, ii. 362.<br /> + +Frisia, no laws on sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_433">433</a>.<br /> + +Frisians, their troubles with their bps., iii. +<a href="#page_185">185</a>.<br /> + +Froissart, his account of demon Orton, iii. +<a href="#page_383">383</a>.<br /> + +Fuero Juzgo, laws on sorcery in, iii. +<a href="#page_399">399</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its authority in 11th cent., ii. 430.</span><br /> + +Fuero Real, laws of heresy in, ii. 183.<br /> + +Fulcrand, Bp. of Toulouse, i. 134.<br /> + +Fünfkirchen, concubinary priests of, ii. 543.<br /> + +<br /> +<a name="G" id="G"></a><span class="letra">G</span>ABRIELE DE BARCELONA, ii. 283.<br /> + +Gabriele, pope of Fraticelli, iii. +<a href="#page_164">164</a>.<br /> + +Gaerbald of Liége on sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_413">413</a>.<br /> + +Gage, Thomas, debates on the Immaculate Conception, iii. +<a href="#page_609">609</a>.<br /> + +<i>Galder</i>, iii. +<a href="#page_404">404</a>.<br /> + +Galeazzo Visconti, condemned for heresy, iii. +<a href="#page_201">201</a>.<br /> + +Gall of Neuburg, inq. in Prague, ii. 431.<br /> + +Gallican Church, its privileges, ii. 134.<br /> + +Gallo, Piero, his conversion, ii. 223.<br /> + +Galosna, Antonio, case of, ii. 256.<br /> + +Galvan the Waldensian, ii. 7.<br /> + +Garbagnate, Francesco, iii. +<a href="#page_096">96</a>, +<a href="#page_198">198</a>.<br /> + +Garbagnate, Mirano di, burned, iii. +<a href="#page_101">101</a>.<br /> + +Garigh, Piero, the Son of God, iii. +<a href="#page_166">166</a>.<br /> + +Garments, male, worn by Joan of Arc, iii. +<a href="#page_352">352</a>, +<a href="#page_368">368</a>, +<a href="#page_371">371</a>.<br /> + +Garric, Bernard, i. 381.<br /> + +Garric, Guillem, case of, i. 381, 419, 467, 517; ii. 59, 70, 95.<br /> + +Gascony, prevalence of heresy in, i. 118.<br /> + +Gaston de Béarn, i. 165, 171.<br /> + +Gastone of Milan, revives episcopal Inq., i. 359.<br /> + +Gaudini, Templar Gr. Master, iii. +<a href="#page_246">246</a>.<br /> + +Gauls, their lustful spirits, iii. +<a href="#page_383">383</a>.<br /> + +Gautier de Montbrun, his memory attacked, ii. 72.<br /> + +Gavarnie, Templar relics at, iii. +<a href="#page_328">328</a>.<br /> + +Gazzari, i. 115.<br /> + +Gelasius I. on exc. of the Dead, i. 230.<br /> + +Gemistus Plethon, iii. +<a href="#page_569">569</a>.<br /> + +Geneva, contest over Inq. in, ii. 138.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">witches burned in, iii. +<a href="#page_549">549</a>.</span><br /> + +Genoa, bull <i>Ad extirpanda</i> forced upon, i. 339.<br /> + +Genseric persecutes Catholics, i. 216.<br /> + +Gentile of Camerino, protects the Fraticelli, iii. +<a href="#page_160">160</a>.<br /> + +Gentile of Spoleto, iii. +<a href="#page_171">171</a>.<br /> + +Geoffroi d’Ablis appointed inq., ii. 81.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">relieves Carcassonne, ii. 70.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">disables viguier of Albi, i. 380.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">attacks Pequigny, ii. 83, 85.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his services to Philippe IV., ii. 87.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his defence, ii. 92, 93.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">deprived of control of prisons, i. 493.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his delay in sentencing, ii. 94, 95.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his activity in 1308-9, ii. 104, 106.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">tomb erected to him, ii. 103.</span><br /> + +Geoffroi de Chambonnet, iii. +<a href="#page_293">293</a>, +<a href="#page_297">297</a>.<br /> + +Geoffroi de Charney, iii. +<a href="#page_273">273</a>, +<a href="#page_325">325</a>.<br /> + +Geoffroi de Péronne, i. 13.<br /> + +Geoffroi de Saint-Adhémar, iii. +<a href="#page_238">238</a>.<br /> + +George Podiebrad, his mission to Louis XI., ii. 521.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">captures Mt. Tabor, ii. 536, 540.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">supreme in Bohemia, ii. 540.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his reactionary concessions, ii. 546.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">summoned by Capistrano, ii. 540, 551.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his coronation, ii. 556.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemned as heretic, ii. 558.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his vassals released from allegiance, ii. 469.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">protects Gregory of Heimburg, ii. 418.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his reverses and death, ii. 559.</span><br /> + +George, Bp. of Passau, his humanity, ii. 517.<br /> + +Gerald of Abbeville attacks the Mendicants, i. 287.<br /> + +Gerald de Blumac, ii. 92. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_692" id="page_692"></a>{692}</span><br /> + +Gérard of Besançon, his trial, i. 14.<br /> + +Gerard Odo, Franciscan general, iii. +<a href="#page_143">143</a>, +<a href="#page_148">148</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his troubles with the Divine Vision, iii. +<a href="#page_593">593</a>, +<a href="#page_595">595</a>.</span><br /> + +Gerhard the Catharan of Oxford, i. 105.<br /> + +Géraud, Bishop of Albi, ii. 68, 95.<br /> + +Géraud de Motte burned, i. 201.<br /> + +Géraud de Puy-Germer, case of, i. 522.<br /> + +Gerbald, case of, i. 36.<br /> + +Gerbert of Aurillac—see Silvester II.<br /> + +Gerhard, Conrad of Marburg’s assistant, ii. 328, 341.<br /> + +Gerhard von Elten tries John of Wesel, ii. 421.<br /> + +Gerhardt I. of Bremen supported by the Stedingers, iii. +<a href="#page_184">184</a>.<br /> + +Gerhardt II. of Bremen attacks the Stedingers, iii. +<a href="#page_184">184</a>.<br /> + +Germain l’Auxerrois, St., iii. +<a href="#page_495">495</a>.<br /> + +Germain Frevier, case of, iii, 152.<br /> + +Germanicus Cæsar, his death, iii. +<a href="#page_390">390</a>.<br /> + +Germany, Cathari in, i. 110, 112.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">the Scriptures in Metz and Trèves, i. 131.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">legislation on heresy, i. 221, 320.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">cruelty of criminal law, i. 235.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Flagellants in 1260, i. 272.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Dominican Inq. in, i. 301.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">independence of episcopate, i. 332.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">episcopal Inq. in, i. 360.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">age of witnesses, i. 436.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">confiscation, i. 503, 507.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">expenses of Inq., i. 530.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">career of Inq., ii. 316.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">papal demands for tithes, ii. 432.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">corruption of Church, ii. 527.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Card. Cesarini’s description, ii. 531.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">invasion of Hussite ideas, ii. 532.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">complaint of suppression of Basilian canons, ii. 556.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Louis of Bavaria and the papacy, iii. +<a href="#page_135">135</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Franciscan favor towards Louis, iii. +<a href="#page_153">153</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">absolution imposed by Clement VI., iii. +<a href="#page_157">157</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">effect of Great Schism, iii. +<a href="#page_205">205</a>, +<a href="#page_207">207</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">fate of Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_302">302</a>, +<a href="#page_324">324</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">legislation on sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_432">432</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">censorship of books, iii. +<a href="#page_612">612</a>, +<a href="#page_614">614</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its condition invites the Reformation, iii. +<a href="#page_648">648</a>.</span><br /> + +Geroch of Reichersperg on military prelates, i. 11.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on concubinary priests, i. 63.</span><br /> + +Geronimo d’Ascoli—see Nicholas IV.<br /> + +Gerson, John, his hostility to the Mendicants, i. 292.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on toleration, i. 541.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemns Brethren of Free Spirit, ii. 127, 405.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemns John of Rysbroek, ii. 360.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemns Flagellants, ii. 384.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">defends Beguines, ii. 410.</span><br /> + +Gerson, John, on use of cup by laity, ii. 474.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his list of Huss’s errors, ii. 481.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his rancor against Jerome of Prague, ii. 495, 498, 501.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on case of Jean Petit, iii. +<a href="#page_336">336</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on Joan of Arc, iii. +<a href="#page_352">352</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his assertion of sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_465">465</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on Averrhoism, iii. +<a href="#page_565">565</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemns the Art of Lully, iii. +<a href="#page_583">583</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on papal simony, iii. +<a href="#page_629">629</a>.</span><br /> + +Gervais of Tilbury, his adventure with a Catharan, i. 111.<br /> + +Ghent, Beguinage of, ii. 353, 413.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">immorality in, iii. +<a href="#page_642">642</a>.</span><br /> + +Gherardo, legate, attacks Bosnian Cathari, ii. 302.<br /> + +Gherardo da Borgo San Donnino, iii. +<a href="#page_019">19</a>, +<a href="#page_022">22</a>, +<a href="#page_024">24</a>.<br /> + +Gherardo of Florence, case of, i. 405, 523.<br /> + +Gherardo of Monforte, i. 104, 109.<br /> + +Ghibellines, their protection of heresy, ii. 192, 197, 209.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">defeated in Florence, ii. 212.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">persecuted by Inq., ii. 236; iii. +<a href="#page_201">201</a>.</span><br /> + +Giacomo della Marca, ii. 171.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">preaches on the blood of Christ, ii. 172.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his labors in Bosnia, ii. 308.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">crushes Hungarian Hussites, ii. 542.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">preaches crusade against Turks, ii. 555.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his account of Fraticelli, iii. +<a href="#page_164">164</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">threatens Sixtus IV., iii. +<a href="#page_174">174</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">suppresses Fraticelli, iii. +<a href="#page_176">176</a>.</span><br /> + +Giacomo of Turin endeavors to suppress Waldenses, ii. 195.<br /> + +Giacopo della Chiusa attempts to murder Rainerio, ii. 215.<br /> + +Giacopo, Bp. of Fermo, favors the Fraticelli, iii. +<a href="#page_159">159</a>.<br /> + +Giacopo of Palestrina, his efforts in Bosnia, ii. 294.<br /> + +Giacopo di San Gemignano, iii. +<a href="#page_062">62</a>.<br /> + +Giacopo di Voragine on Peter Martyr, ii. 216.<br /> + +Gieremia the heresiarch recants, ii. 234.<br /> + +Gilbert of Gemblours on condition of the Church, i. 39, 53.<br /> + +Giles Cantor, ii. 405.<br /> + +Gilio, disciple of St. Francis, i. 264; iii. +<a href="#page_004">4</a>, +<a href="#page_028">28</a>.<br /> + +Gilles Flameng, iii. +<a href="#page_523">523</a>, +<a href="#page_530">530</a>.<br /> + +Gilles de Sillé, iii. +<a href="#page_479">479</a>, +<a href="#page_488">488</a>.<br /> + +Gilles, Abp. of Bourges, impoverished by Clement V., i. 17.<br /> + +Gilles, Abp. of Narbonne, condemns Olivists, iii. +<a href="#page_050">50</a>.<br /> + +Giordano da Rivalto on absence of heresy, ii. 276.<br /> + +Giorgio di Casale, inq., persecutes witches, iii. +<a href="#page_546">546</a>.<br /> + +Giovacchino di Fiore—see Joachim.<br /> + +Giovanni Borelli—see John of Parma.<br /> + +Giovanni di Borgo, inq., persecutes Fraticelli, iii. +<a href="#page_159">159</a>.<br /> + +Giovanni da Casemario, ii. 292.<br /> + +Giovanni di Murro, iii. +<a href="#page_042">42</a>, +<a href="#page_044">44</a>. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_693" id="page_693"></a>{693}</span><br /> + +Giovanni, Abp. of Pisa, prosecutes Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_307">307</a>, +<a href="#page_318">318</a>.<br /> + +Giovanni of Ragusa, his account of Bosnia, ii. 311.<br /> + +Giovanni di Salerno, the first inq., i. 326.<br /> + +Giovanni Schio da Vicenza, his career, i. 240; ii. 203.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">made perpetual inq. of Lombardy, ii. 206.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">reconciles Vicenza, ii. 234.</span><br /> + +Girard of Grammont, his worldliness, i. 39.<br /> + +Girling Mary Ann, her sect, iii. +<a href="#page_102">102</a>.<br /> + +Girls, age of responsibility, i. 603.<br /> + +Girona, C. of, in 1197, on Waldenses, i. 81.<br /> + +Gironde, Olivists burned, iii. +<a href="#page_077">77</a>.<br /> + +Giulitta of Florence, i. 115.<br /> + +Glagolitic writing allowed in Bosnia, ii. 297.<br /> + +<i>Gloriosam ecclesiam</i>, bull, iii. +<a href="#page_075">75</a>.<br /> + +Gloucester, Duchess of, penanced for sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_467">467</a>.<br /> + +Glutto, Frà, the Apostle, iii. +<a href="#page_105">105</a>.<br /> + +God the first inq., 406.<br /> + +Godefroi de Paris on the Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_327">327</a>.<br /> + +Godfrey of Bouillon ravages Abbey of S. Tron, i. 10.<br /> + +Godin the Amaurian burned, ii. 321.<br /> + +Goetic magic, iii. +<a href="#page_389">389</a>.<br /> + +Goffredo, legate, his laws on heresy in Milan, i. 320; ii. 200.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">intervenes in Bergamo, ii. 201.</span><br /> + +Gognati, Thomas, inq. of Vienna, ii. 416.<br /> + +Gokard, the, iii. +<a href="#page_513">513</a>.<br /> + +Gonsalvo de Balboa suppresses Olivi’s writings, iii. +<a href="#page_047">47</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">reforms the Franciscans, iii. +<a href="#page_058">58</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">enforces the bull <i>Exivi</i>, iii. +<a href="#page_061">61</a>.</span><br /> + +Gonsalvo de Cordova protects Naples from Inq., ii. 288.<br /> + +Goslar, test of Cathari at, i. 99.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Cathari hanged in 1052, i. 110.</span><br /> + +Gost, or Catharan visitor, ii. 305.<br /> + +Gottlieben, Huss and John XXII. imprisoned in, ii. 479, 480.<br /> + +Gottschale, his heresy, i. 217.<br /> + +Gourdon, usurers of, penanced, i. 358.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">heretics in, ii. 31.</span><br /> + +Grabon, Matthew, at Constance, ii. 409.<br /> + +Grace, time of, i. 371.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its efficacy, ii. 16.</span><br /> + +Gradenigo, Piero, his ducal oath, ii. 252.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">rebuffs the Inq., ii. 253.</span><br /> + +Grado, patriarchate of, ii. 273.<br /> + +Grágás, laws on sorcery in, iii. +<a href="#page_422">422</a>.<br /> + +Grammont, priory of, its founding, i. 33.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">impoverished by Clement V., i. 17.</span><br /> + +Gran, synods of, 1450, 1480, ii. 543.<br /> + +Granada, Alonso de Mella put to death, iii. +<a href="#page_169">169</a>.<br /> + +Granaries and cellars forbidden to Franciscans, iii. +<a href="#page_060">60</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">heresy of, iii. +<a href="#page_070">70</a>, +<a href="#page_072">72</a>, +<a href="#page_074">74</a>, +<a href="#page_078">78</a>.</span><br /> + +Grandchildren of heretics, disabilities of, i. 321.<br /> + +Grand Jury, origin of, i. 311.<br /> + +Gratian on duty of persecution, i. 224.<br /> + +Great Schism, its influence on persecution, ii. 156.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">mutual charges of heresy, iii. +<a href="#page_204">204</a>, +<a href="#page_208">208</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">quarrels over, in Germany, iii. +<a href="#page_205">205</a>, +<a href="#page_207">207</a>.</span><br /> + +Greece, Inq. in, i. 355.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">character of its mythology, iii. +<a href="#page_383">383</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">magic in, iii. +<a href="#page_389">389</a>.</span><br /> + +Greek Church, its relations with Rome, iii. +<a href="#page_616">616</a>.<br /> + +Greek Empire, sorcery under, iii. +<a href="#page_398">398</a>.<br /> + +Greek services prohibited in Venice, ii. 274.<br /> + +Greeks, their treatment by the Latins, iii. +<a href="#page_619">619</a>.<br /> + +Greenland, Moravian missions in, ii. 567.<br /> + +Gregory I. enforces monastic poverty, i. 37.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on sufferings of the damned, i. 240.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his demonology, iii. +<a href="#page_381">381</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his tolerance of pagan observances, iii. +<a href="#page_400">400</a>.</span><br /> + +Gregory VII., his war on simony, i. 7.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">decides the case of Gerbald, i. 36.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on masses of concubinary priests, i. 63.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">reproves belief in sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_417">417</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">accused of necromancy, iii. +<a href="#page_419">419</a>.</span><br /> + +Gregory IX. on sacraments in polluted hands, i, 63.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">protects Louis IX., i. 201.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his treatment of Amauri de Montfort, i. 205.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">restores Provence to Raymond VII., i. 206.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">reforms the Poor Catholics, i. 248.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">favors the Mendicants, i. 273, 274, 279.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">reproves the Dominicans, i. 294.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">removes Elias, i. 295; iii. +<a href="#page_006">6</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">first appointments of inqs., i. 300.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">tries legatine Inq., i. 317.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his laws of 1231, i. 324.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 3em;">sent throughout Europe, ii. 163, 200, 208, 331.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">appoints inqs. in Florence and Rome, i. 326, 327.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">founds the Inq., i. 328.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on advantages of time of grace, i. 373.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders converts imprisoned, i. 484.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">mitigates confiscation, i. 509, 517.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on expenses of Inq., i. 526.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">duty of Church to shed blood, i. 536.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders imprisonment for relapse, i. 544.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemns Jewish books, i. 554.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">facilitates degradation of clerks, ii. 3.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">complains of neglect of University of Tolouse, ii. 5.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">stimulates Raymond VII., ii. 15, 20, 23.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">suspends Inq. in Languedoc, ii. 24.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his dealings with Robert le Bugre, ii. 114, 115.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">founds Inq. of Aragon, ii. 163, 166.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">summons Frederic II. to crusade, ii. 194.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">summons the Lombards to suppress heresy, ii. 199.</span> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_694" id="page_694"></a>{694}</span><br /> + +Gregory IX. attacks heresy in Rome, ii. 200.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">attacks heresy in Piacenza, ii. 202.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his dealings with Giovanni Schio, ii. 203, 205.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">seeks to introduce Inq. in Lombardy, ii. 206.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">attacks heretics of Viterbo, ii. 209, 210.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">attacks Ezzelin da Romano, ii, 224, 225.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">persecutes Waldenses of Piedmont, ii. 261.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">stimulates Conrad of Marburg, ii. 329, 332.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">commissions Dominicans in Germany, ii. 333.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders crusade against Luciferans, ii. 336.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">stimulates German bps., ii. 338.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his wrath at murder of Conrad of Marburg, ii. 342.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">favors the Beguines, ii. 352.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">suggests evasion of Franciscan poverty, iii. +<a href="#page_005">5</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders crusade against the Stedingers, iii. +<a href="#page_186">186</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">reconciles the Stedingers, iii. +<a href="#page_188">188</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his political crusades, iii. +<a href="#page_189">189</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">scolds the Hospitallers, iii. +<a href="#page_245">245</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">accuses Frederic II. about Three Impostors, iii. +<a href="#page_560">560</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his dealings with Greek Church, iii. +<a href="#page_617">617</a>, +<a href="#page_618">618</a>.</span><br /> + +Gregory X. revives episcopal concurrence in sentences, i. 335.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">enlarges powers of inqs., i. 357.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">appealed to in case of Pongilupo, ii. 241.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">enforces Franciscan Rule, iii. +<a href="#page_030">30</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">tries to suppress irregular Mendicants, iii. +<a href="#page_032">32</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">tries to unite the Military Orders, iii. +<a href="#page_245">245</a>.</span><br /> + +Gregory IX. orders Inq. in Palestine, i. 356.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">annuls restriction on familiars, i. 383.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders Inq. in Portugal, i, 530; ii. 188.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">provides for expenses of Inq., i. 531.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">pardons Bidon de Puy-Guillem, ii. 127.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his active persecution of Waldenses, ii. 153.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders Ramon de Tarraga punished, ii. 175.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">urges persecution in Corsica, ii. 255.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">demands revision of Florentine statutes, ii. 281.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">prohibits worship of Fraticelli relics, ii. 284; iii. +<a href="#page_166">166</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">claims confiscations in Sicily, ii. 285.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">persecutes Catharism in Bosnia, ii. 294, 304.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">warned by the Friends of God, ii. 366.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">introduces Inq. in Germany, ii. 388, 390.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">confirms confiscation of Beguinages, ii. 392.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders Flagellants suppressed, ii. 393.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">investigates the Beghards, ii 394.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">demands tithes in Germany, ii. 434.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemns Milicz of Kremsier, ii. 436.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders prosecution of Wickliff, ii. 442.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">represses Fraticelli missions, iii. +<a href="#page_167">167</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">prosecutes Arnaldo Muntaner, iii. +<a href="#page_169">169</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">tries Bernabo Visconti, iii. +<a href="#page_203">203</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">confirms jurisdiction of Inq. over sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_454">454</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his condemnation of Lully, iii. +<a href="#page_584">584</a>, +<a href="#page_586">586</a>, +<a href="#page_587">587</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">censorship of Inq., iii. +<a href="#page_612">612</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">dealings with Greek Church, iii. +<a href="#page_620">620</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">threatened by St. Birgitta, iii. +<a href="#page_634">634</a>.</span><br /> + +Gregory XII. aids Sigismund to conquer Bosnia, ii. 305.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">dealings with Greek Church, iii. +<a href="#page_620">620</a>.</span><br /> + +Gregory XIII. investigates Lully, iii. +<a href="#page_587">587</a>.<br /> + +Gregory XV. forbids discussion on Immaculate Conception, iii. +<a href="#page_609">609</a>.<br /> + +Gregory, founder of Bohemian Brethren, ii. 563.<br /> + +Gregory of Fano on death-penalty, i. 228.<br /> + +Gregory of Heimberg, ii. 417, 558.<br /> + +Gregory of Tours on sacred medicine, iii 410.<br /> + +Grillot, Jean, denies Immaculate Conception, iii. +<a href="#page_602">602</a>.<br /> + +Grimaldo, Inq. of Florence, i. 523.<br /> + +Grimerio of Piacenza, iii. +<a href="#page_196">196</a>.<br /> + +Grimoald of Benevento, iii. +<a href="#page_415">415</a>.<br /> + +Gristan, Abbey of, false saints in, iii. +<a href="#page_422">422</a>.<br /> + +Groot, Gerard, ii. 360.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemns astrology, iii. +<a href="#page_444">444</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">persecutes sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_459">459</a>.</span><br /> + +Grosseteste, Robert, denounces the venality of Rome, i. 17, 54.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">asks for friars, i. 279.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his grand inquest, i. 312.</span><br /> + +Gualvez, Cristobal, his dismissal, ii. 180.<br /> + +Guardia Piemontese, ii. 248.<br /> + +Guardianship, confiscation of, i. 519.<br /> + +Guelderland, peasant rising in, i. 280.<br /> + +Guglielma of Milan, iii. +<a href="#page_090">90</a>.<br /> + +Guglielmites, iii. +<a href="#page_091">91</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their fate, iii. +<a href="#page_100">100</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">the Visconti accused as, iii. +<a href="#page_197">197</a>.</span><br /> + +Gui of Auvergne undertakes crusade, i. 148, 155.<br /> + +Gui II. of Cambrai spares Marguerite la Porete, ii. 123.<br /> + +Gui Caprier, bribery of, ii. 70.<br /> + +Gui de Cobardon persecutes Waldenses, ii. 148.<br /> + +Gui Dauphin, iii. +<a href="#page_273">273</a>.<br /> + +Gui Foucoix—see Clement IV.<br /> + +Guy de Levis accused of heresy, ii. 72.<br /> + +Gui de Montfort, i. 180, 182, 193, 198, 200.<br /> + +Gui, papal legate to Languedoc, i. 136.<br /> + +Gui of Reims burns heretics in 1204, i. 307.<br /> + +Gui of Vaux-Cernay, i. 159, 168.<br /> + +Guibert of Nogent on ligatures, iii. +<a href="#page_418">418</a>. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_695" id="page_695"></a>{695}</span><br /> + +Guido Maltraverso condemns Armanno Pongilupo, ii. 241.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">claims Ferrara for the Church, iii. +<a href="#page_194">194</a>.</span><br /> + +Guido of Milan purchases absolution, i. 41.<br /> + +Guido da Sesto, inq. of Milan, ii. 218.<br /> + +Guido da Tusis, his tribunal, ii. 242.<br /> + +Guidone da Cocchenato, inq., ii. 237; iii. +<a href="#page_099">99</a>, +<a href="#page_100">100</a>.<br /> + +Guillabert of Castres, i. 193; ii. 34.<br /> + +Guillelma Tournière, case of, ii. 108.<br /> + +Guillaume d’Auvergne, Bp. of Paris, on pluralities, i. 25.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemns scholastic errors, iii. +<a href="#page_561">561</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on the Divine Vision, iii. +<a href="#page_590">590</a>.</span><br /> + +Guillaume de Beaujeu, death of, iii. +<a href="#page_246">246</a>.<br /> + +Guillaume le Berger replaces Joan of Arc, iii. +<a href="#page_377">377</a>.<br /> + +Guillaume des Bordes converts Waldenses, ii. 152.<br /> + +Guillaume de Cobardon, ii. 56.<br /> + +Guillaume the Goldsmith, ii. 320, 322.<br /> + +Guillaume de Morières, ii. 80, 84.<br /> + +Guillaume de Paris supports Foulques de S. Georges, ii. 79.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemns Marguerite la Porete, ii. 123, 575.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders seizure of Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_260">260</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his trials of the Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_262">262</a>.</span><br /> + +Guillaume de Plaisian, iii. +<a href="#page_281">281</a>, +<a href="#page_282">282</a>, +<a href="#page_284">284</a>, +<a href="#page_290">290</a>.<br /> + +Guillaume de Villars and the Inq., ii. 130.<br /> + +Guillem Arnaud, inq., acts under legatine authority, i. 330.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">appointed inq., ii. 8.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his activity, ii. 10, 21.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">driven from Toulouse, ii. 17.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">exc. Toulouse, ii. 19.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">exc. magistrates of Toulouse, ii. 24, 569.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">prosecutes the de Niort, ii. 28.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his murder, ii. 36.</span><br /> + +Guillem Arnaud, Bp. of Carcassonne, i. 356.<br /> + +Guillem Autier, ii. 106.<br /> + +Guillem Calverie, case of, i. 420, 424, 429; ii. 95.<br /> + +Guillem Falquet, his visits to Lombardy, ii. 50.<br /> + +Guillem de Fenasse, case of, i. 519.<br /> + +Guillem Fournier, his visit to Lombardy, ii. 49.<br /> + +Guillem Fransa, trial of, ii. 100.<br /> + +Guillem Giraud, Olivist antipope, iii. +<a href="#page_080">80</a>.<br /> + +Guillem Jean, his treachery and murder, ii. 106.<br /> + +Guillem du Mas-Saintes-Puelles, ii. 37.<br /> + +Guillem de Montanagout, ii. 2.<br /> + +Guillem of Narbonne acts as inq., i. 334.<br /> + +Guillem Pagès, Catharan missionary, ii. 61.<br /> + +Guillem Pelisson, ii. 8, 17, 18.<br /> + +Guillem Pierre, defends the Inq., ii. 87.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on extinction of Catharism, ii. 104.</span><br /> + +Guillem Ruffi burned as an Apostle, iii. +<a href="#page_123">123</a>.<br /> + +Guillem de S. Seine on impeding the Inq., ii. 63.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his trial of a pardoner, iii. +<a href="#page_623">623</a>, +<a href="#page_662">662</a>.</span><br /> + +Guillem Salavert, case of, i. 419, 428; ii. 95, 573.<br /> + +Guillem Sicrède, case of, i. 409.<br /> + +Guillem de Solier, i. 316, 435.<br /> + +Guillem de Tudela, his poem, i. 127, 138.<br /> + +Guillermo of Valencia threatened by Jayme II., iii. +<a href="#page_055">55</a>.<br /> + +Guillot of Picardy attacks the Mendicants, i. 287.<br /> + +Guilt, assumption of, i. 402.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1.5em;">entailing confiscation, i. 507.</span><br /> + +Guion de Cressonessart, ii. 123.<br /> + +Guiraud d’Auterive, case of, i. 499.<br /> + +Guiraud de Niort, ii. 13, 29.<br /> + +Guiraud Valette deposed by Clement V., iii. +<a href="#page_061">61</a>.<br /> + +<i>Gulathingenses leges</i>, sorcery in, iii. +<a href="#page_432">432</a>.<br /> + +Gumiel, Abbey of, i. 248.<br /> + +Gyrovagi, i. 37.<br /> + +<br /> +<a name="H" id="H"></a><span class="letra">H</span>ABONDE, Dame, iii. +<a href="#page_494">494</a>.<br /> + +<i>Hæreticus indutus</i>, i. 92.<br /> + +Hagen, Matthew, burned at Berlin, ii. 415.<br /> + +Hainault, Lollards in, ii. 368.<br /> + +Hair, short, worn by Joan of Arc, iii. +<a href="#page_352">352</a>, +<a href="#page_368">368</a>.<br /> + +Haito II. (Armenia), i. 298; iii. +<a href="#page_035">35</a>.<br /> + +Hako Hakonsen, his laws on sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_432">432</a>.<br /> + +Halberstadt, Bp., exc. Burchard III. of Magdeburg, iii. +<a href="#page_302">302</a>.<br /> + +Hales, Alexander, on Franciscan poverty, iii. +<a href="#page_007">7</a>.<br /> + +Halle, Waldensianism in, ii. 347.<br /> + +<i>Hamleypur</i>, iii. +<a href="#page_405">405</a>.<br /> + +Hammer-Purgstal on Templar idols, iii. +<a href="#page_264">264</a>.<br /> + +Hans of Niklaushausen, ii. 418.<br /> + +Harald Harfaager, iii. +<a href="#page_408">408</a>.<br /> + +Hartmann of Kiburg persecutes heretics, ii. 363.<br /> + +Hartwig of Bremen, his trouble with the Stedingers, iii. +<a href="#page_183">183</a>.<br /> + +Haruspex, laws against, iii. +<a href="#page_397">397</a>.<br /> + +Havemann, his estimate of the Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_250">250</a>.<br /> + +Haymo of Feversham, iii. +<a href="#page_003">3</a>, +<a href="#page_007">7</a>.<br /> + +Head, idol, of the Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_263">263</a>, +<a href="#page_270">270</a>.<br /> + +Hearth-tax granted to Innocent III., i. 161, 165.<br /> + +Hebrew magicians, iii. +<a href="#page_388">388</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">witches, iii. +<a href="#page_396">396</a>, +<a href="#page_493">493</a>.</span><br /> + +Heidelberg, reform of Franciscans in, iii. +<a href="#page_172">172</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">witches burned in, 1446, iii. +<a href="#page_536">536</a>.</span><br /> + +Heinz von Müllenheim, ii. 345.<br /> + +Heisterbach, Abbey of, its beneficence, i. 35.<br /> + +Helinand of Reims, i. 8.<br /> + +Hemmenrode, Abbey of, its beneficence, i. 35.<br /> + +Hemmerlin, Felix, assails the Beguines, ii. 411.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his account of Hussite missions, ii. 532.</span><br /> + +Hendrik of Brabant leads crusade against Stedingers, iii. +<a href="#page_187">187</a>. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_696" id="page_696"></a>{696}</span><br /> + +Hengst, the curative sorcerer, iii. +<a href="#page_508">508</a>.<br /> +<i>Hennins</i>, iii. +<a href="#page_208">208</a>.<br /> +Henrician heresy of opposing the papacy, iii. +<a href="#page_182">182</a>.<br /> +Henricians, heresy of, i. 72.<br /> +Henry III. (Emp.) hangs Cathari, i. 110.<br /> +Henry V. (Emp.), his relations with Paschal II., iii. +<a href="#page_181">181</a>.<br /> +Henry VI., his laws on heresy, i. 319, 481, 502.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">assists Count Sayn, ii. 340.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">on crusade against heretics, ii, 341, 343.</span><br /> +Henry VII. (Emp.) on confiscation, i. 320.<br /> +Henry I. (France), his sale of bishoprics, i. 8.<br /> +Henry IV. (France), his death predicted, iii. +<a href="#page_446">446</a>.<br /> +Henry I. (Eng.), laws of, on sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_420">420</a>.<br /> +Henry II. (Eng.), persecutes heresy, i. 113, 121.<br /> +Henry III. (Eng.), assists Raymond, i. 191.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">abandons Raymond, i. 196.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">stops Grosseteste’s inquest, i. 312.</span><br /> +Henry IV. (Eng.) persecutes Lollards, i. 352.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">tries to suppress sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_407">407</a>.</span><br /> +Henry V. (Eng.), persecutes Lollards, i. 353.<br /> +Henry VI. (Eng.), his expedition to Paris, iii. +<a href="#page_352">352</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">his letters on Joan of Arc, iii. +<a href="#page_374">374</a>.</span><br /> +Henry VIII., his legislation on heresy, i. 353.<br /> +Henry de Agro, Inq. of Germany, ii. 386.<br /> +Henry of Albano on the Church, i. 52.<br /> +Henry of Cambrai and his chapter, iii. +<a href="#page_447">447</a>.<br /> +Henry da Ceva, iii. +<a href="#page_063">63</a>, +<a href="#page_081">81</a>, +<a href="#page_144">144</a>.<br /> +Henry de Chamay, complains of bp., i. 351.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">procures confirmation of privileges, i. 385; ii. 130.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">his assemblies of experts, i. 389.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">discovers false witness, i. 441.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">orders destruction of houses, i. 482.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">prosecutes the dead, i. 523.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">his sentences on Cathari, ii. 108.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">his activity ii. 124.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">his persecution of Waldenses, ii. 151.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">he burns Olivists, iii. +<a href="#page_077">77</a>, +<a href="#page_082">82</a>, +<a href="#page_653">653</a>.</span><br /> +Henry of Clairvaux assails Cathari, i. 120, 124.<br /> +Henry of Coblentz, his complaint at Basle, ii. 533.<br /> +Henry, Abp. of Cologne, his quarrels with the curia, ii. 337.<br /> +Henry of Fistigen, his career, i. 277.<br /> +Henry of Fünfkirchen, ii. 543.<br /> +Henry of Ghent on popular sovereignty, iii. +<a href="#page_139">139</a>.<br /> +Henry of Hesse converts Nicholas of Basle, ii. 405.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">on corruption of the Church, iii. +<a href="#page_636">636</a>.</span><br /> +Henry of Lastenbock, ii. 457, 459.<br /> +Henry of Lausanne, i. 69.<br /> +Henry of Olmütz persecutes Waldenses, ii. 400.<br /> +Henry Minneke, his case, i. 315.<br /> +Henry Raspe persecutes heretics, ii. 343.<br /> +Henry, Bp. of Ratisbon, suppresses heresy, iii. +<a href="#page_089">89</a>.<br /> +Henry of Reims persecutes Cathari, i. 112.<br /> +Henry of Vehringen, i. 306; ii. 316.<br /> +Henry von Virnenburg (Cologne), prosecutes Master Eckart, i. 361; ii. 359.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">persecutes Beghards, ii. 367, 373.</span><br /> + +Heresy, i. 57.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">popular, i. 60; iii. +<a href="#page_550">550</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">its technical character, iii, 644.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">caused by clerical corruption, i. 61, 85; ii. 493, 531.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">sexual license attributed to, i. 85, 101; ii. 335, 357, 408, 474; iii. +<a href="#page_097">97</a>, +<a href="#page_127">127</a>, +<a href="#page_169">169</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">supreme guilt of, i. 211, 213, 236.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">uncertainty of its punishment, i. 220, 308.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">trials, difficulties of, i. 307.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">proved by slender testimony, i. 437.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">jurisdiction over it, i. 437, 462, 495.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">it entails confiscation, i. 503.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">created by the Church, i. 541.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">protection of, in Languedoc, ii. 5.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">its political relations in Italy, ii. 191, 223, 229; iii. +<a href="#page_189">189</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">its use as a political factor, iii. +<a href="#page_191">191</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">mutual accusations in Great Schism, iii, 204, 208.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">popular sensitiveness to, iii. +<a href="#page_592">592</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">evils of its suppression, iii. +<a href="#page_636">636</a>.</span><br /> +Heresy of not paying tithes, i. 26; iii. +<a href="#page_185">185</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">antisacerdotal, i. 64.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">of the Waldenses, i. 79; ii. 150.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">of the Cathari, i. 93.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">of toleration, i. 224.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">of usury, i. 359.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">of enduring exc., i. 404; ii. 122.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">of Boniface VIII., ii. 97.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">of the Amaurians, ii. 320.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">of the Luciferans, ii. 335.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">of the Brethren of the Free Spirit, ii. 356.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">of the Flagellants, ii. 384.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">of the Winkelers, ii. 400.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">of the Men of Intelligence, ii. 406.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">of the Brethren of the Cross, ii. 407.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">of Hans of Niklaushausen, ii. 418.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">of John of Wesel, ii. 420.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">of the Wickliffites, ii. 440.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">of communion in both elements, ii. 472.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">of John Huss, ii. 481.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">of the Hussites, ii. 519.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">of the Bohemian Brethren, ii. 561.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">of the Joachites, iii. +<a href="#page_021">21</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">of the Spiritual Franciscans, iii. +<a href="#page_062">62</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">of the Olivists, iii. +<a href="#page_078">78</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">of the Guglielmites, iii. +<a href="#page_090">90</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">of the Apostolic Brethren, iii. +<a href="#page_120">120</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">of the Spirit of Liberty, iii. +<a href="#page_124">124</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">of the poverty of Christ, iii. +<a href="#page_134">134</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">of disobedience, i. 229; iii. +<a href="#page_181">181</a>, +<a href="#page_189">189</a>, +<a href="#page_192">192</a>, +<a href="#page_616">616</a>, +<a href="#page_617">617</a>.</span> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_697" id="page_697"></a>{697}</span><br /> +Heresy of the Visconti, iii. +<a href="#page_198">198</a>, +<a href="#page_200">200</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">attributed to Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_269">269</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_435">435</a>, +<a href="#page_449">449</a>, +<a href="#page_450">450</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of denial of witchcraft, iii. +<a href="#page_465">465</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of the schoolmen, iii. +<a href="#page_561">561</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of denying the Divine Vision, iii. +<a href="#page_595">595</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of Immaculate Conception, iii. +<a href="#page_600">600</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">respecting the Virgin, iii. +<a href="#page_603">603</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of martyrdom for Immaculate Conception, iii. +<a href="#page_610">610</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of simony, iii. +<a href="#page_625">625</a>.</span><br /> + +Heretication, i. 94.<br /> + +Heretics, faith not to be kept with, i. 174, 228; ii. 468.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their burial forbidden, i. 232.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">compassion for them a sin, i. 240.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">evidence of, i. 316, 321, 434, 436.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">to be captured and despoiled, i. 322.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">punishment of intercourse with, ii. 31.</span><br /> + +Herman of Ryswick, ii. 423; iii. +<a href="#page_565">565</a>.<br /> + +Hermann of Minden on papal dispensation, iii. +<a href="#page_028">28</a>.<br /> + +Hermann of Soest burned for sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_423">423</a>.<br /> + +Hermannus Alemannus translates Averrhoes, iii. +<a href="#page_561">561</a>.<br /> + +Herodias, iii. +<a href="#page_494">494</a>.<br /> + +Herzegovina defended by the Cathari, ii. 314.<br /> + +Heyden, John, a sorcerer, iii. +<a href="#page_459">459</a>.<br /> + +Hildebert of Le Mans on the papal curia, i. 17, 20.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">confutes Henry of Lausanne, i. 69.</span><br /> + +Hildegarda, St., on the abuses of the Church, i. 53.<br /> + +Hinemar condemns Gottschale, i. 217.<br /> + +Hindu elements in German mysticism, ii. 364.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">witches, iii. +<a href="#page_493">493</a>.</span><br /> + +Hippolytus of Porto on frauds of sorcerers, iii. +<a href="#page_423">423</a>.<br /> + +Holda, iii. +<a href="#page_494">494</a>.<br /> + +Holland, peasant rising in, i. 280.<br /> + +Holy Ghost, incarnation of, iii. +<a href="#page_091">91</a>.<br /> + +Holy Land less important than papal interests, iii. +<a href="#page_189">189</a>, +<a href="#page_193">193</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">causes of its misfortunes, iii. +<a href="#page_245">245</a>.</span><br /> + +Holy See—see Papacy.<br /> + +Holywood, John—see Sacrobosco.<br /> + +Homicide forbidden by Waldenses, i. 80; ii. 150.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">by Cathari, i. 99.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">by Bohemian Brethren, ii. 562.</span><br /> + +<i>Honestis</i> bull, iii. +<a href="#page_547">547</a>.<br /> + +Honorius (Emp.), his laws on sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_398">398</a>.<br /> + +Honorius III. grants Portiuncula indulgence, i. 41; iii. +<a href="#page_246">246</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">denounces clerical corruption, i. 53, 129.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his action in Languedoc, i. 185, 186, 187, 190, 191, 198.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his efforts to obtain prebends, i. 195.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">draws up and confirms coronation edict of Frederic II., i. 133, 322.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">favors the Dominicans, i, 234, 279.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemns Henry Minneke, i. 315; ii. 324.</span><br /> + +Honorius III. appoints inqs., ii. 198.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his efforts in Bosnia, ii. 292.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">asserts Joachim’s orthodoxy, iii. +<a href="#page_014">14</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">degrades Muñoz of Santiago, iii. +<a href="#page_429">429</a>.</span><br /> + +Honorius IV. rejects appeal of Carcassonne, ii. 60.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">summons Parma to submit, ii. 238.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">case of Armanno Pongilupo, ii. 241.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">relaxes persecution in Tuscany, ii. 242.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemns Apostolic Brethren, iii. +<a href="#page_107">107</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his death, i. 290.</span><br /> + +Honorius of Autun on priestly superiority, i. 4.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on duty of persecution, i. 224.</span><br /> + +Hopelessness of defence, i. 450.<br /> + +Horses, divination by, iii. +<a href="#page_403">403</a>.<br /> + +Hospitallers, their organization, iii. +<a href="#page_239">239</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their demoralization, iii. +<a href="#page_245">245</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their conquest of Rhodes, iii. +<a href="#page_248">248</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">wealth of the Order, iii. +<a href="#page_251">251</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">threatened in 1307, iii, 278.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">obtain Templar property, iii. +<a href="#page_302">302</a>, +<a href="#page_323">323</a>, +<a href="#page_329">329</a>, +<a href="#page_330">330</a>, +<a href="#page_331">331</a>, +<a href="#page_333">333</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">pensions of Templars paid by them, iii. +<a href="#page_313">313</a>, +<a href="#page_315">315</a>, +<a href="#page_324">324</a>, +<a href="#page_331">331</a>, +<a href="#page_332">332</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">admit Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_324">324</a>.</span><br /> + +Host, magic power of the, i. 49.<br /> + +Houdancourt, heretics burned at, ii. 115.<br /> + +Houses of heretics destroyed, i. 319, 321, 481; ii. 163.<br /> + +Hradisch, Martin Loquis burned at, ii. 519.<br /> + +Hrimthursar, iii. +<a href="#page_401">401</a>, +<a href="#page_404">404</a>.<br /> + +Hrvoje Vukcié of Bosnia, ii. 304, 305.<br /> + +Hugo of Salm, the Templar, iii. +<a href="#page_303">303</a>.<br /> + +Hugolin de Polignac, frauds of, i. 492.<br /> + +Huguenin de la Meu, iii. +<a href="#page_537">537</a>.<br /> + +Hugues of Auxerre exterminates heresy, i. 130.<br /> + +Hugues the blacksmith, ii. 132.<br /> + +Hugues de Digne, favors Joachitism, iii. +<a href="#page_018">18</a>.<br /> + +Hugues Gerold, of Cahors, his fate, i. 557.<br /> + +Hugues le Noir, his inquisitorial powers, ii. 140.<br /> + +Hugues de Payen founds the Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_238">238</a>.<br /> + +Hugues de Peraud, iii. +<a href="#page_247">247</a>, +<a href="#page_248">248</a>, +<a href="#page_274">274</a>, +<a href="#page_290">290</a>, +<a href="#page_326">326</a>.<br /> + +Human sacrifices in magic, iii. +<a href="#page_390">390</a>, +<a href="#page_393">393</a>, +<a href="#page_398">398</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in alchemy, iii. +<a href="#page_474">474</a>.</span><br /> + +Humanism, its influence in Italy, iii. +<a href="#page_565">565</a>.<br /> + +Humanists, bitterness towards Dominicans, ii. 423.<br /> + +Humbert de Beaujeu commands in Languedoc, i. 200.<br /> + +Humbert of Viennois persecutes Waldenses, ii. 151.<br /> + +Hungary, its pretensions over Bosnia, ii. 290.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Dominican missionaries, ii. 293.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">the Tartar invasion, ii. 296.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">contumacy of Ladislas IV., ii. 298.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">crusades against Bosnia, ii. 304.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">conquest of Bosnia from the Turks, ii. 314.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Flagellants in, ii. 393.</span> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_698" id="page_698"></a>{698}</span><br /> + +Hungary, Waldenses in, ii. 397, 400.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Jerome of Prague preaches Hussitism, ii. 496.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">prevalence of Hussitism, ii. 525.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">persecution of Hussites, ii. 542, 544.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">clerical concubinage, ii. 543.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">papal collections in, iii. +<a href="#page_069">69</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Greek Church in, iii. +<a href="#page_617">617</a>.</span><br /> + +Hunneric persecutes Catholics, i. 216.<br /> + +Huns, descended from demons, iii. +<a href="#page_385">385</a>.<br /> + +Hunyady, John, his intervention in Bosnia, ii. 311, 312.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his victory at Belgrade, ii. 553.</span><br /> + +Husbands, betrayal of, by wives, i. 432.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">required to denounce wives, i. 432.</span><br /> + +Huss, John, precursors of, ii. 436.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his early career, ii. 444.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his obligations to Wickliff, ii. 448.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">is exc., ii. 450.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">all-powerful in Bohemia, ii. 452.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his presence at Constance necessary, ii. 455.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">necessity of his arrest, ii. 460.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his trial, ii. 469.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his unpardonable doctrines, ii. 481.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">admits that heresy is punishable, i. 540.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">efforts to obtain his abjuration, ii. 486.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his execution, i. 552; ii. 492.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">venerated as a martyr, ii. 494, 507, 509.</span><br /> + +Hussites, the, ii. 506.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their relations with Waldenses, ii. 157.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their safe-conducts to Basle, ii. 466.</span><br /> + +Hussitism in Germany, ii. 410, 412, 414.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">coalesces with Waldensianism, ii. 415.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in Danubian provinces, ii. 543, 544, 545, 549.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in Hungary, ii. 525, 542.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in Poland, ii. 496, 525, 544, 549, 551.</span><br /> + +Hyacinth, St., of Hungary, ii. 293.<br /> + +Hypothecations by heretics invalid, i. 524.<br /> + +<br /> +<a name="I" id="I"></a><span class="letra">I</span>BAS OF EDESSA, case of, i. 230.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Ibn Roschd, iii. +<a href="#page_558">558</a>.</span><br /> + +Iceland, laws on sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_422">422</a>, +<a href="#page_432">432</a>.<br /> + +Idacius prosecutes Priscillian, i. 213.<br /> + +Idol, the, of the Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_263">263</a>, +<a href="#page_270">270</a>.<br /> + +Iglau, pacification of, ii. 538.<br /> + +Ignorance no defence, i. 450.<br /> + +Illuminism of S. Bonaventura, iii. +<a href="#page_026">26</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of the German mystics, ii. 362, 364, 365.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of the Ortlibenses, ii. 357.</span><br /> + +Illusions of sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_407">407</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of the Sabbat, iii. +<a href="#page_493">493</a>.</span><br /> + +Image-worship condemned by Mathias of<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Janow, ii. 437.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">by Wickliffites, ii. 440.</span><br /> + +Immaculate Conception, the, iii. +<a href="#page_596">596</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Order of the, iii. +<a href="#page_607">607</a>.</span><br /> + +Immortality, denial of, iii. +<a href="#page_559">559</a>, +<a href="#page_560">560</a>, +<a href="#page_562">562</a>, +<a href="#page_564">564</a>, +<a href="#page_565">565</a>, +<a href="#page_569">569</a>, +<a href="#page_572">572</a>, +<a href="#page_574">574</a>, +<a href="#page_576">576</a>.<br /> + +Immunity of crusaders, i. 148.<br /> + +Immunity of ecclesiastics, i. 2, 32; iii. +<a href="#page_629">629</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of familiars, i. 381.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of monks withdrawn in heresy, i. 314.</span><br /> + +Impeccability, heresy of, ii. 320, 322.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of Ortlibenses, ii. 356.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in German mysticism, ii. 364.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in the Spirit of Liberty, iii. +<a href="#page_124">124</a>.</span><br /> + +Impeding the Inq., i. 349, 381; ii. 63, 74.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">by disbelieving witchcraft, iii. +<a href="#page_506">506</a>.</span><br /> + +Imperial laws against magic, iii. +<a href="#page_392">392</a>.<br /> + +Impostors, the Three, iii. +<a href="#page_560">560</a>.<br /> + +Imprecatory masses, iii. +<a href="#page_447">447</a>.<br /> + +Imprisonment for heresy, i. 220, 484.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">harsh, as torture, i. 420.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">frequency of, i. 485, 494.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">commutation of, i. 496.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in Huss’s case, ii. 479.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">detentive, i. 420, 488.</span><br /> + +Incantation, the mass used as, i. 50.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">powers of, iii. +<a href="#page_391">391</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Christian, iii. +<a href="#page_400">400</a>.</span><br /> + +Incarceration—see Imprisonment.<br /> + +Incarnations of Christ, iii. +<a href="#page_127">127</a>, +<a href="#page_166">166</a>.<br /> + +Incest, condonation of, i. 32.<br /> + +Incredulity, popular, as to witchcraft, ii. 533, 540, 546.<br /> + +Incubi, iii. +<a href="#page_383">383</a>, +<a href="#page_501">501</a>, +<a href="#page_542">542</a>.<br /> + +Indelibility of priestly character, i. 4.<br /> + +Index, Lully placed in the, iii. +<a href="#page_587">587</a>, +<a href="#page_588">588</a>.<br /> + +Indulgences, theory of, i. 41.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">plenary, i. 42.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">sale of, i. 43, 44,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">minor, i. 45.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">used against the Church, i. 184.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">for inqs., i. 239.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">for missionary work, i. 297.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">rejected by Jean Vitrier, ii. 137.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">by Waldenses, ii. 150.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">by Luther, ii. 425.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">in Prague in 1393, ii. 438.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">by Wickliffites, ii. 440.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">by Huss, ii. 449.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">popular resistance to, ii. 450.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">issued by John XXII., iii. +<a href="#page_067">67</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">given Savonarola on the scaffold, iii. +<a href="#page_234">234</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">abuse of, iii. +<a href="#page_246">246</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">to reward the use of torture, iii. +<a href="#page_300">300</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">for persecuting witches, iii. +<a href="#page_546">546</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">sellers of, iii. +<a href="#page_621">621</a>, +<a href="#page_662">662</a>.</span><br /> + +Industry, influence of confiscation on, i. 524.<br /> + +Infantile communion, ii. 474, 512, 534.<br /> + +Infants dedicated to Satan, iii. +<a href="#page_504">504</a>.<br /> + +Infernal deities in Latin sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_390">390</a>.<br /> + +Infidelity of the Church in 15th cent., iii. +<a href="#page_566">566</a>, +<a href="#page_577">577</a>.<br /> + +Informality of early procedure, ii. 8.<br /> + +Influence of Inq., i. 557; iii. +<a href="#page_641">641</a>.<br /> + +Ingelger of Anjou recovers the relics of St. Martin, i. 48.<br /> + +Ingheramo da Macerata, ii. 198.<br /> + +Initiation into Order of Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_268">268</a>, +<a href="#page_272">272</a>.<br /> + +Innocent II. claims feudal power over benefices, i. 6. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_699" id="page_699"></a>{699}</span><br /> + +Innocent II. on masses of concubinary priests, i. 63.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemns Henry of Lausanne, i. 70.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemns Arnald of Brescia, i. 73.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">persecutes Cathari, i. 117.</span><br /> + +Innocent III. on priestly superiority, i. 4.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">deprecated simony, i. 7.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his prosecutions of bps., i. 14.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his disinterestedness, i. 18.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">punishes forgery of papal letters, i. 19.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">claims benefices for his friends, i. 25.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">protects Waldemar of Sleswick, i. 33.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">opposes Cathari in Slavonia, i. 107; ii. 291.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">suppresses Cathari of Viterbo, i. 116.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">proclaims war on heresy, i. 128.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">explains heresy by clerical corruption, i. 129.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">forbids Bible to laity, i. 131.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">removes exc. of Raymond VI., i. 133.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his dealings with Languedoc, i. 136-83.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">convokes the Council of Lateran, i. 181.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his legislation on heresy, i. 220, 232, 320, 431, 444, 502.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">faith not to be kept with heretics, i. 228.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">makes Foulques de Neuilly preach the crusade, i. 245.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">approves the Poor Catholics, i. 246.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">approves Dominican Order, i. 252.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">approves Franciscan Rule, i. 257.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">forbids use of ordeal, i. 306; ii. 317.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">degrades Bp. of Coire, i. 403.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">heresy in Rome, ii. 192.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">threatens Milan, ii. 194.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">settles troubles at Piacenza, ii. 196.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemns Joachim’s Trinitarian error, iii. +<a href="#page_013">13</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">scolds the Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_243">243</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">denies Immaculate Conception, iii. +<a href="#page_596">596</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his dealings with Greek Church, iii. +<a href="#page_617">617</a>, +<a href="#page_619">619</a>.</span><br /> + +Innocent IV., his election, ii. 26.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his use of pluralities, i. 25, 26.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on immunity of crusaders, i. 44, 148.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">restricts the Poor Catholics, i. 248.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">favors the Mendicants, i. 273, 282.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his bull against the Mendicants, i. 283.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">prayed to death by Dominicans, i. 284.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">forces the adoption of persecuting laws, i. 322.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">subjects Mendicants to Inq., i. 362.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his bull <i>ad extirpanda</i>, i. 337.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his legislation on Inq., i. 301, 333, 335, 344, 370, 381, 382, 421, 438, 452, 467, 471, 472, 473, 489, 495, 496, 505, 509, 510, 546; ii. 3, 40, 45, 46, 94, 119, 120, 166, 167, 168, 221, 233.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on case of Manfredo di Sesto, i. 461.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">restricts use of interdict, ii. 3.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">refuses to relieve Dominicans of Inq., ii. 39.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">removes Raymond VII.’s exc., ii. 41.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his liberality to Raymond, ii. 47.</span><br /> + +Innocent IV. appoints Giovanni Schio perpetual inq., ii. 206.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders persecution in Florence, ii. 211.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">utilizes death of Frederic II., ii. 213.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">canonizes Peter Martyr, ii. 216.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">alienates Milan, ii. 219.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders Gatta destroyed, ii. 220.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">attacks Ezzelin da Romano, ii. 225, 226.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">urges inqs. to activity, ii. 238.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">seeks to introduce Inq. in Venice, ii. 250.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">transfers Bosnia to Kalocsa, ii. 296.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">forbids crusades against Bosnia, ii. 297.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders persecution in Bohemia, ii. 427.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">relaxes Franciscan rule of poverty, iii. +<a href="#page_008">8</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders crusade against Frederic II., iii. +<a href="#page_189">189</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his political power, iii. +<a href="#page_190">190</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">dealings with Greek Church, iii. +<a href="#page_617">617</a>, +<a href="#page_618">618</a>, +<a href="#page_619">619</a>.</span><br /> + +Innocent V. first Dominican pope, i. 256.<br /> + +Innocent VI., his trouble with Venice, ii. 273.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">demands revision of Florentine statutes, ii. 280.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders crusade against Bosnia, ii. 303, 304.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">introduces Inq. in Germany, ii. 385.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">represses Flagellants, ii. 393.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">authorizes pursuit of Jews, i. 396.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">demands tithes in Germany, ii. 433.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">persecutes Fraticelli of Crimea, iii. +<a href="#page_167">167</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">burns Fraticelli in Avignon, iii. +<a href="#page_168">168</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">persecutes Gentile of Spoleto, iii. +<a href="#page_171">171</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">summons Bernabo Visconti, iii. +<a href="#page_202">202</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">reduces the Maffredi, iii. +<a href="#page_203">203</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">dealings with Greek Church, iii. +<a href="#page_617">617</a>.</span><br /> + +Innocent VIII. exempts Franciscans from Inq., i. 363; iii. +<a href="#page_178">178</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on refusal to burn heretics, i. 539; iii. +<a href="#page_547">547</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemns Jean Laillier, ii. 143.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders crusade against Waldenses, ii. 159, 266.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">approves of the Recollects, iii. +<a href="#page_180">180</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">asserts existence of Incubi, iii. +<a href="#page_384">384</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">stimulates witchcraft, iii. +<a href="#page_540">540</a>, +<a href="#page_547">547</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">threatens Giov. Pico, iii. +<a href="#page_573">573</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his dealings with Greek Church, iii. +<a href="#page_621">621</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">he justifies immorality, iii. +<a href="#page_644">644</a>.</span><br /> + +Innocent X. unites Beguines with Tertiaries, ii. 413.<br /> + +Innsbruck, witches of, iii. +<a href="#page_541">541</a>.<br /> + +<i>In pace</i>, i. 487.<br /> + +Inquests, general use of, i. 311.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of bishop, i. 312.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">itinerant, i. 370.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of Bernard de Caux, ii. 45.</span><br /> + +<i>Inquisitio</i>, i. 310.<br /> + +Inquisition, its origin, i. 305.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">episcopal, i. 356.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">papal, tentative commencement, i. 326.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">organized, i. 330.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its relations with episcopate, i. 331.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">becomes permanent, i. 335.</span> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_700" id="page_700"></a>{700}</span><br /> +Inquisition made supreme over state, i. 337.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">organized under bull <i>ad extirpanda</i>, i. 340.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">opposition to, i. 349.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">refuses its records to bishops, i. 350.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">its effectiveness, i. 364, 366, 394.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">its organization, i. 369.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">secrecy of its proceedings, i. 376, 380.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">appeals from, i. 450.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">its penal functions, i. 459.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">its relations with confiscation, i. 505.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">provision for its expenses, i. 352, 512, 525.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">its influence on the Church, i. 557.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">its influence on secular law, i. 559.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">its establishment in Toulouse, ii. 8.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">its introduction in France, ii. 113.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">its introduction in Aragon, ii. 165.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">its absence in Castile, ii. 180.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">its failure in Portugal, ii. 188.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">its development in Italy, ii. 201.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">its career in Naples, ii. 245, 284.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">its introduction in Venice, ii. 249, 273.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">its introduction in Bosnia, ii. 299.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">its commencement in Germany, ii. 333.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">finally established in Germany, ii. 385.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">its commencement in Bohemia, ii. 428.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">its employment against the Hussites, ii. 506, 542, 545.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">use of, for secular ends, ii. 226, 227, 230; iii. +<a href="#page_149">149</a>, +<a href="#page_190">190</a>, +<a href="#page_259">259</a>, +<a href="#page_357">357</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">employed to crush the Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_259">259</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">employed in case of Joan of Arc, iii. +<a href="#page_357">357</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">forbidden cognizance of sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_434">434</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">organizes prosecution of sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_448">448</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">its jurisdiction over witchcraft, iii. +<a href="#page_511">511</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">it stimulates witchcraft, iii. +<a href="#page_538">538</a>, +<a href="#page_539">539</a>, +<a href="#page_543">543</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">opposition to its efforts in witchcraft,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 3em;">iii. +<a href="#page_544">544</a>, +<a href="#page_546">546</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">number of its witch victims, iii. +<a href="#page_549">549</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">its indifference to Averrhoism, iii. +<a href="#page_565">565</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">punishes discussion on Immaculate Conception, iii. +<a href="#page_609">609</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">its censorship of books, iii. +<a href="#page_612">612</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">what it did not effect, iii. +<a href="#page_616">616</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">its jurisdiction over pardoners, iii. +<a href="#page_622">622</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">its neglect of heresy of simony, iii. +<a href="#page_625">625</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">its failure at the Reformation, iii. +<a href="#page_648">648</a>.</span><br /> +Inquisitor-general, creation of, i. 397.<br /> + +Inquisitorial exc., power of, i. 500.<br /> + +Inquisitorial process, i. 310, 399.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">its effectiveness, ii. 334, 336.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">applied to witchcraft, iii. +<a href="#page_513">513</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">in secular courts, i. 402, 408, 560.</span><br /> + +Inquisitors, secular, i. 311.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">papal, their appointment, i. 329.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">at first assistants of bps., i. 330.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">their relations with bps., i. 334, 348, 363, 364.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">forbidden to levy fines, i. 331.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">allowed to levy fines, i. 332.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">their arbitrary powers, i. 343, 405, 440.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">their control over the laws, i. 322, 342.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">their universal jurisdiction, i. 347.</span><br /> + +Inquisitors, they obtain bishoprics, i. 348.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">oath required of, i. 351.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">minimum age requisite, i. 374.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">their ignorance, i. 376, 388.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">they sell license to bear arms, i. 383.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">they disregard assembly of experts, i. 391.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">they act as confessors, i. 399.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">allowed to use torture, i. 422.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">the defence intrusted to them, i. 447.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">presents received by, i. 481.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">their extravagance, i. 528.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">can serve as executioners, i. 537.</span><br /> + +Insabbatati, or Waldenses, i. 77.<br /> + +Insanity, plea of, i. 449.<br /> + +Institoris, Henry, iii. +<a href="#page_540">540</a>, +<a href="#page_541">541</a>.<br /> + +Intercourse with heretics punishable, ii. 31.<br /> + +Interdict, abuses of, ii. 3.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">for collection of debt, ii. 278.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">effects of, upon commerce, ii. 281; iii. +<a href="#page_195">195</a>.</span><br /> + +Interrogatories of Inq., i. 411; iii. +<a href="#page_448">448</a>.<br /> + +Introduction to the Everlasting Gospel, i. 285, 287; iii. +<a href="#page_020">20</a>.<br /> + +Inviolability of ecclesiastics, i. 33.<br /> + +Invocation of demons—see Demons.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">of saints, power of, i. 50.</span><br /> + +Ireland, Observantines introduced, iii. +<a href="#page_173">173</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">proceedings against Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_299">299</a>, +<a href="#page_301">301</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">case of Alice Kyteler, i 354; iii. +<a href="#page_456">456</a>.</span><br /> + +Irregularity, avoidance of, i. 534, 537, 552.<br /> + +Isarn Colli, case of, i. 420, 424; ii. 95, 573.<br /> + +Isarn de Villemur, his poem, ii. 11, 24, 44, 62.<br /> + +Isidor, St., on duty of persecution, i. 216.<br /> + +Isle des Juifs, de Molay burned on, iii. +<a href="#page_325">325</a>.<br /> + +Italy, Arnald of Brescia, i. 72.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">rise of Waldensianism in, i. 76.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Cathari of Monforte, i. 109.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Catharism in 12th cent., i. 115.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">legislation on heresy, i. 221.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">cruelty of criminal law, i. 235.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Poor Catholics in Milan, i. 246.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Flagellants in 1259, i. 272.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">divided between Mendicant Orders, i. 301.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">the laws of Frederic II., i. 321.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">persecution in Rome, i. 324.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Florence, first Inq. in, i. 324.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">subservience of episcopate, i. 332.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">control of bps. over moneys, i. 336.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">bull <i>ad extirpanda</i>, i. 337.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">case of Capello di Chia, i. 342.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">restrictions on bearing arms, i. 382.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">first use of torture in, i. 421.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">extortion by Inq., i. 477.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">confiscation, provisions for, i. 505.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Florence, special provisions in confiscation, i. 525.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">expenses of Inq., i. 525.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">witches of Brescia, i. 539; iii. +<a href="#page_546">546</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">career of Inq. in, ii. 191.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">persistence of Cathari, ii. 255</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Venturino da Bergamo, ii. 380.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">pilgrimage of Bianchi, ii. 404.</span> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_701" id="page_701"></a>{701}</span><br /> + +Italy, Flagellants in 1448, ii. 409.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Spiritual Franciscans, iii. +<a href="#page_032">32</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">their rebellion, iii. +<a href="#page_062">62</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Guglielma of Milan, iii. +<a href="#page_090">90</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Segarelli and Dolcino, iii. +<a href="#page_103">103</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">development of Fraticelli, iii. +<a href="#page_158">158</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">papal policy of conquests, iii. +<a href="#page_189">189</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">John XXII.’s action in Lombardy, iii. +<a href="#page_197">197</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Rienzo and the Maffredi, iii. +<a href="#page_203">203</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Savonarola, iii. +<a href="#page_209">209</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">proceedings against Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_304">304</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">legislation on sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_431">431</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">astrology in, iii. +<a href="#page_440">440</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">witchcraft in, iii. +<a href="#page_518">518</a>, +<a href="#page_546">546</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">humanism in, iii. +<a href="#page_566">566</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">moral degradation, iii. +<a href="#page_543">543</a>.</span><br /> + +Ithacius prosecutes Priscillian, i. 213, 215.<br /> + +Ives Gilemme burned for sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_465">465</a>.<br /> + +Ivo of Chartres on persecution, i. 224.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on condemnation of dead, i. 231.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_417">417</a>.</span><br /> + +Izeshne rite, Mazdean, ii. 472.<br /> + +<br /> +<a name="J" id="J"></a><span class="letra">J</span>ACOB V. HOCHSTRATEN and John Reuchlin, ii. 424.<br /> + +Jacob of Soest prosecutes John Malkaw, iii. +<a href="#page_207">207</a>.<br /> + +Jacob of Wodnan, ii. 566.<br /> + +Jacobel of Mies restores cup to laity, ii. 470.<br /> + +Jacobins, founding of the, i. 255.<br /> + +Jacobines converted by Dominicans, i. 297.<br /> + +Jacopo da Brescia, iii. +<a href="#page_568">568</a>.<br /> + +Jacopo della Chiusa, case of, i. 394.<br /> + +Jacopone da Todi, i. 263; iii. +<a href="#page_041">41</a>, +<a href="#page_104">104</a>, +<a href="#page_554">554</a>.<br /> + +Jacquerie of Savoy in 1365, ii. 260.<br /> + +Jacques Autier, ii. 106.<br /> + +Jacques Bernard persecutes Waldenses, ii. 150.<br /> + +Jacques de More, his activity, ii. 126.<br /> + +Jacques de Polignac, his frauds, i. 490, 521.<br /> + +Jacquette of Bedford accused of sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_468">468</a>.<br /> + +Jailers, rules for, i. 492.<br /> + +Jamnici, ii. 566.<br /> + +Janevisio, Bartolo, his heresy, ii. 176.<br /> + +Jannes and Jambres, iii. +<a href="#page_387">387</a>.<br /> + +Jaquerius, his <i>Flagellum</i>, iii. +<a href="#page_538">538</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on origin of Sabbat, iii. +<a href="#page_497">497</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on death-penalty, iii. +<a href="#page_515">515</a>.</span><br /> + +Jarnsida, punishment of sorcery in, iii. +<a href="#page_432">432</a>.<br /> + +Jayme I. (Aragon) is a hostage with de Montfort, i. 166, 177.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">asks for Inq., ii. 168.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">laws against heresy, i. 319; ii. 163.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">complains of Bern. de Caux, i. 394.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">changes Inq. in Narbonne, ii. 46.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his laws on sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_430">430</a>.</span><br /> + +Jayme II. (Aragon), his relations with Arnaldo de Vilanova, iii. +<a href="#page_052">52</a>-56.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">proceeds against Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_310">310</a>, +<a href="#page_311">311</a>, +<a href="#page_323">323</a>, +<a href="#page_332">332</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">founds Order of Montesa, iii. +<a href="#page_333">333</a>.</span><br /> + +Jayme I. (Majorca) arrests the Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_314">314</a>.<br /> + +Jayme, Fray, of Minorca, ii. 89.<br /> + +Jean d’Amant, case of, iii. +<a href="#page_452">452</a>.<br /> + +Jean, Bp. of Arras, his cardinalate, ii. 135.<br /> + +Jean d’Arsis, his zeal in confiscating, i. 518.<br /> + +Jean d’Aumônes, his reception in Temple, iii. +<a href="#page_276">276</a>.<br /> + +Jean Baudier, case of, i. 517; ii. 95, 112.<br /> + +Jean de Beaumont suppresses Trencavel’s insurrection, ii. 26.<br /> + +Jean de Beaune imprisons Bernard Delicieux, ii. 101.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">reconciles Albi and Cordes, ii. 102.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">defends bull <i>Quorumdam</i>, iii. +<a href="#page_074">74</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">starts the question of the poverty of Christ, iii. +<a href="#page_130">130</a>.</span><br /> + +Jean aux Bellesmains opposes Waldo, i. 78.<br /> + +Jean Bertrand, Templar, case of, iii. +<a href="#page_296">296</a>.<br /> + +Jean de Bourgogne, inq. of Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_315">315</a>, +<a href="#page_316">316</a>.<br /> + +Jean de Brescain, his errors condemned, iii. +<a href="#page_561">561</a>.<br /> + +Jean V. (Britanny), and Gilles de Rais, iii. +<a href="#page_469">469</a>, +<a href="#page_471">471</a>, +<a href="#page_477">477</a>.<br /> + +Jean de Cormèle, Templar, case of, iii. +<a href="#page_288">288</a>.<br /> + +Jean Duprat, Inq. of Carcassonne, ii. 60, 108; iii. +<a href="#page_076">76</a>.<br /> + +Jean de Faugoux, ii. 92.<br /> + +Jean Galande, cruelty of, ii. 58.<br /> + +Jean de Gorelle, his errors, i. 292.<br /> + +Jean Graveran, Inq. of Rouen, ii. 140; iii. +<a href="#page_363">363</a>.<br /> + +Jean de Jandun aids Louis of Bavaria, iii. +<a href="#page_139">139</a>.<br /> + +Jean Langlois rejects transubstantiation, ii. 144.<br /> + +Jean de Lorraine, Waldensian teacher, ii. 149.<br /> + +Jean de Luxembourg and Joan of Arc, iii. +<a href="#page_356">356</a>, +<a href="#page_358">358</a>.<br /> + +Jean le Maître, inq., tries Joan of Arc. iii. +<a href="#page_362">362</a>, +<a href="#page_371">371</a>, +<a href="#page_372">372</a>, +<a href="#page_378">378</a>.<br /> + +Jean de Malestroit, Bp. of Nantes, iii. +<a href="#page_477">477</a>, +<a href="#page_478">478</a>, +<a href="#page_489">489</a>.<br /> + +Jean Martin on falsification of records, ii. 72.<br /> + +Jean de Maucochin forced to take oath of obedience, i. 385.<br /> + +Jean de Notoyra appointed inq., ii. 21.<br /> + +Jean de Penne draws appeal for Castel Fabri, ii. 74.<br /> + +Jean de Pequigny sent to Languedoc, ii. 77.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his struggle with the Inq., ii. 79, 82, 83, 84.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his death and rehabilitation, ii. 85.</span><br /> + +Jean sans Peur murders Louis of Orleans, iii. +<a href="#page_334">334</a>.<br /> + +Jean Philibert, case of, ii. 148.<br /> + +Jean Pierre Donat, case of, ii. 7.<br /> + +Jean de Poilly on confession to friars, i. 290.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">vitality of his doctrine, i. 291, 292, 293, 294; ii. 142.</span><br /> + +Jean Prime, his persecution, iii. +<a href="#page_051">51</a>. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_702" id="page_702"></a>{702}</span><br /> + +Jean du Puy prosecutes clerks of Limoges, ii. 140.<br /> + +Jean de la Rochetaillade, iii. +<a href="#page_086">86</a>.<br /> + +Jean Ricoles, case of, ii. 83.<br /> + +Jean Roger, case of, iii. +<a href="#page_084">84</a>.<br /> + +Jean de S. Michel, ii. 18.<br /> + +Jean de S. Pierre, inq., i. 545; ii. 45.<br /> + +Jean Teisseire, case of, i. 98; ii. 9.<br /> + +Jean de Tourne, exhumation of, iii. +<a href="#page_295">295</a>.<br /> + +Jean de Varennes, his heresy, i. 64.<br /> + +Jean de Vienne, his inquisitorial powers, i. 317.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders itinerant inquests, i. 370.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">sent to Montpellier, ii. 23.</span><br /> + +Jean Vidal, case of, i. 475.<br /> + +Jean Vigoureux, cruelty of, ii. 58.<br /> + +Jean la Vitte, iii. +<a href="#page_519">519</a>, +<a href="#page_520">520</a>, +<a href="#page_523">523</a>.<br /> + +Jeanne Daubenton burned, ii. 126.<br /> + +Jeanne de Toulouse, i. 199, 202, 204; ii. 56.<br /> + +Jeanne de la Tour, case of, i. 487.<br /> + +Jerome, St., on persecution, i. 214.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on ascetic insanity, i. 239.</span><br /> + +Jerome of Prague, his career, ii. 495.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">burns papal bulls, ii. 450.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">persuades Huss to go to Constance, ii. 456.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">safe-conduct offered him, 463.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his trial at Constance, ii. 497.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his execution, ii. 505.</span><br /> + +Jerusalem, kingdom of, Inq. in, i. 356.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Assises de, sorcery not referred to, iii. +<a href="#page_431">431</a>.</span><br /> + +Jesi, Fraticelli persecuted, iii. +<a href="#page_176">176</a>.<br /> + +Jesol, a refuge for heretics, ii. 273.<br /> + +Jesuats, Order of, ii. 274; iii. +<a href="#page_171">171</a>.<br /> + +Jesuits, their mission work, ii. 567.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">support Lully, iii. +<a href="#page_588">588</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">favor Immaculate Conception, iii. +<a href="#page_610">610</a>.</span><br /> + +Jesus Christ, Order of, in Portugal, iii. +<a href="#page_317">317</a>.<br /> + +Jewish astrologers burned in Spain, iii. +<a href="#page_429">429</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">assessor of inq., ii. 139.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">books, condemnation of, i. 554.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">converts, ii. 63, 178, 273.</span><br /> + +Jews, their condition in southern France, i. 67.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their admission to office a crime, i. 144.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">not compelled to baptism, i. 242.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">apostate, persecution of, i. 396; ii. 122, 287.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">extortions of Louis IX., i. 515.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">to pay expenses of Inq., i. 532.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their relations with Inq., ii. 63, 96; iii. +<a href="#page_449">449</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">protected by Hugues Aubriot, ii. 128.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their persecution in Naples, ii. 284.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">persecution in Sicily, ii. 285, 286.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">banished from Sicily, ii. 288.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their plunder by Philippe le Bel, iii. +<a href="#page_255">255</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">persecution in France in 1321, ii. 380.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">persecution in the Black Death, ii. 379.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">persecuted by Flagellants, ii. 382.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Reuchlin protects them, ii. 424.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">burned by Capistrano in Breslau, ii. 549.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">forced conversion of, in Spain, ii. 187.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">magic among them, iii. +<a href="#page_387">387</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their incantations cause the Black Death, iii, 459.</span><br /> + +Joachim of Flora, i. 102; ii. 197; iii. +<a href="#page_010">10</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his prophecies, i. 285; iii. +<a href="#page_011">11</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his error as to the Trinity, iii. +<a href="#page_013">13</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his three eras, iii. +<a href="#page_015">15</a>.</span><br /> + +Joachites in Provence, iii. +<a href="#page_017">17</a>, +<a href="#page_025">25</a>.<br /> + +Joachitism of Arnaldo de Vilanova, iii. +<a href="#page_053">53</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of Olivists, iii. +<a href="#page_044">44</a>, +<a href="#page_048">48</a>, +<a href="#page_065">65</a>, +<a href="#page_079">79</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of Guglielmites, iii. +<a href="#page_091">91</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of Apostolic Brethren, iii. +<a href="#page_108">108</a>, +<a href="#page_109">109</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of Fraticelli, iii. +<a href="#page_163">163</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of the Lullists, iii. +<a href="#page_583">583</a>.</span><br /> + +Joan of Arc, iii. +<a href="#page_338">338</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">her visions and voices, iii. +<a href="#page_340">340</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">popular belief in her, iii. +<a href="#page_347">347</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">learned discussions over her, iii. +<a href="#page_352">352</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">captured at Compiègne, iii. +<a href="#page_356">356</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">her trial, iii. +<a href="#page_361">361</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">articles proved against her, iii. +<a href="#page_368">368</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">she abjures and is reconciled, iii. +<a href="#page_370">370</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">her relapse and despair, iii. +<a href="#page_371">371</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">her execution, iii. +<a href="#page_373">373</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">her imitators, iii. +<a href="#page_376">376</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">her rehabilitation, iii. +<a href="#page_378">378</a>.</span><br /> + +Joanna I. (Naples) supports the Inq., ii. 284.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Cecco’s prediction, iii. +<a href="#page_442">442</a>.</span><br /> + +Joanna II. (Naples) persecutes the Jews, ii. 286.<br /> + +João III. of Portugal, ii. 190.<br /> + +Johannistæ, iii. +<a href="#page_164">164</a>.<br /> + +John IX. on condemnation of the dead, i. 231.<br /> + +John XXI., his hostility to the Mendicants, i. 289.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his fate, i. 290.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his leniency to Sermione, ii. 235.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">favors John of Parma, iii. +<a href="#page_025">25</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemns Averrhoistic errors, iii. +<a href="#page_562">562</a>.</span><br /> + +John XXII., his election, ii, 99.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his character, i. 557; iii. +<a href="#page_066">66</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his sale of indulgences, i. 44, 45.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">limits inquisitorial jurisdiction, i. 347.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">case of Master Eckart, i. 361; ii. 359.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders transfer of Pierre Trencavel, i. 367; iii. +<a href="#page_652">652</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on abuses of familiars, i. 383.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders Talmud burned, i. 556.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">promotes Bernard de Castanet, ii. 78.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">publishes the Clementines, ii. 96.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">favors the Inq., ii. 102, 574.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders Waldenses of Turin suppressed, ii. 259.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his efforts in Bosnia, ii. 299.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">protects the Beguines, ii. 372.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">persecutes Venturino da Bergamo, ii. 381.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">imprisons Bp. of Prague, ii. 429.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">sends inqs. to Bohemia and Poland, ii. 430.</span> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_703" id="page_703"></a>{703}</span><br /> + +John XXII. absolves from oaths of allegiance, ii. 469.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemns Olivi’s Postil, iii. +<a href="#page_048">48</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">persecutes Spirituals, iii. +<a href="#page_063">63</a>, +<a href="#page_069">69</a>, +<a href="#page_071">71</a>, +<a href="#page_072">72</a>, +<a href="#page_084">84</a>, +<a href="#page_085">85</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">summons all Tertiaries, iii. +<a href="#page_077">77</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">denounced as antichrist, iii. +<a href="#page_079">79</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">raises the question of the poverty of Christ, iii. +<a href="#page_129">129</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">suspends the bull <i>Exiit</i>, iii. +<a href="#page_130">130</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">issues bull <i>Ad conditorem</i>, iii. +<a href="#page_133">133</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">issues bull <i>Cum inter nonnullos</i>, iii. +<a href="#page_134">134</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">quarrels with Louis of Bavaria, ii. 377; iii. +<a href="#page_135">135</a>, +<a href="#page_138">138</a>, +<a href="#page_154">154</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemns Marsiglio of Padua, iii. +<a href="#page_140">140</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">prosecutes believers in poverty of Christ, ii. 248, 249; iii. +<a href="#page_143">143</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">arrests Michele da Cesena, iii. +<a href="#page_147">147</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">burned in effigy by Louis of Bavaria, iii. +<a href="#page_149">149</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">refuses the submission of Todi, iii. +<a href="#page_150">150</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his treatment of Pier di Corbario, iii. +<a href="#page_151">151</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">prosecutes German Franciscans, iii. +<a href="#page_153">153</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his proceedings against the Visconti, iii. +<a href="#page_096">96</a>, +<a href="#page_196">196</a>, +<a href="#page_199">199</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his dealing with the Templar question, iii. +<a href="#page_317">317</a>, +<a href="#page_324">324</a>, +<a href="#page_331">331</a>, +<a href="#page_333">333</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">stimulates belief in sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_452">452</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">attempts on his life by sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_452">452</a>, +<a href="#page_458">458</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">takes sorcery from Inq., iii. +<a href="#page_453">453</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his heresy on the Divine Vision, iii. +<a href="#page_592">592</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">dealings with Greek Church, iii. +<a href="#page_619">619</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his taxes of penitentiary, iii. +<a href="#page_067">67</a>, +<a href="#page_626">626</a>.</span><br /> + +John XXIII. subjects inqs. to provincials, i. 346.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders Wickliff’s books examined, ii. 443.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">imprisons Wenceslas’s envoys, ii. 446.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders Hussitism suppressed, ii. 447.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">issues indulgences, ii. 449.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">exc. Huss, ii. 450.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">convokes C. of Constance, ii. 453.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his policy as to Huss, ii. 460.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his rupture with the C., ii. 480.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his deposition and fate, ii. 481, 483.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on case of Jean Petit, iii. +<a href="#page_336">336</a>.</span><br /> + +John, K. of England, supports Raymond, i. 181.<br /> + +John, K. of France, moderates monastic prison, i. 488.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">allowed communion in both elements, ii. 473.</span><br /> + +John, K. of Bohemia, procures election of Charles IV., iii. +<a href="#page_156">156</a>.<br /> + +John Arnoldi, inq., threatened, ii. 400.<br /> + +John of Baconthorpe an Averrhoist, iii. +<a href="#page_564">564</a>.<br /> + +John the Baptist, power of his relics, i. 48.<br /> + +John of Bavaria arrests Jerome of Prague, ii. 498.<br /> + +John of Boland, inq., ii. 393.<br /> + +John of Burgundy asks for the Inq., i. 530; ii. 120, 147.<br /> + +John of Chlum, his declaration at Constance, ii. 452.<br /> + +John of Chlum accompanies Huss, ii. 457, 460.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">protests against the arrest, ii. 461, 462.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his sympathy for Huss, ii. 486, 490.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his submission, ii. 505.</span><br /> + +John of Constantinople prosecutes Jerome of Prague, ii. 502.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">inq. to try Hussites, ii. 507.</span><br /> + +John of Damascus denies Immaculate Conception, iii. +<a href="#page_596">596</a>.<br /> + +John of Drasic, Bp. of Prague, ii. 428, 431.<br /> + +John of Falkenberg, iii. +<a href="#page_337">337</a>.<br /> + +John Gallus, inq. in Asia, i. 355.<br /> + +John of Jenzenstein, of Prague, ii. 437.<br /> + +John of Litomysl, ii. 494, 507, 508.<br /> + +John of Luxemberg urges persecution, ii. 429.<br /> + +John II. of Mainz persecutes Beguines, ii. 404.<br /> + +John of Mechlin, his heresy, ii. 377.<br /> + +John of Moravia persecutes Beghards, ii. 413.<br /> + +John of Nottingham tried for sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_458">458</a>.<br /> + +John of Ocko persecutes heresy, ii. 435.<br /> + +John of Oldenburg subjects the Stedingers, iii. +<a href="#page_183">183</a>.<br /> + +John of Parma elected Franciscan general, iii. +<a href="#page_008">8</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">promises of Alex. IV. to him, i. 284.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his puritan zeal, iii. +<a href="#page_009">9</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">favors Joachitism, iii. +<a href="#page_018">18</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">the Everlasting Gospel ascribed to him, i. 285; ii. 22.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">accused of errors and deposed, iii. +<a href="#page_023">23</a>, +<a href="#page_024">24</a>, +<a href="#page_025">25</a>.</span><br /> + +John of Pirna, ii. 431.<br /> + +John of Ragusa (Card.) reconciles John Malkaw, iii. +<a href="#page_207">207</a>.<br /> + +John of Ragusa on communion in both elements, ii. 473.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">at Siena and Basle, ii. 529, 533.</span><br /> + +John of Rutberg, ii. 363.<br /> + +John of Rysbroek, ii. 360, 377.<br /> + +John of S. Angelo, his legation to Bohemia, ii. 540.<br /> + +John of Salisbury on superiority of priesthood, i. 4.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on tyrannicide, iii. +<a href="#page_335">335</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on power of magic, iii. +<a href="#page_418">418</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on catoptromancy, iii. +<a href="#page_422">422</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on heresy in sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_435">435</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on astrology, iii. +<a href="#page_439">439</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on divination by dreams, iii. +<a href="#page_447">447</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on children eaten by witches, iii. +<a href="#page_503">503</a>.</span><br /> + +John of Sumosata, i. 90.<br /> + +John of Schweidnitz, inq., slain, ii. 431.<br /> + +John of Soissons protects heretics, i. 110.<br /> + +John of Strassburg, burned in 1212, ii. 316.<br /> + +John of Syrmia, ii. 293.<br /> + +John of Wesel, case of, ii. 420; iii. +<a href="#page_556">556</a>.<br /> + +John of Wildeshausen, Bp. of Bosnia, ii. 294.<br /> + +John of Winterthur on John XXII., iii. +<a href="#page_154">154</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on simony, iii. +<a href="#page_625">625</a>.</span><br /> + +John of Würzburg, his heresy, iii. +<a href="#page_089">89</a>.<br /> + +John of Zara, Abp., supports heretics, ii. 300. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_704" id="page_704"></a>{704}</span><br /> + +John of Zurich, Bp. of Strassburg, persecutes Beguines, ii. 369.<br /> + +Jordan, Friar, burns Luciferans, i. 456; ii. 375.<br /> + +Joscelin d’Avesnes, his prudent piety, i. 46.<br /> + +Joselme, Guillaume, at C. of Siena, ii. 528.<br /> + +Joseppini, i. 88.<br /> + +Jotuns, iii. +<a href="#page_402">402</a>, +<a href="#page_404">404</a>.<br /> + +Jourdemayne, Margery, burned for sorcery, ii. 467.<br /> + +Juan I. (Arag.) denounces Eymerich, ii. 176; iii. +<a href="#page_586">586</a>.<br /> + +Juan I. (Castile) condemns astrology, iii. +<a href="#page_445">445</a>.<br /> + +Juan II. (Castile) prosecutes Alonso de Mella, iii. +<a href="#page_169">169</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">burns Villena’s books, iii. +<a href="#page_490">490</a>.</span><br /> + +Juan de Aragon, his miracles in Bosnia, ii. 303.<br /> + +Juan, Bp. of Elne, trouble with converted Jews, 178.<br /> + +Juan de Epila, inq. of Aragon, ii. 179.<br /> + +Juan de Llotger persecutes Spirituals, iii. +<a href="#page_085">85</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">prosecutes Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_310">310</a>, +<a href="#page_313">313</a>.</span><br /> + +Juan de Pera-Tallada, iii. +<a href="#page_086">86</a>.<br /> + +Juana de Aga, St., i. 248.<br /> + +Jubilee of 1300, pilgrims to, i. 465.<br /> + +Judaism, suppression of magic in, iii. +<a href="#page_396">396</a>.<br /> + +Judaizing Christians to be burned, ii. 184.<br /> + +Judas Iscariot, heresy concerning, ii. 176.<br /> + +Judge, recusation of, i. 449.<br /> + +Judges, witches powerless over, iii. +<a href="#page_510">510</a>.<br /> + +Judgment, secular, after Inq. iii. +<a href="#page_516">516</a>.<br /> + +Julian on Christian intolerance, i. 213.<br /> + +Julian of Sidon, iii. +<a href="#page_271">271</a>.<br /> + +Julius II. grants privileges to Savoy, i. 425.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">assents to suppression of Inq. in Naples, ii. 289.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders persecution of witches, iii. +<a href="#page_546">546</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">suppresses heresy as to Christ’s conception, iii. +<a href="#page_603">603</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">confirms Order of Immaculate Conception, iii. +<a href="#page_607">607</a>.</span><br /> + +Julius III. orders Talmud burned, i. 556.<br /> + +Jurados of Sardinia, i. 311.<br /> + +<i>Juramentum de calumnia</i>, iii. +<a href="#page_481">481</a>, +<a href="#page_482">482</a>.<br /> + +Jurisdiction, spiritual, extent of, i. 2.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">universal, of Inq., i. 347.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of bps. questioned, i. 358.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">royal, extension of, ii. 57.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">over witchcraft, iii. +<a href="#page_511">511</a>.</span><br /> + +Jury-trial for sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_422">422</a>, +<a href="#page_433">433</a>, +<a href="#page_458">458</a>, +<a href="#page_541">541</a>.<br /> + +<i>Jus primœ noctis</i>, i. 269.<br /> + +Justi, Jayme, case of, iii. +<a href="#page_168">168</a>.<br /> + +<i>Justificatio Ducis Burgundiœ</i>, iii. +<a href="#page_334">334</a>.<br /> + +Justinian condemns the Talmud, i. 554.<br /> + +<br /> +<a name="K" id="K"></a><span class="letra">K</span>ALEVALA, magic in the, iii. +<a href="#page_403">403</a>.<br /> + +Kaleyser, Henry, his exequatur, ii. 139, 578.<br /> + +Kaloosa, its endeavors to conquer Bosnia, ii. 293, 296.<br /> + +Kerlinger, Walter, inq., ii. 387, 388, 392.<br /> + +Kethene, John, iii. +<a href="#page_008">8</a>.<br /> + +Ketzer, derivation of, i. 115.<br /> + +Keynkamp, Werner, ii. 361.<br /> + +Kilwarby, Abp., condemns errors, i. 352; iii. +<a href="#page_562">562</a>.<br /> + +Kings subject to jurisdiction of Inq., i. 347.<br /> + +Kiss, indecent, of the Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_255">255</a>, +<a href="#page_263">263</a>, +<a href="#page_276">276</a>.<br /> + +Klokol, Adamites burned at, ii. 518.<br /> + +Knights of the Faith of Jesus Christ, i. 187.<br /> + +Knights of Jesus Christ, ii. 210.<br /> + +Knyvet, Sir J., his treatment of sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_467">467</a>.<br /> + +Königsaal, monastery of, ii. 432.<br /> + +Koran, translated by Robert de Rétines, i. 58.<br /> + +Kosti, the, i. 92.<br /> + +Kostka of Postubitz, ii. 521.<br /> + +Krasa, John, his martyrdom, ii. 515.<br /> + +Kritya, iii. +<a href="#page_386">386</a>.<br /> + +Kuttenberg, Hussites persecuted in, ii. 511, 514.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Diet of, 1485, ii. 559.</span><br /> + +Kyteler, Alice, case of, i. 354; iii. +<a href="#page_456">456</a>.<br /> + +<br /> +<a name="L" id="L"></a><span class="letra">L</span>ABARUM, the, iii. +<a href="#page_394">394</a>, +<a href="#page_396">396</a>.<br /> + +Labor enjoined in Benedictine Rule, iii. +<a href="#page_640">640</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in Franciscan Rule, i. 260, 264.</span><br /> + +Lacha, Guido, a heretic saint, ii. 242.<br /> + +La Charité, heresy in 1202, i. 130.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Robert le Bugre at, ii. 114.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Joan of Arc’s defeat, iii. +<a href="#page_355">355</a>.</span><br /> + +Lacordaire on S. Dominic, i. 300.<br /> + +Lactantius on toleration, i. 212.<br /> + +Ladice of Cyrene, iii. +<a href="#page_418">418</a>.<br /> + +Ladislas I. (Bohemia), his minority, ii. 540, 541.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">asks moderation of Capistrano, ii. 551.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his flight from the Turks, ii. 553.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his death, ii. 556.</span><br /> + +Ladislas II. (Bohemia) tolerates Utraquism, ii. 559.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">persecutes Bohemian Brethren, ii. 566.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">letter from Savoy Waldenses, ii. 267.</span><br /> + +Ladislas IV. (Hungary), his irreligion, ii. 298.<br /> + +Ladislas of Naples favors Hrvoje Vukcić, ii. 305.<br /> + +Ladislas III. (Poland) orders persecution, ii. 430.<br /> + +Ladislas V. (Poland) persecutes Hussites, ii. 525.<br /> + +Lagny, Abbot of, papal inq. in England, iii. +<a href="#page_299">299</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Joan of Arc at, iii. +<a href="#page_355">355</a>.</span><br /> + +La Grasse, Abbey of, iii. +<a href="#page_641">641</a>.<br /> + +Laillier, Jean, heresy of, i. 294; ii. 142.<br /> + +Laity, ministrations of, among Waldenses, i. 84.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">culpable disbelief in witchcraft, iii. +<a href="#page_516">516</a>, +<a href="#page_546">546</a>.</span> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_705" id="page_705"></a>{705}</span><br /> + +Laity, corruption of, iii. +<a href="#page_641">641</a>.<br /> + +Lambert le Bègue, ii. 350.<br /> + +Lambert de Foyssenx, case of, ii. 103.<br /> + +Lambert of Strassburg, ii. 395.<br /> + +Lamberto del Cordiglio condemns Ghibellines, iii. +<a href="#page_201">201</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemns Cecco d’ Ascoli, iii. +<a href="#page_443">443</a>.</span><br /> + +Lamberto, Frà, fines Theate, i. 401.<br /> + +Lamiæ, iii. +<a href="#page_494">494</a>, +<a href="#page_503">503</a>.<br /> + +Lancing of Christ, heresy of, iii. +<a href="#page_046">46</a>, +<a href="#page_206">206</a>.<br /> + +Landucci, Luca, his disenchantment, iii. +<a href="#page_231">231</a>.<br /> + +Langham, Abp., condemns errors, i. 352.<br /> + +Langland, William, on pardoners, iii. +<a href="#page_622">622</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on love and truth, iii. +<a href="#page_646">646</a>.</span><br /> + +Langres, case of canon of, 1211, i. 307.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">heretics of, ii. 578.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1404, on sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_466">466</a>.</span><br /> + +Languedoc, prevalence of heresy in, i. 68.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Waldenses in, i. 78; ii. 579.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">spread of Catharism in, i. 121, 127.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condition of Church in, i. 134.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">crusades in, i. 147.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">organization of Inq., i. 330.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">subjection of the State, i. 340.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">first use of torture, i. 423.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">papal interference with Inq., i. 452.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">pilgrimages customary in, i. 466.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Clement V. investigates Inq., i. 492.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">confiscation, i. 504, 513, 515.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">expenses of Inq., i. 526.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">career of Inq. in, ii. 1.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its relations with Paris, ii. 119.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">activity of Henri de Chamay, ii. 124.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">supremacy of the Parlement, ii. 130.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">degradation of Inq., ii. 144.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Waldenses in, ii. 147-9.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">heretics pursued in Naples, ii. 246, 584.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">documents concerning Inq., ii. 69-74.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Joachitism, iii. +<a href="#page_017">17</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Fraticelli, iii. +<a href="#page_167">167</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Dolcinists, iii. +<a href="#page_122">122</a>, +<a href="#page_124">124</a>.</span><br /> + +Lantelmo of Florence, i. 476; ii. 203.<br /> + +Laon, sorcerers in 1390, iii. +<a href="#page_460">460</a>.<br /> + +La Palu, his crusade against Waldenses, ii. 160.<br /> + +Lapidation for sorcerers, iii. +<a href="#page_408">408</a>.<br /> + +Lapina, Donna, condemned for heresy, iii. +<a href="#page_125">125</a>.<br /> + +Lapland sorcerers, iii. +<a href="#page_407">407</a>.<br /> + +Larneta, assembly of, in 1241, ii. 26.<br /> + +Las Navas de Tolosa, victory of, i. 169.<br /> + +Lateran C., 1102, on heresy of disobedience, iii. +<a href="#page_181">181</a>.<br /> + +Lateran C., 1111, sets aside oaths, iii. +<a href="#page_182">182</a>.<br /> + +Lateran C., 1139, i. 6.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemns Arnald of Brescia, i. 73.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemns Cathari, i. 117.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on duty of persecution, i. 224.</span><br /> + +Lateran C., 1179, Waldenses appear before it, i. 78.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemns heresy, i. 123.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on duty of persecution, i. 224.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">restricts the Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_240">240</a>.</span><br /> + +Lateran C., 1215, its convocation, i. 181.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders preaching, i. 24.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemns abuses, i. 41, 46.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">failure of its reforms, i. 53.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemns Raymond VI., i. 182.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on judgments of blood, i. 223.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Dominic present, i. 252.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">revives Order of Crucigeri, i. 267.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">makes sacramental confession obligatory, i. 278.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">prohibits ordeals, i. 306.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders episcopal Inq., i. 314.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its legislation on heresy, i. 320.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on absent suspects, i. 403.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemns Amaurianism, ii. 323.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemns Joachim’s error, iii. +<a href="#page_013">13</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">failure to repress unauthorized Orders, iii. +<a href="#page_103">103</a>.</span><br /> + +Lateran C., 1515, represses the Mendicants, i. 294.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemns philosophical errors, iii. +<a href="#page_574">574</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">establishes censorship of press, iii. +<a href="#page_614">614</a>.</span><br /> + +Latin kingdoms of East, Greek Church in, iii. +<a href="#page_618">618</a>.<br /> + +Latin sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_390">390</a>.<br /> + +Latins in the East, their character, iii. +<a href="#page_245">245</a>, +<a href="#page_620">620</a>.<br /> + +La Trémouille, his opposition to Joan of Arc, iii. +<a href="#page_347">347</a>, +<a href="#page_354">354</a>, +<a href="#page_355">355</a>.<br /> + +Lavaur, siege of, i. 166.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">church of, fines for, i. 473.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C., 1213, i. 170, 171.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C., 1364, condemns Dolcinists, iii. +<a href="#page_124">124</a>.</span><br /> + +Law, influence of Inq. on, i. 559.<br /> + +Laws restricting Inq. annulled, i. 338, 340; ii. 275, 280.<br /> + +Lawyers required for inqs., i. 376.<br /> + +Lazzaretti, David, of Arcidosso, iii. +<a href="#page_126">126</a>.<br /> + +Learning, Spirituals despise, iii. +<a href="#page_008">8</a>, +<a href="#page_554">554</a>.<br /> + +Ledrede, Bp. of Ossory, prosecutes Alice Kyteler, i. 354; iii. +<a href="#page_456">456</a>.<br /> + +Legacies for pious uses, i. 28.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Franciscans competent to receive, iii. +<a href="#page_029">29</a>, +<a href="#page_030">30</a>.</span><br /> + +Legates, papal, their exactions, i. 16.<br /> + +Legatine Inq. attempted, i. 315, 317.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">abolished, ii. 51.</span><br /> + +Legislation, secular, against heresy, i. 81, 113, 319.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_409">409</a>, +<a href="#page_413">413</a>, +<a href="#page_420">420</a>, +<a href="#page_422">422</a>, +<a href="#page_427">427</a>.</span><br /> + +Leidrad converts Felicians, i. 217.<br /> + +Le Mans, preaching of Henry of Lausanne, i. 69.<br /> + +Leo I. regulates profits of burials, i. 30.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">urges persecution, i. 215.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on exc. of the dead, i. 230.</span><br /> + +Leo X., his concordat with France, ii. 134.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">favors the Mendicants, i. 294.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on false witness, i. 442.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on refusal to burn heretics, i. 539; iii. +<a href="#page_547">547</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his vacillation in Reuchlin’s case, ii. 424.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his instructions concerning Luther, ii. 426.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">reorganizes the Franciscans, iii. +<a href="#page_066">66</a>, +<a href="#page_173">173</a>.</span> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_706" id="page_706"></a>{706}</span><br /> + +Leo X. condemns philosophical errors, iii. +<a href="#page_574">574</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">establishes censorship of press, iii. +<a href="#page_614">614</a>.</span><br /> + +Leo, friar, breaks the coffer at Assisi, iii. +<a href="#page_004">4</a>.<br /> + +Leon, Cathari in, ii. 181.<br /> + +Leonardo de Tibertis obtains Templar property, iii. +<a href="#page_329">329</a>.<br /> + +Leonhard of Formbach, iii. +<a href="#page_640">640</a>.<br /> + +Leonor de Liminanna, case of, ii. 179.<br /> + +Lepers, Franciscan, charity for, i. 260.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Waldensian school for, ii. 347.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">persecuted in 1321, ii. 380.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">compassionated by Olivists, iii. +<a href="#page_082">82</a>.</span><br /> + +Lerida, ignorance of persecution in, ii. 168.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1237, persecutes heretics, ii. 165.</span><br /> + +Letser, John, his visions of the Virgin, iii. +<a href="#page_605">605</a>.<br /> + +Letters, papal, abuses of, i. 18.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">forgery of, i. 19.</span><br /> + +Leuchardis, burned at Trèves in 1231, ii. 331.<br /> + +Leutard, heresy of, i. 108.<br /> + +Leuvigild, persecution under, i. 216.<br /> + +Le Vasseur, Nicaise, iii. +<a href="#page_639">639</a>.<br /> + +Levone, witches of, iii. +<a href="#page_503">503</a>, +<a href="#page_516">516</a>.<br /> + +Lewin of Würzburg, his heresy, iii. +<a href="#page_089">89</a>.<br /> + +Lhotka, assembly of, in 1467, ii. 564.<br /> + +<i>Liber Conformitatum</i>, i. 262; iii. +<a href="#page_011">11</a>.<br /> + +<i>Liber de Tribus Impostoribus</i>, iii. +<a href="#page_560">560</a>.<br /> + +Liberato da Macerata, iii. +<a href="#page_033">33</a>, +<a href="#page_035">35</a>, +<a href="#page_038">38</a>, +<a href="#page_039">39</a>, +<a href="#page_040">40</a>.<br /> + +Liberty, Brethren of the Spirit of, iii. +<a href="#page_124">124</a>.<br /> + +License to bear arms sold, i. 383.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">to rebuild heretic houses, i. 483.</span><br /> + +Licinius, his overthrow, iii. +<a href="#page_394">394</a>.<br /> + +Liége, Cathari of, i. 109, 111.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">tolerant spirit in, i. 219.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Beguines of, ii. 350.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Dancing Mania, ii. 393.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1287, restricts the Beguines, ii. 354.</span><br /> + +Ligatures—see Philtres.<br /> + +Lilith, iii. +<a href="#page_383">383</a>.<br /> + +Lille, confiscation in, i. 521.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">heretics burned at, ii. 115, 139, 142, 158.</span><br /> + +Lille (Venaissin), C. of, 1251, demands records of Inq., i. 350.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">gives confiscations to bps., i. 514.</span><br /> + +Limoges, clerks of, prosecuted, ii. 140.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1031, on preaching, i. 23.</span><br /> + +Limoux, heretics of, released, i. 452.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">citizens of, hanged, ii. 89.</span><br /> + +Limoux Noir, heresy of, ii. 109.<br /> + +Lipan, battle of, ii. 535.<br /> + +Lisbon, church claims on the dying, i. 30.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">heresies of Thomas Scotus, ii. 188.</span><br /> + +Lisiard of Soissons persecutes Cathari, i. 110.<br /> + +Lisieux, clergy of, imprison Foulques de Neuilly, i. 244.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1448, on sorcerers, iii. +<a href="#page_515">515</a>.</span><br /> + +Litanies, Dominican, their power, i. 284.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of Olivist saints, iii. +<a href="#page_080">80</a>.</span><br /> + +Liticz, seat of Bohemian Brethren, ii. 563.<br /> + +Litigation, stimulation of, i. 21.<br /> + +<i>Litis contestatio</i>. i. 403.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in trial of Gilles de Rais, iii. +<a href="#page_480">480</a>.</span><br /> + +Liutgarda, Abbess, iii. +<a href="#page_419">419</a>.<br /> + +Liutprand, his laws on sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_411">411</a>.<br /> + +Llobet, Juan, his zeal for Lully, iii. +<a href="#page_581">581</a>.<br /> + +Lodève, Olivists burned, iii. +<a href="#page_077">77</a>.<br /> + +Lodi, Bp. of, on duty of persecution, i. 226.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his sermon on Huss, ii. 490.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">sermon on Jerome of Prague, ii. 504.</span><br /> + +Loki, iii. +<a href="#page_401">401</a>.<br /> + +Lollardry, suppression of, i. 352.<br /> + +Lollards, ii. 350.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in Hainault and Brabant, i. 368.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">they join the Flagellants, ii. 385.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">persecution in 1395, ii. 400.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">forbidden to beg, ii. 413.</span><br /> + +Lombard Law, sorcery in, iii. +<a href="#page_411">411</a>.<br /> + +Lombard League, its disruption, ii. 203.<br /> + +Lombardy, Cathari in, i. 109; ii. 193.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">as a refuge for heretics, ii. 49, 219, 229, 240.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">episcopal Inq. in, i. 359.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">efforts to establish Inq., ii. 198, 206.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">threatened by Gregory IX., ii. 199.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">first inq. in, ii. 201.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">pacified by Giovanni Schio, ii. 203.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">murder of Peter Martyr, ii. 214.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">organization of Inq., ii. 221, 222, 233.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">decadence of Inq., ii. 269.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Ghibellines condemned for heresy, iii. +<a href="#page_201">201</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">proceedings against Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_307">307</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">prevalence of witchcraft, iii. +<a href="#page_546">546</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">errors in 16th cent., iii. +<a href="#page_574">574</a>.</span><br /> + +Lombers, Colloquy of, i. 118.<br /> + +London, C. of, 1310, on the Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_299">299</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1328, on Immaculate Conception, iii. +<a href="#page_598">598</a>.</span><br /> + +Longino Cattaneo, Dolcino’s lieutenant, iii. +<a href="#page_112">112</a>, +<a href="#page_119">119</a>.<br /> + +Lope de Barrientos forbids imprecatory masses, iii. +<a href="#page_447">447</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">burns Villena’s books, iii. +<a href="#page_490">490</a>.</span><br /> + +Loquis, Martin, ii. 518, 519.<br /> + +Lorenzo da Fermo, his asceticism, iii. +<a href="#page_179">179</a>.<br /> + +Lorenzo de’ Medici calls Savonarola to Florence, iii. +<a href="#page_211">211</a>.<br /> + +Lorica of St. Patrick, iii. +<a href="#page_400">400</a>.<br /> + +Lorraine, inqs., appointed, i. 302; ii. 120.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Waldenses in, ii. 147, 149.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">downfall of Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_301">301</a>.</span><br /> + +Lot, use of, among the Northmen, iii. +<a href="#page_402">402</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">by Bohemian Brethren, ii. 564.</span><br /> + +Lotz, Count, accused of heresy, ii. 339.<br /> + +Loudon, Cathari burned in, i. 114.<br /> + +Louis VII. (France) asks for reform of Church, i. 13.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">urges persecution, i. 112.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">called upon to suppress heresy, i. 120.</span><br /> + +Louis VIII. (France), his Albigensian crusades, i. 174, 180, 187, 190, 191, 196-200.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his laws on heresy, i. 319, 503.</span><br /> + +Louis IX. (France) restricts immunity of crusaders, i. 44, 148. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_707" id="page_707"></a>{707}</span><br /> + +Louis IX. (France) is a Franciscan Tertiary, i. 268.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his legislation on heresy, i. 221, 323.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">checks use of torture, i. 423.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on inquisitorial process, i. 443,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">supplies prisons for Inq., i. 490.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his relations to confiscation, i. 503, 508,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">509, 513, 514, 515, 517, 524.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">defrays expenses of Inq., i. 527.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders Talmud burned, i. 555.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his relations with Raymond VII., ii. 3, 15, 24, 39, 47.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his independence of the papacy, ii. 57.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">restores forfeited lands, ii. 110.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his detestation of heresy, ii. 113.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">supports Robert le Bugre, ii. 115.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">stimulates the Inq., ii, 117.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">favors the Beguines, ii. 352.</span><br /> + +Louis X. (France) adopts the laws of Frederic II., i. 323; ii. 102.<br /> + +Louis XI. (France) annuls the Pragmatic Sanction, ii. 134.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">suppresses Inq. in Dauphiné, ii. 159.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">protects Waldenses of Savoy, ii. 266.</span><br /> + +Louis XII. (France) protects the Waldenses, ii. 160.<br /> + +Louis XIII. (France) suppresses St. Amour’s book, i. 288.<br /> + +Louis of Bavaria (Emp.), his disputed election, iii. +<a href="#page_135">135</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his rupture with John XXII., ii. 377; iii. +<a href="#page_145">145</a>, +<a href="#page_149">149</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his alliance with the Franciscans, iii. +<a href="#page_137">137</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">persecutes ecclesiastics, iii. +<a href="#page_153">153</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">said to be antichrist, iii. +<a href="#page_087">87</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">uses the Divine Vision, iii. +<a href="#page_593">593</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his death, iii. +<a href="#page_157">157</a>.</span><br /> + +Louis of Bourbon, Card., on sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_466">466</a>.<br /> + +Louis of Hungary, his action in Bosnia, ii. 303.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his crusade against the Maffredi, iii. +<a href="#page_203">203</a>.</span><br /> + +Louis of Orleans, murder of, iii. +<a href="#page_334">334</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">accused of sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_465">465</a>, +<a href="#page_466">466</a>.</span><br /> + +Louis, Bp. of Paris, favors Jean Laillier, ii. 143.<br /> + +Louis of Willenberg, inq. of Germany, ii. 387.<br /> + +<i>Loup-garou</i>, ii, 145; iii. +<a href="#page_391">391</a>.<br /> + +Love-potions—see Philtres.<br /> + +Lubec, Dolcinist burned in, ii. 402.<br /> + +Lucas of Prague visits Waldenses of Savoy, ii. 267.<br /> + +Lucas of Tuy on oaths to heretics, i. 229.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on guilt of heresy, i. 236.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on episcopal indifference, i. 315.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on Cathari in Leon, ii 181.</span><br /> + +Lucchino Yisconti seeks burial for Matteo, iii. +<a href="#page_302">302</a>.<br /> + +Luciferans, i. 106.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">derived from Amaurians, ii. 324.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">case of Henry Minneke, ii. 325.</span><br /> + +Luciferans in Trèves in 1231, ii. 331.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">persecuted by Conrad of Marburg, ii, 334.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their hideous rites, ii. 335.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">a branch of Ortlibenses, ii. 357.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their numbers in Austria, ii. 358.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their persecution, i, 456; ii. 375, 376.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">among Flagellants, ii, 408.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in Bohemia, ii. 429.</span><br /> + +Lucius III. condemns the Arnaldistas, i. 75.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemns the Waldenses, i. 78.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his decree of 1184, i. 126.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on duty of persecution, i. 224.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">exc. all heretics, i. 231.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">prohibits ordeals, i. 306.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">abolishes monastic exemption, i. 361.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">attempts to found an episcopal Inq., i. 313.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on confiscation, i. 502.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">decrees death for relapse, i. 543.</span><br /> + +Lugardi, Enrico, his forged diploma of Frederic II., ii. 287.<br /> + +Luigi di Durazzo, his rebellion, ii. 284; iii. +<a href="#page_165">165</a>.<br /> + +Luke, Abp. of Gran, i. 18.<br /> + +Luke, St., his portrait of the Virgin, i. 48.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">contest over his relics, ii. 315.</span><br /> + +Lullists, their extravagances, iii. +<a href="#page_583">583</a>, +<a href="#page_585">585</a>, +<a href="#page_586">586</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">defend the Immaculate Conception, iii. +<a href="#page_584">584</a>, +<a href="#page_599">599</a>.</span><br /> + +Lully, Raymond, iii. +<a href="#page_563">563</a>, +<a href="#page_578">578</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemned as a heretic, ii. 176; iii. +<a href="#page_587">587</a>, +<a href="#page_588">588</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his beatification, iii. +<a href="#page_589">589</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his writings, iii. +<a href="#page_581">581</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">contest over them, iii. +<a href="#page_584">584</a>.</span><br /> + +Lunel, Olivists burned, iii. +<a href="#page_077">77</a>.<br /> + +Lupold, Bp. of Worms, i. 11.<br /> + +Luserna, Waldensian valley of, ii. 195, 260, 265.<br /> + +Luther, not tried by Inq., ii. 284.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his first steps in reform, ii, 425.</span><br /> + +<i>Lyblac</i>, or sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_420">420</a>.<br /> + +Lycanthropi, ii. 145; iii. +<a href="#page_391">391</a>.<br /> + +Lyons, Feast of the Conception at, iii. +<a href="#page_596">596</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1244, deposes Fred. II., i. 275.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1274, on Mendicant Orders, ii. 367; iii. +<a href="#page_032">32</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">its commands eluded, iii. +<a href="#page_105">105</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">plans to unite the Military Orders, iii. +<a href="#page_245">245</a>.</span><br /> + +<br /> +<a name="M" id="M"></a><span class="letra">M</span>ACEDONIA, Paulicianism in, i. 107.<br /> + +<i>Maculistæ</i>, iii. +<a href="#page_601">601</a>, +<a href="#page_604">604</a>.<br /> + +Madrid, Feast of the Conception at, iii. +<a href="#page_600">600</a>.<br /> + +Maestricht, Flagellants expelled, ii. 403.<br /> + +Maffredi, case of the, iii. +<a href="#page_203">203</a>.<br /> + +Magdeburg, persecution of Beghards, ii. 374.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Flagellants prohibited, ii, 382.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">heretics burned by Kerlinger, ii. 390.</span> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_708" id="page_708"></a>{708}</span><br /> + +Magdeburg, expulsion of abp., ii. 532.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">fate of Templars, in. 301.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, persecutes Beghards, ii, 401.</span><br /> + +Magic used to detect heretics, i. 306.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">death of Benedict XI. attributed to, iii. +<a href="#page_055">55</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its antiquity, iii. +<a href="#page_386">386</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">prohibited in Rome, iii. +<a href="#page_392">392</a>, +<a href="#page_393">393</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of the Norsemen, iii. +<a href="#page_402">402</a>.</span><br /> + +Magic, sacred, of mediæval religion, i. 47.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">to preserve from witchcraft, iii. +<a href="#page_506">506</a>, +<a href="#page_511">511</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">to overcome taciturnity, iii. +<a href="#page_510">510</a>.</span><br /> + +Magistrates sworn to punish heresy, i. 321.<br /> + +Magnalata, its destruction by Martin V., iii. +<a href="#page_176">176</a>.<br /> + +Magnus Hakonsen, his laws on sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_433">433</a>.<br /> + +Magonia, iii. +<a href="#page_415">415</a>.<br /> + +Maguelonne, Bp. of, buys Melgueil, i. 180.<br /> + +Maguineth, iii. +<a href="#page_270">270</a>.<br /> + +Maheu, Bp. of Toul, his trial, i. 14.<br /> + +Mahomet II., conquers Bosnia, ii. 313.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his defeat at Belgrade, ii. 554.</span><br /> + +Maifreda da Pirovano, iii. +<a href="#page_091">91</a>, +<a href="#page_093">93</a>, +<a href="#page_095">95</a>, +<a href="#page_097">97</a>, +<a href="#page_098">98</a>, +<a href="#page_100">100</a>, +<a href="#page_101">101</a>.<br /> + +Maimonides on Divine knowledge, iii. +<a href="#page_558">558</a>.<br /> +Mainatæ, i. 125.<br /> + +Maillotins release Hugues Aubriot, ii. 129.<br /> + +Mainhard of Rosenberg, ii. 540, 541.<br /> + +Maine, Inq. extended to, ii. 126.<br /> + +Maintenance of prisoners, i. 490; ii. 155.<br /> + +Mainz, Waldenses burned in 1392, ii. 397.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Beguines persecuted, ii. 404.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">resistance to papal exactions, ii. 434.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">treatment of Templars in, iii. +<a href="#page_303">303</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 813, on legacies, i. 29.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1233, on heresy, i. 507; ii. 339.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">assembly of, 1233, on Count Sayn, ii. 340.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1234, absolves Count Sayn, ii. 344.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1259, condemns the Beguines, ii. 354.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1261, on pardoners, i. 46.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">condemns heresy, ii. 348.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1310, condemns Beghards, ii. 367.</span><br /> + +Maistre, Joseph de, his error, i. 228.<br /> + +Majestas, confiscation in, i. 501.<br /> + +Majorales, Waldensian, i. 84.<br /> + +Majorca, French possessions of, ii. 88.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Inq. in, ii. 177.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Franciscan quarrels, iii. +<a href="#page_174">174</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">proceedings against Templars in, iii. +<a href="#page_314">314</a>, +<a href="#page_332">332</a>.</span><br /> + +Malatesta, Gismondo, case of, iii. +<a href="#page_569">569</a>.<br /> + +Malcolzati, Sibilia, iii. +<a href="#page_095">95</a>, +<a href="#page_101">101</a>.<br /> + +Malebranca, Latino, inq.-general, i. 398.<br /> + +Malignity invalidates evidence, i. 436; iii. +<a href="#page_517">517</a>.<br /> + +Malkaw, John, his career, iii. +<a href="#page_205">205</a>.<br /> + +<i>Malleus Maleficarum</i>, the, iii. +<a href="#page_543">543</a>.<br /> + +Manenta Rosa, case of, i. 366.<br /> + +Manfred of Sicily releases Bp. of Verona, i. 12.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">papal hatred of him, ii. 228.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">crusade against, how stimulated, iii. +<a href="#page_626">626</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his trial for heresy, iii. +<a href="#page_193">193</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his defeat and death, ii. 232.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his practical tolerance, ii. 245.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">he spreads Averrhoism, iii. +<a href="#page_561">561</a>.</span><br /> + +Manfredo, inq., burns Segarelli, iii. +<a href="#page_107">107</a>.<br /> + +Manfredo Clitoro, his murder of inqs., ii. 215.<br /> + +Manfredo di Donavia, inq., iii. +<a href="#page_097">97</a>.<br /> + +Manfredo di Sesto, case of, i. 461.<br /> + +Manichæans detected by paleness, i. 110, 214, 306.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">under Roman law, i. 409.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">refuse the cup to the laity, ii. 472.</span><br /> + +Manichæism, i. 90, 107.<br /> + +Manoel of Portugal revives the Inq., ii. 190.<br /> + +Mantua, Catharan bp., in 1273, ii. 239.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">bull <i>ad extirpanda</i> forced upon, i. 339.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>mont de piété</i> established, ii. 275.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">assembly of, ii. 417.</span><br /> + +Mapes, Walter, on Waldenses, i. 78.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on spread of heresy, i. 127.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on the Military Orders, iii. +<a href="#page_243">243</a>.</span><br /> + +Marchisio Secco, iii. +<a href="#page_091">91</a>, +<a href="#page_102">102</a>.<br /> + +Marcus Aurelius, his belief in charms, iii. +<a href="#page_391">391</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his recourse to Christ, iii. +<a href="#page_394">394</a>.</span><br /> + +<i>Mare Magnum</i>, i. 274.<br /> + +Margherita di Trank, iii. +<a href="#page_112">112</a>.<br /> + +Margot de la Barre, burned for sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_461">461</a>.<br /> + +Marguerite la Porete, ii. 123, 575.<br /> + +Marguerite of Saluces, her intolerant zeal, ii. 267.<br /> + +Maria Roberta, case of, i. 520.<br /> + +Marie du Canech, case of, i. 479; ii. 133.<br /> + +Marie de Rais, iii. +<a href="#page_488">488</a>.<br /> + +Mariolatry, Olivi rebuked for, iii. +<a href="#page_043">43</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">growth of, iii. +<a href="#page_597">597</a>.</span><br /> + +Marion l’Estalée burned for sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_461">461</a>.<br /> + +Marmande, massacre of, i. 187.<br /> + +Marriage forbidden among Cathari, i. 97.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">dissolution of, by sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_418">418</a>.</span><br /> + +Marseilles, quarrels between Mendicants in, i. 302.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">seized by Raymond VII., ii. 23.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">the four martyrs of, iii. +<a href="#page_073">73</a>, +<a href="#page_080">80</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">rigor of Inq. there, iii. +<a href="#page_078">78</a>.</span><br /> + +Marsiglio of Padua on heresy, ii. 377.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his political theories, iii. +<a href="#page_139">139</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on clerical corruption, iii. +<a href="#page_632">632</a>.</span><br /> + +Martin IV. favors the Mendicants, i. 289.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">grants special privileges to Florence, i. 525.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">denies asylum to heretics, ii. 121.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders crusade against Aragon, ii. 248; iii. +<a href="#page_190">190</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">confiscates debts due to Forli, iii. +<a href="#page_196">196</a>.</span><br /> + +Martin V., his election, ii. 610.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">favors the Dominicans, i. 303.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">subjects inqs. to provincials, i. 346.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders Inq. in Denmark, i. 355.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">dispenses for age, i. 374.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">restores Geneva to Dominicans, ii. 133.</span> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_709" id="page_709"></a>{709}</span><br /> + +Martin V. authorizes Jewish assessor of Inq., ii. 139.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">case of Pedro Freserii, ii. 178.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">tries to strengthen the Inq., ii. 283.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">appoints inqs. in Naples, ii. 287.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">protects Brethren of the ’Common Life,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 3em;">ii. 361.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">protects the Beguines, ii. 409.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">summons Huss, ii. 449, 481.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">orders Inq. in Bohemia, ii. 511.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">effort to reform Germany, ii. 527.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">eludes reform at Siena, ii. 528.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">forced to convoke Council of Basle, ii. 529.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">persecutes Fraticelli of Aragon, iii. +<a href="#page_169">169</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">seeks to reunite the Franciscans, iii. +<a href="#page_173">173</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">tries to suppress the Fraticelli, iii. +<a href="#page_174">174</a>, +<a href="#page_175">175</a>, +<a href="#page_176">176</a>.</span><br /> + +Martin l’Advenu, iii. +<a href="#page_366">366</a>, +<a href="#page_372">372</a>.<br /> + +Martin, Bp. of Arras, defends Jean Petit, iii. +<a href="#page_337">337</a>.<br /> + +Martin of Bomigny, his theft of relics, i. 48.<br /> + +Martin, Card., his disinterestedness, i. 7.<br /> + +Martin, Henri, on the Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_328">328</a>.<br /> + +Martin Gonsalvo of Cuenca, ii. 175.<br /> + +Martin, inq., persecutes Beghards, ii. 395.<br /> + +Martin of Mainz burned in 1393, ii. 395.<br /> + +Martin of Rotenburg, ii. 418.<br /> + +Martin of Sicily restrains the Inq., ii. 285.<br /> + +Martin, St., of Tours, his relics, i. 47.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">on the execution of Priscillian, i. 213.</span><br /> + +Martino del Prete, his Catharan sect, ii. 256.<br /> + +Martinique, condemnation for suspicion, i. 561.<br /> + +Mary of England, persecution under, i. 353.<br /> + +Mary of Valenciennes, ii. 127, 405.<br /> + +Mascæ, iii. +<a href="#page_494">494</a>.<br /> + +Mascate de’ Mosceri complains of extortion, i. 478.<br /> + +Mas Deu, trial of Templars of, iii. +<a href="#page_314">314</a>.<br /> + +Mass, sale of, i. 28.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">employed as an incantation, i. 50.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">comminatory, iii. +<a href="#page_447">447</a>.</span><br /> + +Massacio, Fraticelli expelled, iii. +<a href="#page_176">176</a>.<br /> + +Massacre of Avignonet, ii. 35.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">of Béziers, i. 154.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">of Marmande, i. 187.</span><br /> + +Mastic-tree, Raymond Lully’s, iii. +<a href="#page_579">579</a>.<br /> + +Mathias Corvinus, his intervention in Bosnia, ii. 313, 314.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">his crusade against Bohemia, ii. 559.</span><br /> + +Mathias of Janow, ii. 437, 471.<br /> + +Matilda of Savoy reforms Franciscans, iii. +<a href="#page_172">172</a>.<br /> + +Matteo d’ Acquasparta, iii. +<a href="#page_034">34</a>, +<a href="#page_044">44</a>.<br /> + +Matteo of Agram, ii. 300.<br /> + +Matteo of Ancona, iii. +<a href="#page_106">106</a>.<br /> + +Matteo of Catania, ii. 286.<br /> + +Maiteo da Chieti persecutes Bizochi, iii. +<a href="#page_037">37</a>.<br /> + +Matteo de Rapica, his trouble with converted Jews, ii. 178.<br /> + +Matteo da Tivoli forms an ascetic Order, iii. +<a href="#page_180">180</a>.<br /> + +Matteo Visconti accused of Guglielmitism, iii. +<a href="#page_096">96</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">his trial for heresy, iii. +<a href="#page_197">197</a>, +<a href="#page_200">200</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">his retirement and death, iii. +<a href="#page_199">199</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">his condemnation annulled, iii. +<a href="#page_202">202</a>.</span><br /> + +Matthieu Aychard commutes penance, i. 474.<br /> + +Matthieu de Bodici, antipope, iii. +<a href="#page_038">38</a>.<br /> + +Matthieu le Gaulois, Dominican abbot, i. 253.<br /> + +Matthieu de Pontigny, i. 347.<br /> + +Maupetit, Jacotin, iii. +<a href="#page_529">529</a>.<br /> + +Maurice the Spaniard, ii. 322.<br /> + +Maurice, inq. of Paris, i. 451; ii. 124.<br /> + +Maurillac, capture of, i. 179.<br /> + +Mauvoisin, Robert, his ferocity, i. 162.<br /> + +Maxentius, his reliance on magic, iii. +<a href="#page_395">395</a>.<br /> + +Maximus executes Priscillian, i. 213.<br /> + +Mazzolino, Silvestro—see Prierias.<br /> + +Meat not eaten by Cathari, i. 97.<br /> + +Meaux, Bp. of, his heresy, ii. 143.<br /> + +Medicine, skill of Waldenses in, ii. 146.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">sacred, iii. +<a href="#page_395">395</a>, +<a href="#page_410">410</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">astrologv necessary in, iii. +<a href="#page_440">440</a>.</span><br /> + +Medina, Cortes of, 1464, ii. 186.<br /> + +<i>Mekasshepha</i>, iii. +<a href="#page_396">396</a>.<br /> + +Melgueil, sale of, i. 180.<br /> + +<i>Melioramentum</i>, i. 95.<br /> + +Mendicant Orders, the, i. 243.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">their special character, i. 265.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">papal favor for, i. 273.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">their services to the papacy, i. 275; iii. +<a href="#page_190">190</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">their missionary labors, i. 297.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">their demoralization, i. 294, 304; iii. +<a href="#page_630">630</a>, +<a href="#page_631">631</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">immunities claimed for, i. 361.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">hostility between, i. 302; ii. 76, 138, 171, 217; iii. +<a href="#page_098">98</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">unauthorized, their numbers, iii, 32, 103.</span><br /> + +Mendicants released from episcopal jurisdiction, i. 274.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">used as papal commissioners, i. 276.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">enormous powers conferred, i. 279.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">their quarrel with the University of Paris, i. 281, 288.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">privileges curtailed by Innocent IV., i. 283.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">privileges restored by Alexander IV., i. 284.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">as inqs., i. 299, 318.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">their quarrels with the clergy, i. 278, 281, 290.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">their services in the Black Death, i. 290.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">commissioned as inqs. in Germany, ii. 333.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">assailed as heretics, ii. 371.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">denounced by Flagellants, ii. 383.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">assailed by Arnaldo de Vilanova, iii. +<a href="#page_053">53</a>.</span><br /> + +Men of Intelligence, ii. 405.<br /> + +<i>Menn forspair</i>, iii. +<a href="#page_402">402</a>.<br /> + +Mental conditions the subject of Inq., i. 400; iii. +<a href="#page_644">644</a>.<br /> + +Mercato, Michele, denies immortality, iii. +<a href="#page_572">572</a>.<br /> + +Merchants, Florentine, seizure of, ii. 281. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_710" id="page_710"></a>{710}</span><br /> + +Mercy, adjuration for, i. 227, 534; iii. +<a href="#page_491">491</a>.<br /> + +Merlin, son of a demon, iii. +<a href="#page_385">385</a>.<br /> + +Merovingians, toleration under, i. 216.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">sorcery under, iii. +<a href="#page_410">410</a>.</span><br /> + +Merswin, Rulman, ii. 364, 365.<br /> + +Metz, Waldenses of, i. 131; ii. 318.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Begharda burned in 1335, ii. 374.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Corn. Agrippa defends a witch, iii. +<a href="#page_545">545</a>.</span><br /> + +Metza <small>V</small>. Westhoven burned in 1366, ii. 387.<br /> + +Michael de Causis, ii. 458, 459, 472, 499.<br /> + +Michaelistæ, iii. +<a href="#page_164">164</a>.<br /> + +Michel le Moine tries the Olivists, iii. +<a href="#page_071">71</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">captures Pierre Trencavel, iii. +<a href="#page_076">76</a>.</span><br /> + +Michele de Cesena limits term of inq., i. 345.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">enforces the bull <i>Exivi</i>, iii. +<a href="#page_066">66</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">persecutes the Olivists, iii. +<a href="#page_072">72</a>, +<a href="#page_075">75</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">regulates vestments, iii. +<a href="#page_078">78</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">upholds the Poverty of Christ, iii. +<a href="#page_132">132</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">seeks to preserve peace, iii. +<a href="#page_143">143</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">deposed from generalate, iii. +<a href="#page_148">148</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on the Divine Vision, iii. +<a href="#page_593">593</a>, +<a href="#page_594">594</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his death, iii. +<a href="#page_155">155</a>.</span><br /> + +Michele di Lapo, inq. of Florence, ii. 279.<br /> + +Michele da Pisa, his misadventure, ii. 273.<br /> + +Michelet, his argument as to the Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_274">274</a>.<br /> + +Middleton, Richard, persecutes Olivi, iii. +<a href="#page_044">44</a>.<br /> + +Midwives, witch, their crimes, iii. +<a href="#page_504">504</a>.<br /> + +Mignard, his theory as to the Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_265">265</a>.<br /> + +Miguel of Aragon, case of, i. 474.<br /> + +Milan, Cathari of Monforte burned in, i. 109.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">as a centre of heresy, i. 114; ii. 193.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Poor Catholics in, i. 246.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">laws on heresy in 1228, i. 320; ii. 200.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">episcopal Inq. tried, i. 359.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">restriction on bearing arms, i. 382.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">criminal process in, i. 401.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">exactions of Inq. in 1516, i. 480.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Inq. methods adopted, i. 560.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Waldensian school in, ii. 194.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Rolando da Cremona as inq., ii. 203.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">influence of St. Peter Martyr, ii. 208.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Peter Martyr as inq., ii. 214.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Rainerio Saccone as inq., ii. 218, 222.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">submits to Uberto Pallavicino, ii. 229.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">ease of Amadeo de’Landi, ii. 271.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">the Guglielmites, iii. +<a href="#page_090">90</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">forsakes Matteo Visconti, iii. +<a href="#page_198">198</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Inq. expelled by Matteo Viaconti, iii. +<a href="#page_200">200</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">penalty for sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_450">450</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1287, on opposition to Inq., ii. 238.</span><br /> + +Milano Sola, iii. +<a href="#page_113">113</a>.<br /> + +Miliez of Kremsier, ii. 436.<br /> + +Milita of Monte-Meano, i. 115.<br /> + +Military Bishops, i. 9, 11.<br /> + +Military Orders, the, iii. +<a href="#page_239">239</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">projects for their union, iii. +<a href="#page_246">246</a>, +<a href="#page_246">246</a>, +<a href="#page_247">247</a>, +<a href="#page_248">248</a>.</span><br /> + +Militia Jesu Christi, i. 267.<br /> + +Milo, Legate, his duplicity towards Raymond, i. 150, 161.<br /> + +Minerva, iii. +<a href="#page_494">494</a>.<br /> + +Minerve, Cathari burned at, i. 105, 162.<br /> + +Minneke, Henry, case of, ii. 324.<br /> + +Minoritessee Franciscans.<br /> + +Minors, benefices given to, i. 25; ii. 432.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">responsibility of, i. 402.</span><br /> + +Miolerin, Anna, on negligent priests, iii. +<a href="#page_640">640</a>.<br /> + +Miracles, false, of the Cathari, i. 103.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in the Albigensian crusade, i. 154.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">wrought by Capistrano, ii. 547.</span><br /> + +Miravet, siege of, iii. +<a href="#page_311">311</a>.<br /> + +Mirepoix, Marechaux de, claim confiscations, i. 514.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">claim the right to burn, i. 537.</span><br /> + +Mishna, penalties of magic in, iii. +<a href="#page_396">396</a>.<br /> + +Missi Dominici, i. 311.<br /> + +Missionary zeal of Bohemian Brethren, ii. 567.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of Cathari, i. 102.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of Fraticelli, iii. +<a href="#page_166">166</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of Mendicant Orders, i. 297.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of Waldenses, i. 80, 86.</span><br /> + +Mitigation of penances, i. 495.<br /> + +Mitre for condemned heretics, ii. 491, 504; iii. +<a href="#page_373">373</a>, +<a href="#page_521">521</a>, +<a href="#page_528">528</a>.<br /> + +Mladen Subić conquers Bosnia, ii. 299.<br /> + +Mladenowie, Peter, his zeal for Huss, ii. 484.<br /> + +Model inq., i. 367.<br /> + +Modestus puts Catholics to death, i. 213.<br /> + +Moissac, Inq. in, ii. 10.<br /> + +Molay, Jacques de, elected Grand Master, iii. +<a href="#page_247">247</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">called to France by Clement V., iii. +<a href="#page_248">248</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">justifies the Order to Clement V., iii. +<a href="#page_258">258</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his confession, iii. +<a href="#page_282">282</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">reserved for papal judgment, iii. +<a href="#page_282">282</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">abandons the Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_290">290</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his burning, iii. +<a href="#page_325">325</a>.</span><br /> + +Moldavia, Hussitism in, ii. 543, 545.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Capistrano sends inqs., ii. 549.</span><br /> + +Molitoris, Ulric, on incubi, iii. +<a href="#page_385">385</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on witchcraft, iii. +<a href="#page_542">542</a>.</span><br /> + +Monaldo, his treatment of Spirituals, iii. +<a href="#page_035">35</a>.<br /> + +Monarch, duty of, to persecute, i. 224, 320, 536.<br /> + +Monastic imprisonment, severity of, i. 487.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">immunity withdrawn in heresy, i. 314.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Orders, demoralization of, i. 35; iii. +<a href="#page_630">630</a>, +<a href="#page_631">631</a>, +<a href="#page_640">640</a>.</span><br /> + +Monasticism, character of, i. 265.<br /> + +Monçon, Juan de, denies Immaculate Conception, iii. +<a href="#page_599">599</a>.<br /> + +Moneta, attempt against his life, ii. 203.<br /> + +Money, Franciscan troubles over, iii. +<a href="#page_004">4</a>, +<a href="#page_030">30</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">refusal of Spirituals to beg for, iii. +<a href="#page_033">33</a>.</span><br /> + +Mongano, Castle of, ii. 219.<br /> + +Mongriu, Guillen, of Tarragona, ii. 164, 167.<br /> + +Monks, contempt felt for, i. 54.<br /> + +Montauban, heretics in, ii. 31.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Waldensian centre at, ii. 146.</span><br /> + +Montcucq, heretics in, ii. 31.<br /> + +Montesa, Order of, iii. +<a href="#page_333">333</a>.<br /> + +Montmorillon, heretics burned at, ii. 116.<br /> + +Montoison, murder of inqs. at, ii. 161.<br /> + +Montpellier, dearth of churches in, i. 278. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_711" id="page_711"></a>{711}</span><br /> + +Montpellier, Dominican Chapter, of, forbids<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">pecuniary penances, i. 471.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">asks aid against heretics, ii. 23.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its tenure by Majorca, ii. 89.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Olivists persecuted, iii. +<a href="#page_077">77</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Parlement of, in 1293, ii. 63.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1195, on heresy, i. 127, 133.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1215, deposes Raymond VI., i. 179.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">establishes episcopal Inq., i. 314.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1224, i. 192.</span><br /> + +<i>Monts de piété</i>, ii. 275.<br /> + +Montségur, ii. 34, 35, 38, 42.<br /> + +Mont Wimer, Catharism at, i. 108; ii. 116.<br /> + +Moors, forced conversion of, in Spain, ii. 187.<br /> + +Morals dissociated from religion, ii. 470; iii. +<a href="#page_641">641</a>, +<a href="#page_644">644</a>.<br /> + +Moravia, Waldenses in, ii. 438.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">indignation at Huss’s death, ii. 494.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Capistrano’s success, ii. 548.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">assigned to Matt. Corvinus, ii. 559.</span><br /> + +Moravians—see Bohemian Brethren.<br /> + +Morea, Templar property in, iii. +<a href="#page_333">333</a>.<br /> + +Morocco, Inq. in, i. 355.<br /> + +Morosini, Mariano, his ducal oath, ii. 250, 587.<br /> + +Morret, P., ease of, i. 448.<br /> + +Morselle, Jean, his heresy as to the Virgin, iii. +<a href="#page_603">603</a>.<br /> + +Mortal enmity invalidates evidence, i. 436; iii. +<a href="#page_517">517</a>.<br /> + +Mortality of prisons, i. 494.<br /> + +Mortuary masses, profits of, i. 30.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">as incantations, iii. +<a href="#page_447">447</a>.</span><br /> + +Mosaic Law on witches, iii. +<a href="#page_396">396</a>.<br /> + +Moses, his thaumaturgy, iii. +<a href="#page_387">387</a>.<br /> + +Motives of persecution, i. 233.<br /> + +Mühlberg, John, persecutes Beghards, ii. 403.<br /> + +Mühldorff, battle of, in 1322, iii. +<a href="#page_135">135</a>.<br /> + +Mühlhausen, beguinages confiscated, ii. 391.<br /> + +Müller, John, preaches Hussitism, ii. 414.<br /> + +Multitude of prisoners, i. 485, 489; ii. 154.<br /> + +Mummolus, case of, iii. +<a href="#page_411">411</a>.<br /> + +Municipal freedom in Languedoc, i. 67.<br /> + +Muñoz, Pedro, Abp., of Santiago, iii. +<a href="#page_429">429</a>.<br /> + +Muntaner, Arnaldo, case of, iii. +<a href="#page_169">169</a>.<br /> + +Murad II. partly conquers Bosnia, ii. 307.<br /> + +Muratori, L. A., on Immaculate Conception, iii. +<a href="#page_611">611</a>.<br /> + +Muret, battle of, i. 177.<br /> + +<i>Murus</i> of Inq., i. 373, 462.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 0.5em;"><i>largus</i> and <i>strictus</i>, i. 486.</span><br /> + +Muscata, John, Bp. of Cracow, ii. 630.<br /> + +Musonius the Babylonian, iii. +<a href="#page_392">392</a>.<br /> + +Myndekin, Sophia, case of, ii. 398.<br /> + +Mysticism, Franciscan tendencies to, iii. +<a href="#page_002">2</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">German, in 14th cent., ii. 359, 362, 364.</span><br /> + +<br /> +<a name="N" id="N"></a><span class="letra">N</span>AAKVASA, martyrdom of, ii. 514.<br /> + +Naczeracz, Peter, inq. in Moravia, ii. 431.<br /> + +Nævius, I., slaughters sorcerers, iii. +<a href="#page_392">392</a>.<br /> + +Najac, church of, fines for, i. 473.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">punishment of heretics of, i. 518.</span><br /> + +Nakedness as a test of grace, ii. 357, 367, 518.<br /> + +<i>Nämd</i>, iii. +<a href="#page_433">433</a>.<br /> + +Names of witnesses withheld, i. 437; ii. 477; iii. +<a href="#page_517">517</a>.<br /> + +Nantes, Cathari in, i. 112.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">execution of Gilles de Rais, iii. +<a href="#page_487">487</a>.</span><br /> + +Naples, one assistant allowed, i. 374.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">French inqs. in, i. 395.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">use of torture in Inq., i. 422.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">royal prisons used for heretics, i. 491.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">confiscation in, i. 511, 517.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">expenses of Inq. defrayed, i. 525.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its conquest by Charles of Anjou, ii. 231; iii. +<a href="#page_193">193</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Inq. in, ii. 244, 584.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">immigration of Waldenses, ii. 247, 268.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">decline of Inq., ii. 247, 268, 284, 287.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Spanish Inq. not introduced, ii. 288.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Flagellants in 1361, ii. 393.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Arnaldo de Vilanova’s influence, iii. +<a href="#page_054">54</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Spirituals protected by Robert, iii. +<a href="#page_144">144</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">the Fraticelli protected, iii. +<a href="#page_159">159</a>, +<a href="#page_165">165</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">subjected to Innocent IV., iii. +<a href="#page_190">190</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">arrest of Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_304">304</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Greek Church in, iii. +<a href="#page_616">616</a>, +<a href="#page_621">621</a>.</span><br /> + +Napoleon I. transfers papal archives to Paris, iii. +<a href="#page_319">319</a>.<br /> + +Naprous Boneta, case of, iii. +<a href="#page_080">80</a>, +<a href="#page_082">82</a>, +<a href="#page_653">653</a>.<br /> + +Narbona, Diego de, case of, iii. +<a href="#page_610">610</a>.<br /> + +Narbonne, Abp. Berenger tried, i. 15.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Jewish school in, i. 67.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Colloquy of, in 1190, i. 78.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">purchases immunity from crusade, i. 155.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">dismantling of, i. 180.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">submits to de Montfort, i. 186.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">ceded to the crown, i. 204.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">episcopal Inq. in, i. 330, 334.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">destruction of records, i. 380.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">bishops forced to convict, i. 388.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">assembly of experts in 1328, i. 389.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">quarrel over right to burn heretics, i. 538.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">troubles, 1234-8, ii. 13.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Abp. of, besieges Montségur, ii. 42.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">murder of officials in, ii. 46.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Waldeuses in, ii. 147.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Spiritual convent of, iii. +<a href="#page_062">62</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Olivists burned, iii. +<a href="#page_077">77</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Feast of Conception, iii. +<a href="#page_598">598</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1227; i. 201.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders episcopal Inq., i. 315.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1229, on penance of crosses, i. 469.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1244, on duty of persecution, i. 226.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">regulates Inq., i. 331, 395, 431, 438,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">462, 463, 464, 471, 475, 484, 489,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">495, 543, 548.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1374, condemns Dolcinists, iii. +<a href="#page_124">124</a>.</span><br /> + +Nardi, Giacopo, his belief in Savonarola, iii. +<a href="#page_211">211</a>.<br /> + +Narses urged to persecute, i. 216.<br /> + +Natural Science, its study prohibited, ii. 322. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_712" id="page_712"></a>{712}</span><br /> + +Naturalists, i. 99.<br /> + +Nature-worship in Lausanne, ii. 259.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">among Slavs, ii. 301.</span><br /> + +Navarre, mortuary offerings in, i. 30.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">inqs. appointed, i. 302.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">localization of laws, i. 320.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">confiscation in, i. 504.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Inq. in, ii. 166.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">prosecution of Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_316">316</a>.</span><br /> + +Necromancy among the Northmen, iii. +<a href="#page_402">402</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in the 13th cent., iii. +<a href="#page_424">424</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its connection with astrology, iii. +<a href="#page_444">444</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">necessary to alchemy, iii. +<a href="#page_473">473</a>.</span><br /> + +Negative apostoli, i. 451.<br /> + +Nelipić, Count, attacks Bosnian Cathari, ii. 302.<br /> + +Neo-Platonists, their magic, iii. +<a href="#page_389">389</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their Christianity, iii. +<a href="#page_572">572</a>.</span><br /> + +Nero suppresses magic, iii. +<a href="#page_392">392</a>.<br /> + +Nestorian books, burning of, i. 534.<br /> + +Neuburg, assembly of, in 1455, ii. 552.<br /> + +Nevers, Dean of, accused of heresy, i. 130.<br /> + +New Learning, paganism of the, iii. +<a href="#page_571">571</a>.<br /> + +New Testament, Catharan versions of, i. 102.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Valla’s corrections of, iii. +<a href="#page_567">567</a>.</span><br /> + +Newenhoffen, Waldensiau school for lepers, ii. 347.<br /> + +Neyseeser, John, case of, iii. +<a href="#page_436">436</a>.<br /> + +Nicetas, Catharan bp., i. 119.<br /> + +Niccolò da Cremona secures fines, i. 472.<br /> + +Niccolò di Girgenti, ii. 284.<br /> + +Niccolò of Trau, inq. of Bosnia, ii. 310.<br /> + +Niccolò of Santa Maria, ii. 279.<br /> + +Niccolò da Vercelli, case of, i. 396.<br /> + +Nicholas II., on coucubinary priests, i. 62.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">represses heresy in Auagni, ii. 239.</span><br /> + +Nicholas III., as inq.-general, i. 397.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on apostate Jews, ii. 63.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">avenges Corrado Pagano, ii. 237.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">offers cardinalate to John of Parma, iii. +<a href="#page_025">25</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">issues the bull <i>Exiit</i>, iii. +<a href="#page_030">30</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">confirms Bacon’s condemnation, iii. +<a href="#page_554">554</a>.</span><br /> + +Nicholas IV. increases indulgence for crusaders, i. 42.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">intervenes in quarrels of Mendicants, i. 303.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">gives control over fines to bps., i. 336.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on tenure of inqs., i. 344.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders Inq. in Palestine, i. 356.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders transfers of prisoners, i. 366.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on refusal to burn heretics, i. 539.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">organizes Inq. in Burgundy, ii. 120.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">enforces laws of Frederic II. in Provence, ii. 148.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">vindicates the Stigmata, ii. 216.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">stimulates inqs., ii. 243.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders Inq. in Venice, ii. 251, 252.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders crusade against Bosnia, ii. 298.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">sends John of Parma to Greece, iii. +<a href="#page_025">25</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemns a tract of Olivi, iii. +<a href="#page_043">43</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">represses Spirituals, iii. +<a href="#page_044">44</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemns the Apostolic Brethren, iii. +<a href="#page_107">107</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">tries to unite the Military Orders, iii. +<a href="#page_246">246</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">enlarges jurisdiction over sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_512">512</a>.</span><br /> + +Nicholas V. favors the Mendicants, i. 293.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">reorganizes French Inq., ii. 140.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">separates Catalonia from Aragon, ii. 179.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders prosecution of Alonzo de Almarzo, ii. 186.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his leniency to Waldenses, ii. 265.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">silences Amadeo de’Landi, ii. 272.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">persecutes Jews, ii. 287.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his intervention in Bosnia, ii. 311.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">makes Beguines Tertiaries, ii. 413.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">sends legate to Bohemia, ii. 540.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">approves acts of C. of Basle, ii. 541.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">rejects the Compactata, ii. 545.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">sends Capistrano to Bohemia, ii. 546.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">burns Fraticelli, iii. +<a href="#page_178">178</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">gives dispensation to employ sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_507">507</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">patronizes Lorenzo Valla, iii. +<a href="#page_567">567</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his dealings with Greek Church, iii. +<a href="#page_621">621</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his death, ii. 552.</span><br /> + +Nicholas V., antipope, iii. +<a href="#page_146">146</a>.<br /> + +Nicholas d’Abbeville, his arbitrary proceedings, i. 445; ii. 62, 67-73.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his removal, ii. 81.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">tomb erected to him, ii. 103.</span><br /> + +Nicholas Bailly investigates Joan of Arc, iii. +<a href="#page_361">361</a>.<br /> + +Nicholas of Basle, ii. 404.<br /> + +Nicholas of Bethlehem, case of, ii. 515.<br /> + +Nicholas of Buldesdorf, case of, iii. +<a href="#page_088">88</a>.<br /> + +Nicholas of Calabria, his heresy, ii. 175.<br /> + +Nicholas de Clemangis on corruption of Church, iii. +<a href="#page_630">630</a>.<br /> + +Nicholas dc Corbie, papal legate, i. 200.<br /> + +Nicholas of Cusa, his quarrel with Sigismund of Austria, ii. 417.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">rebuked by Capistrano, ii. 473.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">demands submission of Bohemia, ii. 550.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">opposes Capistrano’s canonization, ii. 555.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">enforces Observantine reform, iii. +<a href="#page_173">173</a>.</span><br /> + +Nicholas de Houppeland, iii. +<a href="#page_360">360</a>.<br /> + +Nicholas, John, inq. in Denmark, i. 355.<br /> + +Nicholas of Nazareth, inq. at Prague, ii. 456.<br /> + +Nicholas l’Oyseleur, iii. +<a href="#page_361">361</a>, +<a href="#page_366">366</a>, +<a href="#page_372">372</a>.<br /> + +Nicholas the painter burned in 1204, i. 131.<br /> + +Nicholas de Péronne, inq. of Cambrai, i. 479; ii. 133.<br /> + +Nicholas of Pilgram, ii. 522, 524.<br /> + +Nicholas, Provincial of France, iii. +<a href="#page_034">34</a>.<br /> + +Nicholas de Rupella on Jewish books, i. 554.<br /> + +Nicholas of Silesia, ii. 416.<br /> + +Nicholas of Strassburg, i. 361.<br /> + +Nicholas of Vilemonic, ii. 447.<br /> + +Nicolinistae, ii. 416.<br /> + +Nicosia, C. of, 1360, on Greek Church, iii. +<a href="#page_620">620</a>. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_713" id="page_713"></a>{713}</span><br /> + +Nider, John, conversion obtained by suffering, i. 418.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on Beghards, ii. 412.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his account of witchcraft, iii. +<a href="#page_534">534</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on hopelessness of reform, iii. +<a href="#page_638">638</a>.</span><br /> + +Nifo, Agostino, his submission to the Church, iii. +<a href="#page_575">575</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">answers Pomponazio, iii. +<a href="#page_575">575</a>.</span><br /> + +Nilus, St., his reliance on prayer, iii. +<a href="#page_395">395</a>.<br /> + +Nîmes, repeated torture of Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_318">318</a>.<br /> + +Ninoslav, Ban of Bosnia, ii. 293-297.<br /> + +Ninth Rock, the, ii. 365.<br /> + +Niort, seigneurs de, case of, i. 431; ii. 21, 27.<br /> + +Nivelle, beguinage of, ii. 352.<br /> + +Nivernois, heresy in, i. 130.<br /> + +Noffo Dei, story of, iii. +<a href="#page_255">255</a>.<br /> + +Nogaret, Guillaume de, seizes Boniface VIII., ii. 58.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">prepares to assail the Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_257">257</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">seizes the Temple, iii. +<a href="#page_261">261</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">cautions de Molay, iii. +<a href="#page_290">290</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">summoned to judgment, iii. +<a href="#page_327">327</a>.</span><br /> + +Nominalists, iii. +<a href="#page_555">555</a>.<br /> + +<i>Non compos</i>, plea of, i. 449.<br /> + +Norbert, St., his labors in Antwerp, i. 65.<br /> + +Nordhausen, nunnery of, reformed, ii. 330.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Beghards burned by Kerlinger, ii. 390.</span><br /> + +Normandy, witches in, iii. +<a href="#page_536">536</a>, +<a href="#page_537">537</a>.<br /> + +Norse magic, iii. +<a href="#page_402">402</a>.<br /> + +Northfield, Thomas, accused of sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_467">467</a>.<br /> + +Norway, Inq. ordered in, i. 355.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">magic in, iii. +<a href="#page_403">403</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">repression of pagan sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_421">421</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">legislation on sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_432">432</a>.</span><br /> + +Notables assembled at <i>autos da fé</i>, i. 388.<br /> + +Notaries, i. 377.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">forbidden to draw up retractions, i. 428; ii. 63.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">danger of drawing appeals, i. 445, 446; ii. 74.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">appointed by inq., ii. 391.</span><br /> + +Notory Art, iii. +<a href="#page_436">436</a>.<br /> + +Not proven, verdicts of, i. 453.<br /> + +Novati, Giacobbe de’, iii. +<a href="#page_093">93</a>.<br /> + +Nuñez Sancho, of Rosellon on heresy, i. 319.<br /> + +Nunneries, their demoralization, iii. +<a href="#page_631">631</a>, +<a href="#page_635">635</a>.<br /> + +Nürnberg abandons Gregory of Heimberg, ii. 418.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">restrictions on alms to Franciscans, iii. +<a href="#page_058">58</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Protest of 1324, iii. +<a href="#page_136">136</a>.</span><br /> + +<br /> +<a name="O" id="O"></a><span class="letra">O</span>ATH of cardinals in conclave, i. 6.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">to persecute, required of rulers, i. 225.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">to heretics not binding, i. 228; ii. 468; iii. +<a href="#page_182">182</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of compurgation, i. 310.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">required of inqs., i. 351.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of obedience to Inq., i. 385.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">preliminary, of accused, i. 399.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">accused obliged to take, i. 413.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">refusal of, punished with burning, i. 542.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">imposed on Languedoc, ii. 39.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of secular inqs. in Venice, ii. 251.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">papal dispensations for, ii. 470.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">forbidden by Waldenses, i. 80, 87; ii. 150.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">forbidden by Cathari, i. 97.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">forbidden by Bohemian Brethren, ii. 562.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">forbidden by Apostolic Brethren, iii. +<a href="#page_109">109</a>, +<a href="#page_121">121</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">not rejected by Wickliffites, ii. 441.</span><br /> + +Obedience, Franciscan enforcement of, i. 263; iii. +<a href="#page_002">2</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">oath of, required of officials, i. 385.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">implicit among the Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_253">253</a>.</span><br /> + +Observantine Franciscans founded, iii. +<a href="#page_172">172</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">they absorb the Clareni, iii. +<a href="#page_065">65</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their zeal, ii. 307.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">become dominant, iii. +<a href="#page_173">173</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">suppress the Fraticelli, iii. +<a href="#page_179">179</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">used against Savonarola, iii. +<a href="#page_218">218</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">they condemn printing, iii. +<a href="#page_436">436</a>.</span><br /> + +Obstinacy punished with burning, i. 313, 541.<br /> + +Occult arts, iii. +<a href="#page_379">379</a>.<br /> + +Ockham, William of, asserts poverty of Christ, iii. +<a href="#page_134">134</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">defends Louis of Bavaria, iii. +<a href="#page_146">146</a>, +<a href="#page_148">148</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">revives Nominalism, iii. +<a href="#page_556">556</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his death, iii. +<a href="#page_156">156</a>.</span><br /> + +Octavian, legate, condemns Everard of Châteauneuf, i. 130, 307.<br /> + +Odin, his knowledge of runes, iii. +<a href="#page_404">404</a>.<br /> + +Offerings for mortuary masses, i. 30.<br /> + +Official, episcopal, his functions, i. 309.<br /> + +Officials, episcopal, their character, i. 20, 22.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">secular, bound to aid inqs., i. 340.</span><br /> + +Olaf, St., his missionary raids, iii. +<a href="#page_406">406</a>.<br /> + +Olaf Tryggvesson, his contest with paganism, iii. +<a href="#page_406">406</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">he suppresses sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_421">421</a>.</span><br /> + +Olans Magnus on sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_433">433</a>.<br /> + +Old Testament rejected by Cathari, i. 91, 563.<br /> + +Oldegardi, Catella and Pietra, iii. +<a href="#page_101">101</a>.<br /> + +Oldenburg, Counts of, attack the Stedingers, iii. +<a href="#page_183">183</a>.<br /> + +Oldrado da Tressino of Milan, ii. 208.<br /> + +Oler, Pedro, case of, iii. +<a href="#page_085">85</a>.<br /> + +Olier, J. J., his approach to Manichæism, i. 100.<br /> + +Olivi, Pierre Jean, on merits of contemplation, iii. +<a href="#page_002">2</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">recognizes Boniface VIII., iii. +<a href="#page_038">38</a>.,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his career, iii. +<a href="#page_042">42</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his death and his relies, iii. +<a href="#page_045">45</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">not condemned by C. of Vienne, iii. +<a href="#page_046">46</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Joachitism attributed to him, iii. +<a href="#page_048">48</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">demand for bis worship, iii. +<a href="#page_057">57</a>.</span> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_714" id="page_714"></a>{714}</span><br /> + +Olivi, his books forbidden by the Inq., iii. +<a href="#page_073">73</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on papal dispensing power, iii. +<a href="#page_079">79</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his exaggerated cult, iii. +<a href="#page_082">82</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">prescribes poverty for bps., iii. +<a href="#page_132">132</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on ownership of property, iii. +<a href="#page_183">183</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">used in the Sachsenhaüser Protest, iii. +<a href="#page_138">138</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">venerated by the Fraticelli, iii. +<a href="#page_164">164</a>.</span><br /> + +Olivists, their Joachitism, iii. +<a href="#page_044">44</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their revolutionary doctrines, iii. +<a href="#page_065">65</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">forced to rebellion, iii. +<a href="#page_070">70</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">deny papal authority, iii. +<a href="#page_073">73</a>, +<a href="#page_079">79</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">popular sympathy for them, iii. +<a href="#page_075">75</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">numbers burned, iii. +<a href="#page_077">77</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their saints and martyrs, iii. +<a href="#page_080">80</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their love and charity, iii. +<a href="#page_082">82</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their mode of life, iii. +<a href="#page_083">83</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their extinction, iii. +<a href="#page_084">84</a>.</span><br /> + +Oller, Geron., predicts death of Henry IV., iii. +<a href="#page_446">446</a>.<br /> + +Olmütz, Inq. in 1335, ii. 431.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">John of Prague burned in 1415, ii. 495.</span><br /> + +Ombraida, murder of inqs. at, ii. 215.<br /> + +Oneiroscopy, iii. +<a href="#page_446">446</a>.<br /> + +Opizo, Bp. of Parma, and Segarelli, iii. +<a href="#page_106">106</a>, +<a href="#page_107">107</a>.<br /> + +Oppert, his explanation of Labarum, iii. +<a href="#page_395">395</a>.<br /> + +Opstallesboom, laws of, sorcery not alluded to, iii. +<a href="#page_433">433</a>.<br /> + +Ordeal used to detect heresy, i. 110, 305; ii. 317.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of fire in Savonarola’s case, iii. +<a href="#page_226">226</a>.</span><br /> + +Ordelaffi, crusade against the, iii. +<a href="#page_204">204</a>.<br /> + +Ordelaffi, Basilio, ease of, iii. +<a href="#page_238">238</a>.<br /> + +Ordenamiento de Aleala, ii. 184.<br /> + +Ordibarii—see Ortlibenses.<br /> + +Ordinaries, episcopal, i. 22, 309.<br /> + +Organization of Inq., i. 369.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its effectiveness, i. 394.</span><br /> + +Origen, his demonology, iii. +<a href="#page_381">381</a>.<br /> + +Origin of Evil, iii. +<a href="#page_380">380</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of witchcraft, iii. +<a href="#page_492">492</a>.</span><br /> + +Orleans, selection of bp. for, i. 9.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Cathari of, i. 108; ii. 334.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Pastoureaux in. i. 270.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">siege of, iii. +<a href="#page_339">339</a>, +<a href="#page_345">345</a>.</span><br /> + +Orozco, Geronymo, i. 248.<br /> + +Orphans, Hussite, ii. 525.<br /> + +Orsini, Caietano, inq.-general, i. 397.<br /> + +Orsini, Napoleone, protector of Spirituals, iii. +<a href="#page_035">35</a>, +<a href="#page_040">40</a>, +<a href="#page_056">56</a>.<br /> + +Ortlibenses, their origin, ii. 319.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in Passau, ii. 348.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in Suabia, ii. 354.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their developed doctrine, ii. 355.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their mysticism, ii. 358, 360, 365.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemned by Boniface VIII., ii. 367.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">by C. of Vienne, ii. 369.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their missionary zeal, ii. 368.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">persecution throughout Germany, ii. 373-6.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">join the Flagellants, ii. 385.</span><br /> + +Ortlibenses, their prevalence in Langres, iii. +<a href="#page_578">578</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">censorship of their books, iii. +<a href="#page_612">612</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">(See also Brethren of the Free Spirit.)</span><br /> + +Ortlieb of Strassburg, ii. 322.<br /> + +Orton, the demon, iii. +<a href="#page_383">383</a>.<br /> + +Orvieto, Catharism in, i. 115; ii. 238.<br /> + +Osma, Diego of, urges mission work, i. 141.<br /> + +Osthanes, iii. +<a href="#page_389">389</a>.<br /> + +Ostrogoths, their laws on sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_399">399</a>.<br /> + +Otbert, inq., his salary, i. 529.<br /> + +Otho IV. (Emp.) appealed to by Raymond VI., i. 149.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his laws on heresy, i. 220, 319, 481, 502.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">persecutes heretics in Ferrara, ii. 192.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his letter on the Waldenses, ii. 195.</span><br /> + +Otto of Constance, his trouble with Huss, ii. 459.<br /> + +Otto of Magdeburg, his lenity, ii. 374.<br /> + +Outlawry for heretics, i. 319, 321.<br /> + +Oxen eaten and resuscitated, iii. +<a href="#page_503">503</a>.<br /> + +Oxford, Cathari of, i. 105, 113.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">spurious letters of University of, ii. 443.</span><br /> + +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1222, burns a Jew, i. 222, 352.</span><br /> + +Oxista, Michael, burns Bogomili, i. 216.<br /> + +Ozasco, disregard of Inq. in, ii. 262.<br /> + +<br /> +<a name="P" id="P"></a><span class="letra">P</span>ACE DI PESANNOLA, ii. 211.<br /> + +Pace da Vedano, inq., iii. +<a href="#page_199">199</a>, +<a href="#page_202">202</a>.<br /> + +Padua, inquisitorial extortion in, i. 477.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">suppression of heresy urged, ii. 210.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">sack of by crusaders, ii. 227.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">admiration for Peter of Abano, iii. +<a href="#page_441">441</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Averrhoism taught, iii. +<a href="#page_577">577</a>.</span><br /> + +Pagan de Bécède, i. 202; ii. 15.<br /> + +Pagan influences in Christianity, iii. +<a href="#page_400">400</a>.<br /> + +Paganism revived in the Renaissance, iii. +<a href="#page_570">570</a>.<br /> + +Pagano, Corrado, his martyrdom, ii. 237.<br /> + +Pagano di Pietra Santa, iii. +<a href="#page_037">37</a>, +<a href="#page_099">99</a>.<br /> + +Pain, use of, to procure conversions, i. 417.<br /> + +Paleez, Stephen, on heresy, i. 236; iii. +<a href="#page_551">551</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his relations with Huss-, ii. 445, 446, 449.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">banished from Prague, ii. 452.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">assails Huss at Constance, ii. 461, 472, 476.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">confesses Huss, ii. 487.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">accuses Jerome, ii. 499.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on simony, iii. +<a href="#page_627">627</a>.</span><br /> + +Palencia, heretics in, ii. 182.<br /> + +Palestine, Inq. in, i. 356.<br /> + +Palestrina, Fraticelli expelled, iii. +<a href="#page_176">176</a>.<br /> + +Pallor a sign of heresy, i. 110, 214, 306.<br /> + +Palma, Franciscan church in, iii. +<a href="#page_173">173</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Lully’s worship there, iii. +<a href="#page_581">581</a>.</span><br /> + +Palmiere, Matteo, iii. +<a href="#page_573">573</a>.<br /> + +Pamiers, assembly of experts in 1329, i. 390.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Bp. of, tried for treason, ii. 71, 77.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Jews of, subjected to Inq., ii. 96.</span><br /> + +Pamplona, quarrel over corpses in, i. 280.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Inq. introduced in, ii.. 166.</span><br /> + +Pandulfo of Castro Siriani, ii. 238. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_715" id="page_715"></a>{715}</span><br /> + +Pantaleone, St., inq., i. 355.<br /> + +Pantheism of the Amaurians, ii. 320.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its application to Satan, ii. 323, 358.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">developed by the Ortlibenses, ii. 356.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Master Eckart accused of, i. 361; ii. 359.</span><br /> + +Paoluccio da Trinci of Foligno, iii. +<a href="#page_166">166</a>, +<a href="#page_171">171</a>.<br /> + +Papacy, supremacy of, i. 1.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">acquires power of appointment, i. 6.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">appeals to, i. 450.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">disobedience to, a heresy, i. 229; iii. +<a href="#page_181">181</a>, +<a href="#page_192">192</a>, +<a href="#page_616">616</a>, +<a href="#page_617">617</a>.</span><br /> + +Papal archives transferred to Paris, iii. +<a href="#page_319">319</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">authority denied by Olivists, iii. +<a href="#page_073">73</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">bulls against sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_453">453</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">against witchcraft, iii. +<a href="#page_502">502</a>, +<a href="#page_506">506</a>, +<a href="#page_512">512</a>, +<a href="#page_537">537</a>, +<a href="#page_540">540</a>, +<a href="#page_546">546</a>, +<a href="#page_547">547</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">claims on the empire, iii. +<a href="#page_135">135</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">commissioners, Mendicants used as, i. 276.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">crusades to further temporal interests, i. 44; iii. +<a href="#page_190">190</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">dispensation for vows, iii. +<a href="#page_028">28</a>, +<a href="#page_077">77</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">exactions in Germany, ii. 432, 556.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">favor for Mendicant Orders, i. 273.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">for Military Orders, iii. +<a href="#page_241">241</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Inq., its effectiveness, i. 364.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">interests more important than Palestine, iii. +<a href="#page_189">189</a>, +<a href="#page_193">193</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">interference with Inq., i. 452.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">letters, abuse of, i. 18.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">forgery of, i. 19.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">progresses, their ruinous character, i. 17.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">repugnance for general councils, ii. 530.</span><br /> + +Papelards, ii. 322.<br /> + +Paramo on trial of Adam and Eve, i. 406.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on number of witches burned, iii. +<a href="#page_549">549</a>.</span><br /> + +Pardonerssee Quæstuarii.<br /> + +Pardons reserved to Holy See, i. 333, 496.<br /> + +Parenti, Giov., Franciscan general, iii. +<a href="#page_004">4</a>, +<a href="#page_005">5</a>.<br /> + +Parete Calvo, the, iii. +<a href="#page_114">114</a>, +<a href="#page_119">119</a>.<br /> + +Paris, Treaty of, in 1229, i. 203.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Dominican Order introduced, i. 255.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">restriction on bearing arms, i. 382.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">first <i>auto da fé</i> at, ii. 123.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Turelupins in, ii. 126.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">case of Hugues Aubriot, ii. 127.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">the Black Death in, ii. 379.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Inq. of, jurisdiction extended, ii. 51, 118, 119.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">demands Joan of Arc’s trial, iii. +<a href="#page_360">360</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 829, on sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_414">414</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1212, on sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_423">423</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1350, on episcopal Inq., i. 363.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">(See also University of Paris.)</span><br /> + +Parlement of Paris, extension of its jurisdiction, ii. 57.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">assumes supreme spiritual jurisdiction, ii. 130, 131, 133, 144.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">defends the Pragmatic Sanction, ii. 134.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemns Jean Laillier, ii. 143.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">assumes jurisdiction over sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_428">428</a>, +<a href="#page_460">460</a>, +<a href="#page_512">512</a>.</span><br /> + +Parlement of Paris, laws against astrology, iii. +<a href="#page_446">446</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">rehabilitates Vaudois of Arras, iii. +<a href="#page_529">529</a>.</span><br /> + +Parma, Knights of Jesus Christ founded, ii. 210.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">revolt against Inq., ii. 237.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Gherardo Segarelli, iii. +<a href="#page_103">103</a>, +<a href="#page_107">107</a>.</span><br /> + +Partenay, Sire de, his case, i. 451; ii. 124.<br /> +Paschal II. on converted heretics, i. 111.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on communion, ii. 472.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his heresy, iii. +<a href="#page_181">181</a>.</span><br /> + +Pasquale, Bart., condemns witches, iii. +<a href="#page_516">516</a>.<br /> + +Passagii, i. 88.<br /> + +Passau, the inq. of, i. 54, 128; ii. 347.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">expulsion of bp., ii. 532.</span><br /> + +Passerine of Mantua, iii. +<a href="#page_197">197</a>, +<a href="#page_201">201</a>.<br /> + +<i>Pastoralis præeminentiæ,</i> bull, iii. +<a href="#page_278">278</a>, +<a href="#page_304">304</a>, +<a href="#page_307">307</a>, +<a href="#page_310">310</a>, +<a href="#page_314">314</a>.<br /> + +Pastoureaux, the, i. 269; ii. 380.<br /> + +Pastourel replaces Joan of Arc, iii. +<a href="#page_377">377</a>.<br /> + +Pastrae, Martin, his capture, ii. 260.<br /> + +Patarins, i. 114.<br /> + +Paternon, Filippo, Catharan bp., i. 326.<br /> + +Patrick, St., his Lorica, iii. +<a href="#page_400">400</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, on sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_417">417</a>.</span><br /> + +Patrimony of Peter, Templars in, iii. +<a href="#page_305">305</a>.<br /> + +Paul II. condemns Podiebrail as heretic, ii. 558.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders crusade against Bohemia, ii. 559.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">converts Fraticelli, iii. +<a href="#page_178">178</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on <i>Agnus Dei</i>, iii. +<a href="#page_410">410</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his trouble with the Academy, iii. +<a href="#page_570">570</a>.</span><br /> + +Paul III. defends Savonarola’s memory, iii. +<a href="#page_236">236</a>.<br /> + +Paul IV. examines Savonarola’s works, iii. +<a href="#page_236">236</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemns Lully, iii. +<a href="#page_687">687</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">forbids discussion on Immaculate Conception, iii. +<a href="#page_608">608</a>.</span><br /> + +Paul V. allows Jesuats to take orders, iii. +<a href="#page_171">171</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemns Lully, iii. +<a href="#page_588">588</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">forbids discussion on Immaculate Conception, iii. +<a href="#page_608">608</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on heresy of martyrdom for Immaculate Conception, iii. +<a href="#page_610">610</a>.</span><br /> + +Paul, St., on persecution and toleration, i. 209.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his triumph over magicians, iii. +<a href="#page_394">394</a>.</span><br /> + +Paul Klesić, Bosnian vojvode, ii. 305.<br /> + +Paul of Samosata, i. 90.<br /> + +Paulicianism, i. 90.<br /> + +Pavo, Antonio, slain at Bricarax, ii. 261.<br /> + +Pavia, C. of, 850, on philtres, iii. +<a href="#page_416">416</a>.<br /> + +Peasantry, their abject condition, i. 269.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Bosnian, aid the Turkish conquest, ii. 306.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Bohemian, reduced to serfdom, ii. 536.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their sympathy with the Stedingers, iii. +<a href="#page_185">185</a>.</span><br /> + +Peckham, Abp., condemns Averrhoism, i. 352; iii. +<a href="#page_562">562</a>.<br /> + +Pecuniary penances, i. 331, 471.<br /> + +Pedro I. (Aragon) subjects Aragon to Holy See, i. 157. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_716" id="page_716"></a>{716}</span><br /> + +Pedro II.(Aragon) persecutes Waldenses, i. 81.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his relations with Raymond VI., i. 132.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">refuses to persecute, i. 140.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his character, i. 157.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">intervenes in Languedoc, i. 170.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">is slain at Muret, i. 177.</span><br /> + +Pedro III. (Aragon) obtains Sicily, ii. 248.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">crusade against him, iii. +<a href="#page_190">190</a>.</span><br /> + +Pedro IV. (Aragon) his faith in astrology, iii. +<a href="#page_444">444</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">defends the Lullists, iii. +<a href="#page_584">584</a>.</span><br /> + +Pedro the Cruel, his faith in astrology, iii. +<a href="#page_444">444</a>.<br /> + +Pedro Arbalate organizes Inq. in Aragon, ii. 167.<br /> + +Pedro de Cadreyta, his martyrdom, ii. 169.<br /> + +Pedro de Ceplanes, his heresy, ii. 176.<br /> + +Pedro Freserii, case of, ii. 178.<br /> + +Pedro de Lugo, iii. +<a href="#page_106">106</a>, +<a href="#page_123">123</a>.<br /> + +Pedro de Luna—see Benedict XIII.<br /> + +Pedro de Osma, his trial, ii. 187.<br /> + +Pedro de Tonenes, Inq. of Aragon, ii. 169.<br /> + +<i>Peine forte et dure</i>, i. 447.<br /> + +Peitavin Borsier, ii. 11.<br /> + +Pelagius I., urges persecution, i. 215.<br /> + +Pelagonia destroyed by crusaders, i. 107.<br /> + +Pelayo, Alvaro, on embezzlement by inq. i. 511.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on Dolcino, iii. +<a href="#page_123">123</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on poverty, iii. +<a href="#page_131">131</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on incubi, iii. +<a href="#page_385">385</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">denies Immaculate Conception, iii. +<a href="#page_598">598</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on clerical corruption, iii. +<a href="#page_632">632</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on corruption of the laity, iii. +<a href="#page_642">642</a>.</span><br /> + +Pelisson, Guillem, his activity, ii. 10.<br /> + +Penalties of heresy, uncertainty of, i. 308.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">as inflicted by Inq., i. 459, 501, 534.</span><br /> + +Penance, unfulfilled, i. 396, 475, 548.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">inquisitorial, i. 459, 462.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">commutations of, i. 473.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of imprisonment, i. 484.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">power to modify reserved, i. 495.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of shaving the head, ii. 336.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">for Templar sacrilege, iii. +<a href="#page_275">275</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">unauthorized, of Flagellants, ii. 383.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">for sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_413">413</a>.</span><br /> + +Penhaiben, case of, iii. +<a href="#page_388">388</a>.<br /> + +Peniscola, Fraticellian pope at, iii. +<a href="#page_175">175</a>.<br /> + +Penitence, Brethren of, i. 267.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">sacrament of, its sale, i. 27.</span><br /> + +Penitents, their confessions recorded, i. 379.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">surveillance over, i. 386, 497.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their abjuration in <i>autos de fé</i>, i. 392.</span><br /> + +Perfectibility of the Brethren of the Free Spirit, ii. 356.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in the Spirit of Liberty, iii. +<a href="#page_124">124</a>.</span><br /> + +Perfectionists in Cincinnati, iii. +<a href="#page_102">102</a>.<br /> + +Perfects, Waldensian, i. 84.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 0.5em;">Catharan, i. 93, 103.</span><br /> + +Périgord, heretics in, i. 72.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Bp. of, tortures Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_287">287</a>.</span><br /> + +Perjurers, crosses for, i. 468.<br /> + +Perjury, papal dispensations for, ii. 470.<br /> + +Péronne, heretics burned at, ii. 115.<br /> + +Péronne of Britanny, burned, iii. +<a href="#page_376">376</a>.<br /> + +Perosa, Waldensian valley of, ii. 196, 259, 263.<br /> + +Persant, Jean de, burned for sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_455">455</a>.<br /> + +Persecution, i. 209.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">dependent on confiscation, i. 529.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its influence on morals, iii. +<a href="#page_641">641</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its consequences, iii. +<a href="#page_645">645</a>.</span><br /> + +Perugia, laws restricting the Inq., ii. 280.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Chapter of, in 1322, on the poverty of Christ, iii. +<a href="#page_132">132</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">headquarters of Fraticelli, iii. +<a href="#page_164">164</a>, +<a href="#page_166">166</a>.</span><br /> + +Peter, St., his triumph over Simon Magus, iii. +<a href="#page_393">393</a>.<br /> + +Peter of Abano, iii. +<a href="#page_440">440</a>, +<a href="#page_445">445</a>.<br /> + +Peter Balsamo, case of, i. 460.<br /> + +Peter of Benevento, Cardinal, his fraud, i. 178.<br /> + +Peter of Berne, iii. +<a href="#page_504">504</a>, +<a href="#page_510">510</a>, +<a href="#page_534">534</a>.<br /> + +Peter of Blois refuses a bishopric, i. 13.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on episcopal ordinaries, i. 22.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on power of magic, iii. +<a href="#page_418">418</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on Virgin Mary, iii. +<a href="#page_597">597</a>.</span><br /> + +Peter Cantor on clerical abuses, i. 13, 20, 23, 28, 52.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his tolerance, i. 220.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">aids Foulques de Neuilly, i. 244.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">disapproves of ordeal, i. 306.</span><br /> + +Peter Chelcicky reproaches Taborites, ii. 524.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his influence, ii. 561, 562.</span><br /> + +Peter the Celestinian as inq., i. 301, 398.<br /> + +Peter Damiani on character of clergy, i. 7.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on redemption of penance, i. 41.</span><br /> +Peter of Dresden suggests communion in<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">both elements, ii. 471.</span><br /> + +Peter Lombard on torment of the damned, i. 241.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">attacked by Joachim of Flora, iii. +<a href="#page_013">13</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">denies Immaculate Conception, iii. +<a href="#page_596">596</a>.</span><br /> + +Peter Martyr, St.—see Pietro da Verona.<br /> + +Peter, Abp. of Mainz, favors the Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_303">303</a>.<br /> + +Peter of Pilichdorf, pseudo, ii. 398.<br /> + +Peter of S. Chrysogono refuses a bribe, i. 7, 121.<br /> + +Peter the Venerable refutes the Koran, i. 58.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">confutes the Petrobrusians, i. 69.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on the Talmud, i. 554.</span><br /> + +Peter Waldo—see Waldo.<br /> + +Petit, Jean, case of, iii. +<a href="#page_334">334</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">accuses Louis of Orleans of sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_466">466</a>.</span><br /> + +Petosiris, iii. +<a href="#page_437">437</a>.<br /> + +Petrarch on John XXII., iii. +<a href="#page_197">197</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on astrology, iii. +<a href="#page_444">444</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on Averrhoism, iii. +<a href="#page_564">564</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on papal court, iii. +<a href="#page_633">633</a>.</span><br /> + +Petrobrusians, the, i. 68.<br /> + +Petroc, St., theft of his relics, i. 48.<br /> + +Petronilla, burned for sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_457">457</a>.<br /> + +Petronille de Valette burned for sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_428">428</a>.<br /> + +Pexariacho, de, ii. 127.<br /> + +Pézénas, Olivists burned, iii. +<a href="#page_077">77</a>. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_717" id="page_717"></a>{717}</span><br /> + +Pfalz, witches burned at, iii. +<a href="#page_549">549</a>.<br /> + +Pfefferkorn, his quarrel with Reuchlin, ii. 424.<br /> + +Phantasm, the Sabbat a, iii. +<a href="#page_493">493</a>.<br /> + +Pharees, Simon, case of, iii. +<a href="#page_446">446</a>.<br /> + +Philadelphia, Bp. of, head of Fraticelli, iii. +<a href="#page_164">164</a>.<br /> + +Philip II. (Spain) favors Lullism, iii. +<a href="#page_687">687</a>, +<a href="#page_588">588</a>.<br /> + +Philip III. (Spain) asks for Lully’s canonization, iii. +<a href="#page_588">588</a>.<br /> + +Philip, Inq. of Abyssinia, i. 298.<br /> + +Philip of Achaia arrests the Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_304">304</a>.<br /> + +Philip, Chancellor of University, i. 25.<br /> + +Philip the necromancer, iii. +<a href="#page_424">424</a>.<br /> + +Philippe I. (France), exc. of, i. 5.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his sale of bishoprics, i. 8, 9.</span><br /> + +Philippe II. (France), his disinterestedness, i. 7.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his dealings with the Albigenses, i. 140, 145, 148, 149, 174, 183, 188.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his death and its effects, i. 190.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">is bequests to Military Orders, iii. +<a href="#page_240">240</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">abandons Ingeburga, iii. +<a href="#page_418">418</a>.</span><br /> + +Philippe III. (France) acquires Toulouse, i. 206.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">visits Languedoc, ii. 56.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">appeal of Carcassonne to, ii. 58.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his crusade against Aragon, iii. +<a href="#page_190">190</a>.</span><br /> + +Philippe IV. (France), on torture, i. 423.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">agreement with Bp. of Albi, i. 516.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemns the Talmud, i. 555.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his reforms of Inq., ii. 62, 65, 80, 87.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">dealings with the Jews, ii. 63, 64, 81; iii. +<a href="#page_225">225</a>, +<a href="#page_449">449</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his quarrel with Boniface VIII., ii. 88, 66, 97; iii. +<a href="#page_258">258</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his dealings with Languedoc, ii. 67, 77, 78, 79, 86, 88, 90, 91.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his exequatur for inq. of Champagne, ii. 575.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his dealings with the Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_252">252</a>, +<a href="#page_253">253</a>, +<a href="#page_258">258</a>, +<a href="#page_260">260</a>, +<a href="#page_261">261</a>, +<a href="#page_278">278</a>, +<a href="#page_280">280</a>, +<a href="#page_281">281</a>, +<a href="#page_289">289</a>, +<a href="#page_290">290</a>, +<a href="#page_294">294</a>, +<a href="#page_321">321</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his death, iii. +<a href="#page_326">326</a>.</span><br /> + +Philippe V. (France) forces election of John XXII., ii. 98.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">persecutes lepers and Jews, ii. 380.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">project to give him the Templar lands, iii. +<a href="#page_254">254</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">settlement of Templar property, iii. +<a href="#page_330">330</a>.</span><br /> + +Philippe VI. (France) subjects the State to Inq., i. 385; ii. 126.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">repairs prison of Carcassonne, i. 490.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on debts of heretics, i. 519.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">extends royal jurisdiction, ii. 130.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">suppresses Flagellants, ii. 382.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">invades Lombardy, iii. +<a href="#page_197">197</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">confirms jurisdiction of Inq., iii. +<a href="#page_454">454</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on the Divine Vision, iii. +<a href="#page_592">592</a>, +<a href="#page_593">593</a>.</span><br /> + +Philippe I. (Flanders) persecutes Cathari, i. 112.<br /> + +Philippe le Bon (Flanders) on confiscation, i. 521.<br /> + +Philippe le Bon (Flanders) his commission to<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Kaleyser, i. 535; ii. 578.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">besieges Compiègne, iii. +<a href="#page_356">356</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">the Vaudois of Arras, iii. +<a href="#page_523">523</a>, +<a href="#page_525">525</a>, +<a href="#page_530">530</a>.</span><br /> + +Philippe of Dreux, Bp. of Beauvais, i. 11.<br /> + +Philippe de Marigny, Abp. of Sens, ii. 576; iii. +<a href="#page_294">294</a>.<br /> + +Philippe de Montfort, his gains by confiscation, ii. 111.<br /> + +Philosophy, its contest with theology, iii. +<a href="#page_557">557</a>, +<a href="#page_562">562</a>.<br /> + +Philtres in Egypt, iii. +<a href="#page_388">388</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in Greece, iii. +<a href="#page_389">389</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in Rome, iii. +<a href="#page_391">391</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">among Norsemen, iii. +<a href="#page_405">405</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">used by Mummolus, iii. +<a href="#page_411">411</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">penances for, iii. +<a href="#page_413">413</a>, +<a href="#page_414">414</a>, +<a href="#page_416">416</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">marriage dissolved by, iii. +<a href="#page_418">418</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">punishment in 13th cent., iii. +<a href="#page_427">427</a>, +<a href="#page_430">430</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">in Sicilian constitutions, iii. +<a href="#page_431">431</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">regarded as heresy, iii. +<a href="#page_435">435</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">case in Châtelet of Paris, iii. +<a href="#page_461">461</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">case in Velay, iii. +<a href="#page_463">463</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">power of witches, iii. +<a href="#page_502">502</a>.</span><br /> + +Physicians, Waldenses as, ii. 146.<br /> + +Physiognomy, science of, iii. +<a href="#page_431">431</a>.<br /> + +Piacenza, Cathari in, i. 117.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">troubles in 1204, ii. 196.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">troubles over heresy, ii. 202, 223, 235.</span><br /> + +Piagnoni, Savonarola’s followers, iii. +<a href="#page_214">214</a>, +<a href="#page_219">219</a>, +<a href="#page_227">227</a>.<br /> + +Pichardus in Bohemia, ii. 518.<br /> + +Pico della Mirandola, Giovanni, his belief<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">in Savonarola, iii. +<a href="#page_211">211</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his errors, iii. +<a href="#page_573">573</a>.</span><br /> + +Pico della Mirandola, G. F., on the Sabbat, iii. +<a href="#page_498">498</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">urges reform, iii. +<a href="#page_639">639</a>.</span><br /> + +Piedmont, Waldenses in, i. 426; ii. 194, 259.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">confiscations in, i. 512.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Catharism in, ii. 255.</span><br /> + +Pierre Amiel, Abp. of Narbonne, i. 196, 201, 330; ii. 13, 28.<br /> + +Pierre d’Aragon, case of, ii. 244.<br /> + +Pierre Autier, career of, ii. 105, 107.<br /> + +Pierre de Boulogne, iii. +<a href="#page_293">293</a>, +<a href="#page_296">296</a>, +<a href="#page_297">297</a>.<br /> + +Pierre le Bronsart, Inq. of Arras, iii. +<a href="#page_520">520</a>.<br /> + +Pierre Bruni, his activity, ii. 125.<br /> + +Pierre de Brays, i. 68.<br /> + +Pierre Cardinal, his poems, i. 55; ii. 2, 14.<br /> + +Pierre de Castelnau, papal legate, i. 137, 140, 142.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his murder, i. 146.</span><br /> + +Pierre Cella, inq., i. 544; ii. 8, 10, 17, 21.<br /> + +Pierre de Cherrut, his Templar initiation, iii. +<a href="#page_277">277</a>.<br /> + +Pierre de Colmien—see Albano, Cardinal of.<br /> + +Pierre Fabri, inq., his poverty, i. 532.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">persecutes Waldenses, ii. 157.</span><br /> + +Pierre de Fenouillèdes, ii. 111.<br /> + +Pierre Flotte, influence of, ii. 68.<br /> + +Pierre de l’Hôpital, iii. +<a href="#page_481">481</a>, +<a href="#page_484">484</a>, +<a href="#page_486">486</a>.<br /> + +Pierre Julien, case of, i. 390. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_718" id="page_718"></a>{718}</span><br /> + +Pierre Mauclerc plots against Louis VIII., i. 199.<br /> + +Pierre Mauran, case of, i. 122.<br /> + +Pierre de Montbrun investigates the Inq., ii. 72.<br /> + +Pierre de Mulceone falsifies records, ii. 72.<br /> + +Pierre de la Palu on the Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_327">327</a>.<br /> + +Pierre Paschal murdered by Waldenses, ii. 150.<br /> + +Pierre of Poitiers, case of, iii. +<a href="#page_428">428</a>.<br /> + +Pierre Probi, ii. 82, 100, 101.<br /> + +Pierre Raymond, his <i>endura</i>, i. 394.<br /> + +Pierre Raymond Dominique, case of, i. 486.<br /> + +Pierre de la Rive, his errors, iii. +<a href="#page_556">556</a>.<br /> + +Pierre Roger of Mirepoix, ii. 35.<br /> + +Pierre Sanche, Catharan missionary, ii. 106.<br /> + +Pierre de Tornamire, case of, i. 377, 449.<br /> + +Pierre Tort on granaries and cellars, iii. +<a href="#page_078">78</a>.<br /> + +Pierre des Vaux, Waldensian teacher, ii. 146.<br /> + +Pierre de Voie, Inq. of Evreux, ii. 136.<br /> + +Pietro d’Aquila sells licenses to bear arms, i. 383.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his extortions, i. 479.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his embezzlements, i. 511.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his services and reward, ii. 276.</span><br /> + +Pietro of Assisi, case of, i. 417.<br /> + +Pietro di Bracciano, his murder, i. 461; ii. 215.<br /> + +Pietro di Corbario, antipope, iii. +<a href="#page_146">146</a>, +<a href="#page_151">151</a>.<br /> + +Pietro da Lucca, his heresy, iii. +<a href="#page_603">603</a>.<br /> + +Pietro di Parenzo, St., his martyrdom, i. 116.<br /> + +Pietro di Ruffia slain at Susa, ii. 260.<br /> + +Pietro di Ser Lippo, ii. 280.<br /> + +Pietro da Verona, his career, i. 49; ii. 207.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his labors in Florence, ii. 211.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">inq. of Lombardy, ii. 213.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his martyrdom, ii. 215.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">fate of his assassins, i. 460.</span><br /> + +Pifferi, Francesco, his comment on Sacrobosco, iii. +<a href="#page_442">442</a>.<br /> + +Pifres, i. 115.<br /> + +Pignerol, statutes of, on heresy, i. 319; ii. 195.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">failure of Inq. in, ii. 262.</span><br /> + +Pikardi in Bohemia, ii. 517.<br /> + +Pilardi, i. 125.<br /> + +Pilgrimages, demoralizing effects of, i. 42.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">penance of, i. 465.</span><br /> + +Piombino, Fraticelli in 1471, iii. +<a href="#page_178">178</a>.<br /> + +Piphili, i. 115.<br /> + +Pisa, heretics burned in, ii. 210, 282.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">John XXII. burned in effigy, iii. +<a href="#page_149">149</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">withheld from Florence by Charles VII., iii. +<a href="#page_214">214</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1409, its supplication to Alex. V., iii. +<a href="#page_637">637</a>.</span><br /> + +Piso, Cneius, kills Germanicus, iii. +<a href="#page_390">390</a>.<br /> + +Pistoia, restriction on bearing arms, i. 382.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">laws restricting the Inq., ii. 280.</span><br /> + +Pius II. settles jurisdiction over Franciscans, i. 362.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">commutes penance, i. 474.</span><br /> + +Pius II. procures abrogation of Pragmatic Sanction, ii. 135.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">intervenes in Burgundian Inq., ii. 141.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on the quarrel over blood of Christ, ii. 172.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">confirms Inq. of Barcelona, ii. 179.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his intervention in Bosnia, ii. 313.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">lays interdict on the Tyrol, ii. 417.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his estimate of Huss, ii. 446, 505.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">heresy dissolves compacts, ii. 469.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his description of Mount Tabor, ii. 522, 525, 560.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his dealings with Bohemia, ii. 642, 646, 553, 557,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">558, 559.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his efforts for crusade in 1454, ii. 551.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his characterization of Capistrano, ii. 554.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his opinion of Franciscans, iii. +<a href="#page_173">173</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his toleration, iii. +<a href="#page_569">569</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders witches prosecuted, iii. +<a href="#page_537">537</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his defence of temporal power, iii. +<a href="#page_568">568</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on morals of Europe, iii. +<a href="#page_643">643</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his lack of reverence, iii. +<a href="#page_567">567</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on heresy of disobedience, iii. +<a href="#page_617">617</a>.</span><br /> + +Pius III., his offer to Savonarola, iii. +<a href="#page_220">220</a>.<br /> + +Pius IV. subjects Mendicants to Inq., i. 363.<br /> + +Pius V., his bull <i>Multiplices inter</i>, ii. 469.<br /> + +Pius IX. canonizes the martyrs of Avignonet, ii. 36.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">beatifies Raymond Lully, iii. +<a href="#page_589">589</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">adopts dogma of Immaculate Conception, iii. +<a href="#page_611">611</a>.</span><br /> + +Platina, his trouble with Paul II., iii. +<a href="#page_570">570</a>.<br /> + +Plead, refusal to, i. 447.<br /> + +Plenary indulgence, i. 42.<br /> + +Ploireri, François, persecutes Waldenses, ii. 160.<br /> + +Pluralities, i. 25.<br /> + +<i>Pœnœ confusibiles</i>, i. 462, 468.<br /> + +Poggio, on Jerome of Prague, ii. 502.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on papal curia, iii. +<a href="#page_628">628</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his quarrel with Lorenzo Valla, iii. +<a href="#page_567">567</a>.</span><br /> + +Poisoning of fields by magic, iii. +<a href="#page_415">415</a>.<br /> + +Poland, Waldenses in, ii. 397.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Inq. in, ii. 430, 431, 549.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Hussitism in, ii. 496, 525.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">league to suppress heresy, ii. 544.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Capistrano’s visit, ii. 551.</span><br /> + +Police, local, of Inq., i. 386.<br /> + +Politian, Angelo, ii. 546, 582.<br /> + +Political activity of the Mendicants, i. 275.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">use of Inq., iii. +<a href="#page_190">190</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">heresies, used by the Church, iii. +<a href="#page_181">181</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">used by the State, iii. +<a href="#page_238">238</a>.</span><br /> + +Politics and heresy, their relations, ii. 191; iii. +<a href="#page_191">191</a>.<br /> + +Pollentianus, case of, iii. +<a href="#page_398">398</a>.<br /> + +Pollution of blood, i. 223.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of sacraments, i. 62.</span><br /> + +Pomeranian Waldenses, i. 84; iii. +<a href="#page_398">398</a>, +<a href="#page_415">415</a>.<br /> + +Pomilli, Berenger, a pardoner, iii. +<a href="#page_623">623</a>, +<a href="#page_662">662</a>.<br /> + +Pomponazio, his teaching, iii. +<a href="#page_574">574</a>.<br /> + +Pomponio Leto, iii. +<a href="#page_570">570</a>, +<a href="#page_571">571</a>. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_719" id="page_719"></a>{719}</span><br /> + +Ponce de Blanes, poisoning of, ii. 167.<br /> + +Pons, heresy of, i. 72.<br /> + +Pons, inq., and the Count of Foix, ii. 54.<br /> + +Pons Arnaud, a false witness, i. 440.<br /> + +Pons Botugati, his martyrdom, iii. +<a href="#page_047">47</a>.<br /> + +Pons Carbonelli, St., iii. +<a href="#page_048">48</a>.<br /> + +Pons Delmont, inq. in Querci, ii. 17.<br /> + +Pons de l’Esparre, his activity, ii. 23.<br /> + +Pons Feugeyron, his commissions, ii. 138; iii. +<a href="#page_204">204</a>, +<a href="#page_511">511</a>.<br /> + +Pons of Narbonne opposes Catharism, i. 118, 124.<br /> + +Pons de Poyet, inq., i. 528; ii. 56, 111.<br /> + +Pons de Rodelle, his tolerance, i. 141.<br /> + +Pons de S. Gilles, his activity, ii. 10, 16.<br /> + +Ponsa, Bp. of Bosnia, ii. 295.<br /> + +Pont de l’Arche, C. of, 1310, on Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_295">295</a>.<br /> + +Ponzinibio on suspicion of heresy, i. 455.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on the Sabbat, iii. +<a href="#page_498">498</a>.</span><br /> + +Poor Men of Italy, i. 75.<br /> + +Poor Men of Lyons, i. 77.<br /> + +Poor Catholics, Order of, i. 247.<br /> + +Popelicans, i. 115.<br /> + +Popes, appeals to, i. 450.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">alone can pardon heresy, i. 495.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">grasp the confiscations, i. 512.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">heretic, iii. +<a href="#page_165">165</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">universal supremacy claimed, iii. +<a href="#page_192">192</a>, +<a href="#page_616">616</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their dealings with Greek Church, iii. +<a href="#page_616">616</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">can they commit simony f iii. +<a href="#page_627">627</a>, +<a href="#page_628">628</a>, +<a href="#page_629">629</a>.</span><br /> + +Poppo, Abp. of Trèves, case of, iii. +<a href="#page_418">418</a>.<br /> + +Popular enthusiasms, i. 269.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">favor for Mendicants, i. 280.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">belief, weight of, i. 431.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">sovereignty in 14th cent., iii. +<a href="#page_139">139</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">incredulity as to witchcraft, iii. +<a href="#page_533">533</a>, +<a href="#page_640">640</a>, +<a href="#page_546">546</a>.</span><br /> + +Portiuncula indulgence, i. 41; iii. +<a href="#page_246">246</a>.<br /> + +Portugal, church claims on the dying, i. 30.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">failure of Inq. in, i. 530.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">career of Inq. in, ii. 188.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Spirituals in, iii. +<a href="#page_085">85</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Templars protected, iii. +<a href="#page_317">317</a>.</span><br /> + +Potho of Pruhm on the Church, i. 52.<br /> + +Pothon de Xaintrailles, iii. +<a href="#page_339">339</a>, +<a href="#page_356">356</a>, +<a href="#page_377">377</a>.<br /> + +Poverty, merits of, proclaimed by Pons, i. 72.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">professed by Durán de Huesca, i. 246.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">adopted by Dominicans, i. 264.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">enjoined in Franciscan Rule, i. 260.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">zeal of St. Francis for, i. 264.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">eulogized by Bonaventura, i. 286, 288.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">exaggerated laudation of, ii. 352.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">concessions of Aquinas, iii. +<a href="#page_001">1</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">evasions of, among Franciscans, iii. +<a href="#page_005">5</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">dissensions caused by it, iii. +<a href="#page_006">6</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Franciscan, its impossibility, iii. +<a href="#page_075">75</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">perfect, among Apostolic Brethren, iii. +<a href="#page_121">121</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">reaction against it, iii. +<a href="#page_130">130</a>.</span><br /> + +Poverty, Franciscan disregard of, iii. +<a href="#page_170">170</a>, +<a href="#page_174">174</a>.<br /> + +Poverty of Christ asserted by Bona venture, i. 286.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">asserted in bull <i>Exiit</i>, iii. +<a href="#page_030">30</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">called in question, iii. +<a href="#page_130">130</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">pronounced a heresy, iii. +<a href="#page_134">134</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">becomes a European question, iii. +<a href="#page_138">138</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">abjuration of belief in, iii. +<a href="#page_160">160</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">the heresy of the Fraticelli, iii. +<a href="#page_164">164</a>.</span><br /> + +Poyet, Cardinal, legate, iii. +<a href="#page_068">68</a>, +<a href="#page_197">197</a>.<br /> + +Pragelato, Waldenses of, ii. 160, 261, 263, 264.<br /> + +Pragmatic Sanctions of 1438, ii. 134; iii. +<a href="#page_629">629</a>.<br /> + +Prague, Dolcinists reported in, ii. 429.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">papal Inq. in, ii. 431, 447.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">besieged by Sigismund, ii. 517.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">massacre of Taborites, ii. 535.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">reaction under Sigismund, ii. 538.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, in 1301, on heresy, ii. 428.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1412, condemns innovations, ii. 442.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Calixtin council in 1421, ii. 520.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">councils of, on sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_460">460</a>.</span><br /> + +Prato, Cathari in, i. 117.<br /> + +Prayer, efficacy of, iii. +<a href="#page_395">395</a>.<br /> + +Preaching, neglect of, i. 23.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">by the Waldenses, i. 77.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">licenses for, issued by legates, i. 142.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">quarrels over, i. 278.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">restricted in England, i. 353.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">free among Wiekliffites, ii. 441.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">free, in Bohemia, ii. 448.</span><br /> + +Preaching Friars, i. 253.<br /> + +Precursors of Huss, ii. 436.<br /> + +Predestination, i. 217.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Wickliff’s doctrine of, ii. 442.</span><br /> + +Preferment, abuse of, i. 24; iii. +<a href="#page_629">629</a>, +<a href="#page_630">630</a>, +<a href="#page_632">632</a>, +<a href="#page_639">639</a>.<br /> + +Prégent de Coétivy, iii. +<a href="#page_488">488</a>.<br /> + +Prejudgment of accused, i. 407; iii. +<a href="#page_468">468</a>.<br /> + +Prelati, Francesco, iii. +<a href="#page_473">473</a>, +<a href="#page_477">477</a>, +<a href="#page_483">483</a>.<br /> + +Premysl Ottokar II., ii. 428.<br /> + +Prescription of time in heresy, i. 522.<br /> + +Presents received by inqs., i. 481.<br /> + +Press, censorship of, iii. +<a href="#page_613">613</a>.<br /> + +Prierias on indulgences, i. 43.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemns Luther, ii. 284.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">asserts existence of incubi, iii. +<a href="#page_384">384</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on heresy of sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_435">435</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">proves reality of Sabbat, iii. +<a href="#page_499">499</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on death-penalty for witches, iii. +<a href="#page_515">515</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on extension of witchcraft, iii. +<a href="#page_546">546</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">he attacks Pomponazio, iii. +<a href="#page_576">576</a>.</span><br /> + +Priests, their immunity, i. 2; iii. +<a href="#page_629">629</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their superiority to the laity, i. 4.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">to be present at execution of wills, i. 29.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their immorality, i. 31; iii. +<a href="#page_636">636</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">supplanted by friars, i. 279.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">required to aid the Inq., i. 386.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">evidence of, i. 436.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">practice of magic by, iii. +<a href="#page_422">422</a>.</span><br /> + +Priestly character indelible, i. 4.<br /> + +Princes, their duty to persecute, i. 215, 224, 536. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_720" id="page_720"></a>{720}</span><br /> + +Princes dispossessed for tolerating heresy, i. 321.<br /> + +Printing, use of, by Bohemian Brethren, ii. 566.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemned by Observandnes, iii. +<a href="#page_436">436</a>.</span><br /> + +Priscillian, his execution, i. 213.<br /> + +Priscillianists detected by paleness, i. 110, 214.<br /> + +Prisons of Inq., i. 373.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">under episcopal control, i. 334.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">supplied by the crown, i. 342.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">use of harsh, i. 420.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">fines to be employed on, i. 471.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">character of, i. 488; ii. 93.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">mortality in, i. 494.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">difficulties in absence of, ii. 4.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">reform ordered by Philippe IV., ii. 87.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">difficulty of maintaining, ii. 154.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">provided for German Inq., ii. 390.</span><br /> + +Prison-breaking, i. 549.<br /> + +Prisoners, treatment of, i. 487.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">quarrels over their support, i. 489.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their diet, i. 491.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">multitude of, i. 485, 489; ii. 154.</span><br /> + +Procedure, summary nature of, i. 405.<br /> + +Proceedings, secrecy of, i. 406.<br /> + +Process, inquisitorial, i. 399.<br /> + +Procession of Holy Ghost, iii. +<a href="#page_616">616</a>.<br /> + +Procopius Rasa praises the Waldenses, ii. 522.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">succeeds Ziska, ii. 525.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his free speech at Basle, ii. 533.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">slain at Lipan, ii. 535.</span><br /> + +Prophecy frequent in the Middle Ages, iii. +<a href="#page_210">210</a>.<br /> + +Prosecution of bishops, i. 13.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of advocates and notaries, i. 445; iii. +<a href="#page_518">518</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of the dead, i. 448.</span><br /> + +Property, church, immunity of, i. 3, 34.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">individual, among monks, i. 37.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Franciscan device to hold, iii. +<a href="#page_005">5</a>, +<a href="#page_008">8</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Templar, iii. +<a href="#page_282">282</a>, +<a href="#page_283">283</a>.</span><br /> + +Prouille, monastery of, founded, i. 250.<br /> + +Provence ceded to the Church, i. 204.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">restored to Raymond VII., i. 206; ii. 15.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Franciscan inqs. of, i. 301.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">expenses of Inq., i. 527.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Inq. in, ii. 23, 51, 118.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">laws of Frederic II. introduced, ii. 148.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">rise of Joachitism, iii. +<a href="#page_017">17</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Fraticelli in, iii. +<a href="#page_167">167</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">arrest of Templars in, iii. +<a href="#page_304">304</a>.</span><br /> + +Provincials to appoint inqs., i. 329.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their control over inqs., i. 344.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">justiciable by inqs., i. 346.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of Burgundy, their supervision, ii. 141.</span><br /> +Ptacek, Calixtin ruler of Bohemia, ii. 540.<br /> + +Publicani, i. 115.<br /> + +Puigcercos, Bernardo, Inq. of Aragon, ii. 170.<br /> + +Punishments, cruelty of mediæval, i. 234.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of Inq., i. 459.</span><br /> + +<i>Purgatio canonica</i>, i. 310, 455.<br /> + +Purgatory, doctrine of, among Waldenses, i. 79, 83; ii. 150, 160.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">retained by Calixtins, ii. 512.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">rejected by Taborites, ii. 512, 023.</span><br /> + +Puritanism of the Calixtins, ii. 521.<br /> + +Putagi, Guidone, organizes Apostolic Brethren, iii. +<a href="#page_106">106</a>.<br /> + +<br /> +<a name="Q" id="Q"></a><span class="letra">Q</span>UADI, M. Aurelius’s victory over, iii. +<a href="#page_394">394</a>.<br /> + +<i>Quœstuarii</i>, i. 46; iii. +<a href="#page_621">621</a>, +<a href="#page_662">662</a>.<br /> + +Quarrels of Mendicants and secular clergy, i. 281, 290.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">between the Mendicant Orders, i. 299,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">300, 302; ii. 76, 138, 171, 217; iii.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">98, 173, 599.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of clergy with Military Orders, iii. +<a href="#page_241">241</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">between the Military Orders, iii. +<a href="#page_245">245</a>.</span><br /> + +Querci, Inq. in, ii. 21, 30.<br /> + +Quéribus, castle of, captured, ii. 52.<br /> + +Querio, Jacopo da, burned at Avignon, iii. +<a href="#page_122">122</a>.<br /> + +<i>Quia nonnunquam</i>, bull, iii. +<a href="#page_130">130</a>, +<a href="#page_143">143</a>.<br /> + +<i>Quia quorumdam</i>, bull, iii. +<a href="#page_138">138</a>.<br /> + +<i>Quilibet tyrannus</i>, proposition, iii. +<a href="#page_337">337</a>.<br /> + +Quiutilla on baptism, i. 210.<br /> + +<i>Quod super nonnullis</i>, bull, i. 344; iii. +<a href="#page_434">434</a>.<br /> + +<i>Quorumdam</i>, bull, iii. +<a href="#page_072">72</a>, +<a href="#page_073">73</a>, +<a href="#page_074">74</a>.<br /> + +<br /> +<a name="R" id="R"></a><span class="letra">R</span>ABANUS condemns Gottschalc, i. 217.<br /> + +Radak, treason of, ii. 314.<br /> + +Radewyus, Florent, ii. 361.<br /> + +Radivoj invites the Turks, ii. 307.<br /> + +Radomjer, Catharan Djed, ii. 305.<br /> + +Ragusa, Catharism in, ii. 292.<br /> + +Raimbaud de Caron, his confession under torture, iii. +<a href="#page_266">266</a>.<br /> + +Rainaldo, Abp. of Ravenna, favors the Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_307">307</a>.<br /> + +Rainaldo, pope of Fraticelli, iii. +<a href="#page_164">164</a>.<br /> + +Rainerio, Bp. of Vercelli, attacks Dolcino, iii. +<a href="#page_114">114</a>, +<a href="#page_118">118</a>.<br /> + +Rainerio Saccone, his estimate of Cathari, ii. 49, 193, 297.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his attempted murder, ii. 215.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">as Inq. of Milan, ii. 218, 220, 222, 229.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his last appearance, ii. 233.</span><br /> + +Rainier, legate to Languedoc, i. 136.<br /> + +Rais, Gilles de, accompanies Joan of Arc, iii. +<a href="#page_345">345</a>, +<a href="#page_469">469</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">case of, iii. +<a href="#page_468">468</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">as Bluebeard, iii. +<a href="#page_489">489</a>.</span><br /> + +Ramiro I. burns sorcerers, iii. +<a href="#page_429">429</a>.<br /> + +Ramon Costa, Bp. of Elnc, tries the Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_314">314</a>.<br /> + +Ramon de Malleolis, case of, ii. 167.<br /> + +Ramon Sa Guardia of Mas Deu, iii. +<a href="#page_311">311</a>, +<a href="#page_314">314</a>, +<a href="#page_315">315</a>, +<a href="#page_316">316</a>.<br /> + +Ramon de Tarraga, his heresy, ii. 175. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_721" id="page_721"></a>{721}</span><br /> + +Raoul of Fontfroide, papal legate, i. 137, 144.<br /> + +Raoul de Nemours betrays the Amaurians, ii. 321.<br /> + +Rasez, Catharan see of, i. 193.<br /> + +Ratification of confession under torture, i. 427.<br /> + +Rationalism among Cathari, i. 99.<br /> + +Ratisbon, Waldeuses of, ii. 348, 427.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Begliards persecuted, ii. 377, 412.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Henry Grünfeld burned, ii. 414.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">heretics burned, iii. +<a href="#page_509">509</a>.</span><br /> + +Raud the Strong, iii. +<a href="#page_406">406</a>.<br /> + +Ravenna, decree of Frederic II., i. 221; ii. 333.<br /> + +Ravenna, C. of, 1311, on Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_307">307</a>.<br /> + +Ravensburg, witches burned in, iii. +<a href="#page_540">540</a>.<br /> + +Raymond V. (Toulouse) represses Catharism, i. 120.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his indifference, i. 124.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his laws against heresy, i. 163.</span><br /> + +Raymond VI. (Toulouse), his accession in 1195, i. 132.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his indifference to religion, i. 133.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">swears to expel heretics, i. 137.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">repeated exc., i. 142, 146.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">penance and absolution, i. 150.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">again exc., i. 152.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">guides the crusaders, i. 153, 166.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">appeals to Innocent III., i. 163.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">refused a hearing, i. 165.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">takes up arms, i. 168.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">submits unqualifiedly, i. 178.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemned by Lateran Council, i. 182.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">defends Toulouse, i. 185.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his death, i. 188.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">remains unburied, i. 189.</span><br /> + +Raymond VII. (Toulouse) encouraged by Innocent III., i. 183.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">heads the rising in Provence, i. 184.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his negotiations, i. 189, 192, 193, 194.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">permits persecution, i. 197.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">resists the crusade, i. 199.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">accepts terms of peace, i. 203.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his position and motives, i. 207.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his position towards the Church, ii. 14.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his laws of 1234, i. 323, 469, 482, 503; ii. 15.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">intervenes in Toulouse, ii. 17.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">procures suspension of Inq., ii. 24.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his revolt in 1242, ii. 38.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">reconciled to papacy, ii. 40.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his persecuting zeal, i. 537; ii. 46, 47.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his Christmas court in 1244, i. 132.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">finally undertakes crusade, i. 467; ii. 47.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his death, ii. 48.</span><br /> + +Raymond, Master, his errors condemned, iii. +<a href="#page_561">561</a>.<br /> + +Raymond d’Alfaro, ii. 35, 37.<br /> + +Raymond de Baimiac, i. 123, 124.<br /> + +Raymond Bern, de Flascau, ii. 54.<br /> + +Raymond Calverie, confiscation of, ii. 112.<br /> + +Raymond de Costiran, ii. 36.<br /> + +Raymond Delboc, ii. 61.<br /> + +Raymond Durfort, inq. of Majorca, ii. 177.<br /> + +Raymond du Fauga draws up laws against heresy, i. 323.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">made Bp. of Toulouse, ii. 6.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his activity, ii. 8, 9, 11, 15, 28.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">driven from Toulouse, ii. 18.</span><br /> + +Raymond Gaufridi favors the Spirituals, iii. +<a href="#page_034">34</a>, +<a href="#page_035">35</a>, +<a href="#page_044">44</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemns Roger Bacon, iii. +<a href="#page_554">554</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">removed by Boniface VIII., iii. +<a href="#page_036">36</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his death, iii. +<a href="#page_058">58</a>.</span><br /> + +Raymond Godayl, ii. 61.<br /> + +Raymond de Goth, bribery of, ii. 92.<br /> + +Raymond Gros, conversion of, ii. 22.<br /> + +Raymond Gozin, inq., his troubles, ii. 144.<br /> + +Raymond Jean, the Olivist, iii. +<a href="#page_065">65</a>, +<a href="#page_076">76</a>.<br /> + +Raymond Martius founds Inq. in Tunis, i. 355.<br /> + +Raymond of Pennaforte on duty of persecution, i. 229.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on relapse, i. 544.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his instructions, ii. 164.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">at C. of Tarragona, ii. 167.</span><br /> + +Raymond de Péreille, ii. 34, 43.<br /> + +Raymond du Puy organizes the Hospitallers, iii. +<a href="#page_238">238</a>.<br /> + +Raymond Vitalis, case of, i. 499.<br /> + +Raymonde Barbaira, i. 475.<br /> + +Raymonde Manifacier, her crosses, i. 470.<br /> + +Realists, iii. +<a href="#page_555">555</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Huss’s support of, ii. 444.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">prosecute John of Wesel, ii. 421.</span><br /> + +Recantation on death-bed, i. 436.<br /> + +Recared, his laws on sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_399">399</a>.<br /> + +Receivers of heretics, their punishment, i. 321, 461.<br /> + +Recollects, the, iii. +<a href="#page_180">180</a>.<br /> + +Reconciled converts, confiscation for, i. 507.<br /> + +Reconciliation, preliminaries requisite, ii. 487.<br /> + +Recordi, Pierre, case of, iii. +<a href="#page_455">455</a>, +<a href="#page_657">657</a>.<br /> + +Records of Inq. demanded by bps., i. 350.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">extent of, i. 378.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their perfection, i. 379.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their falsification, i. 380; ii. 72.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">attempts to destroy them, i. 380; ii. 59.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">transcripts ordered, i. 397.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">extracts not to be furnished, i. 406.</span><br /> + +Recusation of judge, i. 449.<br /> + +Redemption of penance, i. 464.<br /> + +Redemption of vows, sale of, i. 198, 205, 206.<br /> + +Redwald, King, his Christianity, iii. +<a href="#page_400">400</a>.<br /> + +Reformation, heretics contribute to, ii. 414, 416.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">influence of Brethren of Common Life, ii. 362.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">premonitions of, in France, ii. 142.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its approach, iii. +<a href="#page_647">647</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its influence on philosophy, iii. +<a href="#page_577">577</a>.</span><br /> + +Reformed Congregation of Dominicans, ii. 145.<br /> + +Refusal to plead, i. 447. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_722" id="page_722"></a>{722}</span><br /> + +Refusal to perform penance, i. 549.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">to burn heretics punished, i. 227, 538.</span><br /> + +Rehabilitation of Joan of Arc, iii. +<a href="#page_378">378</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of Vaudois of Arras, iii. +<a href="#page_530">530</a>.</span><br /> + +<i>Regnans in cœlis</i>, bull, iii. +<a href="#page_284">284</a>.<br /> + +Reichhelm of Schöngau, his demonology, iii. +<a href="#page_381">381</a>.<br /> + +Reichstag of Frankfort asserts independence of empire, iii. +<a href="#page_165">165</a>.<br /> + +Reims, Cathari in, 11th cent., i. 111.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">decline of Inq. in, ii. 133.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Charles VII.’s coronation, iii. +<a href="#page_349">349</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1149, condemns Cathari, i. 119.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1157, orders ordeal for heretics, i. 306.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, in 1287, against the Mendicants, i. 290.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1301, 1303, on excommunicates, ii. 122.</span><br /> + +Reinhold of Strassburg appeals to Innocent III., ii. 317.<br /> + +Reiser, Frederic, case of, ii. 415.<br /> + +Relapse into heresy, burning for, i. 230, 313, 321, 543, 544.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">case of Joan of Arc, iii. +<a href="#page_371">371</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">not punished with death, i. 484, 545; ii. 587.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in suspicion, i. 456, 547.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in defamation, i. 548.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in fautorship, i. 548.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">question of retracted confession, ii. 429,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">543; iii. +<a href="#page_286">286</a>, +<a href="#page_295">295</a>, +<a href="#page_308">308</a>, +<a href="#page_324">324</a>, +<a href="#page_325">325</a>.</span><br /> + +Relapsed Fraticelli to be reconciled, iii. +<a href="#page_175">175</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">to be burned, iii. +<a href="#page_178">178</a>.</span><br /> + +Relaxation, i. 534.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">sentence of, not read in church, i. 392.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">for relapse, i. 429, 544.</span><br /> + +Relics, magic power attributed to, i. 47.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">contest over, ii. 315.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of Huss venerated, ii. 493.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of Olivists worshipped, iii. +<a href="#page_080">80</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of Savonarola worshipped, iii. +<a href="#page_235">235</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">magical use of, iii. +<a href="#page_409">409</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">ridiculed by Pomponazio, iii. +<a href="#page_575">575</a>.</span><br /> + +Religion, character of mediæval, i. 40.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">dissociated from morals, iii. +<a href="#page_641">641</a>, +<a href="#page_644">644</a>.</span><br /> + +Remanence, Wickliff’s doctrine of, ii. 442.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in Bohemia, ii. 446.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">charged against Huss, ii. 474, 476.</span><br /> + +Removability of inqs., i. 344.<br /> + +Renaissance, its effect on morals, iii. +<a href="#page_209">209</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its influence in Italy, iii. +<a href="#page_565">565</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Renaud de Chartres opposes ’burning for relapse, i. 545.</span><br /> + +Renaud de Chartres, Abp. of Reims, iii. +<a href="#page_348">348</a>.<br /> + +Renaud de Provins, iii. +<a href="#page_293">293</a>, +<a href="#page_296">296</a>, +<a href="#page_297">297</a>.<br /> + +Repentance, delation necessary to, i. 409.<br /> + +Repetition of torture, i. 427; iii. +<a href="#page_514">514</a>.<br /> + +Report, common, importance of, i. 426, 431.<br /> + +Reserved case, heresy a, i. 437, 462.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">sorcery a, iii. +<a href="#page_426">426</a>.</span><br /> + +Resistance to Inq., i. 321.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in Narbonne, ii. 13.</span><br /> + +Resistance to Inq. in Toulouse, ii. 17.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in Carcassonne and Albi, ii. 59 sqq.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in Florence, ii. 210.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">by Ghibelline chiefs, ii. 223.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in Parma, ii. 237.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in Viterbo, ii. 239.</span><br /> + +Responsibility of minors, i. 402, 435.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">public, for heresy, i. 234.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">evasion of, by the Church, i. 215, 534; ii. 166.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of Church for witchcraft, iii. +<a href="#page_544">544</a>, +<a href="#page_546">546</a>.</span><br /> + +Resuscitation after eating by witches, iii. +<a href="#page_503">503</a>.<br /> + +Retraction of evidence, i. 439, 441.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of confession—see Revocation.</span><br /> + +Reuchlin, John, ease of, ii. 423.<br /> + +Reverential apostoli, i. 451.<br /> +Revergade, Jeanette, burned for sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_463">463</a>.<br /> + +Revocation of confession forbidden, ii. 63.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">treatment of, i. 428.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">equivalent to relapse, i. 429, 543; iii.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">286, 295, 324, 325.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">not relapse, iii. +<a href="#page_296">296</a>, +<a href="#page_308">308</a>.</span><br /> + +Rewards for betrayal of accomplices, i. 409.<br /> + +Ricchini on S. Dominic, i. 300.<br /> + +Ricci, St. Catarina, invokes Savonarola as a saint, iii. +<a href="#page_236">236</a>.<br /> + +Richard I. (England) and the Bp. of Beauvais, i. 11.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his answer to Foulques de Neuilly, i. 245.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">sells Cyprus to the Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_240">240</a>.</span><br /> + +Richard III. (England) accuses Jaquette of<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Bedford of sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_468">468</a>.</span><br /> + +Richard of Armagh and the Mendicants, i. 291.<br /> + +Richard of Canterbury on monastic exemptions, i. 35.<br /> + +Richard, Frère, his devotion to Joan of Arc, iii. +<a href="#page_348">348</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">countenances Cath. de la Rochelle, iii. +<a href="#page_376">376</a>.</span><br /> + +Richard Nepveu sent to Languedoc, ii. 77.<br /> + +Rienzo, Cola di, his belief in Joachim, iii. +<a href="#page_011">11</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">joins the Fraticelli, iii. +<a href="#page_161">161</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemned as heretic, iii. +<a href="#page_203">203</a>.</span><br /> + +Rieti, persecuting laws forced upon, i. 322.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Apostolic Brethren at, iii. +<a href="#page_123">123</a>.</span><br /> + +Riez, Bp. of, papal legate, i. 170, 172.<br /> + +Rimini, persecuting laws forced upon, i. 322.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Cathari in, i. 117; ii. 198.</span><br /> + +Rings, demons confined in, iii. +<a href="#page_453">453</a>, +<a href="#page_464">464</a>.<br /> + +Ripaille, Abbey of, ii. 195.<br /> + +Ripuarian code, sorcery in, iii. +<a href="#page_409">409</a>.<br /> + +Risk of witnesses, i. 438.<br /> + +Ritual, Catharan, i. 94.<br /> + +Rivara, witch-trials at, iii. +<a href="#page_518">518</a>.<br /> + +Robert the Pious (Naples) burns Cathari, i. 100, 218.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">aids church of St. Peter Martyr, i. 506; ii. 247.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">supports the Inq., ii. 284.</span> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_723" id="page_723"></a>{723}</span><br /> + +Robert the Pious (Naples) cultivates alchemy, iii. +<a href="#page_052">52</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">attempts supremacy in Italy, iii. +<a href="#page_135">135</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">protects the Spirituals, iii. +<a href="#page_144">144</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">arrests the Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_304">304</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">endeavors to get Templar property, iii. +<a href="#page_330">330</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on the Divine Vision, iii. +<a href="#page_594">594</a>.</span><br /> + +Robert, Bp. of Aix, accused of sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_453">453</a>.<br /> + +Robert d’Arbrissel converts Cathari, i. 117.<br /> + +Robert de Baudricourt, iii. +<a href="#page_342">342</a>.<br /> + +Robert le Bugre, his career, ii. 113.<br /> + +Robert of Geneva—see Clement VII.<br /> + +Robert Grosseteste on corruption of Church, i. 17, 20, 54.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">explains heresy by it, i. 129.</span><br /> + +Robert the Hierosolymitan, iii. +<a href="#page_181">181</a>.<br /> + +Robert de Rétines translates the Koran, i. 58.<br /> + +Robert, Count of Rosellon, case of, ii. 164.<br /> + +Roberto Patta reduced to obedience, ii. 220.<br /> + +Rodez, lip. of, his suit, i. 516.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his Inq., i. 518.</span><br /> + +Rodolph of Hapsburg confirms inqs., ii. 348.<br /> + +Rodolph of Würzburg burns Hans of Niklaushausen, ii. 419.<br /> + +Rodrigo, Fran. Jav., his defence of the Church, i. 540.<br /> + +Rodrigo de Cintra, inq. of Portugal, ii. 189.<br /> + +Rodrigo of Compostella captures Dolcinists, ii. 185.<br /> + +Roger IV. (Foix) and the Inq., ii. 53.<br /> + +Roger Bernard II. (Foix), i. 165, 166, 205; ii. 52.<br /> + +Roger Bernard III. (Foix) and the Inq., ii. 55, 169.<br /> + +Roger Bernard IV. (Foix), ii. 56.<br /> + +Roger de Briqueville, iii. +<a href="#page_471">471</a>, +<a href="#page_479">479</a>, +<a href="#page_488">488</a>.<br /> + +Roger of Chalons and the Cathari, i. 109, 218.<br /> + +Roger of Sicily introduces confiscation, i. 501.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his laws on sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_431">431</a>.</span><br /> + +Roger the Templar, iii. +<a href="#page_247">247</a>.<br /> + +Rögnvald Rettilbein, iii. +<a href="#page_408">408</a>.<br /> + +Rohacz, John, his execution, ii. 539.<br /> + +Rohle, Wenceslas, denounces indulgences, ii. 428.<br /> + +Rokyzana (John) on safe conducts, ii. 466, 467<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">administers communion to infants, ii. 474.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his views as to Eucharist, ii. 525.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his ambition, ii. 536, 545, 551, 552, 556, 557.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his flight from Prague, ii. 537, 539.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his reactionary concessions, ii. 546.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemned as heretic, ii. 558.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">tolerates Bohemian Brethren, ii. 563.</span><br /> + +Rolando da Cremona, his zeal in Toulouse, ii. 6.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his career as inq., ii. 202.</span><br /> + +Rolando da Cremona, makes inq. on Ezzelin, ii. 225.<br /> + +Romagnuola, Inq. of, ii. 242, 234.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Ghibellines condemned as heretics, iii. +<a href="#page_201">201</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">proceedings against Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_307">307</a>.</span><br /> + +Roman Law, revival of the, i. 58.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">influence of, i. 309; ii. 57.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">heretic buildings, i. 481.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">disabilities of descendants, i. 498.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">confiscation, i. 501.</span><br /> + +Romance versions of Scripture forbidden, i. 324.<br /> + +Romania, Templars arrested in, iii. +<a href="#page_304">304</a>.<br /> + +Romano, Cardinal-legate, i. 191, 193, 202, 316.<br /> + +Rome, ancient, magic in, iii. +<a href="#page_390">390</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">laws on magic, iii. +<a href="#page_392">392</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">prevalence of astrology, iii. +<a href="#page_437">437</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">magic practices in 8th cent., iii. +<a href="#page_412">412</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">troubles in, excited by Arnald of Brescia, i. 74.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">heretics sent to, for punishment, i. 308.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">heresy in, ii. 192, 238, 269.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">legislation against heresy, 1231, i. 324; ii. 200.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Fraticelli penanced in 1467, iii. +<a href="#page_178">178</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Thomas Connecte burned, iii. +<a href="#page_209">209</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">mortality of soul taught in, iii. +<a href="#page_576">576</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its condition under Innocent VIII., iii. +<a href="#page_643">643</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1413, condemns Wickliff, ii. 443.</span><br /> + +Romolino, Francesco, tries Savonarola, iii. +<a href="#page_232">232</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">finds no heresy in his writings, iii. +<a href="#page_236">236</a>.</span><br /> + +Rondinelli, Giuliano, offers to undergo the ordeal, iii. +<a href="#page_225">225</a>.<br /> + +Roric the Franciscan, i. 277.<br /> + +Rosary, devotion of, i. 176.<br /> + +Resell, Pedro, the Lullist, iii. +<a href="#page_583">583</a>.<br /> + +Roselli, Nicholas, inq. of Aragon, ii. 168, 169, 171.<br /> + +Roskild, Inq. in, ii. 402.<br /> + +Rossano, Greek rite in, iii. +<a href="#page_616">616</a>.<br /> + +Rossi, de’, their triumph in Florence, ii. 212.<br /> + +Rostain of Embrun persecutes Waldenses, ii. 160.<br /> + +Rostock, woman burned in, ii. 403.<br /> + +Rotelfinger, Nicholas, case of, iii. +<a href="#page_607">607</a>.<br /> + +Rotharis, his laws on sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_411">411</a>.<br /> + +Rouen, Jean Graveran, inq. of, ii. 140.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">trial of Joan of Arc at, iii. +<a href="#page_362">362</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1050, on simony, i. 7.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1189, on sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_423">423</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1231, on lawyers, i. 22.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1445, on sorcerers, iii. +<a href="#page_515">515</a>.</span><br /> + +Rousset, heretics of, persecuted, ii. 118, 164.<br /> + +Roussillon, independent Inq. in, ii. 177.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Templar possessions in, iii. +<a href="#page_252">252</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">prosecution of Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_314">314</a>.</span><br /> + +Rubello, Monte, iii. +<a href="#page_115">115</a>, +<a href="#page_120">120</a>.<br /> + +Ruddlan, Statute of, silent on sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_427">427</a>.<br /> + +Ruffach, nun accused of sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_434">434</a>.<br /> + +Ruggieri Calcagni, his labors in Florence, i. 506, 644; ii. 210.<br /> + +Rulers, duty of, to suppress heresy, i. 320, 321, 461, 536.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">rendered subservient to Inq., i. 337, 340.</span><br /> + +Runcarii, i. 88.<br /> + +Runes, iii. +<a href="#page_402">402</a>, +<a href="#page_404">404</a>.<br /> + +Ruptarii, i. 125.<br /> + +Rustand, his demand for papal subsidy, i. 17.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">preaches crusade against Naples, iii. +<a href="#page_193">193</a>.</span><br /> + +Rutebœuf on villeins, i. 269.<br /> + +<br /> +<a name="S" id="S"></a><span class="letra">S</span>ABBAT, Witches’, iii. +<a href="#page_408">408</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">origin of belief in, iii. +<a href="#page_493">493</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">controversy over, iii. +<a href="#page_497">497</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">details of, iii. +<a href="#page_500">500</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">eating of men and beasts at, iii. +<a href="#page_503">503</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">attendance a mortal crime, iii. +<a href="#page_516">516</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">preparation for, iii. +<a href="#page_526">526</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">growth of belief in, iii. +<a href="#page_534">534</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">is an illusion, iii. +<a href="#page_542">542</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">enormous attendance at, iii. +<a href="#page_547">547</a>.</span><br /> + +Sacerdotalism of mediæval religion, i. 47.<br /> + +Sachsenhaüser Protest, iii. +<a href="#page_137">137</a>.<br /> + +Sachsenspiegel, penalty for heresy in, i. 221; ii. 349.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">destruction of houses in, i. 483.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">sorcery in, iii. +<a href="#page_432">432</a>.</span><br /> + +Sacquespée, Antoine, case of, iii. +<a href="#page_524">524</a>, +<a href="#page_527">527</a>.<br /> + +Sacraments, sale of. i. 27; iii. +<a href="#page_630">630</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1.5em;">infernal, of Cathari, i. 101.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Waldensian, i. 83; ii. 146.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">replaced by flagellation, ii. 407.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">superseded in Joachitism, iii. +<a href="#page_015">15</a>, +<a href="#page_021">21</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">rejected by Olivists, iii. +<a href="#page_080">80</a>, +<a href="#page_082">82</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">void in heretic hands, iii. +<a href="#page_159">159</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">vitiation of, in sinful hands, i. 62, 64, 75.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">taught by Waldenses, i. 79, 80; ii. 150, 160.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">by Cathari, i. 93.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">by Jean Vitrier, ii. 137.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">by Bp. of Meaux, ii. 143.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">by Bohemian Brethren, ii. 563.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">by Fraticelli, iii. +<a href="#page_162">162</a>, +<a href="#page_163">163</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">not admitted by Wickliff, ii. 441.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Huss denies it, ii. 476.</span><br /> + +Sacrifices, divinatory, iii. +<a href="#page_402">402</a>.<br /> + +Sacrilege of Templar initiation, iii. +<a href="#page_272">272</a>.<br /> + +Sacrobosco, his Spæera, iii. +<a href="#page_442">442</a>.<br /> + +Saddarah, the, i. 92.<br /> + +Safe-conduct, Huss’s, ii. 457, 462, 466.<br /> + +Safe-conducts valueless to heretics, ii. 467.<br /> + +Saga, iii. +<a href="#page_391">391</a>.<br /> + +Saint Amour, William of, i. 283.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his <i>De Periculis</i>, i. 285.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his mission to Rome, i. 286.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on the Everlasting Gospel, iii. +<a href="#page_022">22</a>, +<a href="#page_023">23</a>, +<a href="#page_025">25</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">he is justified, iii. +<a href="#page_131">131</a>.</span><br /> + +Saint Gall, Abbey of, i. 10.<br /> + +Saint Felix de Caraman, Catharan council of, i. 119.<br /> + +Saint Gilles, Pierre de Bruys burned at, i. 68.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Raymond’s penance at, i. 150.</span><br /> + +Saint Malo, Cathari in, i. 112.<br /> + +Saint Tron, Abbey of, i. 10, 35, 37.<br /> + +Saint William of the Desert, Order of, iii. +<a href="#page_107">107</a>.<br /> + +Saintes, Bp. of, tortures Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_287">287</a>.<br /> + +Saints, their suffrages discarded by Waldenses, i. 83; ii. 150, 160.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">by Wickliffites, ii. 440.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">heretic, ii. 182, 241-2.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">new, exploitation of, iii. +<a href="#page_093">93</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">canonization of, reserved to Rome, iii. +<a href="#page_422">422</a>.</span><br /> + +Saints, sect of, in Calabria, iii. +<a href="#page_127">127</a>.<br /> + +Salamanca, C. of, acquits the Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_316">316</a>.<br /> + +Salary of inq., i. 625, 529, 532.<br /> + +Sale of benefices, i. 24.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of indulgences, i. 43, 44; iii. +<a href="#page_621">621</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of licenses to bear arms, i. 383.</span><br /> + +Sales by heretics invalid, i. 520.<br /> + +Salic Law, sorcery in, iii. +<a href="#page_406">406</a>, +<a href="#page_408">408</a>, +<a href="#page_409">409</a>.<br /> + +Salimbene, his Joachitism, iii. +<a href="#page_019">19</a>, +<a href="#page_024">24</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on exploiting new saints, iii. +<a href="#page_093">93</a>.</span><br /> + +Salvation, exclusive, influence of belief in, i. 237.<br /> + +Salvestro Maruffi, iii. +<a href="#page_214">214</a>, +<a href="#page_216">216</a>, +<a href="#page_228">228</a>.<br /> + +Salvo di Cassetta, ii. 288.<br /> + +Saluces, persecution of Waldenses in, ii. 267.<br /> + +Salzburg, Luciferanism in, 1340, ii. 376.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1291, on Military Orders, iii. +<a href="#page_246">246</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1386, against the Mendicants, i. 291.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1418, recognizes the Inq., ii. 411.</span><br /> + +Samaritan belief in magic, iii. +<a href="#page_387">387</a>.<br /> + +Sail Marco, siege of, iii. +<a href="#page_227">227</a>.<br /> + +San Martino, Waldensian valley of, ii. 195.<br /> + +Sancha of Naples, Ferrara given to her, iii. +<a href="#page_196">196</a>.<br /> + +Sanche Mercadier, ii. 106.<br /> + +Sanche Morlana, ii. 59.<br /> + +Sancho II. (Majorca), his dealings with Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_315">315</a>, +<a href="#page_332">332</a>.<br /> + +<i>Sancta Romana</i>, bull, iii. +<a href="#page_075">75</a>, +<a href="#page_084">84</a>.<br /> + +Sandalj Hranić of Herzegovina, ii. 304, 307.<br /> + +Sangerhausen, Flagellants burned in, ii. 407, 408.<br /> + +Santa Sabina, Cardinal of, his claim on Florence, ii. 277.<br /> + +Sarabaitæ, i. 37.<br /> + +Saracens not compelled to baptism, i. 242.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">cultivation of sorcery by, iii. +<a href="#page_429">429</a>.</span><br /> + +Sardinia, early heresy in, i. 108.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">secular inquests in, i. 311.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Inq. introduced, ii. 244.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Templars of, prosecuted, iii. +<a href="#page_285">285</a>.</span><br /> + +Sarrasin, Jean, his heresy, i. 275.<br /> + +Satan overcome by the Eucharist, i. 49; iii. +<a href="#page_046">46</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his final reconciliation, ii. 323, 408.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">medieval conception of, iii. +<a href="#page_379">379</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Teutonic conception of, iii. +<a href="#page_402">402</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">compacts with, iii. +<a href="#page_386">386</a>, +<a href="#page_424">424</a>, +<a href="#page_464">464</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his function as Tempter, iii. +<a href="#page_436">436</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his power of transportation, iii. +<a href="#page_456">456</a>, +<a href="#page_496">496</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">witches necessary to, iii. +<a href="#page_501">501</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">infants dedicated to, iii. +<a href="#page_504">504</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">limits of his power, iii. +<a href="#page_542">542</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his faithlessness, iii. +<a href="#page_543">543</a>.</span><br /> + +Savcuse, Philippe de, iii. +<a href="#page_523">523</a>, +<a href="#page_527">527</a>, +<a href="#page_532">532</a>.<br /> + +<i>Savi dell’eresia</i>, in Venice, ii. 252.<br /> + +Savi, Domenico, burned at Ascoli, iii. +<a href="#page_125">125</a>.<br /> + +Savin, Nich. inq., persecutes witches, iii. +<a href="#page_545">545</a>.<br /> + +Savonarola, his career, iii. +<a href="#page_209">209</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on astrology, iii. +<a href="#page_438">438</a>, +<a href="#page_446">446</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on infidelity of the Church, iii. +<a href="#page_566">566</a>, +<a href="#page_577">577</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his Crucis Triumphus, iii. +<a href="#page_583">583</a>.</span><br /> + +Savoy, special privileges granted to, i. 425.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">subject to Inq. of Provence, ii. 118.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Waldenses of, ii. 195, 259, 260, 267.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">statutes of, in 1513, ii. 268.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">witches burned in, iii. +<a href="#page_549">549</a>.</span><br /> + +Sawtré, burning of, i. 352.<br /> + +Saxons, troubles arising from tithes among, i. 26.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Charlemagne’s laws on sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_413">413</a>.</span><br /> + +Saxony, Dominican provincials of, i. 348.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">inq. in, ii. 375, 402.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Waldenses in, ii. 388.</span><br /> + +Sayn, Count, his trial, ii. 339, 340, 344.<br /> + +Scavius originates witchcraft, iii. +<a href="#page_535">535</a>.<br /> + +Schandeland, John, inq. of Germany, ii. 378, 386.<br /> + +Schism is heresy, iii. +<a href="#page_616">616</a>.<br /> + +Schismatics, Inq. directed against, ii. 157.<br /> + +Schmidt, Conrad, the Flagellant, ii. 406.<br /> + +Schöneveld, Eylard, his activity, ii. 402.<br /> + +Schöneveld, Henry, burns Flagellants, ii. 407.<br /> + +Schorand, Ulrich, at Huss’s execution, ii. 492.<br /> + +Schwabenspiegel, penalty for heresy in, i. 221; ii. 349.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">French version of, ii. 156.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">sorcery in, iii. +<a href="#page_432">432</a>.</span><br /> + +Scissors, crosses in form of, as penance, ii. 361.<br /> + +<i>Scobaces</i>, iii. +<a href="#page_536">536</a>.<br /> + +Scot, Michael, his reputation as magician, iii. +<a href="#page_431">431</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">introduces Averrhoes, iii. +<a href="#page_561">561</a>.</span><br /> + +Scotists, iii. +<a href="#page_556">556</a>.<br /> + +Scotland, persecution in, i. 354.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">proceedings against Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_299">299</a>, +<a href="#page_301">301</a>.</span><br /> + +Scourging as a penance, i. 463, 464.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">as torture, iii. +<a href="#page_457">457</a>, +<a href="#page_532">532</a>.</span><br /> + +Scriptures, heretic use of, i. 86, 102, 131.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">prohibition of, i. 131, 324; iii. +<a href="#page_612">612</a>, +<a href="#page_613">613</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">contempt for, in the schools, iii. +<a href="#page_552">552</a>.</span><br /> + +Scriveners, abuses of, i. 382.<br /> + +Sebislav of Usora, ii. 295.<br /> + +Secco, Antonio, i. 372, 472; ii. 255, 261.<br /> + +Secrecy of Inq., i. 376, 380, 406; iii. +<a href="#page_099">99</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">imposed on witnesses, ii. 93.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">not observed in trial of Gilies de Rais, iii. +<a href="#page_480">480</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in the Order of the Temple, iii. +<a href="#page_255">255</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">suspicion caused by, iii. +<a href="#page_309">309</a>.</span><br /> + +Secular courts, process in, i. 401, 408.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">use of torture in, i. 421.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">influence of Inq. on, i. 559.</span><br /> + +Secular Inq. attempted, i. 324; ii. 164.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in Venice, ii. 250.</span><br /> + +Secular jurisdiction over sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_428">428</a>, +<a href="#page_450">450</a>, +<a href="#page_460">460</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">over witchcraft, iii. +<a href="#page_511">511</a>, +<a href="#page_513">513</a>, +<a href="#page_544">544</a>, +<a href="#page_547">547</a>.</span><br /> + +Secular legislation on heresy, i. 319.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_427">427</a>.</span><br /> + +Secular officials subjected to Inq., i. 385; ii. 51, 67, 576, 578.<br /> + +Secular use made of Inq., ii. 277; iii. +<a href="#page_190">190</a>.<br /> + +Secularization of the Church, i. 5.<br /> + +Security required of accusers, i. 402.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">against confiscation, i. 524.</span><br /> + +<i>Seid</i>, iii. +<a href="#page_404">404</a>, +<a href="#page_406">406</a>.<br /> + +Segarelli, Gherardo, iii. +<a href="#page_103">103</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 0.5em;">his teachings, iii. +<a href="#page_108">108</a>.</span><br /> + +Seleucia, Abp. of, a Fraticello, iii. +<a href="#page_167">167</a>.<br /> + +Senlis, dispute over sorcery in, iii. +<a href="#page_428">428</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1310, on Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_295">295</a>.</span><br /> + +Sens, Abp. of, remonstrates against Inq,, i. 330; ii. 114.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1223, i. 190.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1310, on the Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_293">293</a>, +<a href="#page_294">294</a>, +<a href="#page_295">295</a>.</span><br /> + +Sentence, the, i. 459.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">rendered in name of inqs., i. 332.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">episcopal concurrence in, i. 332, 333, 335, 387.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of relaxation not read in church, i. 392.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">power to modify reserved, i. 495.</span><br /> + +Sentences, the, of P. Lombard, i. 241; iii. +<a href="#page_552">552</a>.<br /> + +Sequestration of property, i. 517, 520.<br /> + +Sergius III. condemns Pope Formosus, i. 231.<br /> + +Sermione purified of heresy, ii. 235.<br /> + +<i>Sermo generalis</i>, or <i>auto de fé</i>, i. 389, 391.<br /> + +Servants, evidence of, i. 436.<br /> + +Servia, inq. provided for, ii. 311.<br /> + +Serving brethren of the Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_243">243</a>.<br /> + +Severus, Septimius, persecutes Christians, i. 311.<br /> + +Seville, C. of, 618, on condemnation of the dead, i. 231.<br /> + +Sexual excesses ascribed to heretics, i. 85, 101; ii. 150,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">335, 357, 408, 474; iii. +<a href="#page_097">97</a>, +<a href="#page_127">127</a>, +<a href="#page_163">163</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">ascribed to witches, iii. +<a href="#page_501">501</a>.</span><br /> + +Shares of confiscations, i. 510.<br /> + +Shaving the head as penance, ii. 336.<br /> + +Sibylla Borell, case of, i. 457.<br /> + +Sibylla of Marsal, ii. 353.<br /> + +Sicard of Albi persecutes Cathari, i. 117. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_724" id="page_724"></a>{724}</span><br /> + +Sicard de Lavaur, papal inq. in England, iii. +<a href="#page_299">299</a>.<br /> + +Sicci da Vercelli, Antonio, his stories, iii. +<a href="#page_256">256</a> 271.<br /> + +Sicilian Constitutions on heresy, i. 221, 325, 501.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">torture in, i. 421.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_431">431</a>.</span><br /> + +Sicily, Inq. established, ii. 246, 248.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">a refuge for Fraticelli, ii. 249, 284; iii. +<a href="#page_166">166</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">for Spirituals, iii. +<a href="#page_038">38</a>, +<a href="#page_063">63</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">maintenance of Inq., ii. 284.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">forged diploma of Frederic II., ii. 287.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Spanish Inq. introduced, ii. 288.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Arnaldo de Vilanova’s influence, iii. +<a href="#page_054">54</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">arrest of Templars in, iii. +<a href="#page_305">305</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Greek Church in, iii. +<a href="#page_616">616</a>, +<a href="#page_621">621</a>.</span><br /> + +Sidon, its purchase by the Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_271">271</a>.<br /> + +Siena, laws checking the Inq., ii. 275.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1423, stimulates inq. ii. 414.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">urges persecution, ii. 527.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">reform eluded at, ii. 528.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">on Fraticelli, iii. +<a href="#page_175">175</a>.</span><br /> +<i>Siete Partidas</i>, <i>las</i>, laws on heresy in, ii. 183.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">laws on sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_430">430</a>.</span><br /> + +Sigfried of Mainz restrains Conrad of Marburg, ii. 337.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">assembles C. in 1233, ii. 339.</span><br /> + +Sigismund (Emp.), his dealings with Bosnia, ii. 305, 309.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">selects Constance for the C., ii. 453.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his action at the C., ii. 464, 483, 486, 493.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his efforts for reform, iii. +<a href="#page_637">637</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his dealings with the Hussites, ii. 508,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">511, 514, 515, 516, 631, 533, 538.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his death in 1437, ii. 639.</span><br /> + +Sigismund of Austria exc., ii. 417.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">inquires into witchcraft, iii. +<a href="#page_542">542</a>.</span><br /> + +Signs of heresy, i. 432.<br /> + +Silence under torture, i. 427; iii. +<a href="#page_510">510</a>, +<a href="#page_514">514</a>.<br /> + +Silesia, heresy in, ii. 431.<br /> + +Silvester II., oath required of him at Reims, i. 108.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his reputation as magician, iii. +<a href="#page_416">416</a>.</span><br /> + +Simon Magus, iii. +<a href="#page_393">393</a>.<br /> + +Simon of Bacska exc. Giac. della Marca, ii. 544.<br /> + +Simon of Bourges, i. 368.<br /> + +Simon Brisetête protects Jews, ii. 64.<br /> + +Simon Duval, his activity, ii. 120.<br /> + +Simon de Montfort, his character, i. 158.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">accepts the crusaders’ conquests, i. 159.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his conduct of the crusades, i. 160, 161,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">167, 177, 179, 182, 185.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">killed in 1218, i. 186.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his legislation on heresy, i. 220.</span><br /> + +Simon ben Shetach, iii. +<a href="#page_396">396</a>.<br /> + +Simon de Tournay, his fate, iii. +<a href="#page_568">568</a>, +<a href="#page_560">560</a>.<br /> + +Simone da Amatore, his career, ii. 285.<br /> + +Simone Filippi persecutes Dolcinists, iii. +<a href="#page_123">123</a>.<br /> + +Simone de Montesarculo, torture of, i. 276.<br /> + +Simone da Novara, his ignorance, ii. 283.<br /> + +Simone del Pozzo, ii. 281, 284.<br /> + +Simony, its universal prevalence, i. 7, 21, 27; iii. +<a href="#page_624">624</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">papal, in Bohemia, ii. 433.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">is a heresy, iii. +<a href="#page_625">625</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">question of papal, iii. +<a href="#page_627">627</a>, +<a href="#page_628">628</a>.</span><br /> + +Sinibaldo di Lago prosecutes Pandulfo, ii. 238.<br /> + +Siscidentes, i. 88.<br /> + +Sixtus IV. on Stigmata of St. Catharine, i. 262; ii. 217.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">compromise with Mendicants by, i. 293.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">limits inquisitors, i. 302.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on power of removal, i. 345.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on jurisdiction over Mendicants, i. 363.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders persecution of Waldenses, ii. 158.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">replaces Jayme Borell, ii. 179.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">dismisses Cristobal Gualvez, ii. 180.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders trial of Pedro de Osma, ii. 187.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">remonstrates with Louis XI., ii. 266.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders Hussites suppressed, ii. 416.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">removes condemnation of Olivi’s writings, iii. +<a href="#page_046">46</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">threatened by Giac. della Marca, iii. +<a href="#page_174">174</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his dread of a general C., iii. +<a href="#page_223">223</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemns responses from demons, iii. +<a href="#page_436">436</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">evades question of Immaculate Conception, iii. +<a href="#page_601">601</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">revives the Homan Academy, iii. +<a href="#page_571">571</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his immorality, iii. +<a href="#page_639">639</a>.</span><br /> + +Sixtus V. stimulates the cult of Peter Martyr, ii. 216.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on Dominic as inq., i. 299.</span><br /> + +Skerry of Shrieks, iii. +<a href="#page_421">421</a>.<br /> + +Slavic Christianity, ii. 290.<br /> + +Slavonia, Catharism in, ii. 290.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Inq. organized in, ii. 299.</span><br /> + +Slavs in Albigcnsian crusades, i. 149.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">nature worship among, ii. 301.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">belief in transformations, iii. +<a href="#page_405">405</a>.</span><br /> + +Sleep-thorn, iii. +<a href="#page_405">405</a>.<br /> + +Sleswick, no laws on sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_433">433</a>.<br /> + +Society, condition of, in Middle Ages, iii. +<a href="#page_641">641</a>.<br /> + +Soderini, Paolo Antonio, iii. +<a href="#page_222">222</a>, +<a href="#page_227">227</a>.<br /> + +Soissons, uncertainty in punishing heretics, i. 308.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1403, on sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_466">466</a>.</span><br /> + +Soldiery of Christ, i. 267.<br /> + +Solenfain, Georges, burned at Rouen, iii. +<a href="#page_374">374</a>.<br /> + +Solidarity of responsibility for heresy, i. 234.<br /> + +Solitary confinement for converts, i. 491.<br /> + +Solms, Count, his compurgation, ii. 344.<br /> + +Sondershauscn, Flagellants of, ii. 408.<br /> + +Sophia of Bohemia supports Huss, ii. 445.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">endeavors to preserve peace, ii. 513.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">favors the Pikardi, ii. 517.</span><br /> + +Sorcerers, burning alive for, i. 222.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their allegiance to Satan, iii. +<a href="#page_386">386</a>.</span><br /> + +Sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_379">379</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">tolerated under the barbarians, iii. +<a href="#page_409">409</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">a reserved case, iii. +<a href="#page_426">426</a>.</span> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_725" id="page_725"></a>{725}</span><br /> + +Sorcery, secular legislation on, iii. +<a href="#page_427">427</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">subject to secular and eccles. courts, iii. +<a href="#page_429">429</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">heresy in, iii. +<a href="#page_435">435</a>, +<a href="#page_450">450</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">interrogatories of Inq. on, iii. +<a href="#page_448">448</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">treated as heresy by Inq., iii. +<a href="#page_449">449</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">increase in 14th cent., iii. +<a href="#page_454">454</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">known as Vauderie, ii. 158.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its definition by University of Paris, iii. +<a href="#page_464">464</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of Franciscans in Venice, ii. 274; iii. +<a href="#page_547">547</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">curative, iii. +<a href="#page_507">507</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">to overcome sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_510">510</a>.</span><br /> + +Sordello, his adventure with Ezzelin, ii. 225.<br /> + +<i>Sortes Sanctorum</i>, use of, i. 159, 257.<br /> + +Sotomayor, Conde de, founds Recollects, iii. +<a href="#page_180">180</a>.<br /> + +Soulechat, Denis, case of, iii. +<a href="#page_168">168</a>.<br /> + +Southcote, Joanna, iii. +<a href="#page_102">102</a>.<br /> + +Sovereign, duty of, to persecute, i. 224, 503, 536.<br /> + +Spain, heresy of Vilgardus in, i. 108.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">persecution of Arians in, i. 216.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">St. Dominic, i. 248.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">confiscation, i. 513.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">career of Inq. in, ii. 162.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Apostolic Brethren, iii. +<a href="#page_132">132</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Fraticelli, iii. +<a href="#page_168">168</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">proceedings against Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_310">310</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Templar property, iii. +<a href="#page_332">332</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Gothic laws on sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_399">399</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">legislation on sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_429">429</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">denial of immortality, iii. +<a href="#page_560">560</a>, +<a href="#page_564">564</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">controversy over Lully, iii. +<a href="#page_588">588</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">devotion for the Virgin, iii. +<a href="#page_610">610</a>.</span><br /> + +Spalatro, Cathari in, ii. 291, 301.<br /> + +Speier, Peter Turman burned, ii. 414.<br /> + +<i>Sperimento del Fuoco</i>, iii. +<a href="#page_224">224</a>.<br /> + +Speronistæ, i. 115.<br /> + +Spies, use of, in prisons, i. 417.<br /> + +Spina, Bartolomeo de, on the Sabbat, ii. 499.<br /> + +Spini, Doffo, chief of Compagnacci, iii. +<a href="#page_215">215</a>, +<a href="#page_226">226</a>, +<a href="#page_228">228</a>.<br /> + +Spirit of Liberty, Brethren of the, iii. +<a href="#page_124">124</a>.<br /> + +Spirit world, the, iii. +<a href="#page_380">380</a>.<br /> + +Spiritual courts, jurisdiction of, i. 2, 309.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">their character, i. 21; iii. +<a href="#page_630">630</a>, +<a href="#page_632">632</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">jurisdiction for collection of debt, ii. 278.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">over witchcraft denied in France, iii. +<a href="#page_544">544</a>.</span><br /> + +Spiritual Franciscans, iii. +<a href="#page_001">1</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their origin, iii. +<a href="#page_007">7</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">they compose the pseudo-Joachitic prophesies, iii. +<a href="#page_012">12</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">adopt Joachitism, iii. +<a href="#page_018">18</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their revolt against the papacy, iii. +<a href="#page_037">37</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">the Italian branch, iii. +<a href="#page_038">38</a>, +<a href="#page_039">39</a>, +<a href="#page_062">62</a>, +<a href="#page_144">144</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">the French branch, iii. +<a href="#page_042">42</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">their Joachitism, iii. +<a href="#page_048">48</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">their sufferings, iii. +<a href="#page_051">51</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their persecution by the Conventuals, iii. +<a href="#page_057">57</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">discussion before Clement V., iii. +<a href="#page_058">58</a>.</span><br /> + +Spirituals obtain three convents in Languedoc, iii. +<a href="#page_062">62</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their antipopes, iii. +<a href="#page_063">63</a>, +<a href="#page_065">65</a>, +<a href="#page_080">80</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">persecuted by John XXII i. 388: iii. +<a href="#page_072">72</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their adherence to their vestments, iii. +<a href="#page_079">79</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their subdivisions, iii. +<a href="#page_081">81</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in Aragon, iii. +<a href="#page_085">85</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">relations with Guglielmites, iii. +<a href="#page_099">99</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">connection with Apostolic Brethren, iii. +<a href="#page_108">108</a>.</span><br /> + +Spoleto, heresy of Spirit of Liberty, iii. +<a href="#page_125">125</a>.<br /> + +Spontaneous confession, inducements for, i. 371.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">formula of, i. 428; iii. +<a href="#page_266">266</a>, +<a href="#page_484">484</a>.</span><br /> + +Sprenger, Jacob, at trial of John of Wesel, ii. 421.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his labors, iii. +<a href="#page_540">540</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his <i>Malleus Maleficarum</i>, iii. +<a href="#page_543">543</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on co-operation of bps. and inqs., i. 364.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on death-penalty, i. 536; iii. +<a href="#page_515">515</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on watchfulness of demons, iii. +<a href="#page_382">382</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on incubi and succubi, iii. +<a href="#page_385">385</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemns astrology, iii. +<a href="#page_445">445</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on denial of witchcraft, iii. +<a href="#page_465">465</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">explanation of the Sabbat, iii. +<a href="#page_498">498</a>.</span><br /> + +Squin de Florian, story of, iii. +<a href="#page_255">255</a>.<br /> + +Sreim, Giacomo della Marca’s work in, ii. 543.<br /> + +Staedelin teaches witchcraft, iii. +<a href="#page_535">535</a>.<br /> + +Stake, the, i. 534.<br /> + +Stanislas of Znaim, ii. 445, 446, 452.<br /> + +Starac, Catharan elder, ii. 305.<br /> + +Starvation, use of, i. 420.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">not used in Huss’s ease, ii. 478.</span><br /> + +State, its duty to persecute, i. 215, 224, 503, 516.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">subjected to Inq., i. 322, 337.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">officials subjected to luq., i. 385; ii. 51, 67, 575, 578.</span><br /> + +States of the Church, Templars in, iii. +<a href="#page_305">305</a>.<br /> + +Statutes of the Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_266">266</a>.<br /> + +Stedingers, case of the, iii. +<a href="#page_182">182</a>.<br /> + +Stefano Confaloniero, sentence of, i. 460; ii. 214.<br /> + +Steinccker, Henry, burned at Berne, iii. +<a href="#page_607">607</a>.<br /> + +Stephen VII. (Pope) condemns Pope Formosus, i. 231.<br /> + +Stephen, St., of Thiern, his miracles, i. 38.<br /> + +Stephen, the Apostolic Brother, iii. +<a href="#page_107">107</a>.<br /> + +Stephen, Dabisa, King of Bosnia, ii. 304.<br /> + +Stephen Dragutin persecutes Cathari, ii. 298.<br /> + +Stephen Dusan the Great of Servia, ii. 302.<br /> + +Stephen Kostromanić, Ban of Bosnia, ii. 299, 301, 302.<br /> + +Stephen Ostoja, King of Bosnia, ii. 304, 306.<br /> + +Stephen Thomas Ostojić, ii. 309.<br /> + +Stephen Thomasevic, ii. 306, 312, 313, 314.<br /> + +Stephen of Tournay, i. 19, 126.<br /> + +Stephen Tvrtko, his reign, ii. 303.<br /> + +Stephen Tvrtko II., ii. 306, 307, 309.<br /> + +Stephen, Waldensian bp., ii. 416, 564.<br /> + +Stephen Vuk appeals to Urban V., ii. 304. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_726" id="page_726"></a>{726}</span><br /> + +Stephen Vukcić, ii. 309, 310, 312, 314.<br /> + +Stertzer, i. 37.<br /> + +Stettin, Waldenses persecuted, ii. 399.<br /> + +Steyer, Waldenses persecuted, ii. 399.<br /> + +Stigandi, iii. +<a href="#page_407">407</a>.<br /> + +<i>Stigma diabolicum</i>, iii. +<a href="#page_497">497</a>.<br /> + +Stigmata of St. Francis, i. 262; iii. +<a href="#page_004">4</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Mendicant quarrels over, i. 262; ii. 217.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">attributed to Catharine of Siena, ii. 217.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">attributed to Guglielma of Milan, iii. +<a href="#page_091">91</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of Guillaume le Berger, iii. +<a href="#page_377">377</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of John Letser, iii. +<a href="#page_604">604</a>, +<a href="#page_605">605</a>.</span><br /> + +Stralsund, priest burned in, ii. 403.<br /> + +Strassburg, persecution in 1212, ii. 316.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">persecution repressed, ii. 346.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">persecution of Beghards, ii. 369, 374, 387, 403.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">contest over its bishopric, ii. 370.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">the Black Death in, ii. 379.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Winkclers persecuted in 1400, ii. 400.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Observantine reformation, iii. +<a href="#page_172">172</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">adventures of John Malkaw, iii. +<a href="#page_205">205</a>.</span><br /> + +Strix, iii. +<a href="#page_391">391</a>.<br /> + +Stroncoui, Giovanni, provincial of Observantines, iii. +<a href="#page_172">172</a>.<br /> + +Students exempt from secular jurisdiction, i. 282.<br /> + +Stürtzel, Conrad, on witchcraft, iii. +<a href="#page_542">542</a>.<br /> + +Suabia, Ortlibenses in, ii. 323, 376.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Waldenses in, ii. 397.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Succubi, iii. +<a href="#page_383">383</a>, +<a href="#page_501">501</a>, +<a href="#page_542">542</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">at Council of Constance, ii. 454.</span><br /> + +Suciro Gomes tries to introduce Inq. in Portugal, ii. 188.<br /> + +Suger de Verbanque, heresy of, ii. 121.<br /> + +<i>Summis desiderantes</i>, bull, iii. +<a href="#page_540">540</a>.<br /> + +Sunday, <i>autos de fé</i> held on, i. 392.<br /> + +Sun-worship in Savoy, ii. 259.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">disproved by Marsilio Ficino, iii. +<a href="#page_572">572</a>.</span><br /> + +Supervision over penitents, i. 497.<br /> + +Support of prisoners, quarrels over, i. 489; ii. 154.<br /> + +Supremacy of the crown in France, ii. 130.<br /> + +Surgery, clerks forbidden to practise, i. 223.<br /> + +Suspected heretics, purgation for, i. 421.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemned in absentia, i. 403.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">incapacitated for office, ii. 163.</span><br /> + +Suspects of heresy, i. 321.<br /> + +Suspicion of heresy, i. 433, 454.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">punishment of, i. 543, 560.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">relapse in, i. 547.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">disbelief of witchcraft, grounds for, iii. +<a href="#page_465">465</a>.</span><br /> + +Suzerain’s control over heretic vassal’s lands, i. 149.<br /> + +Swearing enforced on accused, i. 413.<br /> + +Sweden, Inq. ordered in, i. 355; ii. 402.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">laws on sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_433">433</a>.</span><br /> + +Switzerland, heresy in 11th cent., i. 111.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Inq. in French cantons, ii. 120.</span><br /> + +Symbol, Catharan, of recognition, ii. 194.<br /> + +Synagogues, superstitious use of, ii. 118.<br /> + +Synodal witnesses, i. 312, 315, 317, 350; ii. 117.<br /> + +<br /> +<a name="T" id="T"></a><span class="letra">T</span>AAS, crusaders defeated at, ii. 630.<br /> + +Tables, Laws of XII., on magic, iii. +<a href="#page_392">392</a>.<br /> + +Tabor, Mount, ii. 513, 515.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">captured by Podiebrad, ii. 536, 540.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">described by Æneas Sylvius, ii. 660.</span><br /> + +Taborites, their doctrines, ii. 512, 518, 523.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their relations with Waldenses, ii. 522.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their defeat at Lipan, ii. 535.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">suppression of, ii. 539, 540, 560.</span><br /> + +Taciturnity, gift of, iii. +<a href="#page_509">509</a>, +<a href="#page_514">514</a>, +<a href="#page_532">532</a>.<br /> + +Tacquet, Jean, iii. +<a href="#page_523">523</a>, +<a href="#page_525">525</a>.<br /> + +Tagliacozzo, battle of, ii. 232.<br /> + +Taillebourg, battle of, ii. 39.<br /> + +Taincture, Jean, his tract on witchcraft, iii. +<a href="#page_533">533</a>.<br /> + +<i>Tulio</i>, enforced in accusation, i. 310; iii. +<a href="#page_350">350</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">danger of, i. 401.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">for false witness, i. 442.</span><br /> + +Talismans, sacred, i. 49.<br /> + +Talmud, condemnation of, i. 554; ii. 157.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">penalties of magic in, iii. +<a href="#page_396">396</a>.</span><br /> + +Talon, Berenger, asserts the poverty of Christ, iii. +<a href="#page_130">130</a>.<br /> + +Tanchelm, i. 64.<br /> + +Tarantaise, persecution in, ii. 153.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">subjected to Inq. of Provence, ii. 260.</span><br /> + +Taria, Guglielmite cardinal, iii. +<a href="#page_095">95</a>, +<a href="#page_101">101</a>.<br /> + +Tarragona, C. of, 1238, on lampoons, ii. 3.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1242, regulates persecution, i. 464; ii. 167.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1291, supports Inq., ii. 169.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1297, persecutes Spirituals, iii. +<a href="#page_085">85</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1310, on Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_312">312</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1312, acquits the Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_313">313</a>.</span><br /> + +Tarralba, Eugenio, his confession, iii. +<a href="#page_576">576</a>.<br /> + +Tartar invasion of Hungary, ii. 296.<br /> + +Tartary, Inq. in, i. 355.<br /> + +Tarvesina, Mendicant quarrels in, i. 303.<br /> + +Tauler, John, i. 100; ii. 362; iii. +<a href="#page_154">154</a>.<br /> + +Taxes of the Penitentiary, iii. +<a href="#page_067">67</a>, +<a href="#page_626">626</a>.<br /> + +Tears, witches cannot shed, iii. +<a href="#page_514">514</a>.<br /> + +Telchines, iii. +<a href="#page_389">389</a>.<br /> + +Telesforo da Cosenza, his belief in Joachim, iii. +<a href="#page_011">11</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on corruption of the Church, iii. +<a href="#page_636">636</a>.</span><br /> + +Telonarii, i. 115.<br /> + +Tempelhaus, iii. +<a href="#page_328">328</a>.<br /> + +<i>Tempestarii</i>, penalties among Wisigoths, iii. +<a href="#page_399">399</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">powers among Norsemen, iii. +<a href="#page_406">406</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">admitted and denied by the Church, iii. +<a href="#page_414">414</a>, +<a href="#page_416">416</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">universal popular belief, iii. +<a href="#page_415">415</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">encouraged in Spain, iii. +<a href="#page_430">430</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">tempests caused by witches, iii. +<a href="#page_502">502</a>.</span><br /> + +Templars, their complaint of papal legates, i. 16.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">case of the, iii. +<a href="#page_238">238</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">question of their guilt, iii. +<a href="#page_264">264</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their treatment in France, iii. +<a href="#page_277">277</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">chiefs reserved for papal judgment, iii. +<a href="#page_282">282</a>, +<a href="#page_285">285</a>, +<a href="#page_302">302</a>, +<a href="#page_323">323</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">not convicted in England, iii. +<a href="#page_301">301</a>.</span> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_727" id="page_727"></a>{727}</span><br /> + +Templars acquitted in Germany, iii. +<a href="#page_303">303</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">forced to confession in Naples, iii. +<a href="#page_305">305</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">acquitted in Bologna, iii. +<a href="#page_308">308</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">not convicted in Cyprus, iii. +<a href="#page_310">310</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">acquitted in Aragon, iii. +<a href="#page_313">313</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">acquitted in Majorca, iii. +<a href="#page_315">315</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">acquitted in Castile, iii. +<a href="#page_316">316</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">acquitted in Portugal, iii. +<a href="#page_317">317</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">forced to confession in Tuscany, iii. +<a href="#page_318">318</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Clement’s orders to torture them, iii. +<a href="#page_318">318</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">not condemned by C. of Vienne, iii. +<a href="#page_321">321</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">final disposition of them, iii. +<a href="#page_324">324</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">opinions as to their guilt, iii. +<a href="#page_327">327</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">fate of documents of their trial, iii. +<a href="#page_319">319</a>.</span><br /> + +Templar property, its sequestration, iii. +<a href="#page_285">285</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">disposition of, iii. +<a href="#page_322">322</a>, +<a href="#page_329">329</a>.</span><br /> + +Temple, Order of, promised opportunity for<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">defence, iii. +<a href="#page_284">284</a>, +<a href="#page_288">288</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">denied a hearing at Vienne, iii. +<a href="#page_320">320</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">abolished unconvicted, iii. +<a href="#page_322">322</a>.</span><br /> + +Temporalities, Wiekliffite rejection of, ii. 441.<br /> + +Tento of Agen, Catharan bp., ii. 34.<br /> + +Termes, siege of, i. 160, 162.<br /> + +Terrie the heretic burned, i. 130.<br /> + +Tertiary Orders, i. 267.<br /> + +Tertiarics, Franciscan, known as liegnines, ii. 355.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Beguines as, ii. 371, 372, 413.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Franciscan, become Olivists, iii. +<a href="#page_050">50</a>, +<a href="#page_075">75</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">persecuted in Aragon, iii. +<a href="#page_085">85</a>.</span><br /> + +Tertullian, his intolerance, i. 210, 212.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">complains of pagan theurgy, iii. +<a href="#page_393">393</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on prophetic dreams, iii. +<a href="#page_447">447</a>.</span><br /> + +Testament of St. Francis burned, iii. +<a href="#page_034">34</a>.<br /> + +<i>Testes synodales</i> i. 312, 315, 317, 350; ii. 117.<br /> + +Testimony—see Evidence.<br /> + +Testimony, interpolation of, ii. 72, 73; iii. +<a href="#page_517">517</a>.<br /> + +Teutonic knights, assisted by the Stedingers, iii. +<a href="#page_185">185</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their withdrawal from the East, iii. +<a href="#page_248">248</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">accused of heresy in 1307, iii. +<a href="#page_257">257</a>.</span><br /> + +Teutonic magic, iii. +<a href="#page_402">402</a>.<br /> + +Texerant or Textores, i. 115.<br /> + +Theate, fine imposed on, i. 401.<br /> + +Theodisius, legate, i. 150, 164, 170, 172, 192.<br /> + +Theodore the astrologer, iii. +<a href="#page_431">431</a>.<br /> + +Theodore of Canterbury on sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_413">413</a>.<br /> + +Theodore of Montferrat, i. 11.<br /> + +Theodore of Mopsuestia, i. 230.<br /> + +Theodore a Niem on papal curia, iii. +<a href="#page_627">627</a>.<br /> + +Theodore, Pope, his use of the wine of Eucharist, ii. 474.<br /> + +Theodoret of Cyrus, case of, i. 230.<br /> + +Theodoric, his laws on sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_399">399</a>.<br /> + +Theodoric of Thuringia on Conrad of Marburg, ii. 326, 330.<br /> + +Theodosius II. burns Nestorian books, i. 554.<br /> + +Theodwin of Liège, his intolerance, i. 219.<br /> + +Theology, scholastic, iii. +<a href="#page_551">551</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its superiority to Scripture, iii. +<a href="#page_552">552</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its contest with philosophy, iii. +<a href="#page_557">557</a>, +<a href="#page_662">662</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">not to be taught logically, iii. +<a href="#page_583">583</a>.</span><br /> + +Theology, scholastic, superseded by Reformation, iii. +<a href="#page_578">578</a>.<br /> + +Theophilus of Cilicia, iii. +<a href="#page_425">425</a>.<br /> + +Theurgy, Greek, iii. +<a href="#page_389">389</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Christian, its rivalry with pagan, iii. +<a href="#page_393">393</a>, +<a href="#page_406">406</a>, +<a href="#page_409">409</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">magic, iii. +<a href="#page_464">464</a>.</span><br /> + +Thibaut of Champagne negotiates with Amauri, i. 188, 199, 203.<br /> + +Thiebault of Lorraine kills Maheu of Toul, i. 14.<br /> + +Thiebault of Lorraine, his treatment of Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_301">301</a>.<br /> + +Thierry d’Avesnes, fate of, i. 45.<br /> + +Thierry, Catliaran bp., i. 130, 141.<br /> + +Thomas of Apulia, his Joachitism, ii. 129; iii. +<a href="#page_088">88</a>.<br /> + +Thomas, St., of Canterbury, power of his invocation, i. 50.<br /> + +Thomas of Cantimpré, his demonology, iii. +<a href="#page_381">381</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">admits power of Tempestarii, iii. +<a href="#page_416">416</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on Satan’s power of transportation, iii. +<a href="#page_496">496</a>, +<a href="#page_497">497</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on pardoners, iii. +<a href="#page_622">622</a>.</span><br /> + +Thomas de Courcelles, iii. +<a href="#page_362">362</a>.<br /> + +Thomas of Celano on the Franciscan Rule, iii. +<a href="#page_029">29</a>.<br /> + +Thomas Germanus visits Savoy Waldenses, ii. 267.<br /> + +Thomas Scotus, heresies of, ii. 188.<br /> + +Thomas of Stitny defends remanence, ii. 446.<br /> + +Thomists, iii. +<a href="#page_556">556</a>.<br /> + +Thrace, Paulicians transplanted there, i. 90, 107.<br /> + +Thread, sacred, of Cathari, i. 92.<br /> + +Three Rings, story of the, iii. +<a href="#page_564">564</a>.<br /> + +Thurgau, Ortlibenses burned in, ii. 323.<br /> + +Thuringia, Flagellants burned in, ii. 407, 408.<br /> + +Tiberius, his law on haruspices, iii. +<a href="#page_397">397</a>.<br /> + +Tiem, Wenceslas, ii. 449, 458.<br /> + +Tiepoli, Giacopo, his ducal oath, ii. 250.<br /> + +Time of grace, i. 371.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">results of, ii. 30.</span><br /> + +Tithe, papal, refused by French clergy, ii. 137.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">resistance to, in Germany, ii. 433.</span><br /> + +Tithes, troubles arising from, i. 26.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their refusal by Tanchelm, i. 64.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">troubles in Abpric. of Bremen, iii. +<a href="#page_183">183</a>.</span><br /> + +Toad, its use in witchcraft, iii. +<a href="#page_513">513</a>.<br /> + +Todi, inquisitorial proceedings at, iii. +<a href="#page_149">149</a>.<br /> + +Toldos Jeschu, i. 556.<br /> + +Toledo, influence of school of, i. 58.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, in 694, forbids imprecatory masses, iii. +<a href="#page_447">447</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 633, on priestly sorcerers, iii. +<a href="#page_416">416</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1291, on denial of immortality, iii. +<a href="#page_561">561</a>.</span><br /> + +Toleration in the early dark ages, i. 109, 217.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">is a heresy, i. 224, 640.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in Languedoc, ii. 1.</span> + +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_728" id="page_728"></a>{728}</span><br /> + +Toleration shown by the Turks, ii. 315.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">taught by the Friends of God, ii. 366.</span><br /> + +Tolls, unlawful, condemned by the Church, i. 124.<br /> + +Tommasino da Foligno, ii. 281.<br /> + +Tommaso I. (Savoy), his law against heresy, i. 319; ii. 195.<br /> + +Tommaso of Aquino, Fraticellian pope, iii. +<a href="#page_163">163</a>.<br /> + +Tommaso d’Aversa, i. 422; ii. 216, 248; iii. +<a href="#page_039">39</a>.<br /> + +Tommaso da Casacho, ii. 256, 258, 261.<br /> + +Tommaso da Casteldemilio, iii. +<a href="#page_033">33</a>.<br /> + +Tommaso di Como, inq., iii. +<a href="#page_098">98</a>.<br /> + +Tommaso of Florence, his beatification, ii. 272.<br /> + +Tommaso, Bp. of Lesina, ii. 310, 311.<br /> + +Tommaso di Scarlino persecutes Fraticelli, iii. +<a href="#page_178">178</a>.<br /> + +Tonalc, Sabbat hold at, iii. +<a href="#page_547">547</a>.<br /> + +Tongues, red, worn by false witnesses, i. 441.<br /> + +Tonsure, obliteration of, ii. 491.<br /> + +Torcy, sorcerers in, iii. +<a href="#page_537">537</a>.<br /> + +Torriani, Giovacchino, iii. +<a href="#page_211">211</a>, +<a href="#page_232">232</a>, +<a href="#page_236">236</a>.<br /> + +Torriani, Pier, podestà of Bergamo, ii. 201.<br /> + +Tors, Conrad, ii. 333, 342, 345.<br /> + +Torsello, Catharan bp. of Florence, i. 327; ii. 209.<br /> + +Torture used on Priscillian, i. 213.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">clerks not to be present at, i. 223.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">minimum age for, i. 403.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">introduction of, i. 421.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">severity of, i. 423.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">confession recorded as free from, i. 425, 428; iii. +<a href="#page_266">266</a>, +<a href="#page_484">484</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">rules for its use, i. 426.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of witnesses, i. 436.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">used in episcopal courts, i. 557.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">used in secular courts, i. 560.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">forbidden by Philippe le Bel, ii. 62.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of citizens of Albi, ii. 71.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of Bernard Delicieux, ii. 101.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of, by Bernard Gui, ii. 107.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">forbidden in Aragon in 1325, ii. 170.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of familiars in Venice, ii. 273.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">not used on Huss or Jerome, ii. 478, 502.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">used on Guglielmites, iii. +<a href="#page_100">100</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in Savonarola’s trial, iii. +<a href="#page_229">229</a>, +<a href="#page_231">231</a>, +<a href="#page_233">233</a>, +<a href="#page_234">234</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">ordered for the Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_260">260</a>, +<a href="#page_286">286</a>, +<a href="#page_300">300</a>, +<a href="#page_310">310</a>, +<a href="#page_313">313</a>, +<a href="#page_318">318</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its unsparing employment on them, iii. +<a href="#page_262">262</a>, +<a href="#page_266">266</a>, +<a href="#page_287">287</a>, +<a href="#page_300">300</a>, +<a href="#page_310">310</a>, +<a href="#page_313">313</a>, +<a href="#page_318">318</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">not used on Templars in Castile, iii. +<a href="#page_316">316</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">not used on Joan of Arc, iii. +<a href="#page_366">366</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Charlemagne permits it on sorcerers, iii. +<a href="#page_413">413</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its efficacy on sorcerers, iii. +<a href="#page_415">415</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">prolonged, its effect, iii. +<a href="#page_457">457</a>, +<a href="#page_462">462</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">not used on Gilles de Rais, iii. +<a href="#page_484">484</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its agency in creating witchcraft, iii. +<a href="#page_492">492</a>, +<a href="#page_496">496</a>, +<a href="#page_505">505</a>.</span><br /> + +Torture, taciturnity under, iii. +<a href="#page_509">509</a>, +<a href="#page_514">514</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">severity of, in witch-trials, iii. +<a href="#page_532">532</a>.</span><br /> + +Toul, trial of bp. of, i. 14.<br /> + +Toulouse, heresy in 1178, i. 122.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">edict to expel heretics in 1202, i. 137.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">edict against trials of dead, i. 140.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">interdict laid on, i. 163.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">three sieges of, i. 167, 185, 187.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">reversion of, to royal family, i. 204.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">deaths in prison, i. 494.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">exc. for refusal to burn heretics, i. 538; ii. 569.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">protection of heretics in, ii. 6.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">first appointment of inqs., ii. 8.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">troubles in 1235, ii. 17.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">removal of Foulques de S. Georges, ii. 79.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Philippe le Bel’s visit, ii. 86.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Inq. under Bernard Gui, ii. 104.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">oath given to Inq. in, ii. 131.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Abp. of, suspends the Inq., ii. 132.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">contest between inqs. in 1414, ii. 138.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">degradation of Inq., ii. 144.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">persecution of Waldenses, ii. 149, 152.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Olivists burned, iii. +<a href="#page_077">77</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">sorcerers punished in 1274, iii. +<a href="#page_428">428</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">witches burned in, iii. +<a href="#page_537">537</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1119, against Gathari, i. 117.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1229, enforces duty of persecution, i. 226, 340.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">acts as Inq., i. 316.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">forbids Scriptures to laymen, i. 324.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">on destruction of houses, i. 482.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">orders converts imprisoned, i. 484.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">on support of prisoners, i. 489.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">on disabilities, i. 498.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">on expenses of Inq., i. 526.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Counts of, their power, i. 132.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">House of, its extinction, ii. 48.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">see of, its poverty, i. 134.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">see of, its enrichment, i. 514.</span><br /> + +Touraine, Inq. extended to, ii. 126.<br /> + +Tournay, witches acquitted, iii. +<a href="#page_533">533</a>.<br /> + +Tours, C. of, 813, on legacies, i. 29.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1163, on confiscation, i. 502.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1239, synodal witnesses ordered, i. 317; ii. 117.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">assembly of, in 1308, iii. +<a href="#page_280">280</a>.</span><br /> + +Traducianism among Cathari, i. 98.<br /> + +Transformation, magic, iii. +<a href="#page_405">405</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">power of witches, iii. +<a href="#page_502">502</a>.</span><br /> + +<i>Transitus sancti patri</i>, iii. +<a href="#page_045">45</a>, +<a href="#page_083">83</a>, +<a href="#page_164">164</a>.<br /> + +Transmigration in Catharism, i. 91, 98.<br /> + +Transubstantiation, introduction of, i. 218.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">denied by Pierre de Bruvs, i. 68.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">denied by Henry of Lausanne, i. 70.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Waldensian beliefs, i. 82, 150, 160; ii. 150, 396.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">denied by Wickliff, ii. 442.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Huss professes it, ii. 476.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">maintained by the Calixtins, ii. 520.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Taborite views of, ii. 524.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">evaded by Bohemian Brethren, ii. 562.</span> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_729" id="page_729"></a>{729}</span><br /> + +Transubstantiation, growth of disbelief in, in<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">15th cent., ii. 144; iii. +<a href="#page_577">577</a>.</span><br /> + +Trapani, quarrels over the Stigmaja, ii. 217.<br /> + +Trau, Catharism in, i. 107; ii. 301.<br /> + +Treaty of Paris in 1229, i. 203.<br /> + +Tree and fountain worship among Slavs, ii. 301.<br /> + +Trencavel, Pierre, case of, i. 367; iii. +<a href="#page_075">75</a>.<br /> + +Trencavel, Raymond, insurrection of, ii. 25.<br /> + +Trencavel, Roger, his offences, i. 123, 124.<br /> + +Trent, C. of, rehabilitates Lully, iii. +<a href="#page_587">587</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">leaves question of Immaculate Conception open, iii. +<a href="#page_608">608</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">abolishes pardoners, iii. +<a href="#page_624">624</a>.</span><br /> + +<i>Treitga Hertrici</i>, sorcery in, iii. +<a href="#page_432">432</a>.<br /> + +Trèves, Cathari in, i. 112.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">use of Bible by heretics in 1231, i. 131.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">quarrel over see of, in 1260, i. 277.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">heretics active in 1231, ii. 331.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">acquittal of Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_303">303</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">burning of witches, iii. +<a href="#page_549">549</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1267, reproves the Beguines, ii. 354.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1310, on heretics, ii. 368; iii. +<a href="#page_123">123</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_434">434</a>.</span><br /> + +Treviso, Cathari in, i. 117.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">heresy tolerated, ii. 197.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">transferred to Dominicans, ii. 234.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">relations with Venice, ii. 249, 273.</span><br /> + +Trials of bps., difficulties of, i. 13.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 0.5em;">for heresy, difficulties of, i. 307.</span><br /> + +Triaverdins, i. 125.<br /> + +Tribunal, sent of, i. 373.<br /> + +Trieste, Cathari driven from, ii. 291.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">insubordination to Rome in 1264, ii. 298.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">rebels against inq., ii. 300.</span><br /> + +Trilles, Martin, burns Wickliffites, ii. 179.<br /> + +Trinacria, or kingdom of Sicily, ii. 248.<br /> + +Trinity. Joachim’s error as to, iii. +<a href="#page_013">13</a>.<br /> + +Trithemius, his estimate of the Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_250">250</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on monastic corruption, iii. +<a href="#page_640">640</a>.</span><br /> + +Trolla-thing, iii. +<a href="#page_408">408</a>, +<a href="#page_493">493</a>.<br /> + +Trolldom, iii. +<a href="#page_406">406</a>.<br /> + +Trolls, iii. +<a href="#page_401">401</a>.<br /> + +Troubadours, they denounce the Inq., ii. 2.<br /> + +Troyes, heretics burned, i. 131.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">captured by Joan of Arc, iii. +<a href="#page_348">348</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1128, organizes the Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_239">239</a>.</span><br /> + +Truce of God, observance of, enjoined, i. 161.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Templars made conservators of, iii. +<a href="#page_240">240</a>.</span><br /> + +Tunis, Inq. in, i. 355.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Fraticello missionary in, iii. +<a href="#page_167">167</a>.</span><br /> + +<i>Turbato corde</i>, bull, ii. 63.<br /> + +Turelupins, ii. 126, 158.<br /> + +Turkish conquests aided by Christians, ii. 306.<br /> + +Turks, their toleration of Christianity, ii. 315.<br /> + +Turin, Waldenscs of, ii. 259.<br /> + +Tuscany, number of Cathari in, ii. 193.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">favor shown by Honorius IV., ii. 243.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">decline of Inq., ii. 275.</span><br /> + +Tuscany, absence of heresy in, ii. 276.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">alarm of Tertiaries, iii. +<a href="#page_077">77</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Fraticelli in 1471, iii. +<a href="#page_178">178</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">proceedings against Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_307">307</a>, +<a href="#page_318">318</a>.</span><br /> + +Tyrannicide a heresy, iii. +<a href="#page_335">335</a>.<br /> + +Tyrol, witchcraft in. iii. +<a href="#page_503">503</a>, +<a href="#page_541">541</a>.<br /> + +<br /> +<a name="U" id="U"></a><span class="letra">U</span>BAN PRIJESDA, ii. 294, 297.<br /> + +Ubertino di Carleone escapes the Inq., ii. 270.<br /> + +Ubertino da Casale, iii. +<a href="#page_059">59</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">defends Olivi, iii. +<a href="#page_049">49</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">transferred to Benedictines, iii. +<a href="#page_070">70</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">betrays the Scgarellists, iii. +<a href="#page_108">108</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">argues on the poverty of Christ, iii. +<a href="#page_132">132</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">flies to Louis of Bavaria, iii. +<a href="#page_143">143</a>.</span><br /> + +Uberto Pallavicino drives off Flagellants, i. 272.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">vicar-general of Lombardy, ii. 219.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his protection of heretics, ii. 223, 229.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">overthrows Ezzelin, ii. 228.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his trial by Inq., ii. 230.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his downfall and death, ii. 232.</span><br /> + +Ucitelji, Catharan teachers, ii. 305.<br /> + +Ugolin of Kalocsa seeks to obtain Bosnia, ii. 293.<br /> + +Uguccione Pileo defeats Giovanni Schio, ii. 205.<br /> + +Ulchi, Francis, burned at Berne, iii. +<a href="#page_607">607</a>.<br /> + +Ulm, Beghards persecuted, ii. 412.<br /> + +Ulmet, Sire d’, accused of sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_451">451</a>.<br /> + +Ulric III., Abbot of St. Gall, i. 10.<br /> + +Ulric der Wilde, iii. +<a href="#page_138">138</a>.<br /> + +Ulric of Znaim, his free speech at Basle, ii. 533.<br /> + +Umberto de’ Romani on pardoners, iii. +<a href="#page_622">622</a>.<br /> + +Umbilicani, iii. +<a href="#page_104">104</a>.<br /> + +Umiliati, i. 76; ii. 194.<br /> + +<i>Unam sanctum</i>, bull, iii. +<a href="#page_192">192</a>, +<a href="#page_616">616</a>.<br /> + +Unfulfilled penance, i. 475.<br /> + +Universidad Lulliana, iii. +<a href="#page_582">582</a>.<br /> + +University of Bologna teaches persecution, i. 322.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">adopts Averrhoism, iii. +<a href="#page_564">564</a>.</span><br /> + +University of Cologne and John Malkaw, iii. +<a href="#page_207">207</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">prosecutes John of Wesel, ii. 421.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on witchcraft, iii. +<a href="#page_506">506</a>.</span><br /> + +University of Louvain, iii. +<a href="#page_556">556</a>, +<a href="#page_557">557</a>.<br /> + +University of Padua, Averrhoism in, iii. +<a href="#page_440">440</a>, +<a href="#page_564">564</a>.<br /> + +University of Paris on indulgences, i. 43.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its quarrel with the Mendicants, i. 281, 292.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemns Marguerite la Porete, ii. 123, 577.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">attacks Hugues Aubriot, ii. 128.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemns Thomas of Apulia, ii. 129.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">supports the Pragmatic Sanction, ii. 134.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">participates in the government, ii. 135.</span> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_730" id="page_730"></a>{730}</span><br /> + +University of Paris, its theological supremacy, ii. 136.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">supplants the Inq., ii. 137.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">rejects Jean Laillier, ii. 142.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">question as to blood of Christ, ii. 171.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemns Arnaldo de Vilanova, iii. +<a href="#page_054">54</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemns Denis Soulechat, iii. +<a href="#page_168">168</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">favors a general council in 1497, iii. +<a href="#page_224">224</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">consulted as to case of Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_280">280</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemns Jean Petit, iii. +<a href="#page_336">336</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its zeal against Joan of Arc, iii. +<a href="#page_358">358</a>, +<a href="#page_360">360</a>, +<a href="#page_367">367</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">does not condemn astrology, iii. +<a href="#page_438">438</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemns astrology, iii. +<a href="#page_446">446</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on imprecatory masses, iii. +<a href="#page_448">448</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its articles on sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_464">464</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">belief in antichrist, iii. +<a href="#page_527">527</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">prosecutes Edeline, iii. +<a href="#page_536">536</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its Nominalism, iii. +<a href="#page_556">556</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemns Jean Fabre, iii. +<a href="#page_557">557</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemns philosophical errors, iii. +<a href="#page_561">561</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Lully teaches in, iii. +<a href="#page_582">582</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">favors the Immaculate Conception, iii. +<a href="#page_599">599</a>, +<a href="#page_600">600</a>, +<a href="#page_602">602</a>.</span><br /> + +University of Prague founded, ii. 432.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Wickliff’s books read in, ii. 443.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">revolution in, ii. 446.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">defends Huss and Jerome, ii. 508.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">declares in favor of Utraquism, ii. 511, 512.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">adopts the Four Articles, ii. 519.</span><br /> + +University of Toulouse, i. 204; ii. 5.<br /> + +University of Vienna suspected of Hussitism, ii. 496.<br /> + +Unnatural lust, its prevalence, i. 9, 52; iii. +<a href="#page_256">256</a>, +<a href="#page_472">472</a>, +<a href="#page_639">639</a>.<br /> + +Urban II. exc. Philip I., i. 5.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">grants indulgence for crusades, i. 42.</span><br /> + +Urban III. defines limitation’s on the Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_240">240</a>.<br /> + +Urban IV. demands release of Bp. of Verona, i. 12.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">reproves the Franciscans, i. 277.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">restores episcopal concurrence in sentences, i. 335.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">annuls laws impeding the Inq., i. 341; ii. 231.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">enlarges powers of inqs., i. 357, 375.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">creates inquisitor-general, i. 397.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">assumes the confiscations, i. 510.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">reorganizes Inq. of Aragon, ii. 168.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">urges crusade against Manfred, iii. +<a href="#page_193">193</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">removes Étienne de Sissy, iii. +<a href="#page_242">242</a>.</span><br /> + +Urban V. recognizes episcopal Inq., i. 363.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">persecutes Waldenses, ii. 152.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">persecutes Fraticelli, ii. 284; iii. +<a href="#page_163">163</a>, +<a href="#page_165">165</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his intervention in Bosnia, ii. 304.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">appoints inqs. for Germany, ii. 387.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">favors Milicz of Kremsier, ii. 436.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">approves Order of Jesuats, iii. +<a href="#page_171">171</a>.</span><br /> + +Urban V. condemns Bernabo Visconti, iii. +<a href="#page_202">202</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders Templar property in Castile to</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Hospitallers, iii. +<a href="#page_338">338</a>.</span><br /> + +Urban VI., his cruelty, i. 557.<br /> + +Urban VIII. restrains the Mendicants, i. 304.<br /> + +Urgel, Bp. of, exc. Roger Bernard, ii. 165.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">persecution of heretics in, ii. 167, 169.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Fraticelli in, iii. +<a href="#page_169">169</a>.</span><br /> + +Uri, Beghards persecuted, ii. 412.<br /> + +Urrea, Miguel de, his necromancy, iii. +<a href="#page_459">459</a>.<br /> + +Use and consumption, question of, iii. +<a href="#page_133">133</a>.<br /> + +Usury justiciable by bps., i. 358.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">subject to Inq., i. 359.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">heresy of, i. 400; iii. +<a href="#page_644">644</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">practised by bps., i. 479.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">strictness of construction, i. 480.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">relapse into, imprisonment for, i. 545.</span><br /> + +Utraquism, its rise in Bohemia, ii. 471.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">becomes predominant, ii. 511.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">quarrel over, at Iglau, ii. 538.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">prevents reunion of Bohemia, ii. 543.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">obtains enforced toleration, ii. 559.</span><br /> + +Utraquists, their doctrines, ii. 519.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their Puritanism, ii. 521.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their victory at Lipan, ii. 535.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">obtain control of Bohemia, ii. 540.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their reaction towards Rome, ii. 546.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">extreme veneration for Eucharist, ii. 562.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their trouble about apostolical succession, ii. 564.</span><br /> + +<br /> +<a name="V" id="V"></a><span class="letra">V</span>ALA, the Norse, iii. +<a href="#page_402">402</a>.<br /> + +Valcamonica, witches of, burned, iii. +<a href="#page_547">547</a>.<br /> + +Valence, C. of, 1248, coerces the bps., i. 333.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">threatens advocates of heretics, i. 444.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on penance of crosses, i. 409.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on unfulfilled penances, i. 548.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">forbids cognizance of sorcery by Inq., iii. +<a href="#page_434">434</a>.</span><br /> + +Valencia, heresies in, ii. 176.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">separate Inq. in, ii. 177.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Fraticelli in, iii. +<a href="#page_168">168</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Templar property in, iii. +<a href="#page_333">333</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">laws on sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_430">430</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">complains of Eymerich, iii. +<a href="#page_585">585</a>.</span><br /> + +Valens puts Catholics to death, i. 213.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">persecution of magic by, iii. +<a href="#page_397">397</a>.</span><br /> + +Valentine of Makarska, ii. 303.<br /> + +Valentine of Milan accused of sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_466">466</a>.<br /> + +Valentinian I. persecutes sorcerers, iii. +<a href="#page_398">398</a>.<br /> + +Valla, Lorenzo, his career, iii. +<a href="#page_566">566</a>.<br /> + +Valladolid, favor to Mendicants in, i. 293.<br /> + +Valori, Francesco, iii. +<a href="#page_218">218</a>, +<a href="#page_222">222</a>, +<a href="#page_227">227</a>.<br /> + +Val Pute (or Louise), Waldenses of, ii. 147, 154, 157, 160.<br /> + +Valsesia, memory of Dolcino in, iii. +<a href="#page_120">120</a>. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_731" id="page_731"></a>{731}</span><br /> + +Valtelline persecution of heretics, ii. 237.<br /> + +Vasquez, Martino, first Portuguese inq., ii. 189.<br /> + +<i>Vaticiuia Pontificam</i>, iii. +<a href="#page_012">12</a>.<br /> + +Vauderie, or sorcery, ii. 158.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">or Sabbat, iii. +<a href="#page_522">522</a>.</span><br /> + +Vaudois of Arras, iii. +<a href="#page_519">519</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in the Schwabenspiegel, ii. 156.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Cathari misnamed, ii. 257.</span><br /> + +Vaudoisie, character of, iii. +<a href="#page_521">521</a>.<br /> + +Venality of spiritual courts, i. 17, 20, 21, 22;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">iii. +<a href="#page_627">627</a>, +<a href="#page_632">632</a>, +<a href="#page_643">643</a>.</span><br /> + +Vence, trial of Bp. of, i. 15.<br /> + +Vendôme, Bâtard de, captures Joan of Arc, iii. +<a href="#page_356">356</a>.<br /> + +Veneration among Cathari, i. 95.<br /> + +Venetia, number of Waldenses in, ii. 269.<br /> + +Venice, burning for heresy in, i. 221; ii. 587.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">restrictions on armed familiars, i. 384.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">confiscations in, i. 512.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">expenses of Inq. defrayed, i. 525.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">career of Inq. in, ii. 249, 273.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">rejects the laws of Frederic II., ii. 250, 252.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">refuge for heretics in, ii. 251.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">exc. by Clement V., iii. +<a href="#page_195">195</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">humanity towards Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_308">308</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">laws against sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_431">431</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">witches of Brusuia defended, i. 539; iii. +<a href="#page_546">546</a>, +<a href="#page_661">661</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Pomponazio’s book burned, iii. +<a href="#page_576">576</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">treatment of Greek Church, iii. +<a href="#page_620">620</a>.</span><br /> + +Venturino da Bergamo, ii. 380.<br /> + +Ver, Jean de, denies Immaculate Conception, iii. +<a href="#page_602">602</a>.<br /> + +Verberati, ii. 404.<br /> + +Vercruysse, his dogma of the conception of the Virgin, iii. +<a href="#page_611">611</a>.<br /> + +Verfeil, St. Bernard’s failure there, i. 71.<br /> + +Verona, Bp. of, captured by Manfred, i. 12.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">statutes of 1228 against heretics, i. 227, 421, 481.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">secular inqs. in, i. 311.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">restriction on bearing arms, i. 382.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Giovanni Schio’s cruelty, ii. 204.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">maintenance of heresy, ii. 239.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1184—see Lucius III.</span><br /> + +Vertus, Catharism at, i. 108.<br /> + +Vespers, Sicilian, ii. 248.<br /> + +Vestments, Franciscan, quarrel over, iii. +<a href="#page_070">70</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">heresy of, iii. +<a href="#page_074">74</a>, +<a href="#page_078">78</a>.</span><br /> + +Vetter, John, burned at Berne, iii. +<a href="#page_607">607</a>.<br /> + +Veyleti, Jean, persecutes Waldenses, ii. 159.<br /> + +Vezelai, Cathari in 1163, i. 111.<br /> + +Vicars of inqs., i. 375.<br /> + +Vicente de Lisboa, inq. for Spain, ii. 185, 189.<br /> + +Vicenza, inquisitorial extortion in, i. 477.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Giovanni Schio imprisoned, ii. 205.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">heresy tolerated, ii. 223.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">reconciliation of, ii. 234.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">persistence of heresy, ii. 239.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Capistrano’s reception in, iii. +<a href="#page_179">179</a>.</span><br /> + +Vienna, Nicholas of Basle burned, ii. 405.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Waldensian Bp. Stephen burned, ii. 416.</span><br /> + +Vienna, Jerome preaches Hussitism, ii. 496.<br /> + +Vienne, C. of, 1311, its canons, ii. 96; iii. +<a href="#page_060">60</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on inquisitorial abuses, i. 424, 478.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemns Beguines, ii. 369.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on Olivi’s errors, iii. +<a href="#page_046">46</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">decides in favor of Spirituals, iii. +<a href="#page_060">60</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on papal dispensing power, iii. +<a href="#page_079">79</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">convoked for trial of Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_282">282</a>, +<a href="#page_284">284</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its postponement, iii. +<a href="#page_296">296</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">fate of its archives, iii. +<a href="#page_319">319</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Order of Temple denied a hearing, iii. +<a href="#page_320">320</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">disposes of Templar property, iii. +<a href="#page_322">322</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">founds Oriental colleges, iii. +<a href="#page_580">580</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on the Divine Vision, iii. +<a href="#page_591">591</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on pardoners, iii. +<a href="#page_623">623</a>.</span><br /> + +Vigoros de Bocona, ii. 22.<br /> + +Vilgardus, heresy of, i. 108.<br /> + +Villani, absence of heresy in Florence, ii. 276.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his account of John XXII., iii. +<a href="#page_068">68</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his story of the Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_250">250</a>.</span><br /> + +Villehardouin, Isabelle de, iii. +<a href="#page_039">39</a>.<br /> + +Villeins, their abject condition, i. 269.<br /> + +Villemagne, marriage of monks of, i. 119.<br /> + +Villena, Enrique marquis of, iii. +<a href="#page_489">489</a>.<br /> + +Virgin, her portrait stolen by the Venetians, i. 48.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Dominican reverence for, i. 255; iii. +<a href="#page_604">604</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Immaculate Conception of, iii. +<a href="#page_596">596</a>.</span><br /> + +Visconti, cruelties of the, i. 559.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their quarrel with John XXII., iii. +<a href="#page_197">197</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">reconciled to papacy, iii. +<a href="#page_202">202</a>.</span><br /> + +Visconti, Girolamo, persecutes witches, iii. +<a href="#page_540">540</a>, +<a href="#page_546">546</a>.<br /> + +Vision, the Divine, iii. +<a href="#page_590">590</a>.<br /> + +Visits to prisoners, i. 486.<br /> + +Viterbo, struggle with Cathari, i. 116.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">attacks Capello di Chia, i. 342.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">attempt to establish Inq., ii. 209.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">heretics punished by Gregory IX., ii. 210.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">resistance to Inq. in, ii. 239.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">crusade against in 1238, iii. +<a href="#page_189">189</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">case of Templars in, iii. +<a href="#page_305">305</a>, +<a href="#page_306">306</a>.</span><br /> + +Vitrier, Jean, his heresies, ii. 137.<br /> + +Vivet, Peter Waldo’s assistant, i. 77.<br /> + +Vivian, Catharan bp. of Toulouse, ii. 50, 245.<br /> + +Viviano da Bergamo, Inq. of Lombardy, ii. 213.<br /> + +Viviano Bogolo, ii. 223, 234.<br /> + +Vohet, Philippe de, threatens Templars with burning, iii. +<a href="#page_286">286</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his testimony to their innocence, iii. +<a href="#page_295">295</a>.</span><br /> + +Voodooism, iii. +<a href="#page_519">519</a>.<br /> + +Vows, commutation of, i. 44.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">papal power of dispensation, iii. +<a href="#page_028">28</a>, +<a href="#page_077">77</a>.</span><br /> + +Voyle, Jean, persecutes Waldenses, ii. 158.<br /> + +<i>Vox inexcelso</i>, bull, iii. +<a href="#page_321">321</a>.<br /> + +Vulcan of Dalmatia, ii. 291.<br /> + +Vulgate, corruption of the text, iii. +<a href="#page_553">553</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its correction by Valla, iii. +<a href="#page_567">567</a>.</span> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_732" id="page_732"></a>{732}</span><br /> + +<br /> +<a name="W" id="W"></a><span class="letra">W</span>ADDING, LUKE, seeks Capistrano’s<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">canonization, ii. 555.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on condition of morals, iii. +<a href="#page_643">643</a>.</span><br /> + +Wafer, consecrated, its magic power, i. 50.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in wine for Eucharist, ii. 472.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its supremacy over demons, iii. +<a href="#page_426">426</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its use in sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_435">435</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its use by witches, iii. +<a href="#page_500">500</a>.</span><br /> + +Wainamoinen, his magic power, iii. +<a href="#page_403">403</a>.<br /> + +Waldemar of Bremen supported by the Stedingers, iii. +<a href="#page_184">184</a>.<br /> + +Waldemar of Sleswick, case of, i. 33.<br /> + +Waldenses, their origin, i. 77.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their variations of belief, i. 79, 82; ii. 150, 396, 564.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">persecuted in Aragon, i. 81; ii. 170.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their organization, i. 83.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">virtues ascribed to them, i. 85.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in Metz, i. 131; ii. 318.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">burned at Maurillac, i. 179.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of Piedmont, i. 319, 425; ii. 195, 259.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">distinctive signs, i. 432.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their reputation as physicians, ii. 82.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their career in France, ii. 145.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their relations with Cathari, ii. 140, 579.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">with Hussites, ii. 157, 415.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in Valencia, ii. 177, 179.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their numbers in Italy, ii. 194.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">conference of Bergamo, ii. 196.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">emigration to Naples, ii. 247, 259, 268.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of Strassburg, ii. 319.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of Germany, ii. 347, 396.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">early foothold in Bohemia, ii. 427.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">development in Bohemia, ii. 429, 430, 438, 438, 448, 512.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their connection with Taborites, ii. 512, 522.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">unite with Bohemian Brethren, ii. 416, 564.</span><br /> + +Waldensianism, causes of its persistence, ii. 254.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its kinship to Wickliffitism, ii. 441.</span><br /> + +Waldo, Peter, i. 76.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">mythical mission to Bohemia, ii. 427.</span><br /> + +Waleran of Cologne orgnnizes episcopal Inq., ii. 374.<br /> + +Wallachia, Inq. in, i. 355.<br /> + +Walleys, Thomas, persecuted, iii. +<a href="#page_592">592</a>.<br /> + +Walpurgis Night, iii. +<a href="#page_408">408</a>.<br /> + +Walter of Bruges summons Clement V. to judgment, iii. +<a href="#page_327">327</a>.<br /> + +Walter the Lollard, his death, ii. 373.<br /> + +Walter of Naples, the Templar, iii. +<a href="#page_306">306</a>.<br /> + +Walter, Bp. of Strassburg, i. 10.<br /> + +Walther von der Yogelweide on the Church, i. 54.<br /> + +Wand, magician’s, iii. +<a href="#page_405">405</a>.<br /> + +Warlike character of ecclesiastics, i. 10.<br /> + +Wasmod, John, his tract on Beghards, i. 397.<br /> + +Wazo of Liége and the Cathari, i. 109, 218.<br /> + +Weather——see <i>Tempestarii</i>.<br /> + +Weeping, inability of, in witches, iii. +<a href="#page_514">514</a>.<br /> + +Weiler, Anna, burned, ii. 415.<br /> + +Wenceslas (Emp.) deposed for neglect to persecute, i. 226.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his indifference to religion, ii. 395.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">supports Huss, ii. 445.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">revolutionizes the University, ii. 447.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">banishes lluss’s opponents, ii. 452.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">opposes use of cup by the laity ii. 471.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">threatened by Sigismund, ii. 509, 511.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his death in 1419, ii. 513.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his fondness for magic, iii. +<a href="#page_046">46</a>O.</span><br /> + +Wenceslas the Chiliast, burned in 1421, ii. 519.<br /> + +Wenceslas of Duba procures safe-conduct for Huss, ii. 457.<br /> + +Wertheim, Count of, ii. 419, 421.<br /> + +Wer-wolves, ii. 145; iii. +<a href="#page_391">391</a>.<br /> + +Wibald of Corvey, iii. +<a href="#page_422">422</a>.<br /> + +Wickliff, John, measures against, i. 362.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his career, ii. 488.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">veneration for him in Bohemia, ii. 444, 446.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemned by C. of Constance, ii. 482.</span><br /> + +Wickliffite doctrines, ii. 440.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">resemble Waldensianism, ii. 441.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">disseminated in Bohemia, ii. 443, 445.</span><br /> + +Wickliffites in France, ii. 142.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in Spain, ii. 177, 178.</span><br /> + +Wilbrand, Bp. of Utrecht, his crusade against Frisians, iii. +<a href="#page_185">185</a>.<br /> + +Wilge Armen, ii. 388.<br /> + +Wilhelm, Dolcinist, burned, ii. 402.<br /> + +Willaume le Febvre, iii. +<a href="#page_524">524</a>, +<a href="#page_531">531</a>, +<a href="#page_533">533</a>.<br /> + +William, Cardinal, inq.-general, i. 398.<br /> + +William the Conqueror employs sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_420">420</a>.<br /> + +William of Esseby, i. 263.<br /> + +William the Franciscan, i. 277.<br /> + +William of Gennep (Cologne) persecutes heretics, ii. 385, 386.<br /> + +William of Hilderniss, ii. 406.<br /> + +William of Montpellier offers to suppress heresy, i. 136.<br /> + +William de la More, iii. +<a href="#page_301">301</a>.<br /> + +William of Reims persecutes Cathari, i. 111, 112.<br /> + +William of Vezelai, uncertainty in punishing heretics, i. 308.<br /> + +Willnsdorf, destruction of, ii. 343.<br /> + +Wills, presence of priest necessary to, i. 29.<br /> + +Wimpfeling, Jacob, urges reform, iii. +<a href="#page_639">639</a>.<br /> + +Windesheim, convent of, ii. 362.<br /> + +Winkel, Flagellants of, ii. 408.<br /> + +Winkelers, persecution of, ii. 400.<br /> + +Wirt, Wigand, his quarrel over Immaculate Conception, iii. +<a href="#page_605">605</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his retraction, iii. +<a href="#page_607">607</a>.</span><br /> + +Wisigoths, their laws on sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_399">399</a>.<br /> + +Wismar, Dolcinist burned in, ii. 403. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_733" id="page_733"></a>{733}</span><br /> + +Witch of Endor, the, iii. +<a href="#page_388">388</a>.<br /> + +Witch of Eye, the, iii. +<a href="#page_467">467</a>.<br /> + +Witch-burning, Church responsible for, iii. +<a href="#page_532">532</a>, +<a href="#page_547">547</a>.<br /> + +Witchcraft, iii. +<a href="#page_492">492</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">absence of, in 13th cent., iii. +<a href="#page_448">448</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">distinctive origin of, iii. +<a href="#page_497">497</a>, +<a href="#page_499">499</a>, +<a href="#page_534">534</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">disbelief in, punishable, iii. +<a href="#page_405">405</a>, +<a href="#page_506">506</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">papal bulls against, iii. +<a href="#page_502">502</a>, +<a href="#page_506">506</a>, +<a href="#page_512">512</a>, +<a href="#page_537">537</a>, +<a href="#page_540">540</a>, +<a href="#page_546">546</a>, +<a href="#page_547">547</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">only curable by witchcraft, iii. +<a href="#page_507">507</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">causes of its spread, iii. +<a href="#page_508">508</a>, +<a href="#page_539">539</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">incentives to, iii. +<a href="#page_538">538</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">under secular jurisdiction, iii. +<a href="#page_512">512</a>, +<a href="#page_544">544</a>, +<a href="#page_547">547</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its extension in 16th cent, iii. +<a href="#page_549">549</a>.</span><br /> + +Witches, their allegiance to Satan, iii. +<a href="#page_386">386</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">proscribed in Mosaic Law, iii. +<a href="#page_396">396</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their powers, iii. +<a href="#page_407">407</a>, +<a href="#page_502">502</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">necessary to Satan, iii. +<a href="#page_501">501</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">lose power when arrested, iii. +<a href="#page_509">509</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their power over judges, iii. +<a href="#page_535">535</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">are heretics, iii. +<a href="#page_542">542</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of Brescia, contest over, i. 539; iii. +<a href="#page_547">547</a>, +<a href="#page_661">661</a>.</span><br /> + +Witch-trials, process of, iii. +<a href="#page_514">514</a>.<br /> + +Witnesses, danger incurred by, i. 317, 438.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of proceedings, i. 376.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">torture of, i. 425, 430, 56O.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">character of, i. 434.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">age of, i. 435.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">inimical, rejected, i. 436.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their names kept secret, i. 437; ii. 477; iii. +<a href="#page_517">517</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">sworn in presence of accused, i. 439.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">retraction of evidence, i. 439, 441.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">enmity of, the only defence, i. 446, 448; iii. +<a href="#page_517">517</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">disabling of, in Huss’s case, ii. 477.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">secrecy imposed on, ii. 93.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">for defence, rarity of, i. 447.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">collected against the Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_257">257</a>.</span><br /> + +Witnesses, synodal, origin of, i. 312, 315, 317, 350; ii. 117.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in prosecution of Gilles de Rais, iii. +<a href="#page_479">479</a>.</span><br /> + +Wives, betrayal of, by husbands, i. 373.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">bound to denounce husbands, i. 432.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">evidence of, i. 436.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">dowers not confiscated, i. 509.</span><br /> + +Wok of Waldstein burns papal bulls, ii. 450.<br /> + +Wolsey, Cardinal, his efforts at reform, ii. 4.<br /> + +Women specially are sorcerers, iii. +<a href="#page_503">503</a>.<br /> + +Worcester, C. of, in 1240, on estates, i. 30.<br /> + +Worms, Diet of, 1231, on confiscation, i. 507; ii. 331.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">John Drandorf burned, ii. 414.</span><br /> + +Writ de <i>hœretico comburendo</i>, i. 221.<br /> + +Würzburg, Ortlibenses in 1342, ii. 376.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Hussitism suppressed in, ii. 414.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">witches burned in, iii. +<a href="#page_549">549</a>.</span><br /> + +Würzburg, C. of, 1287, condemns apostles, iii. +<a href="#page_105">105</a>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">C. of, 1448, on Beghards, ii. 412.</span><br /> + +<br /> +<a name="Y" id="Y"></a><span class="letra">Y</span>ATUDHANA, iii. +<a href="#page_386">386</a>.<br /> + +Ybañez, Rodrigo, Master of Castile, iii. +<a href="#page_316">316</a>.<br /> + +Yoke, wooden, penance of, i. 468.<br /> + +Yolande of Savoy persecutes Waldenses, ii. 265.<br /> + +York, heretics found in, i. 114.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">the Templars in, iii. +<a href="#page_299">299</a>, +<a href="#page_301">301</a>.</span><br /> + +Youth in admission to Order of Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_268">268</a>.<br /> + +Ypres, lack of churches in, i. 278.<br /> + +Ysarn, Arnaud, case of, i. 396.<br /> + +Yves Favins, case of, iii. +<a href="#page_512">512</a>.<br /> + +Yvo of Narbonne, his account of Cathari, ii. 193, 295.<br /> + +<br /> +<a name="Z" id="Z"></a><span class="letra">Z</span>ARABELLA, Card., his participation against Huss, ii. 481.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">offers modified abjuration to Huss, ii. 489.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">labors for Jerome of Prague, ii. 501.</span><br /> + +Zaccaria, Matteo, his testimony as to Templars, iii. +<a href="#page_277">277</a>.<br /> + +Zachary, Pope, instructions as to heresy, i. 308.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">suppresses angel-worship, iii. +<a href="#page_412">412</a>.</span><br /> + +Zamberg, Michael of, founder of Bohemian Brethren, ii. 563, 564.<br /> + +Zanghino Ugolini, his treatise on heresy, i. 229; ii. 242.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on corporate responsibility, i. 334.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on ignorance of inqs., i. 334.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on restrictions as to familiars, i. 384.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on arbitrary procedure, i. 400.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on confiscations, i. 506, 509.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on worship of new saints, iii. +<a href="#page_092">92</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on astrology, iii. +<a href="#page_439">439</a>.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on jurisdiction over sorcery, iii. +<a href="#page_449">449</a>.</span><br /> + +Zanino del Poggio carries Waldenses to Naples, ii. 247.<br /> + +Zanino da Solcia, case of, ii. 271; iii. +<a href="#page_568">568</a>.<br /> + +Zaptati, or Waldenses, i. 77.<br /> + +Zara, Catharism in, ii. 295, 300, 301.<br /> + +Zatce, Peter of, a Chiliast, ii. 519.<br /> + +Zbinco of Prague, ii. 443, 444, 446, 447.<br /> + +Zeal of Waldenses, i. 86.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of Cathari, i. 104.</span><br /> + +Zeger, Observantine general, ii. 559.<br /> + +Zegna, heresy in, ii. 301.<br /> + +Zeno (Emp.) refuses toleration, i. 216.<br /> + +Zepperenses, ii. 413.<br /> + +Zimiskes, John, transplants the Paulicians, i. 90, 107.<br /> + +Zion, Taborite stronghold taken, ii. 539.<br /> + +Ziska, John, heads a tumult in Prague, ii. 513.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">destroys churches, ii. 514.</span> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_734" id="page_734"></a>{734}</span><br /> + +Ziska fortifies Mount Tabor, ii. 515.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">burns the Adamites, ii. 518.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his death in 1424, ii. 525.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">patron saint of M. Tabor, ii. 560.</span><br /> + +Zoen of Avignon, legate, ii. 40.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">deprived of inquisitorial power, i. 317; ii. 51.</span><br /> + +Zoen holds C. of Albi in 1254, i. 334.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">persecutes Waldenses, ii. 147.</span><br /> + +Zoppio spreads the Doleinist heresy, iii. +<a href="#page_123">123</a>.<br /> + +Zurich, Beghards persecuted, ii. 411.<br /> + +Zwestriones, ii. 401, 402.<br /> + +Zyto, conjuror of Weneeslas, iii. +<a href="#page_460">460</a>.<br /> +</p> + +<p> </p> +<p> </p> + +<p class="c">THE END.</p> + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Th. Aquin. Summ. Sec. Sec. Q. clxxxviii. art. 7. ad 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_2" id="Footnote_2_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Even the great Franciscan preacher, Berthold of Ratisbon +(who died in 1272) will concede only qualified merit to those who labor +to save the souls of their fellow-creatures, and such labors can easily +be carried to excess. The duty which a man owes to his own soul, in +prayer and devotion, is of much greater moment.—Beati Fr. Bertholdi a +Ratisbona Sermones (Monachii, 1882, p 29). See also his comparison of +the contemplative with the active life. The former is Rachael, the +latter is Leah, and is most perilous when wholly devoted to good works +(Ib. pp. 44-5). +</p><p> +So the great Spiritual Franciscan, Pierre Jean Olivi—“Est igitur totius +rationis summa, quod contemplatio est ex suo genere perfectior omni alia +actione,” though he admits that a lesser portion of time may allowably +be devoted to the salvation of fellow-creatures.—Franz Ehrle, Archiv +für Litteratur-und Kirchengeschichte, 1887, p. 503.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_3" id="Footnote_3_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Thom. de Eccleston de Adventu Minorum Coll. v.—S. Francis. +Testament. (Opp. 1849, p. 48).—Nicolai. PP. III. Bull. <i>Exiit qui +seminat</i> (Lib. v. Sexto xii. 3).—Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. pp. 301, +303.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_4" id="Footnote_4_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_4"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Chron. Turonens. ann. 1326 (D. Bouquet, XVIII. +319).—Alberic. Trium Font. Chron. ann. 1228.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_5" id="Footnote_5_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_5"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Frat. Jordani Chron. c. 9, 14, 17, 31, 50 (Analecta +Franciscana, Quaracchi, 1885, I. 4-6, 11, 16).—S. Francis. Testament. +(Opp. p. 47); Ejusd. Epistt. vi., vii., viii., (Ib. 10-11).—Amoni +Legenda S. Francisci, p. 106 (Roma, 1880).—Wadding. ann. 1229, No. +2.—Chron. Glassberger ann. 1227 (Analect. Franciscana II. p. 45).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6_6" id="Footnote_6_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_6"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Thomæ de Eccleston Collat. <small>XII</small>.—Jordani Chron. c. 61 +(Analecta Franc. I. 19).—Chron. Anon. (Ib. I. 289).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7_7" id="Footnote_7_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_7"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Gregor. PP. IX. Bull.<i>Quo elongati</i> (Pet. Rodulphii Hist. +Seraph. Relig. Lib. <small>II</small>. fol. 164-5).—Rodulphii op. cit. Lib. <small>II</small>. fol. +177.—Chron. Glassberger, ann. 1230, 1231 (Analecta II. 50, 56).—Frat. +Jordani Chron. c. 18, 19, 61 (Analecta I. 7, 8, 19).—Franz Ehrle +(Archiv für Litt.-u. Kirchengeschichte, 1886, p. 123).—Wadding, ann. +1239, No. 5. +</p><p> +The ingenious casuistry with which the Conventuals satisfied themselves +that the device of Gregory IX. enabled them to grow rich without +transgressing the Rule is seen in their defence before Clement VI., in +1311, as printed by Franz Ehrle (Archiv für Litt.-u. Kirchengeschichte, +1887, pp. 107-8).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_8_8" id="Footnote_8_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_8"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Jordani Chron. c. 62, 63 (Analecta I. 18-19).—Thomæ de +Eccleston Collat. <small>XII</small>.—Chron. Glassberger, ann. 1239 (Analecta II. +60-1).—Huillard-Bréholles, Introd. p. <small>DIII</small>.; Ib. VI. 69-70. +</p><p> +Elias still managed to excite disturbance in the Order; he died +excommunicate, and a zealous Franciscan guardian had his remains dug up +and cast upon a dunghill. Frà Salimbene gives full details of his evil +ways, and the tyrannous maladministration which precipitated his +downfall. After his secession to Frederic II. a popular rhyme was +current throughout Italy— +</p> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">“Hor attorna fratt Helya,<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Ke pres’ ha la mala via.”<br /></span> +</div></div> + +<p> +Salimbene Chronica, Parma, 1857, pp. 401-13. +</p><p> +Affò, however, asserts that he was absolved on his death-bed.—Vita del +Beato Gioanni di Parma, Parma, 1777, p. 31. Cf. Chron. Glassberger ann. +1243-4.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_9_9" id="Footnote_9_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_9"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> Thomæ de Ecclest. Collat. <small>VIII</small>., <small>XII</small>.—Wadding, ann. 1242, +No. 2; ann. 1245, No. 16.—Potthast No. 10825.—Angeli Clarinens. Epist. +Excusator (Franz Ehrle, Archiv für Litt-u. Kirchengeschichte, 1885, p. +535; 1886, pp. 113, 117, 120).—Hist. Tribulation. (Ib. 1886, pp. 256 +sqq.). +</p><p> +The <i>Historia Tribulationum</i> reflects the contempt of the Spirituals for +human learning. Adam was led to disobedience by a thirst for knowledge, +and returned to grace by faith and not by dialectics, or geometry or +astrology. The evil industry of the arts of Aristotle, and the seductive +sweetness of Plato’s eloquence are Egyptian plagues in the Church (Ib. +264-5). It was an early tradition of the Order that Francis had +predicted its ruin through overmuch learning (Amoni Legenda S. +Francisci, App. cap. xi.). +</p><p> +Karl Müller (Die Anfänge des Minoritenordens, Freiburg, 1885, p. 180) +asserts that the election of Crescenzio was a triumph of the Puritans, +and that he was known for his flaming zeal for the rigid observance of +the Rule. So far from this being the case, on the very night of his +election he scolded the zealots (Th. Eccleston Collat. <small>XII</small>.), and the +history of his generalate confirms the view taken of him by the Hist. +Tribulationum. Affò (Vita di Gioanni di Parma, pp. 31-2) assumes that he +endeavored to follow a middle course, and ended by persecuting the +irreconcilables.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_10_10" id="Footnote_10_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_10"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> Hist. Tribulat. (loc. cit. 1886, pp. 267-8, 274).—Affò, +pp. 38-9, 54, 97-8.—Wadding, ann. 1256, No. 2.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_11_11" id="Footnote_11_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_11"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> Tocco, L’Eresia nel Medio Evo, Firenze, 1884, pp. +265-70.—Profetie dell’ Abate Gioachino, Venezia, 1646, p. 8.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_12_12" id="Footnote_12_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_12"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> Tocco. op. cit. pp. 271-81.—Cœlestin. PP. III. Epist. +279.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_13_13" id="Footnote_13_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_13"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> Lib. Concordiæ Præf. (Venet. 1519).—Fr. Francisci Pipini +Chron. (Muratori S.R.I. IX. 498-500).—Rog. Hovedens. ann. 1190.—MSS. +Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 260-2.—Comba, La Riforma in +Italia, I. 388.—Lechler’s Wickliffe, Lorimer’s Translation, II. +321.—Lib. Conformitat. Lib. <small>I</small>. Fruct. i. P. 2; Fruct. ix. P. 2 (fol. +12, 91).—Telesphori de magnis Tribulationibus Prœem.—Henric. de Hassia +contra Vaticin. Telesphori c. xi. (Pez Thesaur. I. <small>II</small>. 521).—Franz +Ehrle (Archiv für Lit.-u. Kirchengeschichte, 1886, p. 331).—P. d’Ailly +Concord. Astron. Veritat. c. lix. (August. Vindel. 1490).—H. Cornel. +Agripp. de Occult. Philosoph. Lib. <small>II</small>. c. ii. +</p><p> +The <i>Vaticinia Pontificum</i> of the pseudo-Joachim long remained a popular +oracle. I have met with editions of Venice issued in 1589, 1600, 1605, +and 1646, of Ferrara in 1591, of Frankfort in 1608, of Padua in 1625, +and of Naples in 1660, and there are doubtless numerous others. +</p><p> +Dante represents Bonaventura as pointing out the saints— +</p> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">“Raban è quivi, e lucemi dallato<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Il Calavrese abate Giovacchino<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Di spirito profetico dotato.”—(Paradise xii.).<br /></span> +</div></div></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_14_14" id="Footnote_14_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_14"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> Pseudo-Joachim de Oneribus Ecclesiæ c. iii., xv., xvi., +xvii., xx., xxi., xxii., xxiii., xxx.—Ejusd. super Hieremiam c. i., +ii., iii., etc.—Salimbene p. 107.—Monumenta Franciscana p. 147 (M.R. +Series). +</p><p> +The author of the Commentary on Jeremiah had probably been disciplined +for freedom of speech in the pulpit, for (cap. i.) he denounces as +bestial a license to preach which restricts the liberty of the spirit, +and only permits the preacher to dispute on carnal vices.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_15_15" id="Footnote_15_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_15"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> Concil. Lateran. IV. c. 2.—Theiner Monument Slavor. +Meridional. I. 63.—Lib. <small>I</small>. Sexto, 1, 2 (Cap. <i>Damnamus</i>).—Wadding, +ann. 1256, No. 8, 9.—Salimbene Chron. p. 103. +</p><p> +Nearly half a century later Thomas Aquinas still considered Joachim’s +speculations on the Trinity worthy of elaborate refutation, and near the +close of the fourteenth century Eymerich reproduces the whole +controversy.—Direct. Inquisit. pp. 4-6, 15-17.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_16_16" id="Footnote_16_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_16"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> Joachimi Concordiæ Lib. <small>IV</small>. c. 31, 34, 38; Lib. <small>V</small>. c. 58, +63, 65, 67, 68, 74, 78, 89, 118. +</p><p> +Joachim was held to have predicted the rise of the Mendicants (v. 43), +but his anticipations looked wholly to contemplative monachism.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_17_17" id="Footnote_17_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_17"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> Joachimi Concordiæ Lib. <small>I</small>. Tract. ii. c. 6; <small>IV</small>. 25, 26, +33; <small>V</small>. 2, 21, 60, 65, 66, 84. +</p><p> +The Commission of Anagni in 1255 by a strained interpretation of a +passage in the Concordia (<small>II</small>. i. 7) accused Joachim of having justified +the schism of the Greeks (Denifle, Archiv f. Litt.-u. K. 1885, p. 120). +So far was he from this that he never loses an occasion of decrying the +Oriental Church, especially for the marriage of its priests (<i>e.g.</i>, <small>V</small>. +70, 72). Yet when he asserted that Antichrist was already born in Rome, +and it was objected to him that Babylon was assigned as the birthplace, +he had no hesitation in saying that Rome was the mystical Babylon.—Rad. +de Coggeshall Chron. (Bouquet, XVIII. 76).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_18_18" id="Footnote_18_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_18"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> Rigord. de Gest. Phil. Aug. ann. 1210.—Guillel. Nangiac. +ann. 1210.—Cæsar. Heisterb. dist. v. c. xxii.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_19_19" id="Footnote_19_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19_19"><span class="label">[19]</span></a> Salimbene Chron. pp. 97-109, 124, 318-20.—Chron. +Glassberger ann. 1286.—Vie de Douceline (Meyer, Recueil d’anciens +Textes, pp. 142-46). +</p><p> +Salimbene, in enumerating the special intimates of John of Parma, +characterizes several of them as “great Joachites.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_20_20" id="Footnote_20_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_20"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> Protocoll. Commiss. Anagniæ (Denifle, Archiv für +Litteratur-und Kirchengeschichte, 1885, pp. 111-12).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_21_21" id="Footnote_21_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21_21"><span class="label">[21]</span></a> Hist. Tribulat. (ubi sup. pp. 178-9).—Salimbene, pp. 102, +233. +</p><p> +According to the exegesis of the Joachites, Frederic II. was to attain +the age of seventy. When he died, in 1250, Salimbene refused to believe +it, and remained incredulous until Innocent IV., in his triumphal +progress from Lyons, came to Ferrara, nearly ten months afterwards, and +exchanged congratulations upon it. Salimbene was present, and Frà +Gherardino of Parma turned to him and said, “You know it now; leave your +Joachim and apply yourself to wisdom” (Ib. pp. 107, 227).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_22_22" id="Footnote_22_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22_22"><span class="label">[22]</span></a> Renan, Nouvelles Études, p. 296. +</p><p> +Joachim had already used the term Everlasting Gospel to designate the +spiritual interpretation of the Evangelists, which was henceforth to +rule the world. His disciple naturally considered Joachim’s commentaries +to be this spiritual interpretation, and that they constituted the +Everlasting Gospel to which he furnished a Gloss and Introduction. The +Franciscans were necessarily the contemplative Order intrusted with its +dissemination. (See Denifle, Archiv für Litteratur-etc., 1885, pp. +54-59, 61.) According to Denifle (pp. 67-70) the publication of Gherardo +consisted only of the Introduction and the Concordia. The Apocalypse and +the Decachordon were to follow, but the venturesome enterprise was cut +short.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_23_23" id="Footnote_23_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23_23"><span class="label">[23]</span></a> Protocol. Commiss. Anaguiæ (H. Denifle Archiv für +Litt.-etc., 1885, pp. 99-102, 109, 126, 135-6). +</p><p> +It appears to me that Father Denifle’s laborious research has +sufficiently proved that the errors commonly ascribed to the Everlasting +Gospel (D’Argentré I. i. 162-5; Eymeric. Direct. Inq. P. II. Q. 9; +Hermann. Korneri Chron. ap. Eccard. Corp. Hist. Med. Ævi. II. 849-51) +are the strongly partisan accusations sent to Rome by William of St. +Amour (ubi sup. pp. 76-86) which have led to exaggerated misconceptions +of its rebellious tendencies. Father Denifle, however, proceeds to state +that the result of the commission of Anagni (July, 1255) was merely the +condemnation of the views of Gherardo, and that the works of Joachim +(except his tract against Peter Lombard) have never been condemned by +the Church. Yet when the exaggerations of William of St. Amour are +thrown aside, there is in reality little in principle to distinguish +Joachim from Gherardo; and if the former was not condemned it was not +the fault of the Commission of Anagni, which classed both together and +energetically endeavored to prove Joachim a heretic, even to showing +that he never abandoned his heresy on the Trinity (ubi sup. pp. 137-41). +</p><p> +Yet if there was little difference in the letter, there was a marked +divergence in spirit between Joachim and his commentator—the former +being constructive and the latter destructive as regards the existing +Church. See Tocco, Archivio Storico Italiano, 1886.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_24_24" id="Footnote_24_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24_24"><span class="label">[24]</span></a> Matt. Paris ann. 1256 (Ed. 1644, p. 632).—Salimbene, p. +102.—Bern. Guidon. Vit. Alex. PP. IV. (Muratori S.R. I. III. i. 593). +Cf. Amalr. Auger. Vit. Alex. PP. IV. (Ib. III. ii. 404). +</p><p> +For the authorship of the Everlasting Gospel, see Tocco, L’Heresia nel +Medio Evo, pp. 473-4, and his review of Denifle and Haupt, Archivio +Storico Italiano, 1886; Renan, pp. 248, 277; and Denifle, ubi sup. pp. +57-8. +</p><p> +One of the accusations brought against William of Saint Amour was that +he complained of the delay in condemning the Everlasting Gospel, to +which he replied with an allusion to the influence of those who defended +the errors of Joachim.—Dupin. Bib. des Auteurs Éccles. T.X. ch. vii. +</p><p> +Thomas of Cantimpré assures us that Saint Amour would have won the day +against the Mendicant Orders but for the learning and eloquence of +Albertus Magnus.—Bonum Universale, Lib. II. c. ix.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_25_25" id="Footnote_25_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25_25"><span class="label">[25]</span></a> Wadding. ann. 1256, No. 2.—Affò (Lib. 11. c. iv.) argues +that John of Parma’s resignation was wholly spontaneous, that there were +no accusations against him, and that both the pope and the Franciscans +were with difficulty persuaded to let him retire. He quotes Salimbene +(Chronica p. 137) as to the reluctance of the chapter to accept his +resignation, but does not allude to the assertion of the same authority +that John was obnoxious to Alexander and to many of the ministers of the +Order by reason of his too zealous belief in Joachim (Ib. p. 131).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_26_26" id="Footnote_26_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26_26"><span class="label">[26]</span></a> Wadding. ann. 1256, No. 3-5.—Salimbene, pp. 102, +233-6.—Hist. Tribulat. (Archiv für L. u. K. 1886, p. 285).—Although +Salimbene prudently abandoned Joachitism, he never outgrew his belief in +Joachim’s prophetic powers. Many years later he gives as a reason for +suspecting the Segarellists, that if they were of God, Joachim would +have predicted them as he did the Mendicants (Ib. 123-4). +</p><p> +The silence of the Historia Tribulationum with respect to the +Everlasting Gospel is noteworthy. By common consent that dangerous work +seems to be ignored by all parties.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_27_27" id="Footnote_27_27"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27_27"><span class="label">[27]</span></a> Wadding, ann. 1256, No. 6; ann. 1289, No. 26.—Hist. +Tribulat. (loc. cit. p. 285).—Salimbene Chron. pp. 131-33, 317.—Tocco, +pp. 476-77.—P. Rodulphii Hist. Seraph. Relig. Lib. I. fol. 117.—Affò, +Lib. III. c. x.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_28_28" id="Footnote_28_28"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28_28"><span class="label">[28]</span></a> Lib. de Antichristo P. I. c. x., xiii., xiv. (Martene +Ampl. Coll. IX. 1273, 1313, 1325-35).—Thomæ Aquinat. Opusc. contra +Impugn. Relig. c. xxiv. 5, 6.—Concil. Arelatens. ann. 1260 (1265) c. 1 +(Harduin. VII. 509-12).—Fisquet, La France Pontificale, Métropole +d’Aix, p. 577.—Renan, p. 254.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_29_29" id="Footnote_29_29"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29_29"><span class="label">[29]</span></a> S. Bonavent. de Paup. Christi Art. <small>I</small>. No. i., ii.—Ejusd. +Mystic. Theol. cap. <small>I</small>. Partic. 2; cap. <small>II</small>. Partic. 1, 2; Cap. <small>III</small>. +Partic. 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_30_30" id="Footnote_30_30"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30_30"><span class="label">[30]</span></a> Wadding. Regest. Alex. PP. IV. No. 39-41; Annal. ann. +1262, No. 36.—Salimbene, p. 122.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_31_31" id="Footnote_31_31"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31_31"><span class="label">[31]</span></a> Wadding. ann. 1256, No. 4; Regest. Alex. PP. IV. No. +66.—Bertholdi a Ratispona Sermones, Monachii, 1882, p. 68.—H. Denifle, +Archiv für Litt.-u. Kirchengeschichte, 1886, p. 649. +</p><p> +To the true Franciscan the Rule and the gospel were one and the same. +According to Thomas of Celano, “Il perfetto amatore dell’ osservanza del +santo vangelio e della professione della nostra regola, che non è altro +che perfetta osservanza del vangelio, questo [Francesco] +ardentissimamente amava, e quelli che sono e saranno veri amatori, donò +a essi singular benedizione. Veramente, dicea, questa nostra professione +a quelli che la seguitano, esser libro di vita, speranza di salute, arra +di gloria, melodia del vangelio, via di croce, stato di perfezione, +chiave di paradiso, e patto di eterna pace.”—Amoni, Legenda S. +Francisci, App. c. xxix.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_32_32" id="Footnote_32_32"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32_32"><span class="label">[32]</span></a> S. Bonavent. Opp. I. 485-6 (Ed. 1584).—Wadding. ann. +1257, No. 9; Regest. Clem. PP. IV. No. I. +</p><p> +Pierre Jean Olivi states that he himself heard Bonaventura declare in a +chapter held in Paris that he would, at any moment, submit to be ground +to powder if it would bring the Order back to the condition designed by +St. Francis.—Franz Ehrle, Archiv für L. u. K. 1887, p. 517.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_33_33" id="Footnote_33_33"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33_33"><span class="label">[33]</span></a> Lib. v. Sexto xii. 3.—Wadding. ann. 1279, No. 11.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_34_34" id="Footnote_34_34"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34_34"><span class="label">[34]</span></a> Concil. Lugdunens. II c. 23 (Harduin. VII. +715).—Salimbene, pp. 110-11.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_35_35" id="Footnote_35_35"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35_35"><span class="label">[35]</span></a> Angel. Clarinens. Epist. Excusat. (Archiv für Litt.-u. +Kirchengeschichte, 1885, pp. 523-4).—Histor. Tribulation. (Ibid. 1886, +pp. 302-4).—Ubertini Responsio (Ibid. 1887, p. 68).—Cf. Rodulphii +Hist. Seraph. Relig. Lib. II. fol. 180. +</p><p> +For the first time the development and history of the Spiritual +Franciscans can now be traced with some accuracy, thanks to Franz Ehrle, +S.J., who has printed the most important documents relating to this +schism in the Order, elucidated with all the resources of exact +research. My numerous references to his papers show the extent of my +indebtedness to his labors.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_36_36" id="Footnote_36_36"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36_36"><span class="label">[36]</span></a> Histor. Tribulat. (loc. cit. 1886, p. 305).—Ubertim +Responsio (Ibid. 1887, pp. 69, 77).—Articuli Transgressionum (Ibid. +1887, pp. 105-7).—Wadding, ann. 1289, No. 22-3.—Ubertini Declaratio +(Archiv, 1887, pp. 168-9).—Dante contrasts Acquasparta with Ubertino da +Casale, of whom we shall see more presently— +</p> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">“Ma non sia da Casal ne d’Acquasparta<br /></span> +<span class="ist">La onde vegnon tali alla Scrittura<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Ch’ uno la fugge e l’altro la coarta.”—(Paradise xii.).<br /></span> +</div></div> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_37_37" id="Footnote_37_37"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37_37"><span class="label">[37]</span></a> Hist. Tribulat. (loc. cit. 1886, pp. 306-8).—Angel. +Clarineus. Epist. (Ibid. 1885, pp. 524-5).—Wadding. ann. 1292, No. 14.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_38_38" id="Footnote_38_38"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38_38"><span class="label">[38]</span></a> Angel. Clarin. Epist. (op. cit. 1885, p. 526); Hist. +Tribulationum (Ib. 1885. pp. 308-9).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_39_39" id="Footnote_39_39"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39_39"><span class="label">[39]</span></a> Hist. Tribulat. (loc. cit. 1886, pp. 309-10).—Faucon et +Thomas, Registres de Boniface VIII. No. 37, 1232, 1233, 1292, +1825.—Wadding. ann. 1295, No. 14.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_40_40" id="Footnote_40_40"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40_40"><span class="label">[40]</span></a> Franz Ehrle, Archiv für L. u. K. 1886, pp. 157-8.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_41_41" id="Footnote_41_41"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41_41"><span class="label">[41]</span></a> Raynald. ann. 1297, No. 55.—Jordani Chron. cap. 236, +Partic. 3 (Muratori, Antiq XI. 766). +</p><p> +So far was Pierre Jean Olivi from participating in these rebellious +movements that he wrote a tract to prove the legality of Celestin’s +abdication and Boniface’s succession (Franz Ehrle, Archiv f. L. u. K. +1887, p. 525).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_42_42" id="Footnote_42_42"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42_42"><span class="label">[42]</span></a> Angel. Clarin. Epist. (Archiv für Litt.-u. +Kirchengeschichte, 1885, pp. 522-3, 527-9).—Hist. Tribulat. (Ibid. +1886, pp. 314-18).—Franz Ehrle (Ibid. 1886, p. 335.) +</p><p> +Franz Ehrle identifies the refuge of the Spirituals with the island of +Trixonia in the Gulf of Corinth (Ibid. 1886, pp. 313-14).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_43_43" id="Footnote_43_43"></a><a href="#FNanchor_43_43"><span class="label">[43]</span></a> Angel. Clarin. Epist. (op. cit. 1885, 529-31).—Hist. +Tribulat. (Ib. 1886, 320-6).—Wadding. ann. 1302, No. 8; 1307, No. 2-4.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_44_44" id="Footnote_44_44"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44_44"><span class="label">[44]</span></a> Cantù, Eretici d’Italia, I. 129.—Comba, La Riforma in +Italia, I. 314. +</p><p> +A specimen of Jacopone’s attacks on Boniface will show the temper of the +times— +</p> + +<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary=""> +<tr valign="top"><td>“Ponesti la tua lingua <br /> + Contra religione<br /> +A dir blasfemia<br /> + Senza niun cagione.<br /> + </td> + +<td>O pessima avarizia<br /> + Sete induplicata,<br /> +Bever tanta pecunia<br /> + E non esser saziata!”<br /> + (Comba, op. cit. 312.)</td></tr> +</table> + +<p> +There is doubtless foundation for the story related by Savonarola in a +sermon, that Jacopone was once brought into the consistory of cardinals +and requested to preach, when he solemnly repeated thrice, “I wonder +that in consequence of your sins the earth does not open and swallow +you.”—Villari, Frà Savonarola, II. Ed. T. II. p. 3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_45_45" id="Footnote_45_45"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45_45"><span class="label">[45]</span></a> Hist. Tribulat. (loc. cit. pp. 311-13).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_46_46" id="Footnote_46_46"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46_46"><span class="label">[46]</span></a> Wadding. ann. 1302, No. 1-3, 7; ann. 1310, No. 9.—Franz +Ehrle (Archiv für Litt-u. K. 1886, p. 385).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_47_47" id="Footnote_47_47"></a><a href="#FNanchor_47_47"><span class="label">[47]</span></a> Wadding, ann. 1278, No. 27-8.—Franz Ehrle, Archiv f. L. +u. K. 1887, pp. 505-11, 528-9. +</p><p> +When Geronimo d’Ascoli attained the papacy he was urged to prosecute +Olivi, but refused, expressing the highest consideration for his talents +and piety, and declaring that his rebuke had been merely intended as a +warning (Hist. Trib. loc. cit. 1886, p. 289).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_48_48" id="Footnote_48_48"></a><a href="#FNanchor_48_48"><span class="label">[48]</span></a> Wadding, ann. 1282, No. 2; ann. 1283, No. 1; ann. 1285, +No. 5; ann. 1290, No. 11; ann. 1292, No. 13; ann. 1297, No. +33-4.—Chron. Glassberger ann. 1283.—Hist. Tribulat. (loc. cit. pp. +294-5).—Franz Ehrle, Archiv, 1886, pp. 383, 389; 1887, pp. 417-27, 429, +433, 438, 534.—Raym. de Fronciacho (Archiv, 1887, p. 15). +</p><p> +Olivi’s death is commonly assigned to 1297, but the <i>Transitus Sancti +Patris</i>, which was one of the books most in vogue among his disciples, +states that it occurred on Friday, March 14, 1297 (Bernard. Guidon. +Practica P. v.); Friday fell on March 14 in 1298, and the common habit +of commencing the year with Easter explains the substitution of 1297 for +1298. +</p><p> +His bones are generally said to have been dug up and burned a few months +after interment, by order of the general, Giovanni di Murro (Tocco, op. +cit. p. 503). Wadding, indeed, asserts that they were twice exhumed +(ann. 1297, No. 36). Eymerich mentions a tradition that they were +carried to Avignon and thrown by night into the Rhone (Eymerici Direct. +Inquis. p. 313). The cult of which they were the object shows that this +could not have been the case, and Bernard Gui, the best possible +authority, in commenting on the <i>Transitus</i> states that they were +abstracted in 1318 and hidden no one knows where—doubtless by disciples +to prevent the impending profanation of exhumation.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_49_49" id="Footnote_49_49"></a><a href="#FNanchor_49_49"><span class="label">[49]</span></a> Wadding. ann. 1291, No. 13; 1297, No. 35; 1312, No. +4.—Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. pp. 306, 319.—Coll. Doat. XXVII. fol. 7 +sqq.—Lib. <small>I</small>. Clement, i. 1.—Tocco, op. cit. pp. 509-10.—MSS. Bib. +Nat. No. 4270, fol. 168.—Franz Ehrle (ubi sup. 1885, p. 544; 1886, pp. +389-98, 402-5; 1887, pp. 449, 491).—Raymond de Fronciacho (Archiv, +1887, p. 17). +</p><p> +The traditional wrath of the Conventuals was still strong enough in the +year 1500 to lead the general chapter held at Terni to forbid, under +pain of imprisonment, any member of the Order from possessing any of +Olivi’s writings.—Franz Ehrle (ubi sup. 1887, pp. 457-8).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_50_50" id="Footnote_50_50"></a><a href="#FNanchor_50_50"><span class="label">[50]</span></a> Hist. Tribulat. (loc. cit. pp. 288-9).—Coll. Doat, XXVII. +fol. 7 sqq.—Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. pp. 306, 308.—Bernard. Guidon. +Practica P.Y.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_51_51" id="Footnote_51_51"></a><a href="#FNanchor_51_51"><span class="label">[51]</span></a> Hist. Tribulat. (loc. cit. pp. 300-1).—Tocco, pp. 489-91, +503-4. +</p><p> +Wadding (ann. 1297, No. 33-5) identifies Pons Botugati with St. Pons +Carboneth, the illustrious teacher of St. Louis of Toulouse. Franz Ehrle +(Archiv für L. u. K. 1886, p. 300) says he can find no evidence of this, +and the author of the <i>Hist. Tribulat.</i>, in his detailed account of the +affair, would hardly have omitted a fact so serviceable to his cause.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_52_52" id="Footnote_52_52"></a><a href="#FNanchor_52_52"><span class="label">[52]</span></a> Baluz. et Mansi II. 249-50.—Bern. Guidon. Pract. P. +v.—Doat, XXVII. fol. 7 sqq.—Bern. Guidon. Vit. Johann. PP. XXII. +(Muratori S. R. I. III. <small>II</small>. 491).—Wadding. ann. 1325, No. 4.—Alvar. +Pelag. de Planctu Eccles. Lib. <small>II</small>. art. 59.—Baluz. et Mansi II. +266-70.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_53_53" id="Footnote_53_53"></a><a href="#FNanchor_53_53"><span class="label">[53]</span></a> Franz Ehrle (Archiv f. L. u. K. 1886, pp. 368-70, +407-9).—Wadding. ann. 1297, No. 36-47.—Baluz. et Mansi II. 276. +</p><p> +Tocco (Archivio Storico Italiano, T. XVII. No. 2.—Cf. Franz Ehrle, +Archiv für L. u. K. 1887, p. 493) has recently found in the Laurentian +Library a MS. of Olivi’s Postil on the Apocalypse. It contains all the +passages cited in the condemnation, showing that the commission which +sat in judgment did not invent them, but as it is of the fifteenth +century it does not invalidate the suggestion that his followers +interpolated his work after his death.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_54_54" id="Footnote_54_54"></a><a href="#FNanchor_54_54"><span class="label">[54]</span></a> Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1299 c. 4 (Martene Thesaur. IV. +226).—Ubertini Declaratio (Archiv f. Litt.-u. K. 1887, pp. 183-4).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_55_55" id="Footnote_55_55"></a><a href="#FNanchor_55_55"><span class="label">[55]</span></a> Pelayo, Heterodoxos Españoles, I. 450-61, 475, 590-1, +726-7, 772.—M. Flac. Illyr. Cat. Test. Veritatis, pp. 1732 sqq. (Ed. +1603).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_56_56" id="Footnote_56_56"></a><a href="#FNanchor_56_56"><span class="label">[56]</span></a> Pelayo, I. 454, 458, 464-6, 468-9, 730-1, 779.—Franz +Ehrle, Archiv für Litt.-und Kirchengeschichte, 1886, 327-8.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_57_57" id="Footnote_57_57"></a><a href="#FNanchor_57_57"><span class="label">[57]</span></a> Pelayo, I. 460, 464-8, 739-45.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_58_58" id="Footnote_58_58"></a><a href="#FNanchor_58_58"><span class="label">[58]</span></a> Pelayo, I. 470-4, 729, 734.—D’Argentré I. <small>II</small>. 417.—Du +Puy, Histoire du Differend, Pr. 103. +</p><p> +One of the charges against Bernard Délicieux, in 1319, was that of +sending to Arnaldo certain magic writings to encompass the death of +Benedict. A witness was found to swear that this was the cause of +Benedict’s death.—MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 12, 50, +51, 61.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_59_59" id="Footnote_59_59"></a><a href="#FNanchor_59_59"><span class="label">[59]</span></a> Pelayo, I. 481, 772.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_60_60" id="Footnote_60_60"></a><a href="#FNanchor_60_60"><span class="label">[60]</span></a> Hist. Tribulationum (Archiv für Litt.-u. K. 1886, I. +129).—Pelayo, I. 481-3, 773, 776.—Wadding. ann. 1312, No. 7.—Cf. +Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1310; P. Langii Chron. Citicens. ann. +1320.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_61_61" id="Footnote_61_61"></a><a href="#FNanchor_61_61"><span class="label">[61]</span></a> Franz Ehrle (Archiv für Litt.-u. K. 1886, pp. 380-1, 384, +386; 1887, p. 36).—Raym. de Fronciacho (Ib. 1887, p. 18).—Eymerich p. +316.—Angeli Clarini Litt. Excus. (Archiv, 1885, pp. 531-2).—Wadding. +ann. 1210, No. 6.—Regest. Clement. (PP. V.T.V. pp. 379 sqq. Romæ, +1887). +</p><p> +At the same time that the general, Gonsalvo, was seeking to repress the +acquisitiveness of the friars they were procuring from the Emperor Henry +VII. a decree annulling a local statute of Nuremberg which forbade any +citizen from giving them more than a single gold piece at a time, or a +measure of corn.—Chron. Glassberger ann. 1310.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_62_62" id="Footnote_62_62"></a><a href="#FNanchor_62_62"><span class="label">[62]</span></a> Archiv für L. u. K. 1887, pp. 93 sqq.—Hist. Tribulat. +(Ibid. 1886, pp. 130, 132-4).—Ehrle (Ibid. 1866, pp. 366, +380).—Wadding. ann. 1310, No. 1-5.—Chron. Glassberger ann. +1310.—Ubertini de Casali Tract. de septem Statibus Ecclesiæ c. iv.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_63_63" id="Footnote_63_63"></a><a href="#FNanchor_63_63"><span class="label">[63]</span></a> Ubertini Responsio (Archiv für L. u. K. 1887, p. +87).—Baluz. et Mansi II. 278—Franz Ehrle (Archiv für L. u. K. 1885, +pp. 541-2, 545; 1886, p. 362).—Hist. Tribulat (Ibid. 1886, pp. +138-41).—C. 1, Clement, v. 11.—Wadding. ann. 1312, No. 9; ann. 1313, +No. 1.—Chron. Glassberger ann. 1312.—Alvar. Pelag. de Planct. Eccles. +Lib. <small>II</small>. art. 67.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_64_64" id="Footnote_64_64"></a><a href="#FNanchor_64_64"><span class="label">[64]</span></a> Jordan. Chron. c. 326 Partic. iii. (Muratori Antiq. XI. +767).—Hist. Tribulat. (Archiv, 1886, 140-1).—Franz Ehrle (Ibid. 1886, +pp. 158-64; 1887, pp. 33, 40).—Raym. de Fronciacho (Ib. 1887, p. 27).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_65_65" id="Footnote_65_65"></a><a href="#FNanchor_65_65"><span class="label">[65]</span></a> Hist. Tribulat. (loc. cit. pp. 139-40).—Lami, Antichità +Toscane, pp. 596-99.—Franz Ehrle, Archiv, 1885, pp. 156-8.—Joann. S. +Victor. Chron. ann. 1319 (Muratori S. R. I. III. <small>II</small>. 479).—Wadding. +ann. 1313, No. 4-7.—D’Argentré I. <small>I</small>. 297.—Arch. de l’Inq. de Carcass. +(Doat, XXVII. fol. 7 sqq.).—Raym. de Fronciacho (Archiv, 1887, p. 31). +</p><p> +Frà Francesco del Borgo San Sepolcro, who was tried by the Inquisition +at Assisi in 1311 for assuming gifts of prophecy, was probably a Tuscan +Joachite who refused submission (Franz Ehrle, Archiv für L. u. K. 1887, +p. 11).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_66_66" id="Footnote_66_66"></a><a href="#FNanchor_66_66"><span class="label">[66]</span></a> Franz Ehrle (Archiv f. L. u. K. 1885, pp. 534-9, 553-5, +558-9, 561, 563-4, 566-9; 1887, p. 406).—S. Francisci Prophet. <small>XIV</small>. +(Opp. Ed. 1849, pp. 270-1).—Chron. Glassberger ann. 1502, 1506, 1517.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_67_67" id="Footnote_67_67"></a><a href="#FNanchor_67_67"><span class="label">[67]</span></a> Franz Ehrle (Archiv für Litt.-u. K. 1886, pp. 371, +411).—Arch. de l’Inq. de Carcassonne (Doat, XXVII. fol. 7 sqq.).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_68_68" id="Footnote_68_68"></a><a href="#FNanchor_68_68"><span class="label">[68]</span></a> Franz Ehrle (loc. cit. 1886, pp. 160-4).—Wadding. ann. +1316, No. 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_69_69" id="Footnote_69_69"></a><a href="#FNanchor_69_69"><span class="label">[69]</span></a> Villani, Chronica, Lib. <small>XI</small>. c. 20.—Chron. Glassberger +ann. 1334.—Vitodurani Chron. (Eccard. Corp. Hist. Med. Ævi I. +1806-8).—Friedrich, Statut. Synod. Wratislav., Hannoveræ, 1827, pp. 37, +38, 41.—Grandes Chroniques, V. 300.—Guillel. Nangiac. Contin. ann. +1326.—The collection of papal briefs relating to Saxony recently +printed by Schmidt (Päbstliche Urkunden und Regesten, pp. 87-295) will +explain the immense sums raised by John XXII. from the sale of +canonries. It is within bounds to say that more than half the letters +issued during his pontificate are appointments of this kind. +</p><p> +The accounts of the papal collector for Hungary in 1320 show the +thoroughness with which the first-fruits of every petty benefice were +looked after, and the enormous proportion consumed in the process. The +collector charges himself with 1913 gold florins received, of which only +732 reached the papal treasury. (Theiner, Monumenta Slavor. Meridional. +I. 147).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_70_70" id="Footnote_70_70"></a><a href="#FNanchor_70_70"><span class="label">[70]</span></a> Jo. de Ragusio Init. et Prosecut. Basil. Concil. +(Monument. Concil. Sæc. XV. T.I. p. 32).—Revelat. S. Brigittæ; Lib. +<small>VII</small>. c. viii.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_71_71" id="Footnote_71_71"></a><a href="#FNanchor_71_71"><span class="label">[71]</span></a> Wadding. ann. 1317, No. 9-14.—Hist. Tribulation. (Archiv +für L. u. K. 1886, p. 142).—Joann. S. Victor. Chron. ann. 1311, 1316 +(Muratori S. R. I. III. <small>II</small>. 460, 478).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_72_72" id="Footnote_72_72"></a><a href="#FNanchor_72_72"><span class="label">[72]</span></a> Hist. Tribulat. (ubi sup. pp. 142-44, 151-2).—Franz +Ehrle, Archiv, 1887, p. 546.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_73_73" id="Footnote_73_73"></a><a href="#FNanchor_73_73"><span class="label">[73]</span></a> Hist. Tribulat. (Ibid. pp. 145-6).—Raym. de Fronciacho +(Ib. 1887, p. 29).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_74_74" id="Footnote_74_74"></a><a href="#FNanchor_74_74"><span class="label">[74]</span></a> Coll. Doat, XXXIV. 147.—Extrav. Joann. XXII. Tit. <small>XIV</small>. +cap. 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_75_75" id="Footnote_75_75"></a><a href="#FNanchor_75_75"><span class="label">[75]</span></a> Baluz. et Mansi II. 248-51.—Hist. Tribulat. (loc. cit. p. +147).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_76_76" id="Footnote_76_76"></a><a href="#FNanchor_76_76"><span class="label">[76]</span></a> Raym. de Fronciacho (Archiv f. L. u. K.. 1887, p. +31).—Baluz. et Mansi II. 248-51, 271-2.—Joaun. S. Victor. Chron. ann. +1319 (Muratori S. R. I. III. <small>II</small>. 478-9).—MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, +No. 4270, fol. 188, 262. Bernard, however, in his examination, denied +these allegations as well as Olivi’s tenet that Christ was alive when +lanced upon the Cross, although he said some MSS. of St. Mark so +represented him (fol. 167-8). +</p><p> +Of the remainder of those who were tried at Marseilles the fate is +uncertain. From the text it appears that at least some of them were +imprisoned. Others were probably let off with lighter penances, for in +1325 Blaise Boerii, a shoemaker of Narbonne, when on trial before the +Inquisition of Carcassonne, confessed that he had visited, in houses at +Marseilles, three of them at one time and four at another, and had +received them in his own house and had conducted them on their +way.—Doat, XXVII. 7 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_77_77" id="Footnote_77_77"></a><a href="#FNanchor_77_77"><span class="label">[77]</span></a> Baluz. et Mansi II. 270-1, 274-6.—Extravagant. Joann. +XXII. Tit. <small>VII</small>.—Mag. Bull. Roman. I. 193.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_78_78" id="Footnote_78_78"></a><a href="#FNanchor_78_78"><span class="label">[78]</span></a> Guill. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1317.—Coll. Doat, XXVII. 7 +sqq., 170; XXXV. 18.—Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. pp. 301, 312, 381. +</p><p> +The case of Raymond Jean illustrates the life of the persecuted +Spirituals. As early as 1312 he had commenced to denounce the Church as +the Whore of Babylon, and to prophesy his own fate. In 1317 he was one +of the appellants who were summoned to Avignon, where he submitted. +Remitted to the obedience of his Order, he was sent by his superior to +the convent of Anduse, where he remained until he heard the fate of his +stancher companions at Marseilles, when he fled with a comrade. Reaching +Béziers, they found refuge in a house where, in company with some female +apostates from the Order, they lay hid for three years. After this +Raymond led a wandering life, associating for a while with Pierre +Trencavel. At one time he went beyond seas; then returning, he adopted +the habit of a secular priest and assumed the cure of souls, sometimes +in Gascony and again in Rodez or east of the Rhone. Captured at last in +1325 and brought before the Inquisition of Carcassonne, after +considerable pressure he was induced to recant. His sentence is not +given, but doubtless it was perpetual imprisonment.—Doat, XXVII. 7 +sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_79_79" id="Footnote_79_79"></a><a href="#FNanchor_79_79"><span class="label">[79]</span></a> Raynald ann. 1322, No. 51.—Archivio di Firenze, Prov. del +Convento di Santa Croce, Feb. 1322.—S. Th. Aquin. Summ. Sec. Sec. Q. +<small>LXXXVIII</small>. Art. xi.; Q. <small>CLXXXVI</small>. Art. viii. ad 3.—Franz Ehrle (Archiv +für Litt.-u. Kirchengeschichte, 1887, p. 156).—Lib. Sententt. Inq. +Tolos. pp. 300, 313, 381-93.—Coll. Doat, XXVII., XXVIII.—Mosheim de +Beghardis pp. 499, 632.—Vaissette, IV. 182-3.—Wadding. ann. 1317, No. +45.—Hist. Tribulat. (loc. cit. p. 149).—Arch. de l’ Inq. de Carcass. +(Doat, XXVII. 162).—Johann. S. Victor. Chron. ann. 1316-19.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_80_80" id="Footnote_80_80"></a><a href="#FNanchor_80_80"><span class="label">[80]</span></a> Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolosan. pp. 320, 325.—Wadding. ann. +1317, No. 23.—Coll. Doat, XXVII. 7 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_81_81" id="Footnote_81_81"></a><a href="#FNanchor_81_81"><span class="label">[81]</span></a> Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolosan. pp. 298-99, 302-6, +316.—Bern. Guidon. Practica P. v.—Doat, XXVII. 7 sqq.—Johann. S. +Victor. Chron. ann. 1316-19 (Muratori S.R.I. III. <small>II</small>. 478-9).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_82_82" id="Footnote_82_82"></a><a href="#FNanchor_82_82"><span class="label">[82]</span></a> Doat, XXVII. 7 sqq.—Lib. Sententt, Inq. Tolos. pp. 305, +307, 310, 383-5.—Bern. Guidon. Practica P. v.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_83_83" id="Footnote_83_83"></a><a href="#FNanchor_83_83"><span class="label">[83]</span></a> Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. pp. 303, 309, 326, 330.—Bern. +Guidon. Practica P. v.—Franz Ehrle (op. cit. 1885, pp. 540, 543, +557),—Raym. de Fronciacho (Ib.) 1887, p. 29.—Guillel. Nangiac. Contin. +ann. 1330.—Wadding. ann. 1341, No. 21, 23. +</p><p> +A subdivision of the Italian Fraticelli took the name of Brethren of +Fray Felipe de Mallorca (Tocco, Archivio Storico Napoletano, 1887, Fasc. +1).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_84_84" id="Footnote_84_84"></a><a href="#FNanchor_84_84"><span class="label">[84]</span></a> Coll. Doat, XXVII. 7 sqq., 95.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_85_85" id="Footnote_85_85"></a><a href="#FNanchor_85_85"><span class="label">[85]</span></a> Bern. Guidon. Practica P. v.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_86_86" id="Footnote_86_86"></a><a href="#FNanchor_86_86"><span class="label">[86]</span></a> Doat, XXVII. 156, 170, 178, 215; XXXII. 147.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_87_87" id="Footnote_87_87"></a><a href="#FNanchor_87_87"><span class="label">[87]</span></a> Concil. Tarraconens. ann. 1297 c. 1-4 (Martene Ampl. Coll. +VII. 305-6).—Eymeric. pp. 265-6.—Raynald. ann. 1325, No. 20.—Mosheim +de Beghardis p. 641.—Pelayo, Heterodoxos Españoles, I. 777-81, +783.—For the fate of Arnaldo de Vilanova’s writings in the Index +Expurgatorius, see Reusch, Der Index der verbotenen Bücher, I. 33-4. Two +of the tracts condemned in 1316 have been found, translated into +Italian, in a MS. of the Magliabecchian Library, by Prof. Tocco, who +describes them in the Archivio Storico Italiano, 1886, No. 6, and in the +Giornale Storico della Lett. Ital. VIII. 3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_88_88" id="Footnote_88_88"></a><a href="#FNanchor_88_88"><span class="label">[88]</span></a> Pelayo, Heterodoxos Españoles, I. 500-2.—Jo. de +Rupesciss. Vade mecum (Fascic. Rer. Expetend. et Fugiend. II. +497).—Froissart, Liv. <small>I</small>. P. ii. ch. 124; Liv. <small>III</small>. ch. 27.—Rolewink +Fascic. Temp. ann. 1364.—Mag. Chron. Belgic. (Pistorii III. +336).—Meyeri Annal. Flandr. ann. 1359.—Henr. Rebdorff. Annal. ann. +1351.—Paul Æmylii de Reb. Gest. Francor. (Ed. 1569, pp. 491-2).—M. +Flac. Illyr. Cat. Test. Veritat. Lib. <small>XVIII</small>. p. 1786 (Ed. 1608).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_89_89" id="Footnote_89_89"></a><a href="#FNanchor_89_89"><span class="label">[89]</span></a> Wadding. ann. 1357, No. 17.—Pelayo, op. cit. I. 501-2.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_90_90" id="Footnote_90_90"></a><a href="#FNanchor_90_90"><span class="label">[90]</span></a> Fascic. Rer. Expetend. et Fugiend. II. 494-508.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_91_91" id="Footnote_91_91"></a><a href="#FNanchor_91_91"><span class="label">[91]</span></a> Füesslins neue u. unpartheyische Kirchen-u. +Ketzerhistorie, Frankfurt, 1772, II. 63-66.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_92_92" id="Footnote_92_92"></a><a href="#FNanchor_92_92"><span class="label">[92]</span></a> Chron. Glassberger ann. 1466 (Analecta Franciscana II. +422-6).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_93_93" id="Footnote_93_93"></a><a href="#FNanchor_93_93"><span class="label">[93]</span></a> Constance, daughter of Bela III. of Hungary, was second +wife of Ottokar I. of Bohemia, who died in 1230 at the age of eighty. +She died in 1240, leaving three daughters, Agnes, who founded the +Franciscan convent of St. Januarius in Prague, which she entered May 18, +1236; Beatrice, who married Otho the Pious, of Brandenburg, and +Ludomilla, who married Louis I. of Bavaria. Guglielma can scarce have +been either of these (Art de Ver. les Dates, VIII. 17). Her disciple, +Andrea Saramita, testified that after her death he journeyed to Bohemia +to obtain reimbursement of certain expenses; he failed in his errand, +but verified her relationship to the royal house of Bohemia (Andrea +Ogniben, I Guglielmiti del Secolo XIII., Perugia, 1867, pp. 10-11).—On +the other hand, a German contemporary chronicler asserts that she came +from England (Annal. Dominican. Colmariens. ann. 1301—Urstisii III. +33).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_94_94" id="Footnote_94_94"></a><a href="#FNanchor_94_94"><span class="label">[94]</span></a> Ogniben, op. cit. pp. 56, 73-5, 103-4.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_95_95" id="Footnote_95_95"></a><a href="#FNanchor_95_95"><span class="label">[95]</span></a> Ogniben, op. cit. pp. 12, 20-1, 35-7, 69, 70, 74, 76, 82, +84-6, 101, 104-6, 116. +</p><p> +Dr. Andrea Ogniben, to whom we are indebted for the publication of the +fragmentary remains of the trial of the Guglielmites, thinks that +Maifreda di Pirovano was a cousin of Matteo Visconti, through his +mother, Anastasia di Pirovano (op. cit. p. 23). The Continuation of +Nangis calls her his half-sister (Guillel. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1317).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_96_96" id="Footnote_96_96"></a><a href="#FNanchor_96_96"><span class="label">[96]</span></a> Ogniben, op. cit. pp. 30, 44, 115.—Salimbene Chronica, +pp. 274-6.—Chron. Parmens. ann. 1279 (Muratori S. R. I. IX. +791-2).—Zanchini Tract. de Hæret. c. xxii.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_97_97" id="Footnote_97_97"></a><a href="#FNanchor_97_97"><span class="label">[97]</span></a> Ogniben, op. cit. pp. 20-1, 25-6, 31, 36, 49-50, 56-7, 61, +72-3, 74, 93-4, 104, 116.—Tamburini, Storia dell’ Inquisizione, II. +17-18.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_98_98" id="Footnote_98_98"></a><a href="#FNanchor_98_98"><span class="label">[98]</span></a> Ogniben, op. cit. pp. 21, 25, 30. 36, 55, 70, 72, 96, +101.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_99_99" id="Footnote_99_99"></a><a href="#FNanchor_99_99"><span class="label">[99]</span></a> Ogniben, op. cit. pp. 17, 20, 22, 23, 30, 34, 37, 40, 42, +47, 54, 62, 72, 80, 90, 94, 96.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_100_100" id="Footnote_100_100"></a><a href="#FNanchor_100_100"><span class="label">[100]</span></a> Ogniben, op. cit. pp. 65-7, 83-4, 90-1, 110.—Ugbelli, T. +IV. pp. 286-93 (Ed. 1652).—Raynald. ann. 1324, No. 7-11.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_101_101" id="Footnote_101_101"></a><a href="#FNanchor_101_101"><span class="label">[101]</span></a> Philip. Bergomat. Supplem. Chron. ann. 1298.—Bern. Corio +Hist. Milanes. ann. 1300.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_102_102" id="Footnote_102_102"></a><a href="#FNanchor_102_102"><span class="label">[102]</span></a> Ogniben, op. cit. pp. 1, 2, 34, 74, 110.—Tamburini, op. +cit. II. 67-8.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_103_103" id="Footnote_103_103"></a><a href="#FNanchor_103_103"><span class="label">[103]</span></a> Ogniben, pp. 14, 23, 33, 36, 39, 60, 72, 101, 110, 114.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_104_104" id="Footnote_104_104"></a><a href="#FNanchor_104_104"><span class="label">[104]</span></a> Ibid. pp. 13, 30-33, 39.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_105_105" id="Footnote_105_105"></a><a href="#FNanchor_105_105"><span class="label">[105]</span></a> Ogniben, pp. 21, 40, 42, 78-9. +</p><p> +Dionese de’ Novati deposed (p. 93) that Maifreda was in the habit of +saying that Boniface was not truly pope, and that another pontiff had +been created. We have seen that the Spiritual Franciscans had gone +through the form of electing a new pope. There was not much in common +between them and the Guglielmites, and yet this would point to some +relations as existing.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_106_106" id="Footnote_106_106"></a><a href="#FNanchor_106_106"><span class="label">[106]</span></a> Compare Andrea’s first examination, July 20 (Ogniben, op. +cit. pp. 8-13), and his second, Aug. 10 (pp. 56-7), with his defiant +assertion of his belief, Aug. 13 (pp. 68-72). So, Maifreda’s first +interrogatory, July 31 (pp. 23-6), with her confession, Aug. 6, and +revelation of the names of her worshippers (pp. 33-5). Also, Giacobba +dei Bassani’s denial, Aug. 3, and confession, Aug. 11 (p. 39). It is the +same with those not relapsed. See Suor Agnese dei Montanari’s flat +denial, Aug. 3, and her confession, Aug. 11 (pp. 37-8).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_107_107" id="Footnote_107_107"></a><a href="#FNanchor_107_107"><span class="label">[107]</span></a> Ogniben, pp. 19-20, 77, 91.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_108_108" id="Footnote_108_108"></a><a href="#FNanchor_108_108"><span class="label">[108]</span></a> Ogniben, pp. 42-4, 63, 67-8, 81-2, 91-2, 95-6, 97, 100, +110, 113, 115-16.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_109_109" id="Footnote_109_109"></a><a href="#FNanchor_109_109"><span class="label">[109]</span></a> Spiritual eccentricities, such as those of the +Guglielmites, are not to be regarded as peculiar to any age or any +condition of civilization. The story of Joanna Southcote is well known, +and the Southcottian Church maintained its existence in London until the +middle of the present century. In July, 1886, the American journals +reported the discovery, in Cincinnati, of a sect even more closely +approximating to the Guglielmites, and about as numerous, calling +themselves Perfectionists, and believing in two married sisters—a Mrs. +Martin as an incarnation of God, and a Mrs. Brooke as that of Christ. +Like their predecessors in Milan the sect is by no means confined to the +illiterate, but comprises people of intelligence and culture who have +abandoned all worldly occupation in the expectation of the approaching +Millennium—the final era of the Everlasting Gospel. The exposure for a +time broke up the sect, of which some members departed, while others, +with the two sisters, joined a Methodist church. Their faith was not +shaken, however, and in June, 1887, the church expelled them after an +investigation. One of the charges against them was that they held the +Church of the present day to be Babylon and the abomination of the +earth. England has also recently had a similar experience in a peasant +woman of not particularly moral life who for some fifteen years, until +her death, September 18, 1886, was regarded by her followers as a new +incarnation of Christ. Her own definition of herself was, “I am the +second appearing and incarnation of Jesus, the Christ of God, the Bride, +the Lamb’s Wife, the God-Mother and Saviour, Life from Heaven,” etc., +etc. She signed herself “Jesus, First and Last, Mary Ann Girling.” At +one time her sect numbered a hundred and seventy-five members, some of +them rich enough to make it considerable donations, but under the petty +persecution of the populace it dwindled latterly to a few, and finally +dispersed. Aberrations of this nature belong to no special stage of +intellectual development. The only advance made in modern times is in +the method of dealing with them.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_110_110" id="Footnote_110_110"></a><a href="#FNanchor_110_110"><span class="label">[110]</span></a> +</p> + +<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary=""> +<tr valign="top"><td>“O glorioso stare<br /> +In nihil quietato!<br /> +Lo’ intelletto posato<br /> +E l’affetto dormire!<br /> + </td> + +<td> Annichilarsi bene<br /> + Non è potere humano<br /> + Anzi è virtù divina!”<br /> + <br /> +(Comba, La Riforma in Italia, I. 310.)</td></tr> +</table> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_111_111" id="Footnote_111_111"></a><a href="#FNanchor_111_111"><span class="label">[111]</span></a> Salimbene, pp. 112-13.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_112_112" id="Footnote_112_112"></a><a href="#FNanchor_112_112"><span class="label">[112]</span></a> Salimbene, pp. 114-16.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_113_113" id="Footnote_113_113"></a><a href="#FNanchor_113_113"><span class="label">[113]</span></a> Concil. Lugdun. ann. 1274 c. 23.—Salimbene, pp. 117, +119, 329-30.—Concil. Herbipolens. ann. 1287 (Harduin. VII. 1141).—Lib. +Sententt. Inq. Tolosan. p. 360.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_114_114" id="Footnote_114_114"></a><a href="#FNanchor_114_114"><span class="label">[114]</span></a> Salimbene, pp. 114-16.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_115_115" id="Footnote_115_115"></a><a href="#FNanchor_115_115"><span class="label">[115]</span></a> Salimbene, pp. 117, 371.—Mag. Bull. Rom. I. 158.—At the +same time Honorius approved the Orders of the Carmelites and of St. +William of the Desert (Raynald. ann. 1286, No. 36, 37).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_116_116" id="Footnote_116_116"></a><a href="#FNanchor_116_116"><span class="label">[116]</span></a> Mag. Bull. Rom. I. 158.—Chron. Parmens. ann. 1294 +(Muratori S. R. I. IX. 826).—Hist. Tribulat. (Archiv für Litt.-u. +Kirchengeschichte, 1886, p. 130).—Addit. ad Hist. Frat. Dulcini +(Muratori IX. 450).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_117_117" id="Footnote_117_117"></a><a href="#FNanchor_117_117"><span class="label">[117]</span></a> Hist. Tribulat. (ubi sup.).—Ubertini Responsio (Archiv +f. L. u. K. 1887, p. 51).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_118_118" id="Footnote_118_118"></a><a href="#FNanchor_118_118"><span class="label">[118]</span></a> Salimbene, pp. 113, 117, 121.—Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. +pp. 360-1.—Muratori S. R. I. IX. 455-7.—Bern. Guidon. Practica P. +v.—Eymeric. P. <small>II</small>. Q. 11. +</p><p> +The test of continence was regarded with horror by the inquisitors, and +yet when practised by St. Aldhelm it was considered as proof of +supereminent sanctity (Girald. Cambrens. Gemm. Eccles. Dist. <small>II</small>. c. +<small>XV</small>.). The coincidence, in fact, is remarkable between the perilous +follies of the Apostles and those of the Christian zealots of the third +century, as described and condemned by Cyprian (Epist. <small>IV</small>. ad Pompon.).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_119_119" id="Footnote_119_119"></a><a href="#FNanchor_119_119"><span class="label">[119]</span></a> Muratori IX. 449-53.—Guill. Nangiac. Contin. ann. +1306.—R. Fran. Pipini Chron. cap. <small>XV</small>. (Muratori, IX. 599).—Cf. Lib. +Sententt. Inq. Tolos. p. 360.—Pelayo, Heterodoxos Españoles, I. 720.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_120_120" id="Footnote_120_120"></a><a href="#FNanchor_120_120"><span class="label">[120]</span></a> Hist. Tribulat. (ubi sup.). +</p> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">Or dí a Frà Dolcin dunque che s’ armi,<br /></span> +<span class="i1">Tu che forse vedrai il sole in breve,<br /></span> +<span class="i1">S’ egli non vuol quì tosto seguitarmi;<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Sì di vivanda, che stretta di neve<br /></span> +<span class="i1">Non rechi la vittoria al Noarese,<br /></span> +<span class="i1">Ch’ altrimenti acquistar non saria lieve.—I<small>NFERNO, XXVIII</small>.<br /></span> +</div></div> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_121_121" id="Footnote_121_121"></a><a href="#FNanchor_121_121"><span class="label">[121]</span></a> Benvenuto da Imola (Muratori Antiq. III. +457-9).—Bescapè, La Novara Sacra, Novara, 1878, p. 157.—Baggiolini, +Dolcino e i Patarini, Novara, 1838, pp. 35-6.—Hist. Dulcin. Hæresiarch. +(Muratori. S. R. I. IX. 436-7).—Addit. ad Hist. (Ibid. 457, 460).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_122_122" id="Footnote_122_122"></a><a href="#FNanchor_122_122"><span class="label">[122]</span></a> Corio, Hist. Milanesi, ann. 1307.—Beuv. da Imola, loc. +cit.—Additamentum (Muratori IX. 454-55, 459).—Baggiolini, pp. 36-7. +</p><p> +Dolcino’s two epistles were formally condemned by the Bishop of Parma +and Frà Manfredo, the inquisitor, and must therefore have been +circulated outside of the sect (Eymeric. Direct. Inq. P. <small>II</small>. Q. 29).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_123_123" id="Footnote_123_123"></a><a href="#FNanchor_123_123"><span class="label">[123]</span></a> Hist. Dulcin. (Muratori IX. 428-9).—Bescapè, loc. cit.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_124_124" id="Footnote_124_124"></a><a href="#FNanchor_124_124"><span class="label">[124]</span></a> Hist. Dulcin. (Muratori IX. 430-1).—Bescapè. loc. cit.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_125_125" id="Footnote_125_125"></a><a href="#FNanchor_125_125"><span class="label">[125]</span></a> Hist. Dulcin. (Muratori IX. 430-2).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_126_126" id="Footnote_126_126"></a><a href="#FNanchor_126_126"><span class="label">[126]</span></a> Hist. Dulcin (Muratori IX. 432-4.)—Baggiolini, p. 131.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_127_127" id="Footnote_127_127"></a><a href="#FNanchor_127_127"><span class="label">[127]</span></a> Hist. Dulcin. (Muratori IX. 434, 437-8).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_128_128" id="Footnote_128_128"></a><a href="#FNanchor_128_128"><span class="label">[128]</span></a> Hist. Dulcin. (Ib. 439-40).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_129_129" id="Footnote_129_129"></a><a href="#FNanchor_129_129"><span class="label">[129]</span></a> Hist. Dulcin. (Muratori IX. 439). +</p><p> +Ptolemy of Lucca, who is good contemporaneous authority, puts the number +of those captured with Dolcino at one hundred and fifty, and of those +who perished through exposure and by the sword at only about three +hundred.—Hist. Eccles. Lib. <small>XXIV</small>. (Muratori XI. 1227).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_130_130" id="Footnote_130_130"></a><a href="#FNanchor_130_130"><span class="label">[130]</span></a> Mariotti (A. Galenga), Frà Dolcino and his Times, London, +1853, pp. 287-88.—Regest. Clement. PP. V. T. II. pp. 79-82, 88 (Ed. +Benedictina, Romæ, 1886).—Mosheims Ketzergeschichte I. 395.—Ughelli, +Italia Sacra, Ed. 1652, IV. 1104-8.—Hist. Dulcin. (Muratori IX. 436, +440).—Benv. da Imola (Muratori Antiq. III. 460).—Bernard. Guidon. Vit. +Clement. PP. V. (Muratori III. <small>I</small>. 674).—Bescapè, loc. cit. +</p><p> +The punishment inflicted on Dolcino and Longino was not exceptional. By +a Milanese statute of 1393 all secret attempts upon the life of any +member of a family with whom the criminal lived were subject to a +penalty precisely the same in all details, except that it ended by +attaching the offender to a wheel and leaving him to perish in prolonged +agony.—Antiqua Ducum Mediolani Decreta, p. 187 (Mediolani, 1654).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_131_131" id="Footnote_131_131"></a><a href="#FNanchor_131_131"><span class="label">[131]</span></a> A. Artiaco (Rivista Cristiana, 1877, 145-51).—Hist. +Dulcin. (Muratori IX. 441-2).—Baggiolini, pp. 165-71.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_132_132" id="Footnote_132_132"></a><a href="#FNanchor_132_132"><span class="label">[132]</span></a> Addit. ad Hist. Dulcin. (Muratori IX. 455-7).—Bern. +Guidon. Pract. P. v.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_133_133" id="Footnote_133_133"></a><a href="#FNanchor_133_133"><span class="label">[133]</span></a> Bernard. Guidon. Practica P. v.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_134_134" id="Footnote_134_134"></a><a href="#FNanchor_134_134"><span class="label">[134]</span></a> Addit. ad Hist. Dulcin. (Muratori IX. 458).—Bernard. +Guidon. Practica P. v.—Bernard. Guidon. Gravam. (Doat. XXX. +120-4).—Raym. de Fronciacho (Archiv für Litt.-u. K. 1887, p. 10.)—Lib. +Sententt. Inq. Tolos. pp. 360-3, 381.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_135_135" id="Footnote_135_135"></a><a href="#FNanchor_135_135"><span class="label">[135]</span></a> Concil. Coloniens. ann. 1306 c. 1, 2 (Hartzheim IV. 100, +102).—Concil. Trevirens. ann. 1310 c. 50 (Martene Thesaur. IV. +250).—Alvar. Pelag. de Planctu Eccles. Lib. <small>II</small>. art. lii. (fol. 166, +172, Ed. 1517).—Wadding. ann. 1335, No. 8-9.—Raynald. ann. 1335, No. +62.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_136_136" id="Footnote_136_136"></a><a href="#FNanchor_136_136"><span class="label">[136]</span></a> Concil. Vaurens. ann. 1368 c. 24; Concil. Narbonn. ann. +1374 c. 5 (Harduin. VII. 1818, 1880).—Herman. Corneri Chron. ann. 1260, +1402 (Eccard. Corp. Hist. Med. Ævi II. 906, 1185). +</p><p> +I have already referred (Vol. II. p. 429) to the persecution at Prague, +in 1315, of some heretics whom Dubravius qualifies as Dolcinists, but +who probably were Waldenses and Luciferans.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_137_137" id="Footnote_137_137"></a><a href="#FNanchor_137_137"><span class="label">[137]</span></a> MS. Bibl. Casanatense A. <small>IV</small>. 49.—I owe the communication +of this document to the kindness of M. Charles Molinier. See also Amati, +Archivio Storico Italiano, No. 38, p. 14. +</p><p> +For the connection between these heretics and the Dolcinists, compare +Archiv für Lit.-u. Kirchengeschichte, 1886, p. 131, with 1887, pp. +123-4.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_138_138" id="Footnote_138_138"></a><a href="#FNanchor_138_138"><span class="label">[138]</span></a> Archiv für Litt.-u. Kirchengeschichte, 1887, pp. 51, +144-5.—Raynald. ann. 1311, No. 66-70; ann. 1318, No. 44.—Archiv. di +Firenze, Prov. S. Maria Novella, 1327, Ott. 31.—Franz Ebrle, Archiv für +Lit.-u. Kirchengeschichte, 1885, p. 160.—D’Arjentré I. <small>I</small>. +336-7.—Cantù. Eretici d’Italia, I. 133.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_139_139" id="Footnote_139_139"></a><a href="#FNanchor_139_139"><span class="label">[139]</span></a> Barzellotti, David Lazzaretti di Arcidosso detto il +Santo. Bologna, 1885. +</p><p> +Somewhat similar is the career of an ex-sergeant of the Italian army +named Gabriele Donnici, who has founded in the Calabrian highlands a +sect dignifying itself with the title of the Saints. Gabriele is a +prophet announcing the advent of a new Messiah, who is to come not as a +lamb, but as a lion breathing vengeance and armed with bloody scourges. +He and his brother Abele were tried for the murder of the wife of the +latter, Grazia Funaro, who refused to submit to the sexual abominations +taught in the sect. They were condemned to hard labor and imprisonment, +but were discharged on appeal to the Superior Court of Cosenza. Other +misdeeds of the sectaries are at present occupying the attention of the +Italian tribunals.—Rivista Cristiana, 1887, p. 57.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_140_140" id="Footnote_140_140"></a><a href="#FNanchor_140_140"><span class="label">[140]</span></a> Nicholaus Minorita (Baluz. et Mansi III. 207).—Chron. +Glassberger ann. 1321.—Wadding. ann. 1321, No. 16-19; ann. 1322, No. +49-50.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_141_141" id="Footnote_141_141"></a><a href="#FNanchor_141_141"><span class="label">[141]</span></a> Alvar. Pelag. de Planctu Ecclesiæ Lib. <small>I</small>. Art. 51. fol. +165-9. +</p><p> +In fact, the advocates of poverty did not miss the easy opportunity of +stigmatizing their antagonists as followers of William of Saint-Amour. +See Tocco, “Un Codice della Marciana,” Venezia, 1887, pp. 12, 39 (Ateneo +Veneto, 1886-1887). +</p><p> +The MS. of which Professor Tocco has here printed the most important +portions, with elucidatory notes, is a collection of the responses made +to the question submitted for discussion by John XXII. as to the poverty +of Christ and the apostles. They are significant of the general reaction +against the previously prevailing dogma, and of the eagerness with +which, as soon as the free expression of opinion was safe, the prelates +repudiated a doctrine condemnatory of the temporalities so industriously +accumulated by all classes of ecclesiastics. There were but eight +replies affirming the poverty of Christ, and these were all from +Franciscans—the Cardinals of Albano and San Vitale, the Archbishop of +Salerno, the Bishops of Caffa, Lisbon, Riga, and Badajoz, and an unknown +master of the Order. On the other side there were fourteen cardinals, +including even Napoleone Orsini, the protector of the Spirituals, and a +large number of archbishops, bishops, abbots, and doctors of theology. +It is doubtless true, however, that the fear of offending the pope was a +factor in producing this virtual unanimity—a fear not unreasonable, as +was shown by the disgrace and persecution of those who maintained the +poverty of Christ.—(Tocco, <i>ubi sup.</i> p. 35).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_142_142" id="Footnote_142_142"></a><a href="#FNanchor_142_142"><span class="label">[142]</span></a> Franz Ehrle, Archiv für Litt.-u. K. 1887, pp. +511-12.—Baluz et Mansi II. 279-80.—Nicholaus Minorita (Ibid. III. +208-13). +</p><p> +Curiously enough, in this John did exactly what his special antagonists, +the Spirituals, had desired. Olivi had long before pointed out the +scandal of an Order vowed to poverty litigating eagerly for property and +using the transparent cover of papal procurators (Hist. Tribulat. ap. +Archiv für Litt.-u. K. 1886, p. 298).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_143_143" id="Footnote_143_143"></a><a href="#FNanchor_143_143"><span class="label">[143]</span></a> Nicholaus Minorita (Bal. et Mansi III. 213-24).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_144_144" id="Footnote_144_144"></a><a href="#FNanchor_144_144"><span class="label">[144]</span></a> Wadding. ann. 1323, No. 3, 15.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_145_145" id="Footnote_145_145"></a><a href="#FNanchor_145_145"><span class="label">[145]</span></a> Nicholaus Minorita (Bal. et Mansi III. 224).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_146_146" id="Footnote_146_146"></a><a href="#FNanchor_146_146"><span class="label">[146]</span></a> Carl Müller, Der Kampf Ludwigs des Baiern mit der +römischen Curie, § 4.—Felten, Die Bulle <i>Ne pretereat</i>, Trier, +1885.—Preger, Die Politik des Pabstes Johann XXII., München, 1885, pp. +44-6.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_147_147" id="Footnote_147_147"></a><a href="#FNanchor_147_147"><span class="label">[147]</span></a> Carl Müller, op. cit § 5.—Preger, Politik des Pabstes +Johann XXII. (München, 1885, pp, 7, 54).—Martene Thesaur. II. +644-51.—Raynald. ann. 1323, No. 34-5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_148_148" id="Footnote_148_148"></a><a href="#FNanchor_148_148"><span class="label">[148]</span></a> Martene Thesaur. II. 652-9.—Nich. Minorita (Bal. et +Mansi III 224-33). +</p><p> +The date of the Protest of Sachsenhausen is not positively known, but it +was probably issued in April or May, 1324 (Müller, op. cit. I. 357-8). +Its authorship is ascribed by Preger to Franz von Lautern, and Ehrle has +shown that much of its argumentation is copied literally from the +writings of Olivi (Archiv für Litt.-u. Kirchengeschichte, 1887, 540). +When there were negotiations for a settlement in 1336, Louis signed a +declaration prepared by Benedict XII., in which he was made to say that +the portions concerning the poverty of Christ were inserted without his +knowledge by his notary, Ulric der Wilde for the purpose of injuring him +(Raynald ann. 1336, No. 31-5); but he accompanied this self-abasing +statement with secret instructions of a very different character +(Preger, Kirchenpolitische Kampf, p. 12).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_149_149" id="Footnote_149_149"></a><a href="#FNanchor_149_149"><span class="label">[149]</span></a> Martene Thesaur. II. 660-71.—Nich. Minorita (Bal. et +Mansi III. 233-6). +</p><p> +Even in far-off Ireland the bull of July 11, depriving Louis of the +empire, was read in all the churches in English and Irish.—Theiner, +Monument. Hibern. et Scotor. No. 456, p. 230.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_150_150" id="Footnote_150_150"></a><a href="#FNanchor_150_150"><span class="label">[150]</span></a> See the documents in the second prosecution of Louis by +John, where the accusations against him constantly commence with his +pertinacious heresy in maintaining the condemned doctrine of the poverty +of Christ.—Martene Thesaur. II. 682 sqq. Cf. Guill. Nangiac. Contin. +ann. 1328.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_151_151" id="Footnote_151_151"></a><a href="#FNanchor_151_151"><span class="label">[151]</span></a> Altmayer, Les Précurseurs de la Réforme aux Pays-Bas, +Bruxelles, 1886, I. 38.—Guillel. Nangiac. Contin. ann. +1326.—Fasciculus Rer. Expetendarum et Fugiend. II. 55, Ed. +1690.—D’Argentré, I. <small>I</small>. 304-11, 397-400.—Baluz. et Mansi II. +280-1.—Martene Thesaur. II. 704-16.—Preger, Kirchenpolitische Kampf, +pp. 34, 65.—Defensor. Pacis II. 6. +</p><p> +The manner in which Fritsche Closener, a contemporary priest of +Strassburg, speaks of the <i>Defensor Pacis</i> shows what an impression it +made, and that even a portion of the clergy was not averse to its +conclusions.—Closeners Chronik (Chroniken der deutschen Städte VIII. +70.—Cf. Chron. des Jacob von Königshofen, Ib. p. 473).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_152_152" id="Footnote_152_152"></a><a href="#FNanchor_152_152"><span class="label">[152]</span></a> Martene Thesaur. II. 749-52.—Tocco, L’Eresia nel Medio +Evo, pp. 532-555.—Preger, Der Kirchenpolitische Kampf, pp. 8-9.—Carl +Müller, op. cit. II. 251-2.—Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. +1323.—Raynald. ann. 1349, No. 16-17.—Jac. de Marchia Dial. (Bal. et +Mansi II. 600).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_153_153" id="Footnote_153_153"></a><a href="#FNanchor_153_153"><span class="label">[153]</span></a> Wadding. ann. 1317, No. 9; ann. 1318, No. 8; ann. 1323, +No. 16; ann. 1325, No. 6; ann. 1331, No. 3.—Chron. Glassberger ann. +1325, 1326, 1330.—Raynald. ann. 1325, No. 20, 27.—Franz Ehrle (Archiv +für L. u. K. 1886, p. 151).—Martene Thesaur. II. 752-3.—Vitoduran. +Chron. (Eccard. Corp. Hist. I. 1799).—D’Argentré, I. <small>I</small>. 297.—Eymeric. +pp. 291-4.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_154_154" id="Footnote_154_154"></a><a href="#FNanchor_154_154"><span class="label">[154]</span></a> Martene Thesaur. II. 749.—Baluz. et Mansi III. +315-16.—Nicholaus Minorita (Baluz. et Mansi III. 238-40).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_155_155" id="Footnote_155_155"></a><a href="#FNanchor_155_155"><span class="label">[155]</span></a> Chron. Sanens. (Muratori S. R. I. XV. 77. 79).—Martene +Thesaur. II. 684-723.—Nicholaus Minorita (Bal. et Mansi III. 240-3).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_156_156" id="Footnote_156_156"></a><a href="#FNanchor_156_156"><span class="label">[156]</span></a> Nicholaus Minorita (Bal. et Mansi III. 243).—Ptolomæi +Lucensis Hist. Eccles. cap. 41 (Muratori S. R. I. XI. 1210).—Chron. +Sanens. (Muratori XV. 80).—Wadding. ann. 1328, No. 2-4, 8-11.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_157_157" id="Footnote_157_157"></a><a href="#FNanchor_157_157"><span class="label">[157]</span></a> Nicholaus Minorita (Bal. et Mansi III. 238-40).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_158_158" id="Footnote_158_158"></a><a href="#FNanchor_158_158"><span class="label">[158]</span></a> Nicholaus Minorita (Baluz. et Mansi III. 243-349).—Jac. +de Marchia Dial. (Ibid. II. 598).—Chron. Sanens. (Muratori S. R. I. XV. +81).—Vitodurani Chron. (Eccard. Corp. Hist. I. 1799-1800).—Martene +Thesaur. II. 757-60.—Alvar. Pelag. De Planctu Eccles. Lib. <small>II</small>. art. 67. +</p><p> +The career of Cardinal Bertrand de la Tour illustrates the pliability of +conscience requisite to those who served John XXII. He was a Franciscan +of high standing. As Provincial of Aquitaine he had persecuted the +Spirituals. Elevated to the cardinalate, when John called for opinions +on the question of the poverty of Christ he had argued in the +affirmative. In conjunction with Vitale du Four, Cardinal of Albano, he +had secretly drawn up the declaration of the Chapter of Perugia which so +angered the pope, but when the latter made up his mind that Christ had +owned property, the cardinal promptly changed his convictions, and was +now engaged in persecuting those who adhered to the belief which he had +prescribed for them.—Tocco, Un Codice della Marciana, pp. 40, 43, 45.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_159_159" id="Footnote_159_159"></a><a href="#FNanchor_159_159"><span class="label">[159]</span></a> Chron. Cornel. Zantfliet (Martene Ampl. Coll. V. +187).—Villani, Lib. x. c. 126, 144.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_160_160" id="Footnote_160_160"></a><a href="#FNanchor_160_160"><span class="label">[160]</span></a> Franz Ehrle (Archiv für L. u K. 1885, pp. 159-64; 1886, +pp. 653-69).—Archivio Storico Italiano, 1 Ott. 1865, pp. 10-21.—Ripoll +II. 180.—Wadding. ann. 1326, No. 9; 1327, No. 3-4; 1331, No. 4; 1332, +No. 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_161_161" id="Footnote_161_161"></a><a href="#FNanchor_161_161"><span class="label">[161]</span></a> Villani, Lib. x. c. 131, 142, 160.—Guill. Nangiac. +Contin. ann. 1330.—Wadding. ann. 1330, No. 9.—Martene Thesaur. II. +736-70; 806-15.—Chron. Cornel. Zantfliet ann. 1330 (Martene Ampl. Coll. +V. 194-8).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_162_162" id="Footnote_162_162"></a><a href="#FNanchor_162_162"><span class="label">[162]</span></a> Archives de l’Inq. de Carcassonne (Doat, XXVII. 7 sqq.).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_163_163" id="Footnote_163_163"></a><a href="#FNanchor_163_163"><span class="label">[163]</span></a> Doat, XXVII. 202-3, 229; XXXV. 87.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_164_164" id="Footnote_164_164"></a><a href="#FNanchor_164_164"><span class="label">[164]</span></a> Martene Thesaur. II. 826-8.—Carl Müller, op. cit. I. +239.—Vitodurani Chron. (Eccard. Corp. Hist. I. 1798, 1800, 1844-5, +1871).—Andreas Ratisponens. Chron. ann. 1336 (Ibid. I. +2103-4).—Preger, Der Kirchenpolitische Kampf, pp. 42-5.—Denifle, +Archiv für Litt.-u. Kirchengeschichte, 1886, p. 624.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_165_165" id="Footnote_165_165"></a><a href="#FNanchor_165_165"><span class="label">[165]</span></a> Martene Thesaur. II. 800-6.—Raynald. ann. 1336, No. +31-5.—Vitoduran. Chron. (Eccard. Corp. Hist. I. 1842-5, 1910).—Preger, +Der Kirchenpolitische Kampf, p. 33.—Hartzheim IV. 323-32.—H. Mutii +Germ. Chron. ann. 1338 (Pistorii Germ. Scriptt. II. 878-81).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_166_166" id="Footnote_166_166"></a><a href="#FNanchor_166_166"><span class="label">[166]</span></a> Vitoduran Chron. (Eccard. I. 1844).—Sächsische +Weltchronik, dritte bairisch Fortsetzung No. 9 (Pertz II. 346).—Baluz. +et Mansi III. 349-55.—Muratori S. R. I. III. <small>II</small>. 513-27.—Jac. de +Marchia Dial. (Bal. et Mansi II. 600).—Preger, op. cit. pp. 35-6.—Carl +Müller, op. cit. I. 370-2.—Chron. Glassberger ann. 1342, 1347.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_167_167" id="Footnote_167_167"></a><a href="#FNanchor_167_167"><span class="label">[167]</span></a> Schmidt, Päbstliche Urkunden und Regesten, p. 362.—Henr. +Rebdorff. Annal. ann. 1346-7 (Freher et Struv. I. 626-8).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_168_168" id="Footnote_168_168"></a><a href="#FNanchor_168_168"><span class="label">[168]</span></a> Henr. Rebdorff. Annal. ann. 1347 (Freher et Struv. I. +628).—Matthiæ Neuburg. (Albert. Argentinens.) Chron. ann. 1348 +(Urstisii II. 142-3).—Preger, Der Kirchenpolitische Kampf, pp. 56-60.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_169_169" id="Footnote_169_169"></a><a href="#FNanchor_169_169"><span class="label">[169]</span></a> Wadding. ann. 1330, No. 14-15.—Alvar. Pelag. de Planct. +Eccles. Lib. <small>II</small>. art. 51 (fol. 169 <i>a</i>).—Lib. Conformitatum Lib. <small>I</small>. +Fruct. ix. p. ii.—Revel. S. Brigittæ Lib. <small>VII</small>. c. 8.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_170_170" id="Footnote_170_170"></a><a href="#FNanchor_170_170"><span class="label">[170]</span></a> Wadding. ann. 1335, No. 10-11; ann. 1336, No. 1; ann. +1337, No. 1; ann. 1339. No. 1.—Raynald. ann. 1335, No. 63; ann. 1336, +No. 63, 64, 66-7; ann. 1337, No. 30; ann. 1375, No, 64.—Comba, La +Riforma in Italia, I. 328.—Vit. Prima Benedicti XII. ann. 1337 +(Muratori S. R. I. III. <small>II</small>. 531).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_171_171" id="Footnote_171_171"></a><a href="#FNanchor_171_171"><span class="label">[171]</span></a> D’Argentré I. <small>I</small>. 345.—Eymeric. p. 486.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_172_172" id="Footnote_172_172"></a><a href="#FNanchor_172_172"><span class="label">[172]</span></a> Werunsky Excerptt. ex Registt. Clem. PP. VI. pp. +23-4.—Raynald. ann. 1346, No. 70.—Comba, La Riforma, I. 326-7, +387.—Lami, Antichità Toscane, pp. 528, 595.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_173_173" id="Footnote_173_173"></a><a href="#FNanchor_173_173"><span class="label">[173]</span></a> Comba, La Riforma, I. 568-71.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_174_174" id="Footnote_174_174"></a><a href="#FNanchor_174_174"><span class="label">[174]</span></a> Tocco, Archivio Storico Napoletano, 1887, Fasc. +I.—Comba, La Riforma, I. 321-4.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_175_175" id="Footnote_175_175"></a><a href="#FNanchor_175_175"><span class="label">[175]</span></a> Martini Append. ad Mosheim de Beghardis p. 505.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_176_176" id="Footnote_176_176"></a><a href="#FNanchor_176_176"><span class="label">[176]</span></a> Jac. de Marchia Dial. (Baluz. et Mansi II. 595 sqq.).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_177_177" id="Footnote_177_177"></a><a href="#FNanchor_177_177"><span class="label">[177]</span></a> Raynald. ann. 1344, No. 8; 1357, No. 12; 1374, No. +14.—Jac. de Marchia Dial. (l. c. 599, 608-9). +</p><p> +It may surprise a modern infallibilist to learn that so thoroughly +orthodox and learned an inquisitor as the blessed Giacomo della Marca +admits that there have been heretic popes—popes who persisted and died +in their heresy. He comforts himself, however, with the reflection that +they have always been succeeded by Catholic pontiffs (l. c. p. 599).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_178_178" id="Footnote_178_178"></a><a href="#FNanchor_178_178"><span class="label">[178]</span></a> Werunsky, Excerptt. ex Registt. Clem. VI. et Innoc. VI. +p. 91.—Raynald. ann. 1354, No. 31; ann. 1368, No. 16.—Wadding. ann. +1354, No. 6-7; 1368, No. 4-6.—Comba, La Riforma, I. 327. +329-37.—Cantù, Erctici d’ Italia, I. 133-4.—Eymeric. p. 328.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_179_179" id="Footnote_179_179"></a><a href="#FNanchor_179_179"><span class="label">[179]</span></a> Tocco, Archivio Storico Napoletano, 1887, Fasc. +1.—Raynald. ann. 1368, No. 16; ann. 1372, No. 36.—Wadding. ann. 1374, +No. 19-23.—Pet. Rodulphii Hist. Seraph. Relig. Lib. <small>II</small>. fol. 154 <i>a</i>. +</p><p> +Perugia at this period was a centre of religious excitement. A certain +Piero Garigh, who seems to have been in some way connected with the +Fraticelli, gave himself out as the Son of God, and dignified his +disciples with the names of apostles. In the brief allusion which we +have to him he is said to have obtained ten of these and to be in search +of an eleventh. His fate is not recorded.—Processus contra Valdenses +(Archivio Storico Italiano, 1865, No. 39, p. 50).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_180_180" id="Footnote_180_180"></a><a href="#FNanchor_180_180"><span class="label">[180]</span></a> Raynald. ann. 1344, No. 8; ann. 1346, No. 70; ann. 1354, +No. 31; ann. 1375, No. 27.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_181_181" id="Footnote_181_181"></a><a href="#FNanchor_181_181"><span class="label">[181]</span></a> Raynald. ann. 1336, No. 64; ann. 1351, No. 31; ann. 1368, +No. 16-7.—Archives de l’Inq. de Carcass. (Doat, XXXV. 130).—Mosheims +Ketzergeschichte I. 387.—Henr. Rebdorff Annal. ann. 1353 (Freher et +Struv. I. 632).—Eymeric. p. 358.—D’Argentré, I. <small>I</small>. 383-6.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_182_182" id="Footnote_182_182"></a><a href="#FNanchor_182_182"><span class="label">[182]</span></a> Ripoll II. 245.—Eymeric. pp. 266-7.—Raynald. ann. 1373, +No. 19; ann. 1426, No. 18.—Wadding. ann. 1371. No. 26-30.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_183_183" id="Footnote_183_183"></a><a href="#FNanchor_183_183"><span class="label">[183]</span></a> Garibay, Comp. Historial de España, Lib. <small>XVI</small>. c. 31.—La +Puente, Epit. de la Cronica de Juan II., Lib. <small>IV</small>. c. i.—Pelayo, +Heterodoxos Españoles, I. 546-7.—Mariana, Lib. <small>XXI</small>. c. 18.—Rodrigo, +Inquisicion, II. 11-12.—Paramo, p. 131.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_184_184" id="Footnote_184_184"></a><a href="#FNanchor_184_184"><span class="label">[184]</span></a> Wadding. ann. 1383, No. 2.—Gobelinæ Personæ Cosmodrom. +Æt. v. c. 84 (Meibom. Rer. German. I. 317).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_185_185" id="Footnote_185_185"></a><a href="#FNanchor_185_185"><span class="label">[185]</span></a> Baluz. et Mansi IV. 566 sqq. In 1606 Paul V. allowed the +Jesuats to take orders.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_186_186" id="Footnote_186_186"></a><a href="#FNanchor_186_186"><span class="label">[186]</span></a> Wadding, ann. 1350, No. 15; ann. 1354, No. 1, 2; ann. +1362, No. 4.—Chron. Glassberger ann. 1352, 1354, 1355.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_187_187" id="Footnote_187_187"></a><a href="#FNanchor_187_187"><span class="label">[187]</span></a> Wadding. ann. 1368, No. 10-13.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_188_188" id="Footnote_188_188"></a><a href="#FNanchor_188_188"><span class="label">[188]</span></a> Wadding. ann. 1375, No. 44; ann. 1390, No. 1-10; ann. +1403, No. 1; ann. 1405, No. 3; ann. 1415, No. 6-7; ann. 1431, No. 8; +ann. 1434, No. 7; ann. 1435, No. 12-13; ann. 1453, No. 18-26; ann. 1454, +No. 22-3; ann. 1455, No. 43-7; ann. 1456, No. 129; ann. 1498, No. 7-8; +ann. 1499, No. 18-20.—Chron. Glassberger ann. 1426, 1430, 1501, +1517.—Theiner Monument. Hiberu. et Scotor. No. 801, p. 425, No. 844, p. +460.—Æn. Sylvii Opp. inedd. (Atti della Accademia del Lincei, 1883, p. +546).—Chron. Anon. (Analecta Franciscana I. 291-2). +</p><p> +The bitterness of the strife between the two branches of the Order is +illustrated by the fact that the Franciscan Church of Palma, in Majorca, +when struck by lightning and partially ruined in 1480, remained on this +account unrepaired for nearly a hundred years, until the Observantines +got the better of their rivals and obtained possession of it.—Dameto, +Pro y Bover, Hist. de Mallorca, II. 1064-5 (Palma, 1841). It is related +that when Sixtus IV., who had been a Conventual, proposed in 1477 to +subject the Observantines to their rivals, the blessed Giacomo della +Marca threatened him with an evil death, and he desisted.—(Chron. +Glassberger ann. 1477). +</p><p> +The exceeding laxity prevailing among the Conventuals is indicated by +letters granted in 1421 by the Franciscan general, Antonius de Perreto, +to Friar Liebhardt Forschammer, permitting him to deposit with a +faithful friend all alms given to him, and to expend them on his own +wants or for the benefit of the Order, at his discretion; he was also +required to confess only four times a year.—(Chron. Glassberger ann. +1416). The General Chapter held at Forli in 1421 was obliged to prohibit +the brethren from trading and lending money on usury, under pain of +imprisonment and confiscation.—(Ib. ann. 1421). From the Chapter of +Ueberlingen, held in 1426, we learn that there was a custom by which, +for a sum of money paid down, Franciscan convents would enter into +obligations to pay definite stipends to individual friars.—(Ib. ann. +1426). In fact, the efforts of reform at this period, stimulated by the +rivalry of the Observantines, reveal how utterly oblivious the Order had +become of all the prescriptions of the Rule.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_189_189" id="Footnote_189_189"></a><a href="#FNanchor_189_189"><span class="label">[189]</span></a> Raynald. ann. 1418, No. 11; ann. 1421, No. 4; ann. 1424, +No. 7.—Jo. de Ragusio de Init. Basil. Concil. (Mon. Conc. Gen. Sæc. XV. +T. I. pp. 30-1, 40, 55).—Ripoll II. 645.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_190_190" id="Footnote_190_190"></a><a href="#FNanchor_190_190"><span class="label">[190]</span></a> Wadding. ann. 1426, No. 1-4.—Raynald. ann. 1428, No. +7.—Jac. de Marchia Dial. (Baluz. et Mansi II. 597, 609).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_191_191" id="Footnote_191_191"></a><a href="#FNanchor_191_191"><span class="label">[191]</span></a> Wadding. ann. 1426, No. 15-16; Regest. Mart. V. No. 162; +ann. 1432, No. 8-9; ann. 1441, No. 37-8; ann. 1447, No. 10; ann. 1456, +No. 108; ann. 1476, No. 24-5.—Raynald. ann. 1432, No. 24.—Jac. de +Marchia Dial. (Baluz. et Mansi II. 610).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_192_192" id="Footnote_192_192"></a><a href="#FNanchor_192_192"><span class="label">[192]</span></a> Jac. de Marchia l. c.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_193_193" id="Footnote_193_193"></a><a href="#FNanchor_193_193"><span class="label">[193]</span></a> Steph. Infessuræ Diar. Urb. Rom. ann. 1467 (Eccard. Corp. +Hist. II. 1893).—Platinæ Vit. Pauli II. (Ed. 1574, p. 308).—Rod. +Santii Hist. Hispan. P. <small>III</small>. c. 40 (R. Beli Rer. Hisp. Scriptt. I. +433).—Wadding. ann. 1371, No. 14.—Ripoll IV. 22.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_194_194" id="Footnote_194_194"></a><a href="#FNanchor_194_194"><span class="label">[194]</span></a> Barbarano de’ Mironi. Hist. di Vicenza. II. +164-5.—Poggii Bracciol. Dial. contra Hypocrisim.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_195_195" id="Footnote_195_195"></a><a href="#FNanchor_195_195"><span class="label">[195]</span></a> Wadding. ann. 1481, No. 9; ann. 1487, No. 3-5; ann. 1495, +No. 12.—Addis and Arnold’s Catholic Dictionary, s.v. Recollects.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_196_196" id="Footnote_196_196"></a><a href="#FNanchor_196_196"><span class="label">[196]</span></a> Concil. Lateran. ann. 1102 (Harduin. VI. <small>II</small>. +1861-2).—Epist. Sigebert. (Mart. Ampl. Coll. I. 587-94).—Chron. +Cassinens. <small>IV</small>. 42, 44. (Cf. Martene Ampl. Coll. I. 627.)—Hartzheim III. +258-65.—Martene Ampl. Coll. I. 659.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_197_197" id="Footnote_197_197"></a><a href="#FNanchor_197_197"><span class="label">[197]</span></a> Schumacher, Die Stedinger, Bremen, 1865, pp. 26-8.—Adam. +Bremens. Gest. Pontif. Hammaburg. c. 203.—Chron. Erfordiens. ann. 1230 +(Schannat Vindem. Litt. I. 93).—Chron. Rustedens. (Meibom. Rer. Germ. +II. 101).—Albert. Stadens. Chron. ann. 1207 (Schilt. S. R. Germ. I. +299).—Joan. Otton. Cat. Archiepp. Bremens. ann. 1207 (Menken. S. R. +Germ. II. 791).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_198_198" id="Footnote_198_198"></a><a href="#FNanchor_198_198"><span class="label">[198]</span></a> Albert. Stadens. Chron. ann. 1208-17, 1230.—Joan. Otton. +Cat. Archiepp. Bremens. ann. 1211-20.—Anon. Saxon. Hist. Impp. ann. +1229 (Menken. III. 125).—Chron. Rustedens. (Meibom. II. 101). +</p><p> +There is considerable confusion among the authorities with regard to +these events. I have followed the careful investigations of Schumacher, +op. cit. pp. 219-23.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_199_199" id="Footnote_199_199"></a><a href="#FNanchor_199_199"><span class="label">[199]</span></a> Emonis Chron. ann. 1227, 1230 (Matthæi Analecta III. 128, +132).—Schumacher, p. 81.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_200_200" id="Footnote_200_200"></a><a href="#FNanchor_200_200"><span class="label">[200]</span></a> Hist. Diplom. Frid. II. T. IV. p. 497.—Albert. Stadens. +Chron. ann. 1232, 1234.—Raynald. ann. 1232, No. 8.—Hartzheim III. +553.—Joan. Ottonis Cat. Archiepp. Bremens. ann. 1234.—Anon. Saxon. +Hist. Imperator. ann. 1229.—Chron. Cornel. Zantfliet ann. +1233.—Epistt. Select. Sæcul. XIII. T. I. No. 539 (Pertz).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_201_201" id="Footnote_201_201"></a><a href="#FNanchor_201_201"><span class="label">[201]</span></a> Emonis Chron. ann. 1234 (Matthæi Analecta III. 139 +sqq.).—Potthast No. 9399, 9400.—Epistt. Select. Sæcul. XIII. T. I. No. +572.—Meyeri Annal. Flandr. Lib. <small>VIII</small>. ann. 1233.—Chron. Cornel. +Zantfliet ann. 1234.—Schumacher, pp. 116-17.—Chron. Erfordiens. ann. +1232.—Sächsische Weltchronik No. 376-8.—H. Wolteri Chron. Bremens. +(Meibom. Rer. Germ. II. 58-9).—Chron. Rastedens. (Ib. II. 101).—Joan +Otton. Cat. Archiepp. Bremens. ann. 1234.—Albert. Stadens. ann. +1234.—Anon. Saxon. Hist. Imperator. ann. 1229.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_202_202" id="Footnote_202_202"></a><a href="#FNanchor_202_202"><span class="label">[202]</span></a> Potthast No. 9777.—Hartzheim III. 554. +</p><p> +As the contemporary Abbot Emo of Wittewerum says, in describing the +affair—“principalior causa fuit inobedientia, quæ scelere idololatriæ +non est inferior” (Matthæi Analect. III. 142).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_203_203" id="Footnote_203_203"></a><a href="#FNanchor_203_203"><span class="label">[203]</span></a> Epistt. Selectt. Sæc. XIII. T. I. No. 720, 801.—Berger, +Registres d’Innocent IV. No. 4181, 4265, 4269.—Ripoll I. 219, +225.—Vaissette, IV. 46.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_204_204" id="Footnote_204_204"></a><a href="#FNanchor_204_204"><span class="label">[204]</span></a> Th. Aquinat. Sec. Sec. Q. 11, No. 2-3.—C. 1, Extrav. +Commun. <small>I</small>. 8.—Zanchini Tract, de Hæret. c. ii., xxxvii. +</p><p> +It was probably as a derivative from the sanctity of the power of the +Holy See that the Inquisition was given jurisdiction over the forgers +and falsifiers of papal bulls—gentry whose industry we have seen to be +one of the inevitable consequences of the autocracy of Rome. Letters +under which Frà Grimaldo da Prato, Inquisitor of Tuscany in 1297, was +directed to act in certain cases of the kind are printed by Amati in the +Archivio Storico Italiano, No. 38, p. 6.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_205_205" id="Footnote_205_205"></a><a href="#FNanchor_205_205"><span class="label">[205]</span></a> Th. Cantimpratens. Bonum universale, Lib. <small>II</small>. c. +2.—Matt. Paris ann. 1255 (p. 614).—Ripoll I. 326.—Raynald. ann. 1264, +No. 14.—Arch, de l’Inq. de Carcassonne (Doat, XXXII. 27). +</p><p> +Clement IV. (Gui Foucoix) was regarded as one of the best lawyers of his +day, but in the severity of his application of the law against Manfred +he was not unanimously supported by the cardinals. On February 20 he +writes to the Cardinal of S. Martino, his legate in the Mark of Ancona, +for his opinion on the question. Manfred and Uberto Pallavicino had both +been cited to appear on trial for heresy. Manfred had sent procurators +to offer purgation, but Uberto had disregarded the summons and was a +contumacious heretic. To the condemnation of the latter there was +therefore no opposition, but some cardinals thought that Manfred’s +excuse was reasonable in view of the enemy at his gates, even though he +could easily avert attack by surrender.—Clement PP. IV. Epist. 232 +(Martene Thesaur. II. 279).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_206_206" id="Footnote_206_206"></a><a href="#FNanchor_206_206"><span class="label">[206]</span></a> C. 1, Sexto v. 3.—C. 1, Extrav. Commun. v. 4.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_207_207" id="Footnote_207_207"></a><a href="#FNanchor_207_207"><span class="label">[207]</span></a> Barbarano de’ Mironi, Hist. Eccles. di Vicenza II. +153-4.—Regest. Clement. PP. V. T. III. pp. 354 sqq.; T. IV. pp. 426 +sqq., pp. 459 sqq.; T. V. p. 412. (Ed. Benedictin., Romæ, +1886-7).—Chron. Estense ann. 1309-17 (Muratori S. R. I. XV. +364-82).—Ferreti Vincentini Hist. Lib. <small>III</small>. (Ib. IX. 1037-47).—Cronica +di Bologna, ann. 1309-10 (Ib. XVIII. 320-1).—Campi, Dell’ Histor. +Eccles. di Ferrara, P. <small>III</small>. p. 40. +</p><p> +Even the pious and temperate Muratori cannot restrain himself from +describing Clement’s bull against the Venetians as “<i>la piu terribile ed +ingiusta Bolla che si sia mai udita</i>” (Annal. ann. 1309). We have seen +in the case of Florence what control such measures enabled the papacy to +exercise over the commercial republics of Italy. The confiscation +threatened in the sentence of excommunication was no idle menace. When, +in 1281, Martin IV. quarrelled with the city of Forli and excommunicated +it he ordered, under pain of excommunication not removable even on the +death-bed, all who owed money to the citizens to declare the debts to +his representatives and pay them over, and he thus collected many +thousand lire of his enemies’ substance.—Chron. Parmens. ann. 1281 +(Muratori S. R. I. IX. 797)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_208_208" id="Footnote_208_208"></a><a href="#FNanchor_208_208"><span class="label">[208]</span></a> Preger, Die Politik des Pabstes Johann XXII., München, +1885, pp. 6-10, 21.—Petrarchi Lib. sine Titulo Epist. xviii.—Raynald. +ann. 1317, No. 27; ann. 1320, No. 10-14; ann. 1322, No. 6-8, +11.—Bernard. Corio, Hist. Milanese, ann. 1318, 1320, 1321-22. +</p><p> +A bull of John XXII., Jan. 28, 1322, ordering the sale of indulgences to +aid the crusade of Cardinal Bertrand, recites the heresy of Visconti and +his refusal to obey the summons for his trial as the reason for +assailing him.—Regest. Clem. PP. V., Romæ, 1885. T. I. Prolegom. p. +cxcviii.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_209_209" id="Footnote_209_209"></a><a href="#FNanchor_209_209"><span class="label">[209]</span></a> Sarpi, Discorso, p. 25 (Ed. Helmstadt).—Albizio, +Risposto al P. Paolo Sarpi, p. 75.—Continuat. Guill. Nangiac. ann. +1317.—Bern. Corio, ann. 1322.—Regest. Joann. PP. XXII. No. 89, 93, 94, +95 (Harduin. VII. 1432).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_210_210" id="Footnote_210_210"></a><a href="#FNanchor_210_210"><span class="label">[210]</span></a> Ughelli, Italia Sacra, IV. 286-93 (Ed. 1652).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_211_211" id="Footnote_211_211"></a><a href="#FNanchor_211_211"><span class="label">[211]</span></a> Raynald. ann. 1324, No. 7-12.—Martene Thesaur. II. +754-6.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_212_212" id="Footnote_212_212"></a><a href="#FNanchor_212_212"><span class="label">[212]</span></a> Martene Thesaur. II. 743-5.—Wadding. ann. 1324, No. 28; +ann. 1326, No. 8; ann. 1327, No. 2.—Ripoll II. 172; VII. 60.—Regest. +Clement. PP. V., Romæ, 1885, T. I. Proleg. p. ccxiii.—Theiner Monument. +Hibern. et Scotor. No. 462, p. 234.—C. 4. Septimo v. 3.—Mag. Bull. +Rom. I. 204.—Baluz. et Mansi III. 227.—Ughelli IV. 294-5, +314.—Raynald. ann. 1362, No. 13; ann. 1363, No. 2, 4; ann. 1372, No. 1; +ann. 1373, No. 10, 12. +</p><p> +In spite of the decision of Benedict, Matteo and his sons, Galeazzo, +Marco, and Stefano, were still unburied in 1353, when the remaining +brother, Giovanni, made another effort to secure Christian sepulture for +them.—Raynald. ann. 1353, No. 28.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_213_213" id="Footnote_213_213"></a><a href="#FNanchor_213_213"><span class="label">[213]</span></a> Raynald. ann. 1348, No. 13-14; ann. 1350, No. +5.—Muratori Antiq. VII. 884, 928-32.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_214_214" id="Footnote_214_214"></a><a href="#FNanchor_214_214"><span class="label">[214]</span></a> Werunsky Excerptt. ex Registt. Clem. VI. et Innoc. VI. +pp. 37, 74, 87, 101.—Wadding. ann. 1356, No. 7, 20,—Raynald. ann. +1356, No. 33. +</p><p> +This abuse of spiritual power for purposes of territorial aggrandizement +did not escape the trenchant satire of Erasmus. He describes “the +terrible thunderbolt which by a nod will send the souls of mortals to +the deepest hell, and which the vicars of Christ discharge with special +wrath on those who, instigated by the devil, seek to nibble at the +Patrimony of Peter. It is thus they call the cities and territories and +revenues for which they fight with fire and sword, spilling much +Christian blood, and they believe themselves to be defending like +apostles the spouse of Christ, the Church, by driving away those whom +they stigmatize as her enemies, as if she could have any worse enemies +than impious pontiffs.”—Encom. Moriæ. Ed. Lipsiens. 1829, II. 379. +</p><p> +That the character of these papal wars had not been softened since the +horrors described above at Ferrara, is seen in the massacre of Cesena, +in 1376, when the papal legate, Robert, Cardinal of Geneva, ordered all +the inhabitants put to the sword, without distinction of age or sex, +after they had admitted him and his bandits into the city under his +solemn oath that no injury should be inflicted on them. The number of +the slain was estimated at five thousand.—Poggii Hist. Florentin. Lib. +<small>II</small>. ann. 1376.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_215_215" id="Footnote_215_215"></a><a href="#FNanchor_215_215"><span class="label">[215]</span></a> MSS. Chioccarello T. VIII.—Wadding. ann. 1409, No. +12.—Ripoll II. 510, 522, 566.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_216_216" id="Footnote_216_216"></a><a href="#FNanchor_216_216"><span class="label">[216]</span></a> H. Haupt, Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte, 1883, pp. +323 sqq.—Vaissette, Éd. Privat, X. Pr. 2089.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_217_217" id="Footnote_217_217"></a><a href="#FNanchor_217_217"><span class="label">[217]</span></a> Monstrelet, II. 53, 127.—Martene Ampl. Coll. VIII. +92.—Altmeyer, Précur seurs de la Réforme aux Pays-Bas, I. 237.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_218_218" id="Footnote_218_218"></a><a href="#FNanchor_218_218"><span class="label">[218]</span></a> Burlamacchi, Vita di Savonarola (Baluz. et Mansi I. +533-542).—Luca Landucci., Diario Florentine, Firenze, 1883, p. +30.—Steph. Infessuræ Diar. (Eccard. Corp. Hist. Med. Ævi II. 2000). +</p><p> +Villari shows (La Storia di Gir. Savonarola, Firenze, 1887, I. pp. +viii.-xi.) that the life which passes under the name of Burlamacchi is a +<i>rifacimento</i> of an unprinted Latin biography by a disciple of +Savonarola. I take this opportunity of expressing my thanks to Signore +Villari, for his kindly courtesy in furnishing me with the second volume +of the new edition of his classical work in advance of publication. My +obligations to it will be seen in the numerous references made to it +below.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_219_219" id="Footnote_219_219"></a><a href="#FNanchor_219_219"><span class="label">[219]</span></a> Processo Autentico (Baluz. et Mansi IV. 529, +551).—Burlamacchi (Baluz. et Mansi I. 534-5, 541-2).—Villari, op. cit. +Lib. <small>I</small>. c. 5, 9.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_220_220" id="Footnote_220_220"></a><a href="#FNanchor_220_220"><span class="label">[220]</span></a> Landucci, op. cit. pp. 72, 88, 94, 103, 108, 109, 123-8, +154.—Mémoires de Commines Liv. <small>VIII</small>. c. 19.—Marsilii Ficini opp. Ed. +1561, I. 963.—Nardi, Historie Florentine, Lib. <small>II</small>. (Ed. 1574, pp. 58, +60).—Perrens, Jérome Savonarole, p. 342.—Burlamacchi (loc. cit. pp. +544-6, 552-3, 556-7).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_221_221" id="Footnote_221_221"></a><a href="#FNanchor_221_221"><span class="label">[221]</span></a> Landucci, p. 163.—Burlamacchi, pp. 558-9.—Nardi, Lib. +<small>II</small>. pp. 56-7.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_222_222" id="Footnote_222_222"></a><a href="#FNanchor_222_222"><span class="label">[222]</span></a> Villari, Lib. <small>II</small>. cap. iv. v.; T. II. App. p. +ccxx.—Landucci, pp. 92-4, 112—Processo Autentico (Baluze et Mansi IV. +531, 554, 558).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_223_223" id="Footnote_223_223"></a><a href="#FNanchor_223_223"><span class="label">[223]</span></a> Landucci, pp. 110, 112, 122.—Villari, I. 473.—Mémoires +de Commines, Liv. <small>VII</small>. ch. 19.—Processo Autentico (loc. cit. pp. 524, +541).—Perrens, p. 342.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_224_224" id="Footnote_224_224"></a><a href="#FNanchor_224_224"><span class="label">[224]</span></a> Guicciardini Lib. <small>III</small>. c. 6.—Burlamacchi, p. +551.—Villari, T. I. pp. civ.—cvii.—Landucci, p. 106.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_225_225" id="Footnote_225_225"></a><a href="#FNanchor_225_225"><span class="label">[225]</span></a> Villari, I. 402-7.—Landucci, p. 120.—Diar. Johann. +Burchardi (Eccard, Corp. Hist. II. 2151-9).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_226_226" id="Footnote_226_226"></a><a href="#FNanchor_226_226"><span class="label">[226]</span></a> Villari, I. 417, 441-5.—Landucci, pp. 125-9.—Perrens, +p. 361.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_227_227" id="Footnote_227_227"></a><a href="#FNanchor_227_227"><span class="label">[227]</span></a> Villari, I. 489, 492-4, 496, 499, cxlii.; II. 4-6.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_228_228" id="Footnote_228_228"></a><a href="#FNanchor_228_228"><span class="label">[228]</span></a> Processo Autentico, pp. 533-4.—Perrens, pp. +189-90.—Landucci, pp. 144-6.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_229_229" id="Footnote_229_229"></a><a href="#FNanchor_229_229"><span class="label">[229]</span></a> Landucci, p. 148.—Villari, II. 18-25.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_230_230" id="Footnote_230_230"></a><a href="#FNanchor_230_230"><span class="label">[230]</span></a> Villari, II. 25-8, 35-6, 79; App. xxxix.—Processo +Autentico, p. 535.—Landucci, pp. 152-3, 157.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_231_231" id="Footnote_231_231"></a><a href="#FNanchor_231_231"><span class="label">[231]</span></a> Landucci, pp. 161-2.—Machiavelli, Frammenti istorici +(Opere Ed. 1782, II. 58).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_232_232" id="Footnote_232_232"></a><a href="#FNanchor_232_232"><span class="label">[232]</span></a> Landucci, p. 164.—Perrens, p. 231.—Villari, II. App. +lxvi.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_233_233" id="Footnote_233_233"></a><a href="#FNanchor_233_233"><span class="label">[233]</span></a> Perrens, pp. 232-5, 365-72. Cf. Villari, II. 115. +</p><p> +The obnoxious appeal to God had really been made by Savonarola in his +sermon of February 11 (Villari, II. 88).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_234_234" id="Footnote_234_234"></a><a href="#FNanchor_234_234"><span class="label">[234]</span></a> Perrens, pp. 237, 238.—Landucci, pp. 164-66.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_235_235" id="Footnote_235_235"></a><a href="#FNanchor_235_235"><span class="label">[235]</span></a> Landucci, p. 166.—Villari, II. App. pp. lviii.-lxii.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_236_236" id="Footnote_236_236"></a><a href="#FNanchor_236_236"><span class="label">[236]</span></a> Villari, II. 129, 132-5; App. pp. lxviii.-lxxi., +clxxi.—Baluz. et Mansi I. 584-5.—Perrens. pp. 373-5.—Burlamacchi, p. +551.—In his confession of May 21, Savonarola stated that the idea of +the council had only suggested itself to him three months previously +(Villari, II. App. cxcii.).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_237_237" id="Footnote_237_237"></a><a href="#FNanchor_237_237"><span class="label">[237]</span></a> Landucci, p. 113.—Chron. Glassberger ann. +1482.—Raynald. ann. 1492, No. 25.—Pulgar, Cronica de los Reyes +Catolicos, <small>II</small>. civ.—Comba, La Riforma in Italia, I. 491.—Nardi, Lib. +<small>II</small>. (p. 79). +</p><p> +The contemporary Glassberger says of Andreas of Krain’s attempt, “Nisi +enim auctoritas imperatoris intervenisset maximum in ecclesia schisma +subortum fuisset. Omnes enim æmuli domini papæ ad domini imperatoris +consensum respiciebant pro concilio celebrando.” A year’s imprisonment +in chains exhausted the resolution of Andreas, who executed a solemn +recantation of his invectives against the Holy See, This was sent with a +petition for pardon to Sixtus IV., who granted it, but before the return +of the messengers the unhappy reformer hanged himself in his cell (ubi +sup. ann. 1483).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_238_238" id="Footnote_238_238"></a><a href="#FNanchor_238_238"><span class="label">[238]</span></a> Burlamacchi, p. 559.—Landucci, pp. 166-7.—Processo +Autentico, pp. 535-7.—Villari, II. App. lxxi. sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_239_239" id="Footnote_239_239"></a><a href="#FNanchor_239_239"><span class="label">[239]</span></a> Landucci, pp. 167-8.—Processo Autentico, pp. +536-8.—Villari, II. App. xci.-xciii.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_240_240" id="Footnote_240_240"></a><a href="#FNanchor_240_240"><span class="label">[240]</span></a> Perrens, pp. 379-81.—Burlamacchi, pp. 560, +562.—Landucci, p. 168.—Processo Autentico, pp. 540-1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_241_241" id="Footnote_241_241"></a><a href="#FNanchor_241_241"><span class="label">[241]</span></a> Landucci, pp. 168-9.—Processo Autentico, p. +542.—Burlamacchi, p. 563.—Villari, II. App. pp. lxxv.-lxxx., +lxxxiii.-xc.—Guicciardini, Lib. <small>III</small>. c. 6. +</p><p> +The good Florentines did not fail to point out that the sudden death of +Charles VIII., on this same April 7, was a visitation upon him for +having abandoned Savonarola and the republic.—Nardi, Lib. <small>II</small>. p. 80.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_242_242" id="Footnote_242_242"></a><a href="#FNanchor_242_242"><span class="label">[242]</span></a> Landucci, p. 170.—Processo Autentico, pp. 534, +543.—Burlamacchi, p. 564.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_243_243" id="Footnote_243_243"></a><a href="#FNanchor_243_243"><span class="label">[243]</span></a> Landucci, p. 171.—Processo Autentico, pp. 544, +549.—Burlamacchi, p. 564.—Nardi, Lib. <small>II</small>. p. 78.—Villari, II. 173-77; +App. pp. xciv., ccxxv., ccxxxiii.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_244_244" id="Footnote_244_244"></a><a href="#FNanchor_244_244"><span class="label">[244]</span></a> Landucci, pp. 171-2.—Villari, II. 178; App. p. +clxv.—Processo Autentico, pp. 550-1. +</p><p> +Violi (Villari, II. App. cxvi.-vii.) says that the torture was +repeatedly applied—on one evening no less than fourteen times from the +pulley to the floor, and that his arms were so injured that he was +unable to feed himself; but this must be exaggerated in view of the +pious treatises which he wrote while in prison. Burlamacchi says that he +was tortured repeatedly both with cord and fire (pp. 566, 568). +Burchard, the papal prothonotary, states that he was tortured seven +times, and Burchard was likely to know and not likely to exaggerate +(Burch. Diar. <i>ap.</i> Preuves des Mémoires de Commines, Bruxelles, 1706, +p. 424). The expression of Commines, who was well-informed, is “<i>le +gesnèrent à merveilles</i>” (Mémoires, Lib. <small>VIII</small>. ch. 19). But the most +emphatic evidence is that of the Signoria, who, in answer to the +reproaches of Alexander at their tardiness, declare that they had to do +with a man of great endurance; they had assiduously tortured him for +many days with slender results, which they would suppress until they +could force him to reveal all his secrets—“multa et assidua quæstione, +multis diebus, per vim vix pauca extorsimus, quæ nunc celare animus erat +donec omnia nobis paterent sui animi involucra” (Villari, II. 197).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_245_245" id="Footnote_245_245"></a><a href="#FNanchor_245_245"><span class="label">[245]</span></a> Landucci, p. 172.—Processo Autentico, p. 550.—Perrens, +pp. 267-8.—Burlamacchi, pp. 566-7.—Villari, II. 188, 193; App. +cxviii.-xxi. +</p><p> +It is part of the Savonarola legend that Savonarola threatened Ser +Ceccone with death within a year if he did not remove certain +interpolations from the confession, and that the prediction was +verified, Ceccone dying within the time, unhouselled, and refusing in +despair the consolations of religion (Burlamacchi, p. 575.—Violi <i>ap.</i> +Villari, II. App. cxxvii.). +</p><p> +Ceccone performed the same office for the confession of Frà Domenico +(Villari, II. App. Doc. <small>XXVII</small>.).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_246_246" id="Footnote_246_246"></a><a href="#FNanchor_246_246"><span class="label">[246]</span></a> Processo Autentico, pp. 551-64, 567.—Villari, II. App. +cxlvii. sqq. +</p><p> +Violi states that the confession as interpolated by Ceccone was printed +and circulated by the Signoria as a justification of their action, but +that it proved so unsatisfactory to the public that in a few days all +copies were ordered by proclamation to be surrendered (Villari, II. App. +p. cxiv.).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_247_247" id="Footnote_247_247"></a><a href="#FNanchor_247_247"><span class="label">[247]</span></a> Landucci, p. 173.—Burlamacchi, p. 567.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_248_248" id="Footnote_248_248"></a><a href="#FNanchor_248_248"><span class="label">[248]</span></a> This confession was never made public. Villari, who +discovered the MS., has printed it, App. p. clxxv.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_249_249" id="Footnote_249_249"></a><a href="#FNanchor_249_249"><span class="label">[249]</span></a> Landucci, p. 174.—Processo Autentico, p. 563.—Villari, +II. 210, 217.—Nardi, Lib. <small>II</small>. p. 79.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_250_250" id="Footnote_250_250"></a><a href="#FNanchor_250_250"><span class="label">[250]</span></a> Landucci, p. 174.—Nardi, Lib. <small>II</small>. p. 79.—Wadding. ann. +1496, No. 7.—Perrens, p. 399.—Processo Autentico, p. +522.—Burlamacchi, p. 568.—Brev. Hist. Ord. Prædicat, (Martene Ampl. +Coll. VI. 393).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_251_251" id="Footnote_251_251"></a><a href="#FNanchor_251_251"><span class="label">[251]</span></a> Landucci, p. 176.—Nardi, Lib. <small>II</small>. pp. +80-1.—Burlamacchi, p. 568.—Violi (Villari, II. App. cxxv.).—Villari, +II. 206-8, 229-33; App. clxxxiv., cxciv., cxcvii. +</p><p> +There was one peculiarity in this examination before Romolino which I +have not seen recorded elsewhere. During the interrogatory of May 21 +Savonarola was subjected to fresh torture as a preliminary to asking his +confirmation of the statements just made under repeated tortures +(Villari, II. App. cxcvi.).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_252_252" id="Footnote_252_252"></a><a href="#FNanchor_252_252"><span class="label">[252]</span></a> Landucci, pp. 176-7.—Processo Autentico, p. +546.—Villari, II. 239; App. cxcviii.—Cantù, Eretici d’ltalia, I. +229.—Burlamacchi, pp. 569-70.—Nardi, Lib. <small>II</small>. p. 82.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_253_253" id="Footnote_253_253"></a><a href="#FNanchor_253_253"><span class="label">[253]</span></a> Landucci, p. 178.—Perrens, p. 281.—Processo Autentico, +p. 547.—Nardi, Lib. <small>II</small>. p. 82.—Villari, II. 251. +</p><p> +Burlamacchi’s relation (pp. 570-1) of the manner in which an arm, a +hand, and the heart of Savonarola were preserved for the veneration of +the faithful, has the evident appearance of a legend to justify the +authenticity of the relics.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_254_254" id="Footnote_254_254"></a><a href="#FNanchor_254_254"><span class="label">[254]</span></a> Nardi, Lib. <small>II</small>. pp. 82-3.—Landucci, pp. 190-1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_255_255" id="Footnote_255_255"></a><a href="#FNanchor_255_255"><span class="label">[255]</span></a> Wadding. ann. 1498, No. 23.—Landucci, p. 178.—Perrens, +pp. 296-7.—Processo Autentico, pp. 524, 528.—Cantù, Eretici d’Italia, +I. 234-5.—Benedicti PP. XIV. De Servorum Dei Beatificatione, Lib. <small>III</small>. +c. xxv. §§ 17-20.—Brev. Hist. Ord. Prædic. (Martene, Ampl. Coll. VI. +394).—Reusch, Der Index der verbotenen Bücher, I. 368. +</p><p> +A goodly catalogue of miracles performed by Savonarola’s intercession +will be found piously chronicled by Burlamacchi and Bottonio (Baluz. et +Mansi I. pp. 571-83).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_256_256" id="Footnote_256_256"></a><a href="#FNanchor_256_256"><span class="label">[256]</span></a> Ripoll II. 566.—Wadding. ann. 1409, No. 12.—Tamburini, +Storia Gen. dell’ Inquis. II. 437-9.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_257_257" id="Footnote_257_257"></a><a href="#FNanchor_257_257"><span class="label">[257]</span></a> Jac. de Vitriaco Hist. Hierosol. cap. 65 (Bongars, II. +1083-4).—Rolewinck Fascic. Tempor. (Pistorii R. Germ. Scriptt. II. +546).—Regula Pauperum Commilitonum Templi c. 72 (Harduin. VI. <i>ii.</i> +1146).—Règle et Statuts secrets des Templiers, §§ 125, 128 (Maillard de +Chambure, Paris, 1840, pp. 455, 488-90, 494-5). +</p><p> +Since this chapter was written the Société de l’Histoire de France has +issued a more correct and complete edition of the Rule and Statutes of +the Templars, under the care of M. Henri de Curzon.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_258_258" id="Footnote_258_258"></a><a href="#FNanchor_258_258"><span class="label">[258]</span></a> Jac. de Vitriaco loc. cit.—Roberti de Monte Contin. +Sigeb. Gembl. (Pistorii, op. cit. I. 875).—Zurita, Añales de Aragon, +Lib. I. c. 52-3.—Art de Vérifier les Dates V. 337.—Teulet, Layettes, +I. 550, No. 1547.—Grandes Chroniques, IV. 86.—Gualt. Mapes de Nugis +Curialium Dist. <small>I</small>. c. xxiii.—Hans Prutz, Malteser Urkunden, München, +1883, p. 43. +</p><p> +A curious illustration of the prominence which the Templars were +acquiring in the social organization is afforded in 1191, when they were +made conservators of the Truce of God, by which the nobles and prelates +of Languedoc and Provence agreed that beasts and implements and seed +employed in agriculture should be unmolested in time of war. For +enforcing this the Templars were to receive a bushel of corn for every +plough.—Prutz, op. cit. pp. 44-5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_259_259" id="Footnote_259_259"></a><a href="#FNanchor_259_259"><span class="label">[259]</span></a> Rymer, Fœdera, I. 30.—Can. 10, 11, Extra. <small>III</small>. +30.—Prutz, op. cit. pp. 38, 46, 48, 49, 51, 52, 53, 56-61, 64, 76, +78-9.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_260_260" id="Footnote_260_260"></a><a href="#FNanchor_260_260"><span class="label">[260]</span></a> Prutz, op. cit. pp. 38-41, 43, 45, 47-8, 57, 64-9, +75-80.—J. Delaville le Roulx, Documents concernant les Templiers Paris, +1882, p. 39.—Bini, Dei Tempieri in Toscana, Lucca, 1845, pp. +453-55.—Raynald. ann. 1265, No. 75-6.—Martene Thesaur. II. 111, 118. +</p><p> +The systematic beggary of the Templars must have been peculiarly +exasperating both to the secular clergy and the Mendicants. Monsignor +Bini prints a document of 1244 in which the Preceptor of Lucca gives to +Albertino di Pontremoli a commission to beg for the Order. Albertino +employs a certain Aliotto to do the begging from June till the following +Carnival, and pays him by empowering him to beg on his own account from +the Carnival to the octave of Easter (op. cit. pp. 401-2, 439-40). For +the disgraceful squabbles which arose between the secular clergy and the +Military Orders over this privileged beggary, see Faucon, Registres de +Boniface VIII. No. 1950, p. 746.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_261_261" id="Footnote_261_261"></a><a href="#FNanchor_261_261"><span class="label">[261]</span></a> Guillel. Tyrii Hist. Lib. <small>XVII</small>. c. 27; <small>XX</small>. 31-2.—Gualt. +Mapes de Nugis Curialium Dist. <small>I</small>. c. <small>XX</small>.—Innoc. PP. III. Regest. <small>X</small>. +121. Cf. <small>XV</small>. 131.—Règle et Statuts secrets, § 173, p. 389.—Michelet, +Procès des Templiers, I. 39; II. 9, 83, 140, 186-7, 406-7 (Collection de +Documents inédits, Paris, 1841-51). +</p><p> +When, in 1307, the Templars at Beaucaire were seized, out of sixty +arrested, five were knights, one a priest, and fifty-four were serving +brethren; in June, 1310, out of thirty-three prisoners in the Château +d’Alais, there were four knights and one priest, with twenty-eight +serving brethren (Vaissette, IV. 141). In the trials which have reached +us the proportion of knights is even less. The serving brethren +occasionally reached the dignity of preceptor; but how little this +implies is shown by the examination, in June, 1310, of Giovanni di +Neritone, Preceptor of Castello Villari, a serving brother, who speaks +of himself as “<i>simplex et rusticus</i>” (Schottmüller, Der Ausgang des +Templer-Ordens, Berlin, 1887, II. 125, 130). +</p><p> +The pride of birth in the Order is illustrated by the rule that none +could be admitted as knights except those of knightly descent. In the +Statutes a case is cited of a knight who was received as such; those who +were of his country declared that he was not the son of a knight. He was +sent for from Antioch to a chapter where this was found to be true, when +the white mantle was removed and a brown one put on him. His receptor +was then in Europe, and when he returned to Syria he was called to +account. He justified himself by his having acted under the orders of +his commander of Poitou. This was found to be true; otherwise, and but +that he was a good knight (<i>proudons</i>), he would have lost the habit +(Règle, § 125, pp. 462-3).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_262_262" id="Footnote_262_262"></a><a href="#FNanchor_262_262"><span class="label">[262]</span></a> Matt. Paris. ann. 1228, 1243 (Ed. 1644, p. 240, +420).—Mansuet le Jeune, Hist. des Templiers, Paris, 1789, I. +340-1.—Prutz, op. cit. pp. 60-1.—Mag. Chron. Belgic. ann. +1274.—Faucon, Registres de Boniface VIII. No. 1691-2, 1697.—Marin. +Sunuti Secret. Fidel. Lib. <small>III</small>. P. ix. c. 1, 2 (Bongars, II. 188-9). +</p><p> +The Hospital was open to the same reproaches as the Temple. In 1238 +Gregory IX. vigorously assailed the Knights of St. John for their abuse +of the privileges bestowed on them—their unchastity and the betrayal of +the cause of God in Palestine. He even asserts that there are not a few +heretics among them.—Raynald. ann. 1238, No. 31-2. +</p><p> +A sirvente by a Templar, evidently written soon after the fall of Acre, +alludes bitterly to the sacrifice made of the Holy Land in favor of the +ambition and cupidity of the Holy See— +</p> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">“Lo papa fa de perdon gran largueza<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Contr’ Alamans ab Arles e Frances;<br /></span> +<span class="ist">E sai mest nos mostram gran cobeeza,<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Quar nostras crotz van per crotz de tornes;<br /></span> +<span class="i3">E qui vol camjar Romania<br /></span> +<span class="i3">Per la guerra de Lombardia?<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Nostres legatz, don yeu vos dic per ver<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Qu’els vendon Dieu el perdon per aver.”—<br /></span> +<span class="i15">Meyer, <i>Recueil d’anciens Textes</i>, p. 96.<br /></span> +</div></div> + +<p> +It is also to be borne in mind that indulgences were vulgarized in many +other ways. When St. Francis announced to Honorius III. that Christ had +sent him to obtain plenary pardons for those who should visit the Church +of S. Maria di Porziuncola, the cardinals at once objected that this +would nullify the indulgences for the Holy Land, and Honorius thereupon +limited the Portiuncula indulgence to the twenty-four hours commencing +with the vespers of August 1.—Amoni, Legenda S. Francisci, Append, c. +xxxiii.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_263_263" id="Footnote_263_263"></a><a href="#FNanchor_263_263"><span class="label">[263]</span></a> Mansuet, op. cit. II. 101, 133.—De Excidio Urbis Acconis +(Martene Ampl. Coll. V. 757).—Raynald. ann. 1291, No. 30, 31.—Archives +Nat. de France, J. 431, No. 40.—Chron. Salisburg. ann. 1291 (Canisii et +Basnage III. <small>II</small>. 489).—Annal. Eberhard. Altahens. (Ib. IV. 229).—De +Recuperatione Terræ Sanctæ (Bongars, II. 320-1).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_264_264" id="Footnote_264_264"></a><a href="#FNanchor_264_264"><span class="label">[264]</span></a> Raynald. ann. 1306, No. 3-5, 12.—Regest. Clement. PP. V. +(Ed. Benedict. T. I. pp. 40-46; T. II. p. 55, 58, Romæ, +1885-6).—Mansuet, op. cit. II. 132.—Raynouard, Monuments historiques +relatifs à la Condamnation des Chevaliers du Temple, Paris, 1813, pp. +17, 46. +</p><p> +The summons to the Grand Master of the Hospital is dated June 6, 1306, +(Regest. Clem. PP. V. T. I. p. 190). That to de Molay was probably +issued at the same time. From some briefs of Clement, June 13, 1306, in +favor of Humbert Blanc, Preceptor of Auvergne, it would seem that the +latter was engaged in some crusading enterprise (Ibid. pp. 191-2), +probably in connection with the attempt of Charles of Valois. When +Hugues de Peraud, however, and other chiefs of the Order were about to +sail, in November, Clement retained them (Ib. T. II. p. 5). +</p><p> +It has rather been the fashion with historians to assume that de Molay +transferred the headquarters of the Order from Cyprus to Paris. Yet when +the papal orders for arrest reached Cyprus, on May 27, 1308, the +marshal, draper, and treasurer surrendered themselves with others, +showing that there had been no thought of removing the active +administration of the Order.—(Dupuy, Traitez concernant l’Histoire de +France, Ed. 1700, pp. 63, 132). Raimbaut de Caron, Preceptor of Cyprus, +apparently had accompanied de Molay, and was arrested with him in the +Temple of Paris (Procès des Templiers, II. 374), but with this exception +all the principal knights seized were only local dignitaries. +</p><p> +I think also that Schottmüller (Der Untergang des Templer-Ordens, +Berlin, 1887, I. 66, 99; II. 38) sufficiently proves the incredibility +of the story of the immense treasure brought to France by de Molay, and +he further points out (I. 98) that the preservation of the archives of +the Order in Malta shows that they could not have been removed to +France.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_265_265" id="Footnote_265_265"></a><a href="#FNanchor_265_265"><span class="label">[265]</span></a> Perhaps the most detailed and authoritative contemporary +account of the downfall of the Templars is that of Bernard Gui (Flor. +Chronic. ap. Bouquet XXI. 716 sqq.). It is impossible to doubt that had +there been anything savoring of Catharism in the Order he would have +scented it out and alluded to it.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_266_266" id="Footnote_266_266"></a><a href="#FNanchor_266_266"><span class="label">[266]</span></a> Wilcke, Geschichte des Ordens der Tempelherren, II. +Ausgabe, 1860, II. 51, 103-4, 183.—Chron. Anonyme (Bouquet, XXI. +149).—Villani Cron. <small>VIII</small>. 92.—Mag. Chron. Belgic. (Pistor. III. +155).—Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1307.—Règle et Statuts secrets, p. +64.—Real-Encyklop. XV. 305.—Havemann, Geschichte des Ausgangs des +Tempelherrenordens, Stuttgart, 1846, p. 165.—Schottmüller, op. cit. I. +236, 695.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_267_267" id="Footnote_267_267"></a><a href="#FNanchor_267_267"><span class="label">[267]</span></a> Procès des Templiers, I. 144.—Raynald. ann. 1307, No. +12; ann. 1311, No. 53.—Schottmüller, op. cit. I. 465.—Ferreti +Vicentini Hist. (Muratori S. R. I. IX. 1018).—Matt. Paris, ann. 1244 +(p. 417).—Dom Bouquet, XXI. 545.—Chassaing, Spicilegium Brivatense, +pp. 212-13. +</p><p> +An illustration of the exaggerations current as to the Templars is seen +in the assertion, confidently made, that in Roussillon and Cerdagne the +Order owned half the land, while an examination of its Cartulary shows +that in reality it possessed but four lordships, together with +fragmentary rights over rents, tithes, or villeins in seventy other +places. A single abbey, that of St. Michel de Cuxa, possessed thirty +lordships and similar rights in two hundred other places, and there were +two other abbeys, Arles, and Cornella de Conflent, each richer than the +Templars.—Allart, Bulletin de la Société Agricole, Scientifique et +Littéraire des Pyrénées Orientales, T. XV. pp. 107-8.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_268_268" id="Footnote_268_268"></a><a href="#FNanchor_268_268"><span class="label">[268]</span></a> Du Puy, Hist. du Differend, Preuves, pp. +136-7.—Baudouin, Lettres inédites de Philippe le Bel, p. 163.—Maillard +de Chambure, p. 61.—Grandes Chroniques, V. 173.—Raynouard, pp. 14, +21.—Rymer, I. 30.—Regest. Clement. PP. V. T. I. p. 192 (Ed. Benedict. +Romæ, 1885).—Prutz, pp. 23, 31, 38, 46, 49, 51-2, 59, 76, 78, 79, +80.—Règle et Statuts, § 29, p. 226; § 58, pp. 249, 254; § 126, pp. +463-4.—Thomas, Registres de Boniface VIII. T. L. No. 490.—Baudouin, +op. cit. p. 212. +</p><p> +Schottmüller (Der Untergang des Templer-Ordens, Berlin, 1887, I. 65) +conjectures that the loan of five hundred thousand livres to Philippe is +probably a popular error arising from the intervention of the Templars +as bankers in the payment of the dowry.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_269_269" id="Footnote_269_269"></a><a href="#FNanchor_269_269"><span class="label">[269]</span></a> D’Argentré I. <small>I</small>. 280.—Wilcke, op. cit. II. 304-6.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_270_270" id="Footnote_270_270"></a><a href="#FNanchor_270_270"><span class="label">[270]</span></a> Guill. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1306.—Vaissette, IV. +135.—Raynouard, p. 24.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_271_271" id="Footnote_271_271"></a><a href="#FNanchor_271_271"><span class="label">[271]</span></a> Villani, Cron. <small>VIII</small>. 92.—Amalr. Augerii Vit. Clem. V. +(Muratori S. R. I. III. <small>II</small>. 443-44).—S. Antonini Hist. (D’Argentré I. +<small>I</small>. 281).—Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1307.—Raynald. ann. 1307, No. +12. The best-informed contemporaries, Bernard Gui, the Continuation of +Nangis, Jean de S. Victor, the Grandes Chroniques, say nothing about +this story.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_272_272" id="Footnote_272_272"></a><a href="#FNanchor_272_272"><span class="label">[272]</span></a> Règle et Statuts secrets, §81, p. 314; §124, p. +448.—Wilkins Concilia II. 338.—Procès des Templiers, I. 186-7, 454; +II. 139, 153, 195-6, 223, 440, 445, 471.—S. Damiani Lib. +Gomorrhian.—Guillel. Nangiac. ann. 1120.—Alani de Insulis Lib. de +Planctu Naturæ.—Gualt. Mapes de Nugis Curialium <small>I</small>. xxiv.—Prediche del +B. Frà Giordano da Rivalto, Firenze, 1831, I. 230.—Regest. Clement. PP. +V.T. V. p. 259 (Ed. Benedictin. Romæ, 1887).—Alvar. Pelag. de Planct. +Eccles. Lib. II. Art. ii. fol. lxxxiii.—Mémoires de Jacques Du Clercq, +Liv. III. ch. 42; Liv. <small>IV</small>. ch. 3.—Rogeri Bacon Compend. Studii +Philosophiæ cap. ii. (M.R. Series I. 412). +</p><p> +Unnatural crime was subject to ecclesiastical jurisdiction and the +punishment was burning alive (Très Ancien Cout. de Bretagne, Art. 112, +142 <i>ap</i>. Bourdot de Richebourg, IV. 227, 232.—Statuta Criminalia +Mediolani e tenebris in lucem edita, cap. 51, Bergomi, 1594). An +instance of the infliction of the penalty by secular justice is recorded +at Bourges in 1445 (Jean Chartier, Hist. de Charles VII. Ed. Godefroy, +p. 72), and another at Zurich in 1482 (V. Anshelm, Die Berner Chronik, +Bern, 1884, I. 221), though in 1451 Nicholas V. had subjected the crime +to the Inquisition (Ripoll III. 301). D’Argentré says “Hæc pœna toto +regno et vulgo statutis Italiæ indicitur per civitates, sed pene irritis +legibus” (Comment. Consuetud. Duc. Britann. p. 1810). In England it was +a secular crime, punishable by burning alive (Horne, Myrror of Justice, +cap. IV. § 14) and in Spain by castration and lapidation (El Fuero real +de España, Lib. IV. Tit. ix. l. 2). +</p><p> +The gossiping experiences in Syria and Italy of Antonio Sicci da +Vercelli, as related before the papal commission in March, 1311, show +the popular belief that there was a terrible secret in the Order which +none of its members dared reveal (Procès, I. 644-5). +</p><p> +It is perhaps a coincidence that in 1307 the Teutonic Order was likewise +accused of heresy by the Archbishop of Riga. Its Grand Master, Carl +Beffart, was summoned by Clement, and with difficulty averted from his +Order the fate of the Templars.—Wilcke, II. 118.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_273_273" id="Footnote_273_273"></a><a href="#FNanchor_273_273"><span class="label">[273]</span></a> Procès des Templiers, I. 36, 168.—Chron. Anonyme +(Bouquet, XXI. 137).—Joann. de S. Victor. (Bouquet, XXI. 649-50).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_274_274" id="Footnote_274_274"></a><a href="#FNanchor_274_274"><span class="label">[274]</span></a> Bull. <i>Pastoralis præeminentiæ</i> (Mag. Bull. Rom. Supplem. +IX. 126).—Bull. <i>Faciens misericordiam</i> (Ib. p. 136).—The Itineraries +of Philippe and the record of pastoral visitations by Bertrand de Goth +(Clement V.) sufficiently disprove the legendary story, originating with +Villani, of the conditions entered into in advance at St. Jean d’Angely +between Philippe and Clement (see van Os, De Abolitione Ordinis +Templariorum, Herbipoli, 1874, pp. 14-15). None the less, however, was +Clement practically subordinated to Philippe.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_275_275" id="Footnote_275_275"></a><a href="#FNanchor_275_275"><span class="label">[275]</span></a> Schottmüller’s theory (Der Untergang des Templer-Ordens, +I. 91) that Clement summoned the chiefs of the two Military Orders to +arrange with them for the protection of the Holy See against Philippe +appears to me destitute of all probability.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_276_276" id="Footnote_276_276"></a><a href="#FNanchor_276_276"><span class="label">[276]</span></a> Villani Chron. VIII. 91-2.—Raynald. ann. 1311, No. +26.—Ptol. Lucens. Hist. Eccles. Lib. <small>XXIV</small>. (Muratori S.R.I. XI. +1228).—Contin. Guill. Nangiac. ann. 1307.—Raynouard, pp. 18, 19.—Van +Os De Abol. Ord. Templar, p. 43.—Procès des Templiers, II. 400.—Mag. +Bull. Rom. IX. 131.—Procès, I. 95.—Du Puy, Traitez concernant +l’Histoire de France, Paris, 1700, pp. 10, 117.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_277_277" id="Footnote_277_277"></a><a href="#FNanchor_277_277"><span class="label">[277]</span></a> Du Puy, pp. 18-19, 86.—Stemler, Contingent zur +Geschichte der Templer, Leipzig, 1783, pp. 36-50.—Pissot, Procès et +Condamnation des Templiers, Paris, 1805, pp. 39-43. +</p><p> +Clement V., in his letters of November 21 to Edward of England, and +November 22 to Robert, Duke of Calabria, describes Philippe as having +acted under the orders of the Inquisition, and as presenting the +prisoners for judgment to the Church (Rymer III. 30; MSS. Chioccarello, +T. VIII.). The Holy Office was recognized at the time as being the +responsible instrumentality of the whole affair Chron. Fran. Pipini c. +49 <i>op</i>. Muratori S. R. I. IX. 749-50). The bull <i>Faciens misericordiam</i> +of August 12, 1308, gives the inquisitors throughout Europe instructions +to participate in the subsequent proceedings (Mag. Bull. Rom. IX. 136). +</p><p> +In fact, the whole matter was strictly inquisitorial business, and it is +a noteworthy fact that where the Inquisition was in good working order, +as in France and Italy, there was no difficulty in obtaining the +requisite evidence. In Castile and Germany it failed; in England, as we +shall see, nothing could be done until the Inquisition was practically +established temporarily for the purpose.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_278_278" id="Footnote_278_278"></a><a href="#FNanchor_278_278"><span class="label">[278]</span></a> Dom Bouquet, XXI. 448.—Vaissette, IV. 139.—Chron. Anon. +(Bouquet, XXI. 137, 149).—Cont. Guill. Nangiac. ann. 1307.—Joann. de +S. Victor. (Bouquet, XXI. 649).—Procès des Templiers, I. 458; II. 373.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_279_279" id="Footnote_279_279"></a><a href="#FNanchor_279_279"><span class="label">[279]</span></a> Joann. de S. Victor (Bouquet, XXI. 649-50).—Contin. +Guill. Nangiac. ann. 1307.—Chron. Anon. (Bouquet, XXI. +137).—Schottmüller, op. cit. I. 131-33.—Zurita, Añales de Aragon, Lib. +<small>V</small>. c. 73.—Procès des Templiers, II. 6, 375, 386, 394.—Du Puy, pp. +25-6, 88-91, 101-6.—Raynouard, pp. 39-40, 164, 235-8, 240-5.—Procès +des Templiers, I. 36, 69, 203, 301; II. 305-6.—Ptol. Lucens. Hist. +Eccles. Lib. <small>XXIV</small>. (Muratori S. R. I. XI. 1230).—Trithem. Chron. +Hirsaug. ann. 1307.—Chron. Anon. (Bouquet, XXI. 149).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_280_280" id="Footnote_280_280"></a><a href="#FNanchor_280_280"><span class="label">[280]</span></a> Pissot, pp. 41-2.—Procès des Templiers, I. 89 sqq.—Mag. +Bull. Roman. IX. 129 sqq.—Raynouard, p. 50.—Grandes Chroniques V. +188-90.—Chron. Anon. (Bouquet, XXI. 137).—Naucleri Chron. ann. 1306.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_281_281" id="Footnote_281_281"></a><a href="#FNanchor_281_281"><span class="label">[281]</span></a> Wilcke, II. 424.—Procès des Templiers, II. 218.—The +flimsiness of the evidence which suffices to satisfy archaeologists of +this kind is seen in the laborious trifling of M. Mignard, who finds in +a sculptured stone coffer, discovered at Essarois in 1789, all the +secrets of gnostic Manichæism, and who thereupon leaps to the conclusion +that the coffer must have belonged to the Templars who had a preceptory +within eight or ten miles of the place, and that it served as a +receptacle for the Baphometic idol (Mignard, Monographie du coffret de +M. le duc de Blacas, Paris, 1852.—Suite, 1853). +</p><p> +It is impossible to listen without respect to Professor Hans Prutz, +whose labors in the archives of Valetta I have freely quoted above, and +one can only view with regret the efforts of such a man wasted in +piecing together contradictory statements of tortured witnesses to +evolve out of them a dualistic heresy—an amalgamation of Catharan +elements with Luciferan beliefs, to which even the unlucky Stedingers +contribute corroboration (Geheimlehre u. Geheimstatuten des +Tempelherren-Ordens, Berlin, 1879, pp. 62, 86, 100). It ought to be +sufficient to prevent such wasted labor for the future, to call +attention to the fact that if there had been ardor and conviction enough +in the Order to risk the organization and propagation of a new heresy, +there would, unquestionably, have been at least a few martyrs, such as +all other heretical sects furnished. Yet not a single Templar avowed the +faith attributed to them and persisted in it. All who confessed under +the stress of the prosecution eagerly abjured the errors attributed to +them and asked for absolution. A single case of obstinacy would have +been worth to Philippe and Clement all the other testimony, and would +have been made the pivotal point of the trials, but there was not one +such. All the Templars who were burned were martyrs of another sort—men +who had confessed under torture, had retracted their confessions, and +who preferred the stake to the disgrace of persisting in the admission +extorted from them. It does not seem to occur to the ingenious framers +of heretical beliefs for the Templars that they must construct a heresy +whose believers will not suffer death in its defence, but will endure to +be burned in scores rather than submit to the stigma of having it +ascribed to them. The mere statement of the case is enough to show the +fabulous character of all the theories so laboriously constructed, +especially that of M. Mignard, who proves that the Templars were +Cathari—heretics whose aspiration for martyrdom was peculiarly +notorious. +</p><p> +I have not been able to consult Loiseleur’s “La Doctrine Secrète des +Templiers” (Orleans, 1872), but from Prutz’s references to it I gather +that it is grounded on the same false basis and is open to the same easy +refutation. Wilcke’s speculations are too perversely crude to be worth +attention.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_282_282" id="Footnote_282_282"></a><a href="#FNanchor_282_282"><span class="label">[282]</span></a> Writers unfamiliar with the judicial processes of the +period are misled by the customary formula, to the effect that the +confirmation of a confession is not obtained by force or fear of +torture. See Raynald. ann. 1307, No. 12, and Bini, Dei Tempieri in +Toscana, p. 428. Wilcke asserts positively (op. cit. II. 318) that de +Molay never was tortured, which may possibly be true (Amalr. Auger. Vit. +Clem. V. <i>ap.</i> Muratori III. ii. 461), but he saw his comrades around +him subjected to torture, and it was a mere question of strength of +nerve whether he yielded before or after the rack. Prutz even says that +in England neither torture nor terrorism was employed (Geheimlehre, p. +104), which we will see below was not the case. Van Os (De Abol. Ord. +Templ. pp. 107, 109) is bolder, and argues that a confession confirmed +after torture is as convincing as if no torture had been used. He +carefully suppresses the fact, however, that retraction was held to be +relapse and entailed death by burning. +</p><p> +How the system worked is illustrated by the examination of the Preceptor +of Cyprus, Raimbaud de Caron, before the inquisitor Guillaume, Nov. 10, +1307. When first interrogated he would only admit that he had been told +in the presence of his uncle, the Bishop of Carpentras, that he would +have to renounce Christ to obtain admission. He was then removed and +subsequently brought back, when he remembered that at his reception he +had been forced to renounce Christ and spit on the cross, and had been +taught that the gratification of unnatural lust was permissible. Yet +this confession, so evidently the result of torture, winds up with the +customary formula that he swore it was not the result of force or fear +of prison or torture.—Procès. II. 374-5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_283_283" id="Footnote_283_283"></a><a href="#FNanchor_283_283"><span class="label">[283]</span></a> Procès, II. 188, 407.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_284_284" id="Footnote_284_284"></a><a href="#FNanchor_284_284"><span class="label">[284]</span></a> Ibid. II. 451.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_285_285" id="Footnote_285_285"></a><a href="#FNanchor_285_285"><span class="label">[285]</span></a> Procès, I. 241, 412, 415, 602, 611; II. 7, 295, 298, 354, +359, 382, 394.—Règle, §7, p. 211.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_286_286" id="Footnote_286_286"></a><a href="#FNanchor_286_286"><span class="label">[286]</span></a> Procès, I. 213, 332; II. 388, 404.—Raynouard, p. +281.—In this and the following notes I can only give a few references +as examples. To do so exhaustively would be to make an analytical index +of the whole voluminous mass of testimony.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_287_287" id="Footnote_287_287"></a><a href="#FNanchor_287_287"><span class="label">[287]</span></a> Procès, I. 206, 242, 302, 378, 386, etc.; II. 5, 27, +etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_288_288" id="Footnote_288_288"></a><a href="#FNanchor_288_288"><span class="label">[288]</span></a> Procès, I. 254, 417; II. 24, 62, 72, 104.—Bini, Dei +Tempieri in Toscana, pp. 463, 470, 478.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_289_289" id="Footnote_289_289"></a><a href="#FNanchor_289_289"><span class="label">[289]</span></a> Procès, II. 42, 44, 59.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_290_290" id="Footnote_290_290"></a><a href="#FNanchor_290_290"><span class="label">[290]</span></a> Procès, I. 206-7, 294, 411, 426, 464, 533; II. 31, 128, +242, 366.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_291_291" id="Footnote_291_291"></a><a href="#FNanchor_291_291"><span class="label">[291]</span></a> Procès, I. 190, 207, 399, 502, 597; II. 193, 203, 212, +279, 300, 313, 315, 363, 364.—Du Puy, pp. 105-6.—Raynouard, pp. 246-8, +279-83, 293.—Bini, pp. 465, 474, 482, 487, 488.—Wilkins, Concilia, II. +358.—Schottmüller, op. cit. II. 29, 50, 68, 70, 127, 410, +411.—Vaissette, IV. 141.—Stemler, pp. 124-5. +</p><p> +It is in this multiform creature of the imagination that Dr. Wilcke (II. +131-2) sees alternately an image of John the Baptist and the triune +Makroposopus of the Cabala. +</p><p> +Among the few outside witnesses who appeared before the papal commission +in 1310-11, was Antonio Sicci of Vercelli, imperial and apostolic +notary, who forty years before had served the Templars in Syria in that +capacity, and had recently been employed in the case by the Inquisition +of Paris. Among his Eastern experiences he gravely related a story +current in Sidon that a lord of that city once loved desperately but +fruitlessly a noble maiden of Armenia; she died, and, like Periander of +Corinth, on the night of her burial he opened her tomb and gratified his +passion. A mysterious voice said, “Return in nine months and you will +find a head, your son!” In due time he came back and found a human head +in the tomb, when the voice said, “Guard this head, for all your +good-fortune will come from it!” At the time the witness heard this, +Matthieu le Sauvage of Picardy was Preceptor of Sidon, who had +established brotherhood with the Soldan of Babylon by each drinking the +other’s blood. Then a certain Julian, who had succeeded to Sidon and to +the possession of the head, entered the Order and gave to it the town +and all his wealth. He was subsequently expelled and entered the +Hospitallers, whom he finally abandoned for the Premonstratensians +(Procès, I. 645-6). This somewhat irrelevant and disconnected story so +impressed the commissioners that they made Antonio reduce it to writing +himself, and lost no subsequent opportunity of inquiring about the head +of Sidon from all other witnesses who had been in Syria. Shortly +afterwards Jean Senandi, who had lived in Sidon for five years, informed +them that the Templars purchased the city, and that Julian, who had been +one of its lords, entered the Order but apostatized and died in poverty. +One of his ancestors was said to have loved a maiden and abused her +corpse, but he had heard nothing of the head (Ib. II. 140). Pierre de +Nobiliac had been for many years beyond seas, but had likewise never +heard of it (Ib. 215). At length their curiosity was gratified by Hugues +de Faure, who confirmed the fact that Sidon had been purchased by the +Grand Master, Thomas Berard (1257-1273), and added that after the fall +of Acre he had heard in Cyprus that the heiress of Maraclea, in Tripoli, +had been loved by a noble who had exhumed her body and violated it, and +cut off her head, a voice telling him to guard it well, for it would +destroy all who looked upon it. He wrapped it up and kept it in a +coffer, and in Cyprus, when he wished to destroy a town of the Greeks, +he would uncover it and accomplish his purpose. Desiring to destroy +Constantinople he sailed thither with it, but his old nurse, curious to +know what was in the coffer so carefully preserved, opened it, when a +sudden storm burst over the ship and sank it with all on board, except a +few sailors who escaped to tell the tale. Since then no fish have been +found in that part of the sea (Ib. 223-4). Guillaume Avril had been +seven years beyond seas without hearing of the head, but had been told +that in the whirlpool of Setalias a head sometimes appeared, and then +all the vessels there were lost (Ib. 238). All this rubbish was sent to +the Council of Vienne as part of the evidence against the Order.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_292_292" id="Footnote_292_292"></a><a href="#FNanchor_292_292"><span class="label">[292]</span></a> Procès, I. 233, 242, 250, 414, 423, 429, 533, 536, 546, +etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_293_293" id="Footnote_293_293"></a><a href="#FNanchor_293_293"><span class="label">[293]</span></a> Procès, I. 233; II. 219, 232, 237, 264.—Raynouard, +274-5, 279-80.—Bini, pp. 463, 497. +</p><p> +At the feast of the Holy Cross in May and September, and on Good Friday, +the Templars all assembled, and, laying aside shoes and head-gear and +swords, adored the cross, with the hymn— +</p> +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">Ador te Crist et benesesc te Crist<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Qui per la sancta tua crou nos resemist.—<br /></span> +<span class="i12">(Procès, II. 474, 491, 503.)<br /></span> +</div></div></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_294_294" id="Footnote_294_294"></a><a href="#FNanchor_294_294"><span class="label">[294]</span></a> Procès, I. 233, 250, 536, 539, 541, 546, 606; II. 226, +232, 336, 360, 369.—Ravnouard, p. 275.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_295_295" id="Footnote_295_295"></a><a href="#FNanchor_295_295"><span class="label">[295]</span></a> Procès, I. 530, 533, 536, 539, 544, 549, 565, 572, 622; +II. 24, 27, 29, 31, 120, 280, 362, 546, 579.—Schottmüller, II. 413.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_296_296" id="Footnote_296_296"></a><a href="#FNanchor_296_296"><span class="label">[296]</span></a> Procès, I. 386, 536, 539, 565, 572, 592.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_297_297" id="Footnote_297_297"></a><a href="#FNanchor_297_297"><span class="label">[297]</span></a> Procès. I. 413, 434, 444, 469, 504, 559, 562; II. 75, 99, +113, 123, 205.—Raynouard, p. 280.—Schottmüller, op. cit. II. 132, +410.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_298_298" id="Footnote_298_298"></a><a href="#FNanchor_298_298"><span class="label">[298]</span></a> Procès, I. 407, 418, 435, 462, 572, 588; II. 27, 38, 67, +174, 185, 214.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_299_299" id="Footnote_299_299"></a><a href="#FNanchor_299_299"><span class="label">[299]</span></a> Procès, I. 404; II. 260, 281, 284, 295, 299, 338, 354, +356, 363, 389, 390, 395, 407.—Bini, pp. 468, 488. +</p><p> +It is not easy to appreciate the reasoning of Michelet (Procès, II. +vii.-viii.), who argues that the uniformity of denial in a series of +depositions taken by the Bishop of Elne suggests concert of statement +agreed upon in advance, while the variations in those who admitted guilt +are an evidence of their veracity. If the Templars were innocent, +denials of the charges read to them seriatim would be necessarily +identical; if they were guilty, the confessions would be likewise +uniform. Thus the identity of the one group and the diversity of the +other both concur to disprove the accusations.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_300_300" id="Footnote_300_300"></a><a href="#FNanchor_300_300"><span class="label">[300]</span></a> Incontrovertible evidence that the Templar priests did +not mutilate the words of consecration in the mass is furnished in the +Cypriote proceedings by ecclesiastics who had long dwelt with them in +the East.—Processus Cypricus (Schottmüller, II. 379, 382, 383).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_301_301" id="Footnote_301_301"></a><a href="#FNanchor_301_301"><span class="label">[301]</span></a> Procès, I. 230-1, 264-74, 296-307, 331-67, 477-93, +602-19, 621-41; II. 1-3, 56-85, 91-114, 122-52, 154-77, 184-91, 234-56, +263-7.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_302_302" id="Footnote_302_302"></a><a href="#FNanchor_302_302"><span class="label">[302]</span></a> Procès, I. 298, 305, 319, 336, 372, 401, 405, 427, 436, +etc. +</p><p> +It is not easy to understand the prescription of Friday fasting as a +penance for a Templar, for the ascetic rules of the Order already +required the most rigid fasting. Meat was only allowed three days in the +week, and a second Lent was kept from the Sunday before Martinmas until +Christmas (Règle, §§ 15, 57).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_303_303" id="Footnote_303_303"></a><a href="#FNanchor_303_303"><span class="label">[303]</span></a> This would seem not unlikely if we are to believe the +confession of Jean d’Aumônes, a serving brother who stated that at his +reception his preceptor turned all the other brethren out of the chapel, +and after some difficulty forced him to spit at the cross, after which +he said “Go, fool, and confess.” This Jean at once did, to a Franciscan +who imposed on him only the penance of three Friday fasts, saying that +it was intended as a test of constancy in case of capture by the +Saracens (Procès, I. 588-91). +</p><p> +Another serving brother, Pierre de Cherrut, related that after he had +been forced to renounce God his preceptor smiled disdainfully at him, as +though despising him (Ib. I. 531). +</p><p> +Equally suggestive is the story, told by the serving brother Eudes de +Bures, a youth of twenty at the time, that after his reception he was +taken into another room by two of the brethren and forced to renounce +Christ. On his refusing at first, one of them said that in his country +people renounced God a hundred times for a flea—perhaps an +exaggeration, but “Je renye Dieu” was one of the commonest of +expletives. When the preceptor heard him weeping he called to the +tormentors to let him alone, as they would set him crazy, and he +subsequently told Eudes that it was a joke (Ib. II. 100-2). +</p><p> +What is the real import of such incidents may be gathered from a story +related by a witness during the inquest held in Cyprus, May, 1310. He +had heard from a Genoese named Matteo Zaccaria, who had long been a +prisoner in Cairo, that when the news of the proceedings against the +Order reached the Soldan of Egypt he drew from his prisons about forty +Templars captured ten years before on the island of Tortosa, and offered +them wealth if they would renounce their religion. Surprised and angered +by their refusal, he remanded them to their dungeons and ordered them to +be deprived of food and drink, when they perished to a man rather than +apostatize.—Schottmüller, op. cit. II. 160.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_304_304" id="Footnote_304_304"></a><a href="#FNanchor_304_304"><span class="label">[304]</span></a> Regest. Clement. PP. V. T. II. p. 95.—Du Puy, pp. +117-18, 124, 134.—Schottmüller, I. 94.—Rymer, Fœd. III. 30.—MSS. +Chioccarello T. VIII.—Mag. Bull. Rom. IX. 126, 131.—Zurita, Lib. v. c. +73. +</p><p> +Apparently there was a general expectation that the Hospitallers would +share the fate of the Templars, and a disposition was manifested at once +to pillage them, for Clement felt obliged, December 21, 1307, to issue a +bull confirming all their privileges and immunities, and to send +throughout Europe letters ordering them to be protected from all +encroachments (Regest. Clem. PP. V. T. III. pp. 14, 17-18, 20-1, 273; T. +IV. p. 418).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_305_305" id="Footnote_305_305"></a><a href="#FNanchor_305_305"><span class="label">[305]</span></a> Du Puy, pp. 12-13, 84-5, 89, 109, 111-12, 134.—D’Achery +Spicileg. II. 199.—Raynouard, p. 238, 306. +</p><p> +Jean de S. Victor gives the date of the declaration of the University as +the Saturday after Ascension (May 25, <i>ap</i>. Bouquet, XXI. 651), but Du +Puy describes the document as sealed with fourteen seals, and dated on +Lady Day (March 25).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_306_306" id="Footnote_306_306"></a><a href="#FNanchor_306_306"><span class="label">[306]</span></a> Archives Administratives de Reims, T. II. pp. 65, +66.—Chassaing Spicilegium Brivatense, pp. 274-5.—Du Puy, pp. 38-9, 85, +113, 116.—Contin. Nangiac. ann. 1308.—Joann. de S. Victor. (Bouquet, +XXI. 650).—Raynouard, p. 42.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_307_307" id="Footnote_307_307"></a><a href="#FNanchor_307_307"><span class="label">[307]</span></a> Ptol. Lucens. Hist. Eccles. Lib. xxiv. (Muratori S. R. I. +XI. 1229-30).—Joann. de S. Victor (Bouquet, XXI. 650).—Raynouard, pp. +44-5, 245-52.—Du Puy, pp. 13-14.—Schottmüller, op. cit. II. 13 +sqq.—Bull. <i>Faciens misericordiam</i>, 12 Aug. 1308 (Rymer, II. 101.—Mag. +Bull. Rom. IX. 136).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_308_308" id="Footnote_308_308"></a><a href="#FNanchor_308_308"><span class="label">[308]</span></a> Du Puy, pp. 15-17, 20, 39, 86, 107-8, 118-19, 121-22, +125.—Contin. Nangiac. ann. 1308.—Raynouard, pp. 46, 49.—Joann. de S. +Victor (Bouquet, XXI. 651).—D’Achery Spicileg. II. 200. +</p><p> +Guillaume de Plaisian, who had been Philippe’s chief instrument in these +transactions, received special marks of Clement’s favor by briefs dated +August 5 (Regest. Clement. PP. V. T. III. pp. 216, 227).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_309_309" id="Footnote_309_309"></a><a href="#FNanchor_309_309"><span class="label">[309]</span></a> Bull. <i>Faciens misericordiam</i>.—Raynald. ann. 1309, No. +3.—Du Puy, pp. 64-5, 86-88, 127, 207-9.—Procès des Templiers I. +50-2.—Raynouard, p. 47.—Regest. Clement. PP. V. T. IV. pp. 433-4. +</p><p> +Clement appointed six curators in France to look after the property for +the Holy See. By letters of January 5, 1309, he gave them an allowance +from the Templar property of forty sous <i>parisis</i> of good money each for +every night which they might have to spend away from home, at the same +time cautioning them that they must not fraudulently leave their houses +without necessity (Regest. T. IV. p. 439). A brief of January 28, 1310, +transferring from the Bishop of Vaison to the canon, Gérard de Bussy, +the custody of certain Templar houses, shows that Clement succeeded in +obtaining possession of a portion (Ib. T. V. p. 56).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_310_310" id="Footnote_310_310"></a><a href="#FNanchor_310_310"><span class="label">[310]</span></a> Du Puy, pp. 33-4, 133.—Bull. <i>Faciens +misericordiam</i>.—Procès, I. 34-5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_311_311" id="Footnote_311_311"></a><a href="#FNanchor_311_311"><span class="label">[311]</span></a> Rymer, III. 101.—Mag. Bull. Rom. IX. 134, 136.—Harduin. +VII. 1283, 1289, 1321, 1353.—Schmidt, Päbstliche Urkunden und Regesten, +Halle, 1886, pp. 71-2.—Raynald. ann. 1308, No. 8.—Contin. Guill. +Nangiac. ann. 1308.—Raynouard, p. 50.—Regest. Clement. PP. V. T. III. +pp. 281 sqq., pp. 363 sqq., 386 sqq.; T. IV. pp. 3, 276 sqq., 479-82. +</p><p> +The Master of England and the Master of Germany were reserved for papal +judgment. The bull <i>Faciens misericordiam</i>, addressed to Germany, +contained no command to assemble provincial councils (Harduin. VII. +1353). +</p><p> +In spite of all that had occurred, this bull seems to have taken the +public by surprise outside of France. Walter of Hemingford calls it +“<i>bullam horribilem contra Templarios</i>” (Chron. Ed. 1849, II. 279).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_312_312" id="Footnote_312_312"></a><a href="#FNanchor_312_312"><span class="label">[312]</span></a> Du Puy, pp. 110, 125.—Raynouard, p. 130.—Regest. +Clement. PP. V. T. IV. pp. 453-55, 457-8.—Procès, I. 71-2, 128, 132, +135, 463, 511, 540, etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_313_313" id="Footnote_313_313"></a><a href="#FNanchor_313_313"><span class="label">[313]</span></a> Raynouard, pp. 52-3.—Procès, I. 40, 75, 230, 506-9, +511-14, 520-1, 527-8; II. 13, 18.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_314_314" id="Footnote_314_314"></a><a href="#FNanchor_314_314"><span class="label">[314]</span></a> Joann. de S. Victor (Bouquet, XXI. 654).—Procès, I. +1-31.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_315_315" id="Footnote_315_315"></a><a href="#FNanchor_315_315"><span class="label">[315]</span></a> Procès, I. 28, 29, 41-5, 88.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_316_316" id="Footnote_316_316"></a><a href="#FNanchor_316_316"><span class="label">[316]</span></a> Procès, I. 47-53.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_317_317" id="Footnote_317_317"></a><a href="#FNanchor_317_317"><span class="label">[317]</span></a> Procès, I. 103-51.—It must be borne in mind that the +allowance was in the fearfully debased currency of Philippe le Bel. +According to a document of 1318 the livre Tournois still was to the +sterling pound as 1 to 4½ (Olim, III. 1279). +</p><p> +Other Templars subsequently offered to defend the Order, making five +hundred and seventy-three up to May 2.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_318_318" id="Footnote_318_318"></a><a href="#FNanchor_318_318"><span class="label">[318]</span></a> Procès, I. 165-72.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_319_319" id="Footnote_319_319"></a><a href="#FNanchor_319_319"><span class="label">[319]</span></a> Procès, I. 173, 201-4, 259-64.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_320_320" id="Footnote_320_320"></a><a href="#FNanchor_320_320"><span class="label">[320]</span></a> Fisquet, La France Pontificale, Sens, p. 68.—Procès, I. +274-5, 281.—Contin. Chron. G. de Fracheto (Bouquet, XXI. 33).—Chron. +Anon. (Bouquet, XXI. 140).—Amalr. Auger. Hist. Pontif. (Eccard II. +1810).—Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1307.—Bern. Guidon. Flor. Chron. +(Bouquet, XXI. 719).—Joann. de S. Victor (Bouquet, XXI. +654-55).—Contin. Guill. Nangiac. ann. 1310.—Grandes Chroniques, V. +187.—Chron. Cornel. Zantfliet ann. 1310 (Martene Ampl. Coll. V. +158).—Bessin, Concil. Rotomagens. p. iii.—Raynouard, pp. 118-20. +</p><p> +It was not all bishops who were ready to accept the inquisitorial +doctrine that revocation of confession was equivalent to relapse. The +question was discussed in the Council of Narbonne and decided in the +negative.—Raynouard, p. 106. +</p><p> +The number of those who refused to confess was not insignificant. Some +papers respecting the expenses of detention of Templars at Senlis +describe sixty-five as not reconciled, who therefore cannot have +confessed.—Ib. p. 107.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_321_321" id="Footnote_321_321"></a><a href="#FNanchor_321_321"><span class="label">[321]</span></a> Procès, I. 275-83.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_322_322" id="Footnote_322_322"></a><a href="#FNanchor_322_322"><span class="label">[322]</span></a> Harduin. VII. 1334.—Procès, I. 286-7; II. 3-4, +269-73.—Raynouard, pp. 254-6.—A notarial attestation describes the +voluminous record as consisting of 219 folios with forty lines to the +page, equivalent to 17,520 lines. +</p><p> +How close a watch was kept on the witnesses is seen in the case of +three, Martin de Mont Richard, Jean Durand, and Jean de Ruans, who, on +March 22, asserted that they knew of no evil in the Order. Two days +later they are brought back to say that they had lied through folly. +When before their bishops they had confessed to renouncing and spitting, +and it was true. What persuasions were applied to them during the +interval no one can tell.—Procès, II. 88-96, 107-9.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_323_323" id="Footnote_323_323"></a><a href="#FNanchor_323_323"><span class="label">[323]</span></a> Rymer, Fœdera, III. 18, 34-7, 43-6.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_324_324" id="Footnote_324_324"></a><a href="#FNanchor_324_324"><span class="label">[324]</span></a> Regest. Clement. PP. V. T. III. pp. 316, 477.—Rymer, +Fœd. III. 168-9, 173, 179-80, 182, 195, 203-4, 244. +</p><p> +The pay assigned to the inquisitors was three florins each <i>per diem</i>, +to be assessed on the Templar property (Regest. ubi sup.).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_325_325" id="Footnote_325_325"></a><a href="#FNanchor_325_325"><span class="label">[325]</span></a> Wilkins, Concil. Mag. Brit. II. 329-92.—Rymer, III. 195, +202-3, 224-5, 227-32, 260, 274.—Regest. Clement. PP. V. T. V. pp. +455-7.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_326_326" id="Footnote_326_326"></a><a href="#FNanchor_326_326"><span class="label">[326]</span></a> Wilkins, II. 314, 373-83, 394-400.—Rymer, III. 295, 327, +334, 349, 472-3.—Procès des Templiers, II. 130.—D’Argentré I. <small>I</small>. 280. +</p><p> +That the allowance for the Templars was liberal is shown by that made +for the Bishop of Glasgow when confined, in 1312, in the Castle of +Porchester. His <i>per diem</i> was 6<i>d.</i>, that for his valet 3<i>d.</i>, for his +chaplain five farthings, and the same for his servant (Rymer, III. 363). +The wages of the janitor of the Temple in London was 2<i>d.</i>, by a charter +of Edward II. in 1314 (Wilcke, II. 498).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_327_327" id="Footnote_327_327"></a><a href="#FNanchor_327_327"><span class="label">[327]</span></a> Procès, II. 267.—Calmet, Hist. Gén. de Lorraine, II. +436.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_328_328" id="Footnote_328_328"></a><a href="#FNanchor_328_328"><span class="label">[328]</span></a> Gassari Annal. Augstburgens. ann. 1312 (Menken. Scriptt, +I. 1473).—Torquati Series Pontif. Magdeburg. ann. 1307-8 (Menken. III. +390).—Raynald. ann. 1310, No. 40.—Chron. Episc. Merseburgens. c. +xxvii. § 3 (Ludewig IV. 408).—Bothonis Chron. ann. 1311 (Leibnitz III. +374).—Wilcke, II. 242, 246, 324-5.—Regest. Clement. PP. V. T. V. p. +271.—Schmidt, Päbstliche Urkunden und Regesten, Halle, 1886, p. +77.—Havemann, p. 333.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_329_329" id="Footnote_329_329"></a><a href="#FNanchor_329_329"><span class="label">[329]</span></a> Harduin. VII. 1353.—Regest. Clement. PP. V. T. IV. pp. +3-4; T. V. p. 272.—Du Puy, pp. 62-3, 130-1.—Schmidt, Päbstliche +Urkunden, p. 77.—Raynald. ann. 1310, No. 40.—Raynouard, pp. 127, +270.—Jo. Latomi Cat. Archiepp. Moguntt. (Menken. III. 526).—H. Mutii +Chron. Lib. <small>XXII</small>. ann. 1311.—Wilcke, II. 243, 246, 325, +339.—Schottmüller, I. 445-6. +</p><p> +Even Raynaldus (ann. 1307, No. 12) alludes to the incombustibility of +the Templars’ crosses as an evidence in their favor.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_330_330" id="Footnote_330_330"></a><a href="#FNanchor_330_330"><span class="label">[330]</span></a> Mag. Bull. Rom. IX. 131-2.—Archivio di Napoli, MSS. +Chioccarello, T. VIII.—Du Puy, pp. 63-4, 87, 222-6.—Raynouard, pp. +200, 279-84.—Schottmüller, II. 108 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_331_331" id="Footnote_331_331"></a><a href="#FNanchor_331_331"><span class="label">[331]</span></a> Schottmüller, II. 406-19.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_332_332" id="Footnote_332_332"></a><a href="#FNanchor_332_332"><span class="label">[332]</span></a> Regest. Clement. PP. V. T. IV. p. 301.—Bini, pp. 420-1, +424, 427-8.—Raynald. ann. 1309, No. 3.—Raynouard, pp. 273-77.—Chron. +Parmens. ann. 1309 (Muratori S. R. I. IX. 880).—Du Puy, pp. +57-8.—Rubei Hist. Ravennat. Ed. 1589, pp. 517, 521, 522, 524, 525, +526.—Campi, Dell’ Hist. Eccles. di Piacenza, P. <small>III</small>. p. 41.—Barbarano +dei Mironi Hist. Eccles. di Vicenza, II. 157-8.—Anton, Versuch einer +Geschichte der Tempelherrenordens, Leipzig, 1779, p. 139.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_333_333" id="Footnote_333_333"></a><a href="#FNanchor_333_333"><span class="label">[333]</span></a> Schottmüller, I. 457-69, 494; II. 147-400.—Du Puy, pp. +63, 106-7.—Raynouard, p. 285.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_334_334" id="Footnote_334_334"></a><a href="#FNanchor_334_334"><span class="label">[334]</span></a> Allart, Bulletin de la Société des Pyrénées Orientales, +1867, Tom. XV. pp. 37-42, 67-9, 72, 76-8, 94-6.—Zurita, Añales de +Aragon, Lib. <small>V</small>. c. 72, Lib. <small>VI</small>. c. 61.—Regest. Clement. PP. V. T. IV. +pp. 435 sqq.—La Fuente, Hist. Ecles. de España, II. 369-70.—Ptol. +Lucens Hist. Eccles. Lib. <small>XXIV</small>. (Muratori S. R. I. XI. 1228).—Concil. +Tarraconens. ann. 1312 (Aguirre, VI. 233-4).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_335_335" id="Footnote_335_335"></a><a href="#FNanchor_335_335"><span class="label">[335]</span></a> Allart, op. cit. pp. 34, 42, 66, 69, 72-4, 79, 81-4, 86, +93-8, 105.—Procès, II. 424-515.—Vaissette, IV. 153. +</p><p> +I have met with no details as to the treatment of the Templars of +Navarre; but as Louis Hutin, son of Philippe le Bel, succeeded to that +kingdom in 1307, of course the French methods prevailed there, and the +papal Inquisitor, Jean de Bourgogne, had full opportunity to procure +testimony in what manner was most effective.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_336_336" id="Footnote_336_336"></a><a href="#FNanchor_336_336"><span class="label">[336]</span></a> Regest. Clement. PP. V. T. III. pp. 289, 299.—Llorente, +Ch. <small>III</small>. Art. 2, No. 6, 7.—Mariana, Lib. <small>XV</small>. c. 10 (Ed. 1789, p. 390, +note).—Raynouard, pp. 128, 265-66.—Aguirre, VI. 230.—La Fuente, Hist. +Ecles. II. 368-70.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_337_337" id="Footnote_337_337"></a><a href="#FNanchor_337_337"><span class="label">[337]</span></a> Raynouard, pp. 204, 267.—Raynald. ann. 1317, No. +40.—Zurita, Lib. <small>VI</small>. c. 26.—La Fuente, II. 872.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_338_338" id="Footnote_338_338"></a><a href="#FNanchor_338_338"><span class="label">[338]</span></a> Raynald. ann. 1311, No. 53.—Raynouard, pp. +166-7.—Schottmüller, I. 395.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_339_339" id="Footnote_339_339"></a><a href="#FNanchor_339_339"><span class="label">[339]</span></a> Bini, p. 501.—Raynouard, pp. 233-5, 303.—Vaissette, IV. +140-1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_340_340" id="Footnote_340_340"></a><a href="#FNanchor_340_340"><span class="label">[340]</span></a> Hefele, Conciliengeschichte I. 66.—Franz Ehrle, Archiv +f. Litt.-u. Kirchengeschichte, 1886, p. 353.—The apologetic tone in +which it was felt necessary to speak of the acts of the council with +regard to the Templars is well illustrated by a Vatican MS. quoted by +Raynaldus, ann. 1311, No. 54. +</p><p> +Only fragments have reached us of the vast accumulation of documents +respecting the case of the Templars. In the migrations of Clement V. +doubtless some were lost (Franz Ehrle, Archiv für Litt.-u. Kirchengesch. +1885, p. 7); others in the Schism, when Benedict XIII. carried a portion +of the archives to Peniscola (Schottmüller, I. 705), and others again in +the transport of the papers of the curia from Avignon to Rome. When, in +1810, Napoleon ordered the papal archives transferred to Paris, where +they remained until 1815, the first care of General Radet, the French +Inspector-general of Rome, was to secure those concerning the trials of +the Templars and of Galileo (Regest. Clement. PP. V., Romæ, 1885, T. I. +Proleg. p. ccxxix.). During their stay in Paris Raynouard utilized them +in the work so often quoted above, but even then only a few seem to have +been accessible, and of these a portion are now not to be found in the +Vatican MSS., although Schottmüller, the most recent investigator, +expresses a hope that the missing ones may yet be traced (op. cit. I. +713). The number of boxes sent to Paris amounted to 3239, and the papal +archivists complained that many documents were not restored. The French +authorities declared that the papal agents to whom they had been +delivered sold immense quantities to grocers (Reg. Clem. V. Proleg. pp. +ccxciii.-ccxcviii.).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_341_341" id="Footnote_341_341"></a><a href="#FNanchor_341_341"><span class="label">[341]</span></a> Bull. <i>Vox in excelso</i> (Van Os, pp. 72-4).—Du Puy, pp. +177-8.—Ptol. Lucens. Hist. Eccles. Lib. xxiv. (Murutori S. R. I. XI. +1236).—Raynouard, p. 187.—Cf. Raynald. ann. 1311, No. 55. +</p><p> +If Schottmüller’s assumption be correct as to the “Deminutio laboris +examinantium processus contra ordinem Templi in Anglia,” printed by him +from a Vatican MS. (op cit. II. 78 sqq.)—that it was prepared to be +laid before the commission of the Council of Vienne, it shows the +unscrupulous manner in which the evidence was garbled for the purpose of +misleading those who were to sit in judgment. All the favorable +testimony is suppressed and the wildest gossip of women and monks is +seriously presented as though it were incontrovertible.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_342_342" id="Footnote_342_342"></a><a href="#FNanchor_342_342"><span class="label">[342]</span></a> Jo. Hocsemii Gest. Episcc. Leodiens. (Chapeaville, II. +345).—Baudouin, Lettres inédites de Philippe le Bel, p. 179.—Chron. +Cornel. Zantfliet ann. 1307 (Martene Ampl. Coll. V. 154).—Bull. <i>Vox in +excelso</i> (Van Os, pp. 75-77).—Bern. Guidon. Flor. Chron. (Bouquet, XXI. +721).—Wilcke, II. 307.—Gürtleri Hist. Templarior. Amstel. 1703, p. +365.—Vertot, Hist. des Chev. de Malthe, Ed. 1755, Tom II. p. +136.—Contin. Guill. Nangiac. ann. 1311-12.—Martin. Polon. Contin. +(Eccard. I. 1438).—Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1307. +</p><p> +When, in 1773, Clement XIV. desired to abolish the Order of Jesuits by +an arbitrary exercise of papal power, he did not fail to find a +precedent in the suppression of the Templars by Clement V.—as he says +in his bull of July 22, 1773, “Etiamsi concilium generale Viennense, cui +negotium examinandum commiserat, a formali et definitiva sententia +ferenda censuerit se abstinere.”—Bullar. Roman. Contin. Prati, 1847, V. +620. +</p><p> +The wits of the day did not allow the affair to pass unimproved. Bernard +Gui cites as current at the time the Leonine verse, “Res est exempli +destructa superbia Templi.” Hocsemius quotes for us a chronogram by P. +de Awans, possibly alluding to the treasure which Philippe gained— +</p> +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">“Excidium Templi nimia pinguedine rempli<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Ad LILIVM duo C consocianda doce.”<br /></span> +</div></div> + +<p> +To minds of other temper there were not lacking portents to prove the +anger of Heaven, whether at the crimes of the Order or at its +destruction—eclipses of sun and moon, parahelia, paraselenæ, fires +darting from earth to heaven, thunder in clear sky. Near Padua a mare +dropped a foal with nine feet; flocks of birds of an unknown species +were seen in Lombardy; throughout the Paduan territory a rainy winter +was succeeded by a dry summer with hail-storms, so that the harvests +were a failure. No Etruscan haruspex or Roman augur could wish for +clearer omens: it reads like a page of Livy.—Albertini Mussati Hist. +August. Rubr. <small>X</small>. <small>XI</small>. (Muratori S. R. I. X. 377-9).-Cf. Ptol. Lucens. +Hist. Eccles. Lib. <small>XXIV</small>. (Ib. XI. 1233); Fr. Jordan. Chron. ann. 1314 +(Muratori Antiq. XI. 789).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_343_343" id="Footnote_343_343"></a><a href="#FNanchor_343_343"><span class="label">[343]</span></a> Contin. Guill. Nangiac. ann. 1312.—Raynald. ann. 1312, +No. 5.—Hocsemii Gest. Episcopp. Leod. (Chapeaville, II. 346).—Chron. +Fr. Pipini c. 49 (Muratori S. R. I. IX. 750).—Chron. Astens. c. 27 (Ib. +XI. 194).—Chron. Cornel. Zantfliet ann. 1310 (Martene Ampl. Coll. V. +160).—Walsingham (D’Argentré I. <small>I</small>. 280).—Raynouard, pp. 197-8.—Bull. +<i>Ad providam</i> (Rymer, III. 323.—Mag. Bull. Rom. IX. 149.—Harduin. VII. +1341-8).—Bull. <i>Nuper in generali</i> (Rymer III. 326. Mag. Bull. Rom. IX. +150).—Zurita, Lib. <small>V</small>. c. 99.—Allart, op. cit. pp. 71-2.—Schmidt, +Päbstliche Urkunden, p. 81.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_344_344" id="Footnote_344_344"></a><a href="#FNanchor_344_344"><span class="label">[344]</span></a> Bern. Guidon. Flor. Chron. (Bouquet, XXI. 722).—Godefroy +de Paris, v. 6028-9.—Ferreti Vicentin. Hist. (Muratori S. R. I. IX. +1017).—Le Roulx, Documents, etc., p. 51.—Havemann, Geschichte des +Ausgangs, p. 290.—Fr. Pipini Chron. c. 49 (Muratori IX. 750).—Joann. +de S. Victor. (Bouquet, XXI. 658).—Vaissette, IV. 141.—Stemler, +Contingent zur Geschichte der Templer, pp. 20-1.—Raynouard, pp. 213-4, +233-5.—Wilcke, II. 236, 240.—Anton, Versuch, p. 142.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_345_345" id="Footnote_345_345"></a><a href="#FNanchor_345_345"><span class="label">[345]</span></a> Raynald. ann. 1313, No. 39.—Raynouard, pp. +205-10.—Contin. Guill. Nangiac. ann. 1313.—Joaun. de S. Victor. +(Bouquet, XXI. 658).—Chron. Anon. (Bouquet, XXI. 143).—Godefroy de +Paris v. 6033-6129.—Villani Chron. <small>VIII</small>. 92.—Chron. Cornel. Zantfliet +ann. 1310 (Martene Ampl. Coll. V. 160).—Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. +1307.—Pauli Æmylii de Reb. Gest. Franc. Ed. 1569, p. 421.—Van Os, p. +111. +</p><p> +In his haste Philippe did not stop to inquire as to his rights over the +Isle des Juifs. It happened that the monks of St. Germain des Près +claimed <i>haute et basse justice</i> there, and they promptly complained +that they were wronged by the execution, whereupon Philippe issued +letters declaring that it should work no prejudice to them (Olim, II. +599).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_346_346" id="Footnote_346_346"></a><a href="#FNanchor_346_346"><span class="label">[346]</span></a> Pauli Langii Chron. Citicens. ann. 1314 (Pistorii I. +1201).—Chron. Sampetrini Erfurtens. ann. 1315 (Menken III. +325).—Naucleri Chron. ann. 1306.—Ferreti Vicentin. Hist. (Muratori S. +R. I. IX. 1018). +</p><p> +Clement’s reputation was such that this was not the only legend of the +kind about his death. While yet Archbishop of Bordeaux, he had a bitter +quarrel with Walter of Bruges, a holy Franciscan whom Nicholas III. had +forced to accept the episcopate of Poitiers. On his elevation to the +papacy he gratified his grudge by deposing Walter and ordering him to a +convent. Walter made no complaint, but on his death-bed he appealed to +the judgment of God, and died with a paper in his hand in which he cited +the papal oppressor before the divine tribunal on a certain day. His +grip on this could not be loosened, and he was buried with it. The next +year Clement chanced to pass through the place; he had the tomb opened, +found the body uncorrupted, and ordered the paper to be given to him. It +terrified him greatly, and at the time specified he was obliged to obey +the summons.—Wadding. ann. 1279, No. 13.—Chron. Glassberger ann. 1307. +</p><p> +Guillaume de Nogaret, who was Philippe’s principal instrument, was the +subject of a similar story. A Templar on his way to the stake saw him +and cited him to appear within eight days, and on the eighth day he +died.—Chron. Astena. c. 27 (Muratori S. R. I. XI. 194).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_347_347" id="Footnote_347_347"></a><a href="#FNanchor_347_347"><span class="label">[347]</span></a> Godefroi de Paris, v. 6131-45. Cf. 3876-81, +3951-2.—Procès des Templiers, II. 195. +</p><p> +Some of the contemporaries outside of France who attribute the affair to +the greed of Philippe and Clement are—Matt. Neoburg. (Albert +Argentinens.) Chron. ann. 1346 (Urstisii II. 137).—Sächsische +Weltchronik, erste bairische Fortsetzung, ann. 1312 (Mon. Germ. II. +334).—Stalwegii Chron. ann. 1305 (Leibnit. III. 274).—Bothonis Chron. +ann. 1311 (Leibnit. III. 374).—Chron. Comitum Schawenburg (Meibom. 1. +499).—Jo. Hocsemii Gest. Episcc. Leodiens. (Chapeaville, II. +345-6).—Chron. Astens. c. 27 (Muratori S. R. I. XI. 192-4).—Istorie +Pistolesi (Ib. XI. 518).—Villani Chron. <small>VIII</small>. 92. +</p><p> +Authorities who assume the guilt of the Templars are—Ferreti Vicentini +Hist. (Muratori S. R. I. IX. 1017-18).—Chron. Parmens. ann. 1309 (Ib. +IX. 880).—Albertin. Mussat. Hist. August. Rubr. x. (Ib. X. +377).—Chron. Guillel. Scoti (Bouquet, XXI. 205).—Hermanni Corneri +Chron. ann. 1309 (Eccard. II. 971-2). The old German word Tempelhaus, +signifying house of prostitution, conveys the popular sense of the +license of the Order (Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1307). +</p><p> +Henri Martin assumes that the traditions of the north of France are +adverse to the Templars, and that those of the south are favorable. He +instances a Breton ballad in which the “Red Monks,” or Templars, are +represented as ferocious debauchees who carry off young women and then +destroy them with the fruits of guilty intercourse. On the other hand, +at Gavarnie (Bigorre), there are seven heads which are venerated as +those of martyred Templars, and the popular belief is that on the night +of the anniversary of the abolition of the Order a figure, armed +cap-a-pie and bearing the white mantle with a red cross, appears in the +cemetery and thrice cries out, “Who will defend the holy temple; who +will liberate the sepulchre of the Lord?” when the seven heads answer +thrice, “No one, no one! The Temple is destroyed!”—Histoire de France, +T. IV. pp. 496-7 (Éd. 1855).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_348_348" id="Footnote_348_348"></a><a href="#FNanchor_348_348"><span class="label">[348]</span></a> Raynald. ann. 1307, No. 12.—D’Argentré I. <small>I</small>. +281.—Campi, Dell’ Hist. Eccles. di Piacenza, P. <small>III</small>. p. 43, Piacenza, +1651.—Feyjoo, Cartas I. xxviii.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_349_349" id="Footnote_349_349"></a><a href="#FNanchor_349_349"><span class="label">[349]</span></a> Ferreti Vicentini, loc. cit.—Raynald. ann. 1307, No. +12.—Havemann, p. 334.—Wilcke, II. 327, 329-30.—Raynouard, pp. +25-6.—Vaissette, IV. 141.—Du Puy, pp. 75, 78, 88, 125-31, +216-17.—Prutz, p. 16.—Olim, III. 580-2. +</p><p> +Even as late as 1337, in the accounts of the Sénéchaussée of Toulouse +there is a place reserved for collections from the Templar property, +although the returns in that year were nil.—Vaissette, Éd. Privat, X. +Pr. 785. +</p><p> +For the banking business of the Templars, see Schottmüller, I. 64.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_350_350" id="Footnote_350_350"></a><a href="#FNanchor_350_350"><span class="label">[350]</span></a> Contin. Guillel. Nangiac. ann. 1312.—Villani Chron. +<small>VIII</small>. 92.—Matt. Neoburg. (Albertin. Argentin.) Chron. ann. 1346 +(Urstisii II. 137).—H. Mutii Chron. Lib. <small>XXII</small>. ann. 1311.—Chron. Fr. +Pipini c. 49 (Muratori S. R. I. IX. 750).—Havemann, p. 338.—Vertot, +II. 154.—Hocsemii Gest. Episcc. Leodiens. (Chapeaville, II. +346).—Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1307.—Naucleri Chron. ann. +1306.—Raynald. ann. 1312, No. 7; ann. 1313, No. 18.—Van Os, p. +81.—Wilcke, II. 340-1, 497.—Gassari Annal. Augstburg. ann. 1312 +(Menken. I. 1473).—Schottmüller, I. 496; II. 427-9.—Regest. Clement. +PP. V. T. IV. p. 452.—Rymer, III. 133-4, 292-4, 321, 337, 404, 409-10, +451-2, 472-3.—Le Roulx, Documents, etc., p. 50. +</p><p> +We happen to have a slight example of the plunder in an absolution +granted February 23, 1310, by Clement to Bernard de Bayulli, canon and +chancellor of the Abbey of Cornelia in Roussillon, for the +excommunication incurred by him for taking a horse, a mule, and sundry +effects, valued in all at sixty livres Tournois, from the preceptory of +Gardin, in the diocese of Lerida.—Regest. Clement. PP. V. T. V. p. 41.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_351_351" id="Footnote_351_351"></a><a href="#FNanchor_351_351"><span class="label">[351]</span></a> Raynald. ann. 1313, No. 37.—Allart, loc. cit. pp. 87, +89.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_352_352" id="Footnote_352_352"></a><a href="#FNanchor_352_352"><span class="label">[352]</span></a> Bofarull y Brocá, Hist. de Cataluña, III. 97.—Zurita, +Lib. <small>II</small>. c. 60; Lib. <small>III</small>. c. 9; Lib. <small>VI</small>. c. 26.—Mariana, Ed. 1789, V. +290.—La Fuente, Hist. Ecles. II. 370-1. Ilescas (Hist. Pontifical, Lib. +<small>VI</small>. c. 2), in the second half of the sixteenth century, remarks that +there had been fourteen Masters of Montesa and never one married until +the present one, D. Cesar de Borja, who is married.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_353_353" id="Footnote_353_353"></a><a href="#FNanchor_353_353"><span class="label">[353]</span></a> Mariana, V. 290.—Garibay, Compendio Historial Lib. <small>XIII</small>. +cap. 33.—Zurita, Lib. <small>VI</small>. c. 26.—Le Roulx, Documents, etc., p. 52.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_354_354" id="Footnote_354_354"></a><a href="#FNanchor_354_354"><span class="label">[354]</span></a> Regest. Clement. PP. V. T. V. p. 235 (Romæ, 1887).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_355_355" id="Footnote_355_355"></a><a href="#FNanchor_355_355"><span class="label">[355]</span></a> Johann. Saresberiens. Polycrat. <small>VIII</small>. 17.—D’Argentré I. +<small>II</small>. 180-5.—Monstrelet, Chroniques, I. 39, 119.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_356_356" id="Footnote_356_356"></a><a href="#FNanchor_356_356"><span class="label">[356]</span></a> D’Argentré, I. <small>II</small>. 184-6.—Religieux de S. Denis, +Histoire de Charles VI. Liv. xxxiii. ch. 28.—Juvenal des Ursins, ann. +1413.—Gersoni Opp. Ed. 1494, I. 14 B, C.—Von der Hardt, T. III. +Prolegom. 10-13.—Monstrelet, I. 139.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_357_357" id="Footnote_357_357"></a><a href="#FNanchor_357_357"><span class="label">[357]</span></a> Von der Hardt, III. Proleg. 13; IV. 335-6, 440, 451, +718-22, 724-8, 1087-88, 1092, 1192, 1513, 1531-2.—D’Argentré, I. <small>II</small>. +187-92.—Gersoni Opp. III. 56 Q-S, 57 B.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_358_358" id="Footnote_358_358"></a><a href="#FNanchor_358_358"><span class="label">[358]</span></a> Journal d’un Bourgeois de Paris ann. 1431.—Epist. de +Boulavillar (Pez, Thesaur. Anecd. VI. <small>III</small>. 237).—Procès de Jeanne +d’Arc, p. 474. (When not otherwise defined, my references to this and +other documents concerning Joan are to the collection in Buchon’s <i>Choix +de Chroniques et Mémoires</i>, Paris, 1838.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_359_359" id="Footnote_359_359"></a><a href="#FNanchor_359_359"><span class="label">[359]</span></a> Thomassin, Registre Delphinal (Buchon, p. 536, +540).—Görres, Vie de Jeanne d’Arc, Trad. Boré, Paris, 1886, p. +108.—Chronique de la Pucelle (Buchon, p. 454).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_360_360" id="Footnote_360_360"></a><a href="#FNanchor_360_360"><span class="label">[360]</span></a> Though the name Joan of Arc has been naturalized in +English, Jeanne’s patronymic was Darc, not D’Arc.—Vallet de Viriville, +Charles du Lis, pp. xii.-xii.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_361_361" id="Footnote_361_361"></a><a href="#FNanchor_361_361"><span class="label">[361]</span></a> So close to the border was Joan’s birthplace that a new +delimitation of the frontier, made in 1571, transferred to Lorraine the +group of houses including the Darc cottage, and left a neighboring group +in France.—Vallet de Viriville, ubi sup. pp. 24-5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_362_362" id="Footnote_362_362"></a><a href="#FNanchor_362_362"><span class="label">[362]</span></a> Procès, pp. 469, 470, 471, 473, 475, 476, 477, 483, 485, +487, 499.—Chron. de la Pucelle, ann. 1429, pp. 428, 435-6, +443.—L’Averdy (Académie des Inscriptions, Notices des MSS. III. 373).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_363_363" id="Footnote_363_363"></a><a href="#FNanchor_363_363"><span class="label">[363]</span></a> Procès, pp. 471, 485.—Chronique, p. 454.—L’Averdy (ubi +sup. III. 301).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_364_364" id="Footnote_364_364"></a><a href="#FNanchor_364_364"><span class="label">[364]</span></a> Procès, pp. 471, 475, 478, 482, 485.—Chronique, pp. 428, +454.—Görres, pp. 37-9.—Thomassin, pp. 537, 538.—Christine de Pisan +(Buchon, p. 541).—Monstrelet, Liv. <small>II</small>. ch. 57.—Dynteri Chron. Duc. +Brabant. Lib. <small>VI</small>. ch. 234. +</p><p> +Much has been recorded in the chronicles about the miracles with which +she convinced Charles’s doubts—how she recognized him at first sight, +although plainly clad amid a crowd of resplendent courtiers, and how she +revealed to him a secret known only to God and himself, of prayers and +requests made to God in his oratory at Loches (Chronique, pp. 429, 455; +Jean Chartier, Hist. de Charles VII. Ed. Godefroy, p. 19; Görres, pp. +105-9). Possibly some chance expression of hers may have caught his +wandering and uncertain thoughts and made an impression upon him, but +the legend of the Pucelle grew so rapidly that miracles were inevitably +introduced into it at every stage. Joan herself on her trial declared +that Charles and several of his councillors, including the Duc de +Bourbon, saw her guardian saints and heard their voices, and that the +king had notable revelations (Procès, p. 472). She also told her judges +that there had been a material sign, which under their skilful +cross-examination developed, from a secret revealed to him alone (p. +477), into the extraordinary story that St. Michael, accompanied by +Catharine and Margaret and numerous angels, came to her lodgings and +went with her to the royal palace, up the stairs and through the doors, +and gave to the Archbishop of Reims, who handed it to the king, a golden +crown, too rich for description, such as no goldsmith on earth could +make, telling him at the same time that with the aid of God and her +championship he would recover all France, but that unless he set her to +work his coronation would be delayed. This she averred had been seen and +heard by the Archbishop of Reims and many bishops, Charles de Bourbon, +the Duc d’ Alençon, La Trémouille, and three hundred others, and thus +she had been relieved from the annoying examinations of the clerks. When +asked whether she would refer to the archbishop to vouch for the story, +she replied, “Let him come here and let me speak with him; he will not +dare to tell me the contrary of what I have told you”—which was a very +safe offer, seeing that the trial was in Rouen, and the archbishop was +the Chancellor of France (Procès, pp. 482-6, 495, 502). His testimony, +however, could it have been had, would not probably have been +advantageous to her, as he belonged to the party of La Trémouille, the +favorite, who was persistently hostile to her.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_365_365" id="Footnote_365_365"></a><a href="#FNanchor_365_365"><span class="label">[365]</span></a> Monstrelet, II. 57.—Procès, p. 478.—Thomassin, p. +538.—Chronique, pp. 430-33. +</p><p> +Joan’s letters, when produced on her trial, were falsified—at least +according to her statement.—Le Brun de Charmettes, Histoire de Jeanne +d’Arc, III. 348.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_366_366" id="Footnote_366_366"></a><a href="#FNanchor_366_366"><span class="label">[366]</span></a> Monstrelet, II. 57-61.—Thomassin, p. 538.—Chronique. +pp. 430-7.—Jean Chartier, pp. 22-4.—Journal d’un Bourgeois de Paris, +ann. 1429.—Rymer, X. 408.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_367_367" id="Footnote_367_367"></a><a href="#FNanchor_367_367"><span class="label">[367]</span></a> Chronique, pp. 438-41.—Jean Chartier, pp. 26-7.—Chron. +de P. Cochon (Éd. Vallet de Viriville, p. 456).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_368_368" id="Footnote_368_368"></a><a href="#FNanchor_368_368"><span class="label">[368]</span></a> Epist. P. de Bonlavillar (Pez, Thes. Anecd. VI. <small>III</small>. +237).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_369_369" id="Footnote_369_369"></a><a href="#FNanchor_369_369"><span class="label">[369]</span></a> Chronique, pp. 442-5.—Jean Chartier, pp. 29-31.—Jacques +le Bouvier (Godefroy, p. 378).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_370_370" id="Footnote_370_370"></a><a href="#FNanchor_370_370"><span class="label">[370]</span></a> Procès, p. 479.—Journal d’un Bourgeois de Paris, an +1429, 1431.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_371_371" id="Footnote_371_371"></a><a href="#FNanchor_371_371"><span class="label">[371]</span></a> Chronique, p. 446.—Monstrelet, II. 64.—Buchon, p. +524.—Procès, p. 494.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_372_372" id="Footnote_372_372"></a><a href="#FNanchor_372_372"><span class="label">[372]</span></a> Buchon, pp. 539, 545.—Bernier, Monuments inédits de +France, Senlis, 1833, p. 18.—Journal d’un Bourgeois de Paris, an +1429.—Chronique, pp. 446-7.—Mémoires de Saint-Remy, ch. +152.—Thomassin, p. 540.—Nider Formicar. v. viii.—Procès, p. 479. +</p><p> +Christine de Pisan says of her: +</p> + +<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary=""> +<tr valign="top"><td>“Que peut-il d’autre estre dit plus<br /> + Ne des grands faits du temps passé: <br /> + Moysès en qui Dieu afflus<br /> + Mit graces et vertus assez;</td> + +<td>Il tira sans estre lassez<br /> +Le peuple Israël hors d’Egypte;<br /> +Par miracle ainsi repassez<br /> +Nous as de mal, pucelle eslite.”<br /> + Buchon, p. 542.</td></tr> +</table> + +<p> +The question which troubled Armagnac was a last struggle of the Great +Schism. Benedict XIII., who had never submitted to the Council of +Constance, died in 1424, when his cardinals quarrelled and elected two +successors to his shadowy papacy—Clement VIII. and Benedict XIV. In +1429, the Council of Tortosa suppressed them both, but at the moment it +was a subject on which Armagnac might imagine that heavenly guidance was +desirable.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_373_373" id="Footnote_373_373"></a><a href="#FNanchor_373_373"><span class="label">[373]</span></a> Görres, pp. 241-2, 273.—Procès, p. 482.—Buchon, pp. +513-4.—Dynteri Chron. Duc. Brabant. Lib. <small>VI</small>. ch. 235. +</p><p> +In the register of taxes every year was written opposite the names of +Domremy and Greux, “<i>Neant, la Pucelle</i>.” The grant of nobility to her +family had the very unusual clause that it passed by the female as well +as the male descendants, who were thus all exempt from taxation. As +matrimonial alliances extended among the rich bourgeoisie this exemption +spread so far that in 1614 the financial results caused its limitation +to the male lines for the future (Vallet de Viriville, Charles du Lis, +pp. 24, 88).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_374_374" id="Footnote_374_374"></a><a href="#FNanchor_374_374"><span class="label">[374]</span></a> Nider Formicar v. viii.—Rymer, X. 459, 472.—Gersoni +Opp. Ed. 1488, liii. T-Z.—M. de l’Averdy gives an abstract of other +learned disputations on the subject of Joan (ubi sup. III. 212-17).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_375_375" id="Footnote_375_375"></a><a href="#FNanchor_375_375"><span class="label">[375]</span></a> Chronique, p. 447.—Buchon, p. 524.—Pez, Thesaur. Anecd. +VI. <small>III</small>. 237.—Procès, p. 484.—L’Averdy, III. 338. +</p><p> +The popular explanation of Joan’s career connected her good-fortune with +a sword marked with five crosses on the blade, which she had +miraculously discovered in the church of St. Catharine de Fierbois, and +which she thenceforth carried. On the march to Reims, finding her +commands disregarded as to the exclusion of prostitutes from the army, +she beat some loose women with the flat of the blade and broke it. No +smith could weld the fragments together; she was obliged to wear another +sword, and her unvarying success disappeared.—Jean Chartier. pp. 20, +29, 42.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_376_376" id="Footnote_376_376"></a><a href="#FNanchor_376_376"><span class="label">[376]</span></a> Chronique, pp. 446-50.—Jean Chartier, p. 33-36.—Görres, +p. 215.—Monstrelet, II. 66-70.—Journal d’un Bourgeois de Paris, an +1429.—Procès, pp. 486, 490.—Mémoires de Saint-Remy, ch. 152.—Buchon, +pp. 524, 539.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_377_377" id="Footnote_377_377"></a><a href="#FNanchor_377_377"><span class="label">[377]</span></a> Görres, pp. 292-5.—Jean Chartier, pp. 39-40.—Jean le +Bouvier, p. 381.—Martini d’Auvergne, Vigiles de Charles VII.—Buchon, +p. 544.—Procès, pp. 480, 488, 490.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_378_378" id="Footnote_378_378"></a><a href="#FNanchor_378_378"><span class="label">[378]</span></a> Procès, pp. 481, 482, 488.—Mémoires de Saint-Remy, ch. +158.—Monstrelet, II. 84-86.—Chronique, p. 456.—Jean Chartier, p. 42.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_379_379" id="Footnote_379_379"></a><a href="#FNanchor_379_379"><span class="label">[379]</span></a> Monstrelet, II. 86.—Jean Chartier, p. 25.—Journal d’un +Bourgeois de Paris, an 1435.—L’Averdy (ubi sup. III. 8).—Chronique et +Procès, pp. 462-4.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_380_380" id="Footnote_380_380"></a><a href="#FNanchor_380_380"><span class="label">[380]</span></a> Monstrelet, II. 86.—Chronique, p. 462.—Procès, pp. 478, +480-1, 486, 487, 488, 489.—Le Brun de Charmettes, Histoire de Jeanne +d’Arc, III. 182-3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_381_381" id="Footnote_381_381"></a><a href="#FNanchor_381_381"><span class="label">[381]</span></a> Journal d’un Bourgeois de Paris, an 1429.—Le Brun de +Charmettes, III. 201-7, 210-12, 215, 224-6.—Procès, pp. 465-7, +477.—L’Averdy, pp. 391, 475, 499. +</p><p> +At least one of the assessors, Thomas de Courcelles, was a man of the +highest character and of distinguished learning. Immediately after the +trial of Joan he played a distinguished part at the Council of Basle, in +opposing the claims of the papacy. Æneas Sylvius says of him, “Inter +sacrarum literarum doctores insignis, quo nemo plura ex decretis sacri +concilii dictavit, vir juxta doctrinam mirabilis et amabilis, sed +modesta quadam verecundia semper intnens terram” (Æn. Sylv. Comment. de +Gestis Concil. Basil. Lib. <small>I</small>. p. 7, Ed. 1571).—He died in 1469 as Dean +of Nôtre Dame (Le Brun, III. 235).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_382_382" id="Footnote_382_382"></a><a href="#FNanchor_382_382"><span class="label">[382]</span></a> Ripoll III. 8.—Procès, pp. 467-8, 470, 509.—Le Brun de +Charmettes, III. 188, 192, 219, 407-8.—L’Averdy, p. 391.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_383_383" id="Footnote_383_383"></a><a href="#FNanchor_383_383"><span class="label">[383]</span></a> Procès, pp. 468-9.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_384_384" id="Footnote_384_384"></a><a href="#FNanchor_384_384"><span class="label">[384]</span></a> Procès, pp. 468, 472, 473, 476, 486, 487, 489, +501.—L’Averdy, pp. 107, 395.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_385_385" id="Footnote_385_385"></a><a href="#FNanchor_385_385"><span class="label">[385]</span></a> Procès, p. 487.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_386_386" id="Footnote_386_386"></a><a href="#FNanchor_386_386"><span class="label">[386]</span></a> Procès, pp. 489, 491, 494, 495, 499, 500, 501. +</p><p> +When, in 1456, the memory of Joan was rehabilitated, and the sentence +condemning her was pronounced null and void, it was of course necessary +to show that she had not refused to submit to the Church. Evidence was +furnished to prove that Nicholas l’Oyseleur, in whom she continued to +have confidence, secretly advised her that she was lost if she submitted +herself to the Church; but that Jean de la Fontaine, another of the +assessors, visited her in prison with two Dominicans, Isambard de la +Pierre and Martin l’Advenu, and explained to her that at the Council of +Basle, then sitting, there were as many of her friends as of enemies, +and at the next hearing, on March 30, Frère Isambard de la Pierre openly +repeated the suggestion, in consequence of which she offered to submit +to it, and also demanded to be taken to the pope, all of which Cauchon +forbade to be inserted in the record, and but for the active +intervention of Jean le Maître, the inquisitor, all three would have +incurred grave peril of death (L’Averdy, pp. 476-7.—Le Brun de +Charmettes, IV. 8-13.—Buchon, pp. 518-19). The rehabilitation +proceedings are quite as suspect as those of the trial; every one then +was anxious to make a record for himself and to prove that Joan had been +foully dealt with. As late as the nineteenth interrogatory, on March 27, +1431, Jean de la Fontaine was one of those who voted in favor of the +most rigorous dealings with Joan (Procès, p. 495).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_387_387" id="Footnote_387_387"></a><a href="#FNanchor_387_387"><span class="label">[387]</span></a> Procès, pp. 496-8, 502.—L’Averdy, pp. 33, 50.—Le Brun +de Charmettes, IV. 62-3, 94-5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_388_388" id="Footnote_388_388"></a><a href="#FNanchor_388_388"><span class="label">[388]</span></a> Procès, pp. 503-5.—L’Averdy, pp. 56-97.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_389_389" id="Footnote_389_389"></a><a href="#FNanchor_389_389"><span class="label">[389]</span></a> Le Brun de Charmettes, IV. 102-4, 106.—Procès, p. 506. +</p><p> +In considering the verdict of the University and the Inquisition it must +be borne in mind that visions of the Saviour, the Virgin, and the Saints +were almost every-day occurrences, and were recognized and respected by +the Church. The spiritual excitability of the Middle Ages brought the +supernatural world into close relations with the material. For a choice +collection of such stories see the Dialogues of Cæsarius of Heisterbach. +As a technical point of ecclesiastical law, moreover, Joan’s visions had +already been examined and approved by the prelates and doctors at Chinon +and Poitiers, including Pierre Cauchon’s metropolitan, Renaud, +Archbishop of Reims.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_390_390" id="Footnote_390_390"></a><a href="#FNanchor_390_390"><span class="label">[390]</span></a> Procès, pp. 508-9.—Journal d’un Bourgeois de Paris, an +1431.—Le Brun de Charmettes, IV. 110-41. +</p><p> +There are two forms of abjuration recorded as subscribed by Joan; one +brief and simple, the other elaborate (Procès, p. 508; Le Brun de +Charmettes, IV. 135-7). Cauchon has been accused of duplicity in reading +to her the shorter one and substituting the other for her signature. She +subsequently complained that she had never promised to abandon her male +attire—a promise which was contained in the longer but not in the +shorter one. Much has been made of this, but without reason. The short +abjuration is an unconditional admission of her errors, a revocation and +submission to the Church, and was as binding and effective as the +other.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_391_391" id="Footnote_391_391"></a><a href="#FNanchor_391_391"><span class="label">[391]</span></a> Le Brun de Charmettes, IV. 141.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_392_392" id="Footnote_392_392"></a><a href="#FNanchor_392_392"><span class="label">[392]</span></a> Procès, pp. 508-9.—Le Brun de Charmettes, IV. 147.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_393_393" id="Footnote_393_393"></a><a href="#FNanchor_393_393"><span class="label">[393]</span></a> Procès, p. 508.—Le Brun de Charmettes, IV. +166-70.—L’Averdy, p. 506.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_394_394" id="Footnote_394_394"></a><a href="#FNanchor_394_394"><span class="label">[394]</span></a> Procès, p. 509.—Le Brun de Charmettes, IV. 175-8.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_395_395" id="Footnote_395_395"></a><a href="#FNanchor_395_395"><span class="label">[395]</span></a> Le Brun de Charmettes, IV. 180-4.—L’Averdy, p. 488, 493 +sqq. +</p><p> +A week after Joan’s execution a statement was drawn up by seven of those +present in her cell to the effect that she acknowledged that her Voices +had deceived her and begged pardon of the English and Burgundians for +the evil she had done them, but this is evidently manufactured evidence, +and does not even bear a notarial attestation.—Le Brun de Charmettes, +IV. 220-5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_396_396" id="Footnote_396_396"></a><a href="#FNanchor_396_396"><span class="label">[396]</span></a> Le Brun de Charmettes, IV. 188-210.—Procès, pp. +509-10.—Journal d’un Bourgeois de Paris, an 1431. +</p><p> +When the excitement which led to Joan’s condemnation passed away, and +she was found to have been a useless victim, there was an effort made to +shift the responsibility from the ecclesiastical to the secular +authorities: it was claimed that there had been an irregularity in her +execution without a formal judgment in the lay court. Two years +afterwards, Louis de Luxembourg, then Archbishop of Rouen, and Guillaume +Duval, vicar of the inquisitor, condemned for heresy a certain Georges +Solenfant, and in delivering him to the Bailli of Rouen they gave +instructions that he should not be put to death, as Joan had been, +without a definitive judgment, in consequence of which there was a form +of sentencing him.—L’Averdy, p. 498.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_397_397" id="Footnote_397_397"></a><a href="#FNanchor_397_397"><span class="label">[397]</span></a> Journal d’un Bourgeois de Paris, an 1431.—August 8, +1431, a monk named Jean de la Pierre was brought before Cauchon and le +Maître charged with having spoken ill of the trial of Joan. This was a +perilous offence when the Inquisition was concerned. He asked pardon on +his knees, and excused himself on the ground that it was at table after +taking too much wine. He was mercifully treated by imprisonment on bread +and water in the Dominican convent until the following +Easter.—L’Averdy, p. 141.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_398_398" id="Footnote_398_398"></a><a href="#FNanchor_398_398"><span class="label">[398]</span></a> Le Brun de Charmettes, IV. 238-40.—L’Averdy, p. +269.—Monstrelet, II. 105.—Journal d’un Bourgeois de Paris, an 1431.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_399_399" id="Footnote_399_399"></a><a href="#FNanchor_399_399"><span class="label">[399]</span></a> Journal d’un Bourgeois de Paris, an 1430.—Nider +Formicar. v. viii.—Procès, p. 480.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_400_400" id="Footnote_400_400"></a><a href="#FNanchor_400_400"><span class="label">[400]</span></a> Monstrelet, II. 101.—Journal d’un Bourgeois, an +1431.—Mémoires de Saint-Remy ch. 172.—Abrégé de l’Hist. de Charles +VII. (Godefroy, p. 334).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_401_401" id="Footnote_401_401"></a><a href="#FNanchor_401_401"><span class="label">[401]</span></a> Le Brun de Charmettes, Liv. xv.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_402_402" id="Footnote_402_402"></a><a href="#FNanchor_402_402"><span class="label">[402]</span></a> Minuc. Felicis Octavius (Mag. Bib. Pat. Ed. 1618, III. 7, +8).—Tertull. de Idololat. x.—Lactant. Divin. Instit. <small>II</small>. 9.—Augustin. +de vera Relig. c. 13, c. 40 No. 75; De Genesi ad Litt. xi. 13, 17, 22, +27; Sermon. Append. No. 278 (Edit. Benedict)—Gregor. PP. I. Moral. in +Job <small>IV</small>. 13, 17, 32.—Chrysostom. de Imbecillitate Diaboli Homil. <small>I</small>. No. +6.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_403_403" id="Footnote_403_403"></a><a href="#FNanchor_403_403"><span class="label">[403]</span></a> Minuc. Felic. loc. cit.—Tertull. Apol. adv. Gentes c. +22.—Lactant. Divin. Instit. v. 22.—Testam. XII. Patriarch. <small>I</small>. +2-3.—Augustin. de Divin. Dæmon, c. 3, 4, 5, 6; de Civ. Dei <small>XV</small>. 23, <small>XXI</small>. +10; Enarrat. in Psalm. 61, 63.—Isidor. Hispalens. Lib. de Ord. Creatur. +c. 8.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_404_404" id="Footnote_404_404"></a><a href="#FNanchor_404_404"><span class="label">[404]</span></a> Origen. sup. Jesu Nave Homil. <small>XV</small>. 5, 6.—Ivon. Carnotens. +Decret. <small>XI</small>. 106.—Pselli de Operat. Dæmon. Dial.—Gregor. PP. I. Dial. +<small>I</small>. 4.—Cæsar, Heisterb. Dial. Dist. <small>IV</small>., <small>V</small>., <small>XI</small>. 17, <small>XII</small>. 5.—B. +Richalmi Lib. de Insid. Dæmon. (Pez Thesaur. Anecd. I. <small>II</small>. 376).—S. +Hildegardæ Epist. 67 (Martene Ampl. Coll. II. 1100).—Mall. Maleficar. +P. <small>II</small>. Q. 1. c. 3. +</p><p> +It was not every one who, like St. Francis, when demons were threatening +to torment him, could coolly welcome them, saying that his body was his +worst enemy, and that they were free to do with it whatever Christ would +permit—a view of the case which so abashed them that they incontinently +departed.—Amoni, Legenda S. Francisci, Append, c. liii.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_405_405" id="Footnote_405_405"></a><a href="#FNanchor_405_405"><span class="label">[405]</span></a> Cæsar. Heisterb. <small>III</small>. 26, v. 9, 10, 35, 36.—Froissart, +<small>III</small>. 22.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_406_406" id="Footnote_406_406"></a><a href="#FNanchor_406_406"><span class="label">[406]</span></a> Fr. Lenormant, La Magie chez les Chaldéens, p. +36.—Plutarch, vit. Numæ, <small>IV</small>.—Joseph. Antiq. Jud. <small>I</small>. 3.—Augustin. de +Civ. Dei <small>III</small>. 5: <small>XV</small>. 23.—Gualt. Mapes de Nugis Curialium Dist. <small>II</small>. c. +xi., xii., xiii.—Paul. Æginet. Instit. Med. <small>III</small>. 15.—Chrysost. Homil. +in Genesim <small>XXII</small>., No. 2.—Clem. Alexand. Stromat. Libb. <small>III</small>., v. (Ed. +Sylburg. pp. 450, 550).—Tertull. Apol. adv. Gentes, c. xxii.; De Carne +Christi c. vi., xiv.—Hinemar. de Divort. Lothar. Interrog. +xv.—Guibert. Noviogent. de Vita sua Lib. <small>III</small>. c. 19.—Cæsar. Heisterb. +<small>III</small>. 8, 11, 13.—Gervas. Tilberien. Otia Imp. Decis. <small>III</small>. c. 86.—Matt. +Paris. ann. 1249 (p. 514).—Chron. Bardin. (Vaissette, IV. Pr. +5).—Mémoires de Jacques Du Clercq, Liv. <small>IV</small>. c. 8.—Innoc. PP. VIII. +Bull. <i>Summis desiderantes</i>, 2 Dec. 1484.—Silv. Prieriat. de +Strigimagar Lib. <small>I</small>. c. 2; Lib. <small>II</small>. c. 3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_407_407" id="Footnote_407_407"></a><a href="#FNanchor_407_407"><span class="label">[407]</span></a> Gianfrancesco Pico della Mirandola, La Strega, Milano, +1864, p. 80.—Thomæ Cantimpratens. Bonum universale, Lib. <small>II</small>. c. +55.—Alvar. Pelag. de Planct. Eccles. Lib. <small>II</small>. Art. xlv. No. +102.—Prieriatis de Strigimagar. <small>II</small>. iii., xi.—Sinistrari de +Dæmonialitate No. 1-3.—Mall. Maleficar. P. <small>II</small>. Q. i. c. 4-8: P. <small>II</small>. Q. +ii. c. 1.—Ulric. Molitor. Dial. de Python. Mulieribus Conclus. v.—Th. +Aquin. Summ. <small>I</small>. li. Art. iii. No. 6.—Nider Formicar. Lib. v. c. ix., +x.—Guill. Arvern. Episc. Paris. de Universo (Wright, Proceedings +against Dame Alice Kyteler, Camden Soc. p. xxxviii.).—Villemarqué, +Myrdhinn, ou l’Enchanteur Merlin, p. 11.—Alonso de Spina, Fortalicium +Fidei, Ed. 1494, fol. 283.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_408_408" id="Footnote_408_408"></a><a href="#FNanchor_408_408"><span class="label">[408]</span></a> Tertull. de Corona c. iii.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_409_409" id="Footnote_409_409"></a><a href="#FNanchor_409_409"><span class="label">[409]</span></a> Rig Veda V. <small>VIII</small>. iv. 15, 16, 24 (Ludwig’s Rig Veda, +Prag, 1876-8, II. 379, III. 345).—Atharva Veda <small>II</small>. 27, <small>III</small>. 6, <small>IV</small>. 18, +<small>V</small>. 14, <small>VI</small>. 37, 75 (Grill, Hundert Lieder des Atharva Veda, Tübingen, +1879).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_410_410" id="Footnote_410_410"></a><a href="#FNanchor_410_410"><span class="label">[410]</span></a> Polano, Selections from the Talmud, pp. 174, +176.—Augustin. de Trinitate Lib. <small>III</small>. c. 8, 9.—Targum of Palestine on +Exod. i.; vii. 11; Numb. xxii. 22.—Fabricii Cod. Pseudepig. Vet. +Testam. I. 813; II. 106.—Chron. Samaritan, xli., xliii. +</p><p> +Curiously enough, the fame as magicians of Moses and of his opponents +was preserved together. Pliny (N. H. <small>XXX</small>. 2) attributes the founding of +what he calls the second school of magic to “Moses and Jannes and +Lotapes.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_411_411" id="Footnote_411_411"></a><a href="#FNanchor_411_411"><span class="label">[411]</span></a> Talmud Babli, Kiddushin, fol. 49 <i>b</i> (Wagenseilii Sota, +pp. 502-3).—Thonissen, Droit Criminel des Anciens, II. 222 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_412_412" id="Footnote_412_412"></a><a href="#FNanchor_412_412"><span class="label">[412]</span></a> Hesiod. Frag. 202.—Pherecyd. Frag. 102, 102<i>a</i>.—Pausan. +<small>VI</small>. <small>XX</small>.; <small>IX</small>. xviii., <small>XXX</small>.—Apollodor. I. ix. 25.—Plut. de Defectu. +Orac. 13; de Pythiæ Orac. 12.—Diog. Laert. <small>VIII</small>. ii. 4; viii. +20.—Iambl. Vit. Pythag. 134-5, 222.—Philost. Vit. Apollon. +passim.—Æl. Lamprid. Alex. Sever. xxix.—Flav. Vopisc. Aurelian. +xxiv.—Cedren. Hist. Compend. sub Claud. et Domit.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_413_413" id="Footnote_413_413"></a><a href="#FNanchor_413_413"><span class="label">[413]</span></a> Porphyr. de Abstinent. <small>II</small>. 41, 52-3.—Marini Vit. Procli +23, 26-8.—Damascii Vit. Isidori 107, 116, 126.—Porphyr. Vit. Plotini +10, 11.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_414_414" id="Footnote_414_414"></a><a href="#FNanchor_414_414"><span class="label">[414]</span></a> Apollon. Rhod. Argonaut. I. 1128-31.—Pherecyd. Frag. +7.—Diod. Sicul. v. 55-6.—Ovid. Metam. <small>VII</small>. 365-7.—Suidas s. v. +Τελχἱνες.—Strabon. X.—Odyss. x. 211-396.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_415_415" id="Footnote_415_415"></a><a href="#FNanchor_415_415"><span class="label">[415]</span></a> Plin. N. H. xxx. ii.—Platon. de Repub. <small>II</small>.; de Legg. <small>I</small>.; +<small>IX</small>. (Ed. Astius, IV. 80; VI. 68, 348-50).—Luciani Philopseud. +14.—Philost. Vit. Apollon. <small>VIII</small>. 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_416_416" id="Footnote_416_416"></a><a href="#FNanchor_416_416"><span class="label">[416]</span></a> Ovid. Fastor. <small>II</small>. 571-82.—Lucan. Pharsal. <small>VI</small>. 507-28, +534-7, 567-9, 766.—Appul. de Magia Orat. pp. 37, 62-4 (Ed. +Bipont.).—Horat. Sat. <small>I</small>. viii.; Epod. v.—Petron. Arb. Satyr.—Pauli +Sentt. Receptt. v. xxxiii. 15.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_417_417" id="Footnote_417_417"></a><a href="#FNanchor_417_417"><span class="label">[417]</span></a> Tacit. Annal. <small>II</small>. 69; <small>III</small>. 13.—Sueton. Calig. 3.—Ovid. +Amor. <small>III</small>. vii. 29-34; Heroid. <small>VI</small>. 90-2.—Horat. Sat. <small>I</small>. viii. 29-32, +42-3.—August, de Civ. Dei <small>XVIII</small>. 18.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_418_418" id="Footnote_418_418"></a><a href="#FNanchor_418_418"><span class="label">[418]</span></a> Festus s. v. Strigæ.—Virg. Eclog. <small>VIII</small>. 97.—August, de +Civ. Dei <small>XVIII</small>. 17.—Paul Æginet. Instit. Medic. <small>III</small>. 16.—Gervas. +Tilberiens. Otia Imperial. Decis. <small>III</small>. c. 120.—Cf. Volsunga Saga <small>V</small>., +<small>VIII</small>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_419_419" id="Footnote_419_419"></a><a href="#FNanchor_419_419"><span class="label">[419]</span></a> Propert. <small>IV</small>. v. 18.—Virg. Æneid. <i>iv</i>. 512-16.—Plin. N. +H. <small>VIII</small>. 56.—Livii <small>XXXIX</small>. 11.—Joseph. Antiq. Jud. <small>XIX</small>. 12.—Tibull. <small>I</small>. +viii. 5-6.—Ovid. Amor. <small>III</small>. vii. 27-35.—Petron. Arb. Sat—Jul. +Capitolin, Marc. Aurel. 19.—Appul. de Magia Orat.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_420_420" id="Footnote_420_420"></a><a href="#FNanchor_420_420"><span class="label">[420]</span></a> Legg. <small>XII</small>. Tabul. Tab. viii.—Senecæ Quæst. Natural. Lib. +<small>IV</small>. c. 7.—Plin. N. H. <small>XXVIII</small>. 4.—Liv. <small>XXXIX</small>. 41.—Tacit. Annal. <small>II</small>. +32; <small>IV</small>. 22, 52; <small>XVI</small>. 28-31.—Philost Vit. Apollon. <small>IV</small>. 35.—Spartian. +Anton. Caracall. 5.—Lib. <small>XLVII</small>. Dig. viii. 14.—Pauli Sententt. +Receptt. v. xxiii. 14-18.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_421_421" id="Footnote_421_421"></a><a href="#FNanchor_421_421"><span class="label">[421]</span></a> Tertull. Apol. 23, 40.—Constitt. Apostol. <small>VI</small>. 9.—Arnob. +adv. Gentes <small>II</small>. 12.—Hippol. Refut. omn. Hæres. Lib. <small>VI</small>.—Acts <small>XIX</small>. 19.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_422_422" id="Footnote_422_422"></a><a href="#FNanchor_422_422"><span class="label">[422]</span></a> Pauli Diac. Hist. Miscell. <small>X</small>., <small>XI</small>.—Euseb. Vit. Constant. +<small>II</small>. 4-7, 11-12.—S. Nili Capita parænetica No. 61.—S. August. de Civ. +Dei <small>XXII</small>. 8. Cf. Evodii de Mirac. S. Stephani. +</p><p> +The Labarum of Constantine was the Greek cross with four equal arms, a +symbol frequently seen on Chaldean and Assyrian cylinders. Oppert +attaches to it the root לבר, thus explaining the word +Labarum, the derivation of which has never been understood (Oppert et +Menant, Documents juridiques de l’Assyrie, Paris, 1877, p. 200). The +fetichism connected with the cross probably took its rise from the +Labarum. Maxentius, we are told, was an ardent adept in magic, and +relied upon it for success against Constantine, who was much alarmed +until reassured by the vision of the cross and its starry inscription, +“<i>In hoc vince</i>” (Euseb. H. E. <small>IX</small>. 9; Vit. Const, <small>I</small>. 28-31, 36.—Pauli +Diac. Hist. Miscell. Lib. <small>XI</small>.—Zonaræ Annal. T. <small>III</small>.). The melting of +pagan superstitions into Christian is illustrated by the incident that +when Constantine routed Maxentius at the Milvian Bridge he was preceded +in battle by an armed cavalier bearing a cross, and at Adrianople two +youths were seen who slaughtered the troops of Licinius (Zonaræ Annal. +T. <small>III</small>.). The Christian annalists had no difficulty in identifying with +angels of God those whom Pagan writers would designate as Castores.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_423_423" id="Footnote_423_423"></a><a href="#FNanchor_423_423"><span class="label">[423]</span></a> Cohen, Les Pharisiens, I. 311.—Lightfooti Horæ Hebraicæ, +Matt. <small>XXIV</small>. 24.—Mishna, Sanhedrin, <small>VII</small>. 7; x. 16.—Talmud Babli, +Shabbath, 75 <i>a</i> (Buxtorfi Lexicon, p. 1170).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_424_424" id="Footnote_424_424"></a><a href="#FNanchor_424_424"><span class="label">[424]</span></a> Minuc. Felic. Octavius (Bib. Mag. Pat. III. +7-8).—Tertull. Apol. 35; de Anima 57.—Acta SS. Justin. et Cyprian. +(Martene Thesaur. II. 1629).—Constitt. Apostol. II. 66.—Lactant. +Divin. Inst. <small>II</small>. 17.—Concil. Ancyrens. ann. 314 c. 24.—C. Laodicens. +ann. 320 c. 36.—C. Eliberitan. circa 324 c. 6.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_425_425" id="Footnote_425_425"></a><a href="#FNanchor_425_425"><span class="label">[425]</span></a> Cato. Rei Rust. 5.—Sueton. Tiber. 63.—Lib. <small>IX</small>. Cod. +Theod. xvi. 1-6. +</p><p> +For the care with which the Romans suppressed unauthorized soothsaying +see Livy, xxxix. 16, and Pauli Sententt. Receptt. v. xxi. 1, 2, 3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_426_426" id="Footnote_426_426"></a><a href="#FNanchor_426_426"><span class="label">[426]</span></a> Ammian. Marcellin. <small>XIX</small>. xii. 14; <small>XXVI</small>. iii.; <small>XXIX</small>. i. +5-14, ii. 1-5.—Zozimi <small>IV</small>. 14.—Lib. <small>IX</small>. Cod. Theod. xvi. 7-12. +</p><p> +Yet favoritism led Valens to pardon Pollentianus, a military tribune, +who confessed that, for the purpose of ascertaining the destiny of the +imperial crown, he had ripped open a living woman and extracted her +unborn babe to perform a hideous rite of necromancy (Am. Marcell. <small>XXIX</small>. +ii. 17). In the later Roman augury, contaminated with Eastern rites, +omens of the highest significance were found in the entrails of human +victims, especially in those of the fœtus (Æl. Lamprid. Elagabal. +8.—Euseb. H. E. <small>VII</small>. 10, <small>VIII</small>. 14.—Paul. Diac. Hist. Miscell. <small>XI</small>.).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_427_427" id="Footnote_427_427"></a><a href="#FNanchor_427_427"><span class="label">[427]</span></a> Augustin. de Civ. Dei x. 9; <small>XXI</small>. 6; de Genesi ad Litteram +<small>XI</small>.; de Divinat. Dæmon, v.; de Doctr. Christ. <small>II</small>. 20-4; Serm. +278.—Concil. Carthag. <small>IV</small>. ann. 398, c. 89.—Dracont. de Deo <small>II</small>. +324-7.—Leon. PP. I. Serm. <small>XXVII</small>. c. 3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_428_428" id="Footnote_428_428"></a><a href="#FNanchor_428_428"><span class="label">[428]</span></a> Lib. <small>IX</small>. Cod. xviii. 2-6.—Basilicon Lib. <small>LX</small>. Tit. xxxix. +3, 28-32.—Photii Nomocanon. Tit. ix. cap. 25.—Nicet. Choniat. Man. +Comnen. Lib. <small>IV</small>.; Andron. Lib. <small>II</small>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_429_429" id="Footnote_429_429"></a><a href="#FNanchor_429_429"><span class="label">[429]</span></a> Edict. Theodorici c. 108.—Gregor. PP. I. Dial. Lib. <small>I</small>. +c. 4.—Cassiodor. Variar. <small>IV</small>. 22, 23, <small>IX</small>. 18.—Gregor. PP. I. Epist. <small>XI</small>. +53.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_430_430" id="Footnote_430_430"></a><a href="#FNanchor_430_430"><span class="label">[430]</span></a> LI. Wisigoth. <small>II</small>. iv. 1; <small>VI</small>. i. 4; <small>VI</small>. ii. 1, 3, 4, +5.—Fuero Juzgo <small>II</small>. iv. 1; <small>VI</small>. ii. 1, 3, 5.—Concil. Bracarens. II. ann. +572 c. 71.—Conc. Toletan. IV. ann. 633 c. 28.—Isidor. Hispalens. +Etymol. <small>VIII</small>. 9; de Ord. Creatur. viii.—S. Pirmiani de Libb. Canon. +Scarapsus.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_431_431" id="Footnote_431_431"></a><a href="#FNanchor_431_431"><span class="label">[431]</span></a> Haddan and Stubbs, Concil. III. 37.—Bedæ H. E. <small>II</small>. 15.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_432_432" id="Footnote_432_432"></a><a href="#FNanchor_432_432"><span class="label">[432]</span></a> Haddan and Stubbs, II. 320-3. Three stanzas of the eleven +of which the hymn consists will show its character as an incantation: +</p> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i5">1.<br /></span> +<span class="i0">I bind to myself to-day<br /></span> +<span class="i0">The strong power of an invocation of the Trinity,<br /></span> +<span class="i0">The faith of the Trinity in Unity,<br /></span> +<span class="i0">The Creator of the elements.<br /></span> +<span class="i0"> <br /></span> +<span class="i5">4.<br /></span> +<span class="i0">I bind to myself to-day<br /></span> +<span class="i0">The power of Heaven,<br /></span> +<span class="i0">The light of the Sun,<br /></span> +<span class="i0">The whiteness of Snow,<br /></span> +<span class="i0">The force of Fire,<br /></span> +<span class="i0">The flashing of Lightning,<br /></span> +<span class="i0">The velocity of Wind,<br /></span> +<span class="i0">The stability of the Earth,<br /></span> +<span class="i0">The hardness of Rocks.<br /></span> +<span class="i0"> <br /></span> +<span class="i5">6.<br /></span> +<span class="i0">I have set around me all these powers,<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Against every hostile savage power,<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Directed against my body and my soul,<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Against the incantations of false prophets,<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Against the black laws of heathenism,<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Against the false laws of heresy,<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Against the deceits of idolatry,<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Against the spells of women and smiths and druids,<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Against all knowledge which blinds the soul of man.<br /></span> +</div></div></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_433_433" id="Footnote_433_433"></a><a href="#FNanchor_433_433"><span class="label">[433]</span></a> Grimm’s Teutonic Mythol., Stallybrass’s Transl. III. +1028.—Trithem. Lib. Quæst. Q. <small>VI</small>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_434_434" id="Footnote_434_434"></a><a href="#FNanchor_434_434"><span class="label">[434]</span></a> Volsunga Saga, <small>XXIV</small>., <small>XXV</small>., <small>XXXII</small>.—Gripispa.—Keyser’s +Religion of the Northmen, Pennock’s Transl. pp. 191, 285-7.—Tacit. +Histor. <small>IV</small>. 61, 65; German. viii.—Volüspa, 2, 21, 22.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_435_435" id="Footnote_435_435"></a><a href="#FNanchor_435_435"><span class="label">[435]</span></a> Saxo. Grammat. Lib. <small>I</small>.—Havamal, 159.—Grougaldr, +1.—Vegtamskvida, 9.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_436_436" id="Footnote_436_436"></a><a href="#FNanchor_436_436"><span class="label">[436]</span></a> Cæsar. de Bell. Gall. <small>I</small>. 53.—Remberti Vit. S. Anscharii +c. 16, 23, 24, 27.—Tacit. German. x.—Ammian. Marcellin. <small>XXXI</small>. +2.—Carolomanni Capit. <small>II</small>. ad Liptinas.—Carol. Mag. Capit. de Partibus +Saxon. c. 23.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_437_437" id="Footnote_437_437"></a><a href="#FNanchor_437_437"><span class="label">[437]</span></a> Tacit. German. ix., x.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_438_438" id="Footnote_438_438"></a><a href="#FNanchor_438_438"><span class="label">[438]</span></a> Adam. Bremens. <small>IV</small>. 16, 31.—Saxon. Grammat. Lib. +<small>I</small>.—Yuglinga Saga, 6, 7 (Laing’s Heimskringla). +</p><p> +The Finns were not behind their neighbors in the powers attributed to +spells and incantations. In the Kalevala, Louhi, the sorceress of the +North, steals the sun and moon, which had come down from heaven to +listen to Wainamoinen’s singing, and hides them in a mountain, but is +compelled to let them out again through dread of counter-spells. The +powers of magic song are fairly summarized in the final contest between +Wainamoinen and Youkahainen: +</p> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">“Bravely sang the ancient minstrel,<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Till the flinty rocks and ledges<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Heard the trumpet tone and trembled,<br /></span> +<span class="ist">And the copper-bearing mountains<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Shook along their deep foundations,<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Flinty rocks flew straight asunder,<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Falling cliffs afar were scattered,<br /></span> +<span class="ist">All the solid earth resounded,<br /></span> +<span class="ist">And the ocean billows answered.<br /></span> +<span class="i2">And, alas! for Youkahainen,<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Lo! his sledge so fairly fashioned,<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Floats, a waif upon the ocean.<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Lo! his pearl-enamelled birch-rod<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Lies, a weed upon the margin.<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Lo! his steed of shining forehead<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Stands, a statue in the torrent,<br /></span> +<span class="ist">And his hame is but a fir-bough<br /></span> +<span class="ist">And his collar naught but corn-straw.<br /></span> +<span class="i2">Still the minstrel sings unceasing,<br /></span> +<span class="ist">And, alas! for Youkahainen,<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Sings his sword from out his scabbard,<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Hangs it in the sky before him<br /></span> +<span class="ist">As it were a gleam of lightning;<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Sings his bow, so gayly blazoned,<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Into driftwood on the ocean;<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Sings his finely feathered arrows<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Into swift and screaming eagles;<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Sings his dog, with crooked muzzle,<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Into stone-dog squatting near him;<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Into sea-flowers sings his gauntlets,<br /></span> +<span class="ist">And his vizor into vapor,<br /></span> +<span class="ist">And himself, the sorry fellow,<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Ever deeper in his torture,<br /></span> +<span class="ist">In the quicksand to the shoulder,<br /></span> +<span class="ist">To his hip in mud and water.”<br /></span> +<span class="i0">—<i>Porter’s Selections from the Kalevala</i>, pp. 84-5.<br /></span> +</div></div> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_439_439" id="Footnote_439_439"></a><a href="#FNanchor_439_439"><span class="label">[439]</span></a> Havamal, 142, 150-63.—Harbarsdliod, 20.—Sigrdrifumal, +6-13, 15-18.—Skirnismal, 36.—Rigsmal, 40, 41.—Grougaldr, 6-14.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_440_440" id="Footnote_440_440"></a><a href="#FNanchor_440_440"><span class="label">[440]</span></a> Harbardsliod, 20.—Skirnismal, 26-34.—Keyser, op. cit. +pp. 270, 293.—Hyndluliod, 43.—Lays of Sigurd and +Brynhild.—Gudrunarkvida, <small>II</small>. 21.—Sigrdrifumal, 4. +</p><p> +At the close of the fifteenth century, Sprenger relates (Mall. +Maleficar. P. <small>II</small>. Q. i. c. 9) as a recent occurrence in a town in the +diocese of Strassburg, that a laborer cutting wood in a forest was +attacked by three enormous cats, which after a fierce encounter he +succeeded in beating off with a stick. An hour afterwards he was +arrested and cast in a dungeon on the charge of brutally beating three +ladies of the best families in the town, who were so injured as to be +confined to their beds, and it was not without considerable difficulty +that he proved his case and was discharged under strict injunctions of +secrecy. Gervais of Tilbury, early in the thirteenth century, had +already referred to such occurrences as an established fact (Otia Imp. +Decis. <small>III</small>. c. 93). +</p><p> +The same belief was current among the Slavs. Prior to the conversion of +Bohemia, in a civil war under Necla, a youth summoned to battle had a +witch stepmother who predicted defeat, but counselled him, if he wished +to escape, to kill the first enemy he met, cut off his ears and put them +in his pocket. He obeyed and returned home in safety, but found his +dearly beloved bride dead, with a sword-thrust in the bosom and both +ears off—which he had in his pocket.—Æn. Sylv. Hist. Bohem. c. 10.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_441_441" id="Footnote_441_441"></a><a href="#FNanchor_441_441"><span class="label">[441]</span></a> Olaf Tryggvesson’s Saga, 37 (Laing’s +Heimskringla).—Volsunga Saga, <small>VII</small>., <small>XXVII</small>.—Sigurdtharkvida Fafnisbana +<small>I</small>. 37, 38.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_442_442" id="Footnote_442_442"></a><a href="#FNanchor_442_442"><span class="label">[442]</span></a> Olaf Haraldsson’s Saga, 204, 240 (Laing’s +Heimskringla).—Volsunga Saga, <small>III</small>. 15.—Keyser, op. cit. p. 294.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_443_443" id="Footnote_443_443"></a><a href="#FNanchor_443_443"><span class="label">[443]</span></a> Havamal, 157.—Harbardsliod, 20.—L. Salic. Tit. lxiv. +(First Text of Pardessus).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_444_444" id="Footnote_444_444"></a><a href="#FNanchor_444_444"><span class="label">[444]</span></a> Grougaldr.—Olaf Haraldsson’s Saga, 8.—Olaf +Tryggvesson’s Saga, 85-7. (Laing’s Heimskringla).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_445_445" id="Footnote_445_445"></a><a href="#FNanchor_445_445"><span class="label">[445]</span></a> Keyser, op. cit. pp. 268, 271-2.—Harald Harfaager’s +Saga, 34 (Laing’s Heimskringla).—All this is nearly equalled by the +powers attributed in 1437 by Eugenius IV. to the witches of his time, +who by a simple word or touch or sign could regulate the weather or +bewitch whom they pleased (Raynald. ann. 1437, No. 27).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_446_446" id="Footnote_446_446"></a><a href="#FNanchor_446_446"><span class="label">[446]</span></a> L. Salic. Text. Herold, Tit. lxvii (also in the third +text of Pardessus, and the L. Emendata Tit. lxvii., but not in the +others).—Capit. Carol. Mag. de Partibus Saxoniæ ann. 794, c. vi.—Olaf +Haraldsson’s Saga, 151 (Laing’s Heimskringla). Cf. Horace (Ars Poet.), +“Neu pransæ Lamiæ vivum puerum extrahat alvo.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_447_447" id="Footnote_447_447"></a><a href="#FNanchor_447_447"><span class="label">[447]</span></a> Grimm, op. cit. III. 1044, 1050-1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_448_448" id="Footnote_448_448"></a><a href="#FNanchor_448_448"><span class="label">[448]</span></a> L. Salic. First Text, Tit. lxiv. § 2; Text. Herold. Tit. +lxvii.; Third Text, Tit. lxiv.—Blackwell’s Mallet, Bohn’s Ed. p. +524.—Keyser, op. cit. pp. 266-7.—Harald Harfaager’s Saga, 25, 36 +(Laing’s Heimskringla).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_449_449" id="Footnote_449_449"></a><a href="#FNanchor_449_449"><span class="label">[449]</span></a> L. Salic. Text. Herold. Tit. xxii.; MS. Guelferbit. Tit. +xix.—L. Ripuar. Tit. lxxxiii.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_450_450" id="Footnote_450_450"></a><a href="#FNanchor_450_450"><span class="label">[450]</span></a> Greg. Turon. de Mirac. Lib. <small>II</small>. c. 45; de Mirac. S. +Martini Lib. <small>I</small>. c. 26.—Concil. Venetic. ann. 465 c. 16.—Concil. +Agathens. ann. 506 c. 42, 68.—C. Aurelianens. I. ann. 511 c. 30.—C. +Autissiodor. ann. 578 c. 4.—C. Narbonnens. ann. 589 c. 14.—C. Remens. +ann. 630 c. 14.—C. Rotomagens. ann. 650 c. 4.—Greg. Turon. Hist. +Francor. <small>VII</small>. 44. +</p><p> +The hostility of Christian magic to its rivals extended even to rational +medicine. Gregory of Tours develops the teaching of St. Nilus by giving +examples to show that it was a sin to have recourse to natural remedies, +such as blood-letting, instead of trusting wholly to the intercession of +saints.—Hist. Franc. v. 6; de Mirac. S. Martini <small>II</small>. 60. +</p><p> +It was in vain for the Church to proscribe goetic magic while it +fostered the beliefs on which the superstition was based by encouraging +the practice of sacred magic. For example, there was little use in +endeavoring to suppress amulets and charms while the faithful were +taught to carry the Agnus Dei, or figure of a lamb stamped in wax +remaining from the paschal candles, and consecrated by the pope. In +forbidding the decoration and sale of these in 1471, Paul II. expatiates +on their efficacy in preserving from fire and shipwreck, in averting +tempests and lightning and hail, and in assisting women in +childbirth.—Raynald. ann. 1471, No. 58.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_451_451" id="Footnote_451_451"></a><a href="#FNanchor_451_451"><span class="label">[451]</span></a> Greg. Turon. Hist. Franc. v. 40; <small>VII</small>. 35.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_452_452" id="Footnote_452_452"></a><a href="#FNanchor_452_452"><span class="label">[452]</span></a> L. Langobard. <small>II</small>. xxxviii. l. 2 (Liutprand).—<small>I</small>. ii. 9 +(Rotharis).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_453_453" id="Footnote_453_453"></a><a href="#FNanchor_453_453"><span class="label">[453]</span></a> Concil. Suessionens. ann. 744.—Zachar. PP. Epist. 9, +10.—Bonifacii Epist. lvii.—Synod. Roman. ann. 745 (Bonifacii Opp. <small>III</small>. +10).—Carol. Mag. Capit. Aquisgr. ann. 789 c. 16.—Capit. Herardi +Archiep. Turon. ann. 838 c. 3 (Baluz. Capitular. I. 677).—Atton. +Vercell. Capitular. c. 48.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_454_454" id="Footnote_454_454"></a><a href="#FNanchor_454_454"><span class="label">[454]</span></a> Gregor. PP. II. Capit. data legatis in Bavariam, c. 8, +9.—Concil. German. I. (Caroloman. Capit. I., Baluz. I. 104-5).—Concil. +Liptinens. ann. 743 (Caroloman. Capit. II., Baluz. I. 106-8).—Bonifac. +Epistt. 49, 63.—Zachar. PP. Epist. <small>II</small>. c. 6.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_455_455" id="Footnote_455_455"></a><a href="#FNanchor_455_455"><span class="label">[455]</span></a> Carol. Mag. Capit. Aquisgr. ann. 789 c. 18, 63; Capit. +II. ann. 806 c. 25; Capit. de Partibus Saxon. ann. 789 c. 6, 23.—S. +Gregor. PP. III. De Crimin. et Remed. 16.—Theodori Pœnitent. Lib. <small>I</small>. c. +<small>XV</small>. (Haddan and Stubbs. III. 190).—Egberti Pœnitent. <small>VIII</small>. 1 (Ib. p. +424).—Burchardi Decret. x. 8, 24, 28, 31.—Ghaerbaldi Instruct. +Pastoral, c. x.; Judic. Sacerdotal. c. x., xi., xx., xxiv., xxv., xxxi., +xxxvi. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VII. 25-33).—Libell. de Remed. Peccat. c. 9 +(Ib. p. 44).—Concil. Paris, ann. 829 Lib. <small>III</small>. c. 2 (Harduin. IV. +1352).—Herardi Turon. Capit. iii. ann. 838 (Baluz. I. 1285).—Capitul. +<small>I</small>. 21, 63; v. 69; <small>VI</small>. 215; Addit. <small>II</small>. c. 21.—Rabani Mauri de Magicis +Artibus.—Hincmar. de Divort. Lothar. Interrog. xv.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_456_456" id="Footnote_456_456"></a><a href="#FNanchor_456_456"><span class="label">[456]</span></a> Nithardi Hist. Lib. <small>I</small>. c. 5, ann. 834.—Concil. +Bracarens. I. ann. 563 c. 8.—Burchard. Decret. <small>X</small>. 8.—Ivon. Decret. <small>XI</small>. +36.—Bernardi Comens. de Strigiis c. 14.—Ghaerbald. Judic. Sacerd. +20.—Herard. Turon. capit. iii.—Conc. Paris. ann. 829 Lib. <small>III</small>. c. +2.—S. Agobardi Lib. de Grandine c. 1, 2, 15, 16. +</p><p> +Even as late as the eleventh century Bishop Burchard prescribes penance +for believing that sorcerers can affect the weather or influence the +human mind to affection or hatred (Decret. <small>XIX</small>. 5). In less than two +centuries and a half Thomas of Cantimpré shows that it was perfectly +orthodox to assert that tempests were caused by demons (Bonum +universale, Lib. <small>II</small>. c. 56).—It could scarce be otherwise when we +consider the complete control over the weather attributed to sorcerers +in Norse magic, and the adoption of the heathen superstitions by +mediæval Christianity.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_457_457" id="Footnote_457_457"></a><a href="#FNanchor_457_457"><span class="label">[457]</span></a> Concil. Ticinens. ann. 850 c. 25.—Annal. Corbeiens. ann. +914 (Leibnit. S. R. Brunsvic. II. 299).—Atton. Vercell. Capit. c. +48.—Sigebert. Gemblacens. ann. 995.—Alberic. Trium Font. ann. 998, +999, 1002.—Cæsar. Heisterbach. Dist. v. c. 18. +</p><p> +For the acquirements of Gerbert of Aurillac see Richeri Hist. Lib. <small>II</small>. +c. xliii. sqq. A man capable of making, in the tenth century, a sphere +to represent the earth, with the Arctic Circle and Tropic of Cancer +traced on it, might well pass for a magician, although the sphericity of +the earth was no secret to the Arabic philosophers (Avicenna de Cœlo et +Mundo c. x.). How durable was Gerbert’s unsavory reputation is seen in +the retention of the stories concerning him by the mediæval historians +down to the time of Platina (Ptol. Lucens. Hist. Eccles. Lib. <small>XVIII</small>. c. +vi.-viii.—Platinæ Vit. Pontif. s. v. Silvest. II.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_458_458" id="Footnote_458_458"></a><a href="#FNanchor_458_458"><span class="label">[458]</span></a> Synod. Patricii c. 16 (Haddan and Stubbs, II. +329).—Gregor. PP. VII. Regist. <small>VII</small> 21.—Reginon. de Discip. Eccles. <small>II</small>. +347 sqq.—Burchardi Decret. Lib. <small>X</small>., Lib. <small>XIX</small>. c. 5.—Ivon. Decreti P. +<small>XI</small>.—Ivon. Panorm. <small>VI</small>. 117; <small>VIII</small>. 61 sqq.—P. II. Decret. caus. <small>XXXIII</small>. +Q. 1, c. 4.—Mall. Maleficar. P. <small>I</small>. Q. 8.—Guibert. Noviogent. de Vita +sua <small>I</small>. 12.—Rigord. de Gest. Phil. Aug. ann. 1193.—Durandi Specul. +Juris Lib. <small>IV</small>., Partic. <small>IV</small>., Rubr. de Frigidis, etc.—Johann. +Saresberiens. Polycrat. <small>II</small>. 9-12.—Pet. Blesens. Epist. 65. +</p><p> +The belief in “ligatures” is one of the oldest and most universal of +superstitions. Herodotus (<small>II</small>. 181) relates that Amasis who reigned in +Egypt about the middle of the sixth century B. C., found himself thus +afflicted when he married the Cyrenean princess Ladice. Notwithstanding +the political importance of maintaining the alliance cemented by the +marriage, he accused her of employing sorcery and threatened her with +death. In her extremity she made a vow in the temple of Venus to send a +statue of the goddess to Cyrene. Her prayer was heard and her life was +saved.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_459_459" id="Footnote_459_459"></a><a href="#FNanchor_459_459"><span class="label">[459]</span></a> Gest. Treviror. Archiep. c. 19.—Lambert. Hersfeld. +Annal. ann. 1074.—Höfler, Prager Concilien, p. xvi.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_460_460" id="Footnote_460_460"></a><a href="#FNanchor_460_460"><span class="label">[460]</span></a> Chron. Turon. ann. 1061.—Chron. Halberstadiens. +(Leibnit. S. R. Brunsv. II. 127-8).—Gest. Treviror. c. 38 (Martene +Ampl. Coll. IV. 181-2).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_461_461" id="Footnote_461_461"></a><a href="#FNanchor_461_461"><span class="label">[461]</span></a> Laws of Edward and Guthrum, 11.—Laws of Ethelred, v. +7.—Cnut Secular. 4 (Ed. Kolderup Rosenvinge p. 36).—Athelstan’s Dooms, +<small>I</small>. 6.—Laws of Edward the Elder, 6.—Ll. Henrici lxxi. § 1.—Ingulph’s +Chron. Contin. (Bohn’s Edition, p. 258).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_462_462" id="Footnote_462_462"></a><a href="#FNanchor_462_462"><span class="label">[462]</span></a> Olaf Tryggvesson’s Saga, 69, 70, 83 (Laing’s +Heimskringla).—Kristinrettr Thorlaks oc Ketils, c. xvi. +</p><p> +For the intimate connection between sorcery and malignant spirits, see +Finn Magnusen’s Priscæ Vet. Boreal. Mythologiæ Lexicon, s. v. Tröll, pp. +474 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_463_463" id="Footnote_463_463"></a><a href="#FNanchor_463_463"><span class="label">[463]</span></a> Wibaldi Epist. 157 (Martene Ampl. Coll. II. 352).—Baron. +Annal. ann. 1181, No. 6-10.—C. 1 Extra. <small>XLV</small>. 3.—C. 2 Extra, v. +21.—Johan. Saresberiens. Polycrat. c. xxviii. +</p><p> +Catoptromancy was a practice duly handed down from classical times. +Didius Julianus, during his short reign, found time to obtain +foreknowledge of his own downfall and the succession of Septimius +Severus, by means of a boy who with bandaged eyes looked into a mirror +after proper spells had been muttered over him (Æl. Spartiani Did. +Julian. 7), and Hippolytus of Porto gives us in full detail the +ingenious frauds by which this and similar feats were accomplished +(Refut. omn. Hæres. <small>IV</small>. 15, 28-40).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_464_464" id="Footnote_464_464"></a><a href="#FNanchor_464_464"><span class="label">[464]</span></a> Concil. Rotomagens. ann. 1189 c. 29 (Bessin, Concil. +Rotomagens. I. 97).—Concil. Paris, ann. 1212 P. v. (Martene Ampl. Coll. +VII. 105).—Cæsar. Heisterb. <small>IV</small>. 99.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_465_465" id="Footnote_465_465"></a><a href="#FNanchor_465_465"><span class="label">[465]</span></a> Cæsar. Heisterb. <small>V</small>. 2, 3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_466_466" id="Footnote_466_466"></a><a href="#FNanchor_466_466"><span class="label">[466]</span></a> Cæsar. Heisterb. <small>II</small>. 12; <small>V</small>. 18; <small>XII</small>. 23. +</p><p> +In spite of their lifelike contemporary details, these stories are +evidently founded on that of Theophilus of Cilicia, which had so great a +currency during the Middle Ages. He was archdeacon until dismissed by +his bishop, when in despair he had recourse to Satan, to whom he gave a +written compact pledging himself to endure the pains of hell throughout +eternity. He was forthwith restored to his position and enjoyed high +consideration until, overwhelmed with remorse, he appealed to the +Virgin. By assiduous penitence he won her aid, and she caused the +compact to be returned to him.—Hroswithæ de Lapsu et Convers. +Theophili.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_467_467" id="Footnote_467_467"></a><a href="#FNanchor_467_467"><span class="label">[467]</span></a> Rogeri Bacon Epist. de Secretis Operibus Artis c. i., ii. +(M.R. Series, pp 523-7).—Th. Cantimprat. Bonum universal. Lib. <small>II</small>. c. +56.—Præcept. Antiq. Rotomag. c. 109 (Bessin, Concil. Rotomagens. II. +67, 76).—Durandi Specul. Juris Lib. <small>IV</small>. Partic. <small>IV</small>. Rubr. de +Sortilegiis.—Synod. Andegavens. ann. 1294 c. 2 (D’Achery, I. 737).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_468_468" id="Footnote_468_468"></a><a href="#FNanchor_468_468"><span class="label">[468]</span></a> Britton, ch. 29.—Owen’s Laws and Institutes of Wales, +II. 910-2.—P. Exon. Summula exigendi Confess. (Harduin VII. +1126).—Myrror of Justice c. <small>I</small>. § 4; c. <small>II</small>. § 22; c. <small>III</small>. § 14.—Regiam +Majest. Scotiæ, Edinburgi, 1609, fol. 163-7.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_469_469" id="Footnote_469_469"></a><a href="#FNanchor_469_469"><span class="label">[469]</span></a> Livres de Jostice et de Plet, pp. 177-83, 284 (Dig. +<small>XLVIII</small>. viii. 3., Marcianus).—Beaumanoir, Coutumes du Beauvoisis, Cap. +<small>XI</small>. §§ 25, 26.—Olim, II. 205, 619.—Vaissette, IV. 17-18; Chron. +Bardin, Ib. IV. Pr. 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_470_470" id="Footnote_470_470"></a><a href="#FNanchor_470_470"><span class="label">[470]</span></a> José Amador de los Rios (Revista de España, T. XVII. pp. +382, 384-5, 388, 392-3; T. XVIII. p. 6).—Concil Legionens. ann. 1012 c. +19; C. Compostellan. ann. 1031 c. 6; C. Coyacens. ann. 1050 c. 4; C. +Compostellan. ann. 1056 c. 6 (Aguirre, IV. 388, 396, 405, 414).—Histor. +Compostellan. Lib. <small>I</small>. c. lxiv.—Pelayo, Heterodoxos Españoles, I. 590.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_471_471" id="Footnote_471_471"></a><a href="#FNanchor_471_471"><span class="label">[471]</span></a> Partidas, P. <small>VII</small>. Tit. ix. l. 17; Tit. xxiii. 11. 1, 2, +3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_472_472" id="Footnote_472_472"></a><a href="#FNanchor_472_472"><span class="label">[472]</span></a> Constitt. Sicular. <small>III</small>. xlii. 1-3.—Cechetti, La +Republica di Venizia e la Corte di Roma I. 15.—Chron. Senoniens. Lib. +<small>IV</small>. c. 4 (D’Achery II. 631).—Huillard-Bréholles, Introd. pp. <small>DXXV</small>., +<small>DXXX</small>.—Assises de Jerusalem, Baisse Court c. 271 (Ed. Kausler, +Stuttgart, 1839).—Mag. Bull. Rom. I. 91. +</p><p> +Frederic’s reputation is indicated in the lines— +</p> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">“Amisit astrologos et magos et vates.<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Beelzebub et Astaroth, proprios penates<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Tenebrarum consulens per quos potestates<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Spreverat Ecclesiam et mundi magnates.”<br /></span> +<span class="i5">(Huillard-Bréholles, l. c.).<br /></span> +</div></div> + +<p class="nind"> +And Michael Scot, to succeeding generations, was not the philosopher, +but the magician— +</p> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">“Michele Scotto fu, che veramente<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Delle magiche frode seppe il giuoco”—(<small>INFERNO</small>, <small>XX</small>.)<br /></span> +</div></div> + +<p class="nind"> +whose wonders are commemorated in the “Lay of the Last Minstrel”— +</p> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">“In these fair climes it was my lot<br /></span> +<span class="ist">To meet the wondrous Michael Scott,<br /></span> +<span class="i2">A wizard of such dreaded fame<br /></span> +<span class="ist">That when in Salamanca’s cave<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Him listed his magic wand to wave,<br /></span> +<span class="i2">The bells would ring in Nôtre Dame.”<br /></span> +</div></div></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_473_473" id="Footnote_473_473"></a><a href="#FNanchor_473_473"><span class="label">[473]</span></a> Treuga Henrici, No. 21 (Böhlau, Nove Constit. Dom. +Alberti, Weimar, 1858, p. 78).—Sachsenspiegel Lib. <small>II</small>. c. +13.—Schwabenspiegel, c. <small>CXVI</small>. § 12 (Ed. Senckenberg); Cod. Uffenbach. +c. <small>CCLXXI</small>. § 6.—Lilienthal, Die Hexenprocesse der beiden Städten +Braunsberg, Königsberg, 1861, p. 70.—Iarnsida, Mannhelge c. vi., xxv. +(Ed. Hafniæ, 1847, pp. 22, 46).—Ll. Gulathingens. Mannhelge-Bolkr, c. +iv., xxv. (Ed. Hafniæ, 1817, pp. 137, 197).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_474_474" id="Footnote_474_474"></a><a href="#FNanchor_474_474"><span class="label">[474]</span></a> Leges Scaniæ Provin. Andreæ Sunonis Archiep. Lunden. +(Thorsen, Skanske Lov, Kjobenhavn, 1853).—Raguald. Ingermund. Ll. +Succor. Lib. x. c. 5 (Stockholmiæ, 1614).—Canut. Episc. Vibergens. +Exposit. Legum Juciæ Lib. <small>III</small>. c. lxix. (Hafniæ, 1508).—Ancher, Farrago +Legum Antiq. Daniæ (Hafniæ, 1776).—Leges Opstalbomicæ ann. 1323 +(Gaertner Saxonum Leges Tres, Lipsiæ, 1730).—Olai Magni de Gent. +Septentrion. Lib. <small>III</small>. c. 22.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_475_475" id="Footnote_475_475"></a><a href="#FNanchor_475_475"><span class="label">[475]</span></a> Concil. Valentin, ann. 1248 c. 12 (Harduin. VII. +427).—C. Cenomanens. ann. 1248 (Martene Ampl. Coll. VII. 1377).—C. +Mogunt. ann. 1261 c. 30 (Hartzeim III. 604).—C. Nugaroliens. ann. 1290 +c. 4 (Hard. VII. 1161).—C. Baiocens. ann. 1300 c. 63 (Ib. VII. +1234).—C. Treverens. ann. 1310 c. 79-84 (Martene Thesaur. IV. +257-8).—C. Palentin. ann. 1322 c. 24 (Hard. VII. 1480).—C. +Salmanticens. ann. 1335 c. 15 (Ib. VII. 1973-4).—Annal. Domin. +Colmariens. ann. 1279 (Urstisii II. 16).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_476_476" id="Footnote_476_476"></a><a href="#FNanchor_476_476"><span class="label">[476]</span></a> Raynald. ann. 1258, No. 23.—Potthast. No. 17745, +18396.—Eymeric. p. 133.—C. 8, § 4, Sexto v. 2.—Chron. Bardin. ann. +1270 (Vaissette, IV. Pr. 5).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_477_477" id="Footnote_477_477"></a><a href="#FNanchor_477_477"><span class="label">[477]</span></a> Archives de l’Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXVII. 7).—Bern. +Guidon. Practica, P. <small>III</small>. c. 42, 43.—Th. Aquin. Summ. Sec. Sec. <small>XC</small>. 2; +<small>XCV</small>. 4.—Johann. Saresberiens. Polycrat. c. xxviii.—Bern. Basin de +Artibus Magiæ, conclus. iii.-ix.—Prieriat. de Strigimagar. Lib. <small>III</small>. c. +1.—Eymeric. pp. 342, 443.—Alonso de Spina, Fortalic. Fidei, fol. 51, +284.—Revelat. S. Brigittæ Lib. <small>VII</small>. c. 28.—Archidiac. Gloss. super c. +<i>accusatus</i> § <i>sane</i> (Eymeric. 202).—Rogeri Bacon Op. Tert. c. xii.; +Epist. de Secret. Operibus Artis c. vi., vii., ix.-xi. +</p><p> +When, in 1473, some Carmelites of Bologna asserted that it was not +heretical to obtain responses from demons, Sixtus IV. promptly ordered +an investigation, and directed the results to be transmitted to him +under seal.—Pegnæ Append. ad Eymeric. p. 82. +</p><p> +Bernardo di Como draws the nice distinction that it is not heretical to +invoke the devil to obtain the illicit love of a woman, for the function +of Satan is that of a tempter.—Bernardi Comens. Lucerna Inquisit. s.v. +<i>Dæmones</i>, No. 2. +</p><p> +In 1471 the arts of printing and alchemy were coupled together as +reprehensible by the Observantine Franciscans, and their practice was +forbidden under pain of disgrace and removal. Friar John Neyseeser +disobeyed this rule, and “apostatized” to the Conventual branch of the +Order, which was less rigid.—Chron. Glassberger ann. 1471.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_478_478" id="Footnote_478_478"></a><a href="#FNanchor_478_478"><span class="label">[478]</span></a> Doat, XXVII. 7; XXX. 185.—Rogeri Bacon Epist. de +Secretis operibus Artis c. iii.—Th. Aquin. Summ. Sec. Sec. <small>XCVI</small>. +i.—Ciruelo, Reprovacion de las Superstitiones, P. <small>III</small>. c. 1.—Grandes +Chroniques V. 272.—Guill. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1323.—Savonarola +contra l’ Astrologia, Vinegia, 1536, fol. 33.—Ars Notoria, <i>ap.</i> +Cornel. Agrippæ Opp. Ed. Lugduni, I. 606.—The Notory Art of Solomon, +translated by Robert Turner, London, 1657.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_479_479" id="Footnote_479_479"></a><a href="#FNanchor_479_479"><span class="label">[479]</span></a> Tacit. Annal. <small>II</small>. 28-32; <small>III</small>. 22; <small>XII</small>. 14, 52, 68; +Histor. <small>II</small>. 62.—Zonaræ T. <small>II</small>. (pp. 185, 192).—Sueton. Vitell. +14.—Tertull. de Idololat. ix.—Lib. <small>IX</small>. Cod. xviii. 2.—Prudent. contra +Symmach. <small>II</small>. 449-57.—Bedæ opp. Ed. Migne I. 963-66.—Augustin. de Civ. +Dei Lib. v. c. 1-7.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_480_480" id="Footnote_480_480"></a><a href="#FNanchor_480_480"><span class="label">[480]</span></a> Rolandini Chron. Lib. <small>XII</small>. c. 2 (Murat. S.R.I. VIII. +344).—Monach. Patavin. Chron. (Ib. VIII. 705).—Raynald. ann. 1305, No. +7.—Savonarola contra l’Astrologia, fol. 25.—Villari, Storia di +Savonarola, Ed. 1887, I. 197-8.—MS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 14930, +fol. 229-30.—Doat, XXXVII. 258.—Bern. Guidon. Pract. P. v.—Johann. +Saresberiens. Polycrat. <small>II</small>. xix., xx., xxv., xxvi.—Th. Aquin. Summ. +Sec. Sec. xcv.—Zanchini Tract. de Hæret. c. xxii.—D’Argentré, I. <small>I</small>. +263; <small>II</small>. 154.—Eymeric. p. 317.—Manilii Astron. Lib. <small>IV</small>.—Rogeri Bacon +Op. Tert. c. xi. (M. R. Series I. 35-6. Cf. 559-61).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_481_481" id="Footnote_481_481"></a><a href="#FNanchor_481_481"><span class="label">[481]</span></a> P. de Abano Conciliator Different. Philos. Diff. ix., x. +(Ed. Venet. 1494, fol. 14-15.). Cf. Albumasar de Magnis Conjunctionibus +Tract <small>III</small>. Diff. i. (Aug. Vindel. 1489). +</p><p> +The <i>Conciliator</i> was a work of immense reputation. The preface of the +edition of 1494 speaks of three or four previous printed editions, and +there were repeated later ones up to 1596. Curiously enough, it was +never included in the Roman and Spanish Indexes, though it appears in +that of Lisbon of 1624 (Reusch, der Index der verbotenen Bücher, I. +35).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_482_482" id="Footnote_482_482"></a><a href="#FNanchor_482_482"><span class="label">[482]</span></a> Bayle, s. v. Apone.—G. Naudé, Apologie pour les Grands +Hommes, Ch. <small>XIV</small>.—Muratori Antiq. Ital. III. 374-5. +</p><p> +For the printed works attributed to Peter of Abano, see Grässe, +“Bibliotheca Magica et Pneumatica,” Leipzig, 1843. The one by which he +is best known is the “Heptameron seu Elementa Magiæ,” a treatise on the +invocation of demons, printed with the works of Cornelius Agrippa. This +version, however, is incomplete. A fuller and better one is among the +MSS. of the Bibliothèque Nationale, fonds latin, No. 17870.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_483_483" id="Footnote_483_483"></a><a href="#FNanchor_483_483"><span class="label">[483]</span></a> The <i>Sphæra</i> of Sacrobosco is a remarkably lucid and +scientific statement of all that was known, in the thirteenth century, +about the earth in its cosmical relations. Although it accepts, of +course, the current theory of the nine spheres, it indulges in no +astrological reveries as to the influence of the signs and planets on +human destiny. It remained for centuries a work of the highest +authority, and so lately as 1604, sixty years after the death of +Copernicus, and on the eve of the development of the new astronomy by +Galileo, it was translated, with a copious commentary, by a professor of +mathematics in the University of Siena, Francesco Pifferi, whose +astrological credulity offers a curious contrast to the severe +simplicity of the original.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_484_484" id="Footnote_484_484"></a><a href="#FNanchor_484_484"><span class="label">[484]</span></a> Villani x. 40, 41.—Lami, Antichità Toscane, pp. +593-4.—Raynald. ann. 1327, No. 46.—Cantù, Eretici d’ Italia, I. +149-52. +</p><p> +I owe many of the above details to a sketch of Cecco’s life in a +Florentine MS. which I judge from the handwriting to be of the +seventeenth century, and of which the anonymous author appears to be +well informed; also, to a MS. copy of the elaborate sentence, much more +full than the fragments given by Lami and Cantù.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_485_485" id="Footnote_485_485"></a><a href="#FNanchor_485_485"><span class="label">[485]</span></a> Petrarchi de Rebus Senilibus Lib. <small>III</small>. Epist. +1.—Eymeric. p. 443.—Acquoy, Gerardi Magni Epistt. pp. 111-19.—Amador +de los Rios (Revista de España, T. XVIII. p. 9).—Novisima Recopilacion, +Lib. <small>XII</small>. Tit. iv. l. 1.—Concord. Astron. Veritatis et Narrat. Histor. +c. lix., lx. (August. Vindel. 1490).—Fortalic. Fidei Lib. <small>II</small>. Consid. +vi.—Savonarola contra l’ Astrol. fol. 26.—Bayle, s. v. Apone.—Malleus +Malef. P. I. Q. xvi. +</p><p> +The supreme power of the conjunction of Jupiter and the moon above +alluded to is probably based on Albumasar de Magnis Conjunctionibus +Tract. <small>III</small>. Diff. 2.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_486_486" id="Footnote_486_486"></a><a href="#FNanchor_486_486"><span class="label">[486]</span></a> D’Argentré I. <small>II</small>. 325-31.—Erasmi Encom. Moriæ, Ed. +Lipsiens. 1829, III. 360. +</p><p> +The superstitions concerning comets scarce come within our present +scope. They will be found ably discussed by Andrew D. White in the +Papers of the American Historical Association, 1887. We are told by a +contemporary that Henry IV. lost his life in 1610 through neglect of the +warning sent him by the learned Doctor Geronymo Oller, priest and +astrologer of Barcelona, based upon the portents of a comet which +appeared in 1607.—(Guadalajara y Xavierr, Expulsion de los Moriscos, +Pampeluna, 1613, fol. 107).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_487_487" id="Footnote_487_487"></a><a href="#FNanchor_487_487"><span class="label">[487]</span></a> Johann. Saresberiens. Polycrat. c. xiv.-xvii.—Th. Aquin. +Summ. Sec. Sec. xcv. 6.—Tertull. Apol. 23.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_488_488" id="Footnote_488_488"></a><a href="#FNanchor_488_488"><span class="label">[488]</span></a> Concil. Toletan. XVII. ann. 694, c. v.—Amador de los +Rios (Revista de España, T. XVIII. p. 19).—Wright, Proceedings against +Dame Alice Kyteler, pp. xxxii.-xxxiii.—D’Argentré, I. <small>II</small>. 344-5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_489_489" id="Footnote_489_489"></a><a href="#FNanchor_489_489"><span class="label">[489]</span></a> MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 14930 fol. +229-30.—Doat, XXXVII. 258.—Vaissette, III. Pr. 374.—Bern. Guidon. +Pract. P. v. +</p><p> +Molinier (Études sur quelques MSS. des Bibliothèques d’Italie, Paris, +1887, pp. 35, 45) mentions the occurrence of similar formulas in the +other manuals of the period.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_490_490" id="Footnote_490_490"></a><a href="#FNanchor_490_490"><span class="label">[490]</span></a> Bern. Guidon. Pract. P. <small>III</small>. 42, 43; P. v. vii. +12.—Doat, XXVII. 150.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_491_491" id="Footnote_491_491"></a><a href="#FNanchor_491_491"><span class="label">[491]</span></a> Zanchini Tract. de Hæret c. xxii.—Statuta Criminalia +Mediolani e tenebris in lucem edita c. 63 (Bergami, 1594).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_492_492" id="Footnote_492_492"></a><a href="#FNanchor_492_492"><span class="label">[492]</span></a> Differend de Boniface VIII. et de Ph. le Bel, Preuves, +103.—Rymer, Fœd. II. 931-4.—Joann. S. Victor. Vit. Clement. V. +(Muratori S. R. I. III. <small>II</small>. 457).—Grandes Chroniques V. 217-20, +291.—Guill. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1315, 1325.—MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds +latin, No. 4270 fol. 37-8, 144-5. +</p><p> +Enguerrand de Marigny had been all-powerful under Philippe le Bel, +controlling the papal as well as the royal court, and his marvellous +rise from obscurity led to the popular impression that he must be a +skilful necromancer— +</p> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">“Ce fu cil qui fist cardonnaux,<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Et si le pape tint en ses las,<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Qui de petits clers fist prélats—<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Si orent mainte gent créance<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Que ce par art de nigromance<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Fait, qu’en ce monde faisoit.”—<br /></span> +<span class="i5">Godefroi de Paris, v. 6620-9.<br /></span> +</div></div> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_493_493" id="Footnote_493_493"></a><a href="#FNanchor_493_493"><span class="label">[493]</span></a> Raynald. ann. 1317, No. 52-4; ann. 1318, No. 57; ann. +1320, No. 51; ann. 1327, No. 45.—Mag. Bull. Roman. I. 205.—Ripoll II. +192.—Arch. des Frères Prêcheurs de Toulouse (Doat, XXXIV. 181).—Arch. +de l’Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXV. 89).—Vaissette, IV. Pr. 23.—Raynald. +ann. 1374, No. 13.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_494_494" id="Footnote_494_494"></a><a href="#FNanchor_494_494"><span class="label">[494]</span></a> Molinier, Études de quelques MSS. des Bibliothèques +d’Italie, Paris, 1887, pp. 102-3.—Doat, XXVII. 7 sqq., 140, 156, 177, +192; XXVIII. 161.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_495_495" id="Footnote_495_495"></a><a href="#FNanchor_495_495"><span class="label">[495]</span></a> Guill. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1323.—Grandes Chroniques V. +269-73.—Statut Ord. Cisterc. ann. 1290 c. 2 (Martene Thesaur. IV. +1485).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_496_496" id="Footnote_496_496"></a><a href="#FNanchor_496_496"><span class="label">[496]</span></a> Archives de l’Inq. de Carcassonne (Doat, XXVII. 150).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_497_497" id="Footnote_497_497"></a><a href="#FNanchor_497_497"><span class="label">[497]</span></a> Matt. Neoburg. (Alb. Argentorat.) ann. 1323 (Urstisii II. +123).—Chronik des Jacob v. Königshofen (Chroniken der deutschen Städte, +VII. 467).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_498_498" id="Footnote_498_498"></a><a href="#FNanchor_498_498"><span class="label">[498]</span></a> Wright’s Contemporary Narrative of the Proceedings +against Dame Alice Kyteler, Camden Soc., 1843.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_499_499" id="Footnote_499_499"></a><a href="#FNanchor_499_499"><span class="label">[499]</span></a> Wright, op. cit. pp. xxiii.-xxix.—Vaissette, IV. Pr. +173.—Raynald. ann. 1337, No. 30.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_500_500" id="Footnote_500_500"></a><a href="#FNanchor_500_500"><span class="label">[500]</span></a> Lilienthal, Die Hexenprocesse der beiden Städte +Braunsberg, p. 113.—Concil. Carnotens. ann. 1366 c. 11 (Martene Ampl. +Coll. VII. 1368).—Florez, España Sagrada, XLIX. 188.—Acquoy. Gerardi +Magni Epistt. pp. 107-11.—Concil. Pragens. ann. 1355 c. 61 (Hartzheim, +IV. 400).—Statuta brevia Arnesti ann. 1353 (Höfler, Prager Concilien, +p. 2).—Concil. Pragens. ann. 1381 c. 7 (Ib. p. 28).—Statut. Synod. +Pragens. ann. 1407, No. 6 (Ib. p. 59).—Dubrav. Hist. Bohem. Lib. +<small>XXIII</small>.—Raynald. ann. 1400, No. 14.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_501_501" id="Footnote_501_501"></a><a href="#FNanchor_501_501"><span class="label">[501]</span></a> Bodini de Magor. Demonoman. Lib. <small>IV</small>. c. 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_502_502" id="Footnote_502_502"></a><a href="#FNanchor_502_502"><span class="label">[502]</span></a> Registre Criminel du Châtelet de Paris, I. 332-63 (Paris, +1861).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_503_503" id="Footnote_503_503"></a><a href="#FNanchor_503_503"><span class="label">[503]</span></a> Chassaing, Spicilegium Brivatense, pp. 438-46.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_504_504" id="Footnote_504_504"></a><a href="#FNanchor_504_504"><span class="label">[504]</span></a> D’Argentré I. <small>II</small>. 154. Cf. Bodin. de Magor. +Demonoman.—Murner Tract. de Python. Contractu.—Basin de Artibus +Magiæ.—Pegnæ Comment. in Eymeric. p. 346.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_505_505" id="Footnote_505_505"></a><a href="#FNanchor_505_505"><span class="label">[505]</span></a> Gersoni Tract. de Error. circa Artem Magicam (Opp. Ed. +1494, xxi. G-H).—Mall. Maleficar. P. <small>I</small>. Q. 1, 8.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_506_506" id="Footnote_506_506"></a><a href="#FNanchor_506_506"><span class="label">[506]</span></a> Religieux de S. Denis, Hist. de Charles VI., Liv. <small>XVII</small>. +ch. i., Liv. <small>XVIII</small>. ch. 8.—Juvenal des Ursins, Hist. de Charles VI. +ann. 1403.—Raynald. ann. 1404, No. 22-3.—Concil. Suessionens. ann. +1403 c. 7.—Monstrelet, I. 39 (Ed. Buchon, 1843, pp. 80-3).—Chron. de +P. Cochon (Ed. Vallet de Viriville, p. 385). +</p><p> +Valentine of Milan, wife of Louis of Orleans, and her father, Galeazzo +Visconti, had the reputation of being addicted to magic and of being +privy to the attempt on the life of the king (ubi sup.).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_507_507" id="Footnote_507_507"></a><a href="#FNanchor_507_507"><span class="label">[507]</span></a> Wright, Dame Kyteler, pp. ix., xv.-xx.—Rymer, Fœd. VII. +427; X. 505; XI. 851.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_508_508" id="Footnote_508_508"></a><a href="#FNanchor_508_508"><span class="label">[508]</span></a> Monstrelet, II. 248.—Jean Chartier, Hist. de Charles +VII. ann. 1440 (Ed. Godefroy, p. 106).—Rob. Gaguin. Hist. Franc. Lib. +<small>X</small>. c. 3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_509_509" id="Footnote_509_509"></a><a href="#FNanchor_509_509"><span class="label">[509]</span></a> Bossard et Maulde, Gilles de Rais, dit Barbe-bleue, +Paris, 1886, pp. 16, 43, 49-51, 53, 57, Pr. p. clvii.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_510_510" id="Footnote_510_510"></a><a href="#FNanchor_510_510"><span class="label">[510]</span></a> Bossard et Maulde, Gilles de Rais, dit Barbe-bleue, +Paris, 1886, Pr. pp. liii., lxxvii., clii.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_511_511" id="Footnote_511_511"></a><a href="#FNanchor_511_511"><span class="label">[511]</span></a> Ibid. p. 21; Pr. pp. xlix., lviii.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_512_512" id="Footnote_512_512"></a><a href="#FNanchor_512_512"><span class="label">[512]</span></a> Ib. pp. 48-51; Pr. pp. xxi.-xxvi., xlvi., xlix.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_513_513" id="Footnote_513_513"></a><a href="#FNanchor_513_513"><span class="label">[513]</span></a> Bossard et Maulde, Gilles de Rais, dit Barbe-bleue, +Paris, 1886, pp. 61-66, 72-3, 78-81, 92-116, 173, 269; Pr. pp. +cliv.-clv., clvii, clix.—Très-Ancien Coutume de Bretagne c. 83 (Bourdot +de Richebourg, IV. 220).—D’Argentré, Comment. in Consuetud. Britann. +pp. 1647-55.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_514_514" id="Footnote_514_514"></a><a href="#FNanchor_514_514"><span class="label">[514]</span></a> Bossard et Maulde, Pr. pp. lxxxiv.-xcii., xcv.-xcix.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_515_515" id="Footnote_515_515"></a><a href="#FNanchor_515_515"><span class="label">[515]</span></a> Bossard et Maulde, Pr. pp. xxvi., xxxiv., xlvii.-lii., +lv.-lvi., lxii.-lxxii., lxxxviii., xcviii., ci., cxvii.—Monstrelet, II. +248.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_516_516" id="Footnote_516_516"></a><a href="#FNanchor_516_516"><span class="label">[516]</span></a> Bossard et Maulde, Pr. pp. lxxv., lxxvii., +lxxxviii.-xcii., xcv.-xcix., cxvii.-cxl.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_517_517" id="Footnote_517_517"></a><a href="#FNanchor_517_517"><span class="label">[517]</span></a> Bossard et Maulde, pp. 212-13; Pr. pp. xxiv., 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_518_518" id="Footnote_518_518"></a><a href="#FNanchor_518_518"><span class="label">[518]</span></a> Bossard et Maulde, Pr. pp xxvii.-xxviii., xlvi., xlvii., +lii., lv., lviii., lxxii., lxxx.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_519_519" id="Footnote_519_519"></a><a href="#FNanchor_519_519"><span class="label">[519]</span></a> Bossard et Maulde, pp. 231-5; Pr. pp. xxix., cii.-cxvi., +cliv.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_520_520" id="Footnote_520_520"></a><a href="#FNanchor_520_520"><span class="label">[520]</span></a> Très Anc. Cout. de Bretagne c. 62 (Bourdot de Richebourg +IV. 216).—Bossard et Maulde, pp. 235-6; Pr. pp. liii., lxxi.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_521_521" id="Footnote_521_521"></a><a href="#FNanchor_521_521"><span class="label">[521]</span></a> Bossard et Maulde, Pr. pp. i., ii., vi.-ix.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_522_522" id="Footnote_522_522"></a><a href="#FNanchor_522_522"><span class="label">[522]</span></a> Ibid. Pr. pp. iii.-iv., v.—Jean Chartier Hist. de +Charles VII. ann. 1440 (Ed. Godefroy, p. 106).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_523_523" id="Footnote_523_523"></a><a href="#FNanchor_523_523"><span class="label">[523]</span></a> Bossard et Maulde, Pr. pp. vi.-ix.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_524_524" id="Footnote_524_524"></a><a href="#FNanchor_524_524"><span class="label">[524]</span></a> Ibid. pp. ix., xii.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_525_525" id="Footnote_525_525"></a><a href="#FNanchor_525_525"><span class="label">[525]</span></a> Bossard et Maulde, Pr. pp. xi-xii.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_526_526" id="Footnote_526_526"></a><a href="#FNanchor_526_526"><span class="label">[526]</span></a> Ibid. Pr. pp. xiii.-xiv.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_527_527" id="Footnote_527_527"></a><a href="#FNanchor_527_527"><span class="label">[527]</span></a> Bossard et Maulde, Pr. pp. xvii.-xxx.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_528_528" id="Footnote_528_528"></a><a href="#FNanchor_528_528"><span class="label">[528]</span></a> Bossard et Maulde, Pr. pp. xxxii.-xxxvi., +xxxvii.-xxxviii., lxiv.-lxxii., lxxiii.-lxxxi., lxxxii.-xcii., +xciii.-ci.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_529_529" id="Footnote_529_529"></a><a href="#FNanchor_529_529"><span class="label">[529]</span></a> Ibid. Pr. pp. xli.-xlii.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_530_530" id="Footnote_530_530"></a><a href="#FNanchor_530_530"><span class="label">[530]</span></a> Bossard et Maulde, Pr. pp. xliii.-xlv.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_531_531" id="Footnote_531_531"></a><a href="#FNanchor_531_531"><span class="label">[531]</span></a> Ibid. Pr. pp. xlv.-xlvii.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_532_532" id="Footnote_532_532"></a><a href="#FNanchor_532_532"><span class="label">[532]</span></a> Bossard et Maulde, Pr. pp. xlviii.-lviii.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_533_533" id="Footnote_533_533"></a><a href="#FNanchor_533_533"><span class="label">[533]</span></a> Ibid. Pr. pp. lxiii.-lxiv.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_534_534" id="Footnote_534_534"></a><a href="#FNanchor_534_534"><span class="label">[534]</span></a> Bossard et Maulde, Pr. pp. lx.-lxi.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_535_535" id="Footnote_535_535"></a><a href="#FNanchor_535_535"><span class="label">[535]</span></a> Bossard et Maulde, p. 333; Pr. pp. cxli.-cxliv.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_536_536" id="Footnote_536_536"></a><a href="#FNanchor_536_536"><span class="label">[536]</span></a> Bossard et Maulde, pp. 337-41.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_537_537" id="Footnote_537_537"></a><a href="#FNanchor_537_537"><span class="label">[537]</span></a> Très-Anc. Cout. de Bretagne c. 118 (Bourdot de +Richebourg, IV. 228).—Bossard et Maulde, pp. 357, 377.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_538_538" id="Footnote_538_538"></a><a href="#FNanchor_538_538"><span class="label">[538]</span></a> Bossard et Maulde, pp. 370-82.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_539_539" id="Footnote_539_539"></a><a href="#FNanchor_539_539"><span class="label">[539]</span></a> Ibid. pp. 380; Pr. pp. cxlv.-cxlvi.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_540_540" id="Footnote_540_540"></a><a href="#FNanchor_540_540"><span class="label">[540]</span></a> Bossard et Maulde, pp. 406, 408, 412.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_541_541" id="Footnote_541_541"></a><a href="#FNanchor_541_541"><span class="label">[541]</span></a> La Puente Epit. de la Chronica del Rey don Juan II. Lib. +<small>III</small>. c. 23; Lib. <small>V</small>. c. 27 (Fernan Perez de Guzman).—Monteiro, Hist. da +Santa Inquisição, P. <small>I</small>. Lib. <small>II</small>. c. 40.—Paramo, p. 131.—La Fuente, +Hist. Gen. de España, IX. 60.—Pelayo, Heterodoxos Españoles I. 582, +608-11.—Amador de los Rios, Revista de España, T. XVIII. pp. 15-16.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_542_542" id="Footnote_542_542"></a><a href="#FNanchor_542_542"><span class="label">[542]</span></a> Weber, Indische Skizzen, p. 112.—Wagenseilii Comment. ad +Mishna, Sootah, I. 5.—Grimm’s Teuton. Mythol. III. 1044.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_543_543" id="Footnote_543_543"></a><a href="#FNanchor_543_543"><span class="label">[543]</span></a> Frag. Capitular. c. 13 (Baluz. II. 365).—Reginon. de +Eccles. Discip. <small>II</small>. 364.—Burchard. Decret. <small>XI</small>. 1, <small>XIX</small>. 5.—Ivon. +Decret. <small>XI</small>. 30.—Gratian. Decret. II. <small>XXVII</small>. v. 12.—Servius in Virgil. +Æneid. <small>IV</small>. 511, <small>VI</small>. 118.—Vit. S. Cæsar. Arelat. Lib. <small>II</small>. c. +2.—Raynald. ann. 1317, No. 53.—Grimm’s Teut. Mythol. I. 268 sqq.—Finn +Magnusen Boreal. Mythol. Lexicon, pp. 7, 71, 567.—Lib. de Spiritu et +Anima c. 28.—Augerii Cenomanens. Statut. (Du Cange s.v. +<i>Diana</i>).—Conc. Trevirens. ann. 1310 c. 81 (Martene Thesaur. IV. +257).—Conc. Ambianens. cap. iii. No. 8 (Martene Ampl. Coll. VII. +1241).—Johann. Saresberiens. Polycrat. <small>II</small>. xvii.—Grimm’s Teut. Mythol. +III. 1055-7.—Wright’s Dame Kyteler, pp. iv., xxxvi.—Gervas. +Tilberiens. Otia Imp. Decis. <small>III</small>. c. 86, 93.—Jean de Meung says— +</p> + +<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary=""> +<tr><td>“Maintes gens par lor folie<br /> + Cuident estre par nuict estrées<br /> + Errant avecques Dame Habonde;<br /> + Et dient que par tout le monde</td> + +<td>Li tiers enfant de nacion<br /> +Sunt de ceste condicion.”<br /> + (Roman de la Rose, 18624.—Wright loc. cit.).</td></tr> +</table> + +<p> +A story in Jac. de Voragine’s life of St. Germain l’Auxerrois +illustrates the genesis of the belief concerning the Dame Habonde and +her troop, who assisted in household work. On visiting a certain house +St. Germain found that the supper-table was set by “the good women who +walk by night.” He remained up and saw a crowd of demons, in the shape +of men and women, who came to set it; he commanded them to stay, and +woke the family, who recognized in the intruders their neighbors, but +the latter, on investigation, were found in their beds, and the demons +confessed that the likenesses were assumed for the purpose of +deception.—Jac. de Vorag. s.v. <i>S. Germanus</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_544_544" id="Footnote_544_544"></a><a href="#FNanchor_544_544"><span class="label">[544]</span></a> Pauli Carnot. Vet. Agano. Lib. <small>VI</small>. c. 3.—Adhemari +Cabannens. ann. 1022.—Gualteri Mapes de Nugis Curialium Dist. <small>I</small>. c. +30.—Alani de Insulis contra Hæret. Lib. <small>I</small>. c. 63.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_545_545" id="Footnote_545_545"></a><a href="#FNanchor_545_545"><span class="label">[545]</span></a> Concil. Trevirens. ann. 1310 c. 81 (Martene Thes. IV. +257).—Concil. Ambianens. c. 1410 cap. iii. No. 8 (Martene Ampl. Coll. +VII. 1241).—Eymeric. p. 341.—Alonso de Spina, Fortalic. Fidei, fol. +284.—Albertini Repertor. Inquisit. s. v. <i>Xorguinœ</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_546_546" id="Footnote_546_546"></a><a href="#FNanchor_546_546"><span class="label">[546]</span></a> Thom. Cantimprat. Bonum universal. Lib. <small>II</small>. c. +56.—Alonso de Spina, Fortalic. Fidei, fol. 284.—Bern. Basin de Artibus +Magicis.—Ulric. Molitor. de Python. Mulierib. Conclus. <small>IV</small>.—Th. +Cantimprat. ubi sup.—Mall. Maleficar. P. ii. Q. i. c. 3.—Prieriat. de +Strigimag. Lib. i. c. xiv., Lib. ii. c. 1. +</p><p> +Friar Thomas gives circumstantial contemporary instances occurring in +Flanders, where women were carried away and their images were on the +point of burial, when the deception was accidentally discovered, and the +images, on being cut open, were found to consist of rotten wood covered +with skin. He admits his inability to explain these cases, and says that +on consulting Albertus Magnus about them the latter evaded a positive +answer (Bonum universale, ubi sup.).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_547_547" id="Footnote_547_547"></a><a href="#FNanchor_547_547"><span class="label">[547]</span></a> Fr. Nich. Jaquerii Flagellum Hæret. Fascinar. c. vii., +xxviii.—Mall. Malef. P. <small>I</small>. Q. i. c. 10; P. <small>II</small>. Q. i. c. 3, 9.—G.F. +Pico della Mirandola, La Strega, Milano, 1864, pp. 61, 73.—Bernardi +Comensis de Strigiis c. 3-6.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_548_548" id="Footnote_548_548"></a><a href="#FNanchor_548_548"><span class="label">[548]</span></a> Ponzinib. de Lamiis c. 49, 50, 52-3, 61-3, +65-6.—Prieriat. de Strigimagar. Lib. <small>II</small>. c. 1. +</p><p> +Paramo (De Orig. Offic. S. Inq. p. 296) also adopts the date of 1404 as +that of the origin of the sect of witches. This is probably founded on +confusing Innocent VIII., who commenced to reign in 1484, with Innocent +VII., who began in 1404. In the former’s bull <i>Summis desiderantes</i>, +dated in his first regnal year, he speaks of witches as a new sect, and +Prierias refers this to 1404.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_549_549" id="Footnote_549_549"></a><a href="#FNanchor_549_549"><span class="label">[549]</span></a> Ponzinib. de Lamiis c. 65.—Bart. Spinei de Strigibus, p. +175, Romæ, 1575.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_550_550" id="Footnote_550_550"></a><a href="#FNanchor_550_550"><span class="label">[550]</span></a> Mémoires de Jacques du Clercq, Liv. <small>IV</small>. ch. 4.—Chron. +Cornel. Zantfliet ann. 1460 (Martene Ampl. Coll. V. 502).—Bernardi +Comensis de Strigiis c. 3.—Prieriat. de Strigimag. Lib. <small>I</small>. c. 2, 14; +Lib. <small>II</small>. c. 1, 4.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_551_551" id="Footnote_551_551"></a><a href="#FNanchor_551_551"><span class="label">[551]</span></a> Mall. Maleficar. P. <small>II</small>. Q. i. c. 2, 4, 11, 15; Q. ii. c. +4.—Prieriat. de Strigimag. Lib. <small>II</small>. c. 7, 9.—Ulric. Molitor. de +Python. Mulierib.—Ripoll III. 193.—Pico della Mirandola, La Strega, +pp. 84-5.—Bernardi Comens. de Strigiis c. 7. +</p><p> +It is the universal testimony of the demonologists that vastly more +women than men were thus involved in the toils of the Devil. To explain +this, Sprenger indulges in a most bitter tirade against women, and +piously thanks God for preserving the male sex from such wickedness +(Mall. Malef. P. <small>I</small>. Q. vii.).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_552_552" id="Footnote_552_552"></a><a href="#FNanchor_552_552"><span class="label">[552]</span></a> Burchardi Decret. <small>XIX</small>. 5.—Johann. Saresberiens. +Polycrat. <small>II</small>. xvii.—Grimm, Teut. Mythol. III. 1059.—Rapp, Die +Hexenprocesse und ihre Gegner aus Tyrol, Innsbruck, 1874, p. 146.—P. +Vayra, Le Streghe nel Canavese (Curiosità di Storia Subalpina, 1874, pp. +229, 234-5).—Bernardi Comensis de Strigiis c. 8. +</p><p> +A development of this belief is seen in the feat, referred to in the +preceding chapter, of Zyto, the magician of the Emperor Wenceslas, who +swallowed a rival conjurer and discharged him alive in a vessel of +water. +</p><p> +Yet concurrently with this the belief existed in the absolute eating of +children. Peter of Berne told Nider that in his district thirteen were +thus despatched in a short time, and he learned from a captured witch +that they were killed in their cradles with incantations, dug up after +burial, and boiled in a caldron. The magic unguent was made out of the +flesh, while the soup had the power of winning over to the sect of +Devil-worshippers whoever partook of it.—Nider Formicar. Lib. <small>V</small>. c. +iii.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_553_553" id="Footnote_553_553"></a><a href="#FNanchor_553_553"><span class="label">[553]</span></a> Mall. Malef. P. <small>II</small>. Q. i. c. 13; P. <small>III</small>. Q. xxxiv.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_554_554" id="Footnote_554_554"></a><a href="#FNanchor_554_554"><span class="label">[554]</span></a> Mall. Malef. P. <small>I</small>. Q. xii., xv.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_555_555" id="Footnote_555_555"></a><a href="#FNanchor_555_555"><span class="label">[555]</span></a> In England, where torture was illegal, the growth of +witchcraft was much slower. When the craze came an efficient substitute +for torture was found in “pricking” or thrusting long needles in every +part of the victim’s body in search of the insensible spot which was a +characteristic of the witch.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_556_556" id="Footnote_556_556"></a><a href="#FNanchor_556_556"><span class="label">[556]</span></a> Ripoll III. 193.—Pegnæ Append. ad Eymeric. pp. 83, 84, +85, 99, 105.—Approbat. Univ. Coloniens. in Mall. Malef. +</p><p> +For an official selection of papal bulls on the subject see Lib. Sept. +Decret. Lib. <small>V</small>. Tit. xii.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_557_557" id="Footnote_557_557"></a><a href="#FNanchor_557_557"><span class="label">[557]</span></a> Bernardi Comens. de Strigiis c. 14.—Mall. Maleficar. P. +<small>II</small>. Q. i., ii.—P. Vayra, Le Streghe nel Canavese, op. cit. p. +230.—Artic. Univers. Paris. No. 5.—Concil. Lingonens, ann. 1403 c. +4.—Prieriat de Strigimag. Lib. <small>II</small>. c. 10.—Bodini Magor. Dæmonoman. p. +288.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_558_558" id="Footnote_558_558"></a><a href="#FNanchor_558_558"><span class="label">[558]</span></a> Prieriat. Lib. <small>III</small>. c. 3.—Mall. Malef. P. <small>II</small>. Q. ii.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_559_559" id="Footnote_559_559"></a><a href="#FNanchor_559_559"><span class="label">[559]</span></a> Bernard. Comens. de Strigiis c. 14.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_560_560" id="Footnote_560_560"></a><a href="#FNanchor_560_560"><span class="label">[560]</span></a> Mall. Maleficar. P. <small>II</small>. Q. i.; P. <small>II</small>. Q. viii.; P. <small>III</small>. +Q. xv.—Prieriat. Lib. <small>II</small>. c. 9; Lib. <small>III</small>. c. 3.—Nider Formicar. Lib. +<i>v</i>. c. 7.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_561_561" id="Footnote_561_561"></a><a href="#FNanchor_561_561"><span class="label">[561]</span></a> Mall. Malef. P. <small>II</small>. Q i.; Q. i. c. 4, 11; P. <small>III</small>. Q. +xv.—Prieriat. Lib. <small>III</small>. c. 2.—Jahn, Hexenwesen und Zauberei in +Pommern, Breslau, 1886, p. 8.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_562_562" id="Footnote_562_562"></a><a href="#FNanchor_562_562"><span class="label">[562]</span></a> Raynald. ann. 1374, No. 13; ann. 1437, No. 27.—Ripoll +II. 566-7; III. 193, 301.—Prieriat. Lib. <small>III</small>. c. 1.—Mall. Maleficar. +P. <small>II</small>. Q. i. c. 16; P. <small>III</small>. Q. i.—Anon. Carthus. de Relig. Orig. c. +xxvi. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 59).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_563_563" id="Footnote_563_563"></a><a href="#FNanchor_563_563"><span class="label">[563]</span></a> Mémoires de Jacques du Clercq, Liv. <small>IV</small>. ch. xxiii. +</p><p> +The constant recurrence of the toad in all the operations of witchcraft +opens a suggestive question in zoological mythology. Space will not +admit its discussion here, but I may mention, as a proof of the +antiquity of the superstitions connected with the animal, that in +Mazdeism the toad was one of the special creations of Ahriman, and was +devoted to his service. It was a toad which he set to destroying the +Gokard, or Tree of all plants, and which will always be endeavoring to +do so until the resurrection (Bundehesh, ch. xviii.).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_564_564" id="Footnote_564_564"></a><a href="#FNanchor_564_564"><span class="label">[564]</span></a> Ulric. Molitoris de Python. Mulierib. c. iv.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_565_565" id="Footnote_565_565"></a><a href="#FNanchor_565_565"><span class="label">[565]</span></a> Prieriat. Lib. <small>III</small>. c. 3.—Mall. Maleficar. P. <small>II</small>. Q. +vii., xvi.; P. <small>III</small>. Q. xiii., xiv.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_566_566" id="Footnote_566_566"></a><a href="#FNanchor_566_566"><span class="label">[566]</span></a> Concil. Rotomagens. ann. 1445 c. 6 (Bessin Concil. +Rotomagens. I. 184).—C. Lexoviens. ann. 1448 c. 9 (Ibid. II. +482).—Nic. Jaquerii Flagellum Hæret. Fascinar. c. 27.—Mall. Malef. P. +<small>I</small>. Q. xiv.; P. <small>II</small>. Q. i. c. 3, 16.—Prieriat. de Strigimag. Lib. <small>III</small>. c. +3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_567_567" id="Footnote_567_567"></a><a href="#FNanchor_567_567"><span class="label">[567]</span></a> Mall. Maleficar. P. <small>II</small>. Q. xiv.—P. Vayra, Le Streghe nel +Canavese, op. cit. pp. 218-21, 232.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_568_568" id="Footnote_568_568"></a><a href="#FNanchor_568_568"><span class="label">[568]</span></a> Prieriat. Lib. <small>III</small>. c. 3.—Mall. Maleficar. P. <small>III</small>. Q. +xii.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_569_569" id="Footnote_569_569"></a><a href="#FNanchor_569_569"><span class="label">[569]</span></a> Mall. Maleficar. P. <small>III</small>. Q. x., xi., xxxv.—Prieriat Lib. +<small>III</small>. c. 3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_570_570" id="Footnote_570_570"></a><a href="#FNanchor_570_570"><span class="label">[570]</span></a> P. Vayra, Le Streghe nel Canavese, op. cit. pp. 658-715.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_571_571" id="Footnote_571_571"></a><a href="#FNanchor_571_571"><span class="label">[571]</span></a> It will be remembered (Vol. II. p. 158) that by this time +in France, Vaudois and Vaudoisie had become the designation of all +deviations from faith, and was especially applied to sorcery. Hence is +derived the word Voodooism, descriptive of the negro sorcery of the +French colonies, transmitted to the United States through Louisiana.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_572_572" id="Footnote_572_572"></a><a href="#FNanchor_572_572"><span class="label">[572]</span></a> There was some debate whether the evidence of a witch as +to those whom she had seen in the Sabbat was to be received, but it was +settled in favor of the faith by the unanswerable argument that +otherwise the principal means of detecting witches would be lost. If the +accused alleged that the devil had caused an apparition resembling him +to be present, he was to be required to prove the fact, which was not +easy (Jaquerii Flagell. Hæret. Fascinar. c. 26).—Bernardo di Como (de +Strigiis, c. 13, 14) says that the mere accusation of being seen in the +Sabbat is not sufficient to justify arrest, as the individual may be +personated by a demon, but it has to be reinforced by “conjectures and +presumptions,” which, of course, were never lacking.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_573_573" id="Footnote_573_573"></a><a href="#FNanchor_573_573"><span class="label">[573]</span></a> MSS. Bib. Roy. de Bruxelles, No. 11209.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_574_574" id="Footnote_574_574"></a><a href="#FNanchor_574_574"><span class="label">[574]</span></a> This was, doubtless, in commutation for confiscation, and +reveals the object of the whole affair. To estimate the magnitude of the +fines, it may be mentioned that de Beauffort’s annual revenue was +estimated at five hundred livres. The richest citizens of Arras who were +arrested were said to be worth from four hundred to five hundred livres +a year.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_575_575" id="Footnote_575_575"></a><a href="#FNanchor_575_575"><span class="label">[575]</span></a> The belief in the imminent advent of Antichrist was as +strong in the fifteenth century as in its predecessors. In 1445 the +University of Paris was astonished by a young Spaniard, about twenty +years of age, who came there and overcame the most learned schoolmen and +theologians in disputation. He appeared equally at home in all branches +of learning, including medicine and law; he was matchless with the +sword, and played ravishingly on all instruments of music. After +confounding Paris, he went to the Duke of Burgundy, at Ghent, and thence +passed into Germany. The doctors of the University pondered over the +apparition, and finally concluded that he was Antichrist, who, it was +well known, would possess all arts and sciences by the secret aid of +Satan, and would be a good Christian until he attained the age of +twenty-eight (Chron. de Mathieu de Coussy, ch. <small>VIII</small>.). The wonderful +stranger was Fernando de Cordoba, who settled in the papal court, and +wrote several books, which have been forgotten. See Nich. Anton. +Biblioth. Hispan. Lib. x. cap. xiii. No. 734-9.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_576_576" id="Footnote_576_576"></a><a href="#FNanchor_576_576"><span class="label">[576]</span></a> The Chronicler of Arras tells us that at this time there +was no enforcement of the laws in Arras; every one did as he pleased, +and no one was punished but the friendless. His statement is borne out +by the cases of homicide and other crimes which he relates, and of which +no notice was taken (Mém. de Jacques du Clercq, Liv. <small>IV</small>. ch. 22, 24, 40, +41). Yet vigorous search was made for the author of this pasquinade, and +Jacotin Maupetit was arrested by an usher-at-arms of the duke on the +charge of writing it. He adroitly slipped out of his doublet, and sought +asylum in three successive churches, finally succeeding in getting to +Paris, where he constituted himself a prisoner of the Parlement, and +returned to Arras free, to find that, meanwhile, his property had been +confiscated and sold. (Ibid. ch. 24.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_577_577" id="Footnote_577_577"></a><a href="#FNanchor_577_577"><span class="label">[577]</span></a> The details of this case have, fortunately, been +preserved for us in the Mémoires de Jacques du Clercq, Livre <small>IV</small>., with +the decree of Parlement in the appendix. Mathieu de Coussy (Chronique +ch. 129) and Cornelius Zantfliet (Martene, Ampl. Coll. V. 501) also give +brief accounts. Some details omitted by du Clercq are to be found in the +learned sketch of Duverger, “La Vauderie dans les États de Philippe le +Bon,” Arras, 1885, which, it is to be hoped, will be followed by the +more elaborate work promised by the author.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_578_578" id="Footnote_578_578"></a><a href="#FNanchor_578_578"><span class="label">[578]</span></a> Du Clercq, Liv. <small>IV</small>. ch. 10-11.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_579_579" id="Footnote_579_579"></a><a href="#FNanchor_579_579"><span class="label">[579]</span></a> Du Clercq, Liv. <small>IV</small>. ch. 14, 15, 28; Append, <small>II</small>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_580_580" id="Footnote_580_580"></a><a href="#FNanchor_580_580"><span class="label">[580]</span></a> Du Clercq, Liv. <small>IV</small>. ch. 4, 8.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_581_581" id="Footnote_581_581"></a><a href="#FNanchor_581_581"><span class="label">[581]</span></a> Du Clercq, Liv. <small>IV</small>. ch. 6, 11, 14, 28.—A copy of Jean +Taincture’s tract is in the Bib. Roy. de Bruxelles, MSS. No. +2296.—About this time Jeannin, a peasant of Inchy, was executed at +Cambrai, and at Lille Catharine Patée was condemned as a witch, but +escaped with banishment, and the same was the case with Marguerite +d’Escornay at Nivelles. One unfortunate, Noel Fern of Amiens, became +insane on the subject, and after wandering over the land, accused +himself at Mantes of belonging to the accursed sect. He was burned +August 26, 1460. His wife, whom he had implicated, escaped sharing his +fate by an appeal to the Parlement—Duverger, La Vauderie dans les États +de Philippe le Bon, pp. 52-3, 84.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_582_582" id="Footnote_582_582"></a><a href="#FNanchor_582_582"><span class="label">[582]</span></a> Nider Formicar. Lib. <small>V</small>. c. 3, 4, 7.—Grimm’s Teutonic +Mythol. III. 1066.—Soldan, Geschichte der Hexenprocesse, Stuttgart, +1843, p. 186.—Bernardi Comensis de Strigiis c. 4.—Steph. Infessuræ +Diar. Urb. Romæ ann. 1424 (Eccard. Corp. Hist. II. 1874-5). +</p><p> +Peter of Berne’s efforts to purify his territory were fruitless, for we +hear of witches burned in 1482 at Murten, Canton Berne (Valerius +Anshelm, Berner-Chronik, Bern, 1884, I. 224).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_583_583" id="Footnote_583_583"></a><a href="#FNanchor_583_583"><span class="label">[583]</span></a> Duverger, La Vauderie dans les États de Philippe le Bon, +p. 22.—Anon. Carthus. de Relig. Orig. c. 25-6 (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. +57-9).—Jean Chartier, Hist. de Charles VII. ann. 1453.—Mémoires de +Jacques du Clercq, Liv. <small>III</small>. ch. 11.—D’Argentré, I. <small>II</small>. 251.—Soldan, +Gesch. der Hexenprocesse, p. 198.—Lilienthal, Die Hexenprocesse der +beiden Städte Braunsberg, p. 70.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_584_584" id="Footnote_584_584"></a><a href="#FNanchor_584_584"><span class="label">[584]</span></a> Alonso de Spina, Fortalic. Fidei, fol. 284.—Bernardi +Comens. de Strigiis c. 3.—Chron. Cornel. Zantfliet, ann. 1456 (Martene +Ampl. Coll. V. 491).—Raynald. ann. 1459, No. 30.—Guill. Gruel, +Chroniques d’Artus III. (Ed. Buchon, p. 405).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_585_585" id="Footnote_585_585"></a><a href="#FNanchor_585_585"><span class="label">[585]</span></a> Du Cange, s.v. <i>Sortiarius</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_586_586" id="Footnote_586_586"></a><a href="#FNanchor_586_586"><span class="label">[586]</span></a> Mall. Malef. P. <small>I</small>. Q. i. c. 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_587_587" id="Footnote_587_587"></a><a href="#FNanchor_587_587"><span class="label">[587]</span></a> Mall. Malef. P. <small>I</small>. Q. xi.; P. <small>II</small>. Q. i. c. 4, 12; P. <small>III</small>. +Q. 15.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_588_588" id="Footnote_588_588"></a><a href="#FNanchor_588_588"><span class="label">[588]</span></a> Mall. Malef. P. <small>II</small>. Q. i. c. 4. +</p><p> +Innocent’s bull was not confined to Germany alone, but was operative +everywhere. In an Italian inquisitorial manual of the period it is +included in a collection of bulls “<i>contra hereticam pravitatem</i>,” which +also contains a letter on the subject from the future Emperor +Maximilian, dated Brussels, November 6, 1486.—Molinier, Études sur +quelques MSS. des Bibliothèques d’Italie, Paris, 1887, p. 72.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_589_589" id="Footnote_589_589"></a><a href="#FNanchor_589_589"><span class="label">[589]</span></a> Rapp, Die Hexenprocesse und ihre Gegner aus Tirol, pp. +5-8, 12-13, 143 sqq.—Mall. Maleficar. P. <small>II</small>. Q. 1, c. 12; P. <small>III</small>. Q. +15.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_590_590" id="Footnote_590_590"></a><a href="#FNanchor_590_590"><span class="label">[590]</span></a> Molitoris Dial. de Pythonicis Mulieribus c. 1, 10. +</p><p> +The absurd contrast between the illimitable powers ascribed to the witch +and her personal wretchedness was explained under torture by the victims +as the result of the faithlessness of Satan, who desired to keep them in +poverty. When steeped in misery he would appear to them and allure them +into his service by the most attractive promises, but when he had +attained his end those promises were never kept. Gold given to them +would always disappear before it could be used. As one of the Tyrolese +witches in 1506 declared, “The devil is a Schalk (knave).” (Rapp, Die +Hexenprocesse und ihre Gegner aus Tirol, p. 147.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_591_591" id="Footnote_591_591"></a><a href="#FNanchor_591_591"><span class="label">[591]</span></a> Diefenbach, the latest writer on witchcraft (Die +Hexenwahn, Mainz, 1886). sees clearly enough that the witch-madness was +the result of the means adopted for the suppression of witchcraft, but +in his eagerness to relieve the Church from the responsibility he +attributes its origin to the <i>Carolina</i>, or criminal code of Charles V., +issued in 1531, and expressly asserts that ecclesiastical law had +nothing to do with it (p. 176). Other recent writers ascribe the horrors +of the witch-process to the bull of Innocent VIII., and the <i>Malleus +Maleficarum</i> (Ib. pp. 222-6). We have been able to trace, however, the +definite development of the madness and the means adopted for its cure +from the beliefs and the practice of preceding ages. It was, as we have +seen, a process of purely natural evolution from the principles which +the Church had succeeded in establishing.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_592_592" id="Footnote_592_592"></a><a href="#FNanchor_592_592"><span class="label">[592]</span></a> Fontanon, Edicts et Ordonnances, IV. 237.—Isambert, XI. +190, 253.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_593_593" id="Footnote_593_593"></a><a href="#FNanchor_593_593"><span class="label">[593]</span></a> Cornel. Agrippa de Occult. Philos. Lib. <small>I</small>. c. 40; Lib. +<small>III</small>. c. 33; Epistt. <small>II</small>. 38, 39, 40, 59; De Vanitate Scientiarum c. +xcvi.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_594_594" id="Footnote_594_594"></a><a href="#FNanchor_594_594"><span class="label">[594]</span></a> Raynald. ann. 1457, No. 90.—P. Vayra, Le Streghe nel +Canavese, op. cit. p. 250.—Mall. Maleficar. P. <small>II</small>. Q. i. c. 1, +12.—Ripoll IV. 190.—Pegnæ Append. ad Eymeric. p. 105.—G.F. Pico, La +Strega, p. 17.—Prieriat. de Strigimag. Lib. <small>II</small>. c. 1, 5.—Ang. +Politian. Lamia, Colon. 1518.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_595_595" id="Footnote_595_595"></a><a href="#FNanchor_595_595"><span class="label">[595]</span></a> G. de Castro, II Mondo Secreto, IX. 128, 133, +135-6.—Mag. Bull. Rom. I. 440, 617.—Archiv. di Venezia, Misti, Concil. +X. Vol. 44, p. 7.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_596_596" id="Footnote_596_596"></a><a href="#FNanchor_596_596"><span class="label">[596]</span></a> Michelet, La Sorcière, Liv. <small>II</small>. ch. iii.—P. Vayra, op. +cit. p. 255.—Annal. Novesiens. ann. 1586 (Martene Ampl. Coll. IV. +717).—Paramo de Orig. Off. S. Inquis. p. 296.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_597_597" id="Footnote_597_597"></a><a href="#FNanchor_597_597"><span class="label">[597]</span></a> Von der Hardt I. <small>XVI</small>. 829.—Bernardi Comens. Lucerna +Inquisit. s. v. <i>Dubius</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_598_598" id="Footnote_598_598"></a><a href="#FNanchor_598_598"><span class="label">[598]</span></a> R. Bacon Opp., M.R. Series, J.S. Brewer’s Preface, p. +xlv.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_599_599" id="Footnote_599_599"></a><a href="#FNanchor_599_599"><span class="label">[599]</span></a> Op. Minus, M.R Series I. 326-30.—Compend. Studii +Philosoph. <small>VII</small>.—Brewer. Preface, p. li.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_600_600" id="Footnote_600_600"></a><a href="#FNanchor_600_600"><span class="label">[600]</span></a> Brewer, Pref. p. xcviii.—Wadding. ann. 1278, No. 26; +ann. 1284, No. 12.—Wood’s Life of Bacon (Brewer, pp. xciv.-xcv.).—C. +Müller, Die Anfänge des Minoritenordens, pp. 104-5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_601_601" id="Footnote_601_601"></a><a href="#FNanchor_601_601"><span class="label">[601]</span></a> Tocco, L’Heresia nel Medio Evo, p. 2.—J. Scoti Erigenæ +de Divis. Naturæ <small>I</small>. 14; <small>IV</small>. 5.—Alberic. Trium Font. ann. 1225.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_602_602" id="Footnote_602_602"></a><a href="#FNanchor_602_602"><span class="label">[602]</span></a> Tocco, p. 4.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_603_603" id="Footnote_603_603"></a><a href="#FNanchor_603_603"><span class="label">[603]</span></a> Johann. Saresberiens. Metalog. <small>II</small>. 17.—Tocco, 26, 39, +40, 57.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_604_604" id="Footnote_604_604"></a><a href="#FNanchor_604_604"><span class="label">[604]</span></a> Bruckeri Instit. Hist. Philos. Ed. 1756, p. +530.—D’Argentré I. <small>II</small>. 258-84, 298, 302-4.—Baluz. et Mansi, II. +293-6.—Isambert, X. 664-72.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_605_605" id="Footnote_605_605"></a><a href="#FNanchor_605_605"><span class="label">[605]</span></a> D’Argentré I. <small>I</small>. 275, 285-90, 323-30, 337-40; I. <small>II</small>. 249, +255.—R. Lullii Lamentatio Philosophiæ (Opp. Ed. 1651, p. 112).—Erasmi +Encom. Moriæ (Ed. Lipsiens. 1828, p. 365).—Maimonides, Guide des Égarés +P. <small>III</small>. ch. xxi. (Trad. Munk, III. 155).—Matt. Paris ann. 1201 (Ed. +1644, p. 144).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_606_606" id="Footnote_606_606"></a><a href="#FNanchor_606_606"><span class="label">[606]</span></a> Renan, Averrhoès et l’Averrhoïsme, 3<sup>e</sup> Éd. 1866, pp. +152-3, 156-60, 168.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_607_607" id="Footnote_607_607"></a><a href="#FNanchor_607_607"><span class="label">[607]</span></a> Renan, pp. 22, 29-36, 167-9, 297.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_608_608" id="Footnote_608_608"></a><a href="#FNanchor_608_608"><span class="label">[608]</span></a> Th. Cantimpr. Bon. Univers. Lib. <small>II</small>. c. 47.—Matt. Paris +ann. 1238.—Hist. Diplom. Frid. II. T. Y. pp. 339, 349.—Pelayo, +Heterodoxos Españoles, I. 507-8, 782-3. +</p><p> +One of these supposititious <i>Traité des Trois Imposteurs</i>, published at +Yverdon in 1768, is written from a pantheistic standpoint, and not +without a certain measure of learning. Although it quotes Descartes, +there is a somewhat clumsy attempt to represent it as a translation of a +tract sent by Frederic II. to Otho of Bavaria.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_609_609" id="Footnote_609_609"></a><a href="#FNanchor_609_609"><span class="label">[609]</span></a> Partidas, P. <small>VII</small>. Tit. xxvi. l. 1.—Concil. Tarraconens. +ann. 1291 c. 8 (Martene Ampliss. Coll. VII. 294).—Renan, pp. 205-16.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_610_610" id="Footnote_610_610"></a><a href="#FNanchor_610_610"><span class="label">[610]</span></a> Matt. Paris ann. 1243 (p. 415).—S. Bonaventuræ Serm. de +decem Præceptia II. (Opp. Venet. 1584, II. 617).—D’Argentré I. <small>I</small>. +158-9, 186-88.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_611_611" id="Footnote_611_611"></a><a href="#FNanchor_611_611"><span class="label">[611]</span></a> D’Argentré I. <small>I</small>. 177-83.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_612_612" id="Footnote_612_612"></a><a href="#FNanchor_612_612"><span class="label">[612]</span></a> D’Argentré I. <small>I</small>. 185, 212-13, 234.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_613_613" id="Footnote_613_613"></a><a href="#FNanchor_613_613"><span class="label">[613]</span></a> D’Argentré I. <small>I</small>. 214-15, 235-6.—Renan, pp. +467-70.—Eymeric. pp. 238, 241.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_614_614" id="Footnote_614_614"></a><a href="#FNanchor_614_614"><span class="label">[614]</span></a> Renan, pp. 318-20, 322, 325, 339, 342, 345-6.—Molinier, +Études sur quelques MSS. des Bibliothèques d’Italie, p. 103.—Petrarchi +Lib. sine Titulo Epist. <small>XVIII</small>. Ejusd. contra Medicum Lib. <small>II</small>. (Ed. +Basil. 1581, p. 1098).—Decamerone, Giorn. I. Nov. 3.—Marina, Théorie +des Cortès, Trad. Fleury, Paris, 1822, II, 515.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_615_615" id="Footnote_615_615"></a><a href="#FNanchor_615_615"><span class="label">[615]</span></a> Gerson. sup. Magnificat. Tract, <small>IX</small>. (Ed. 1489, 89f, +9lf).—Renan, p. 314.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_616_616" id="Footnote_616_616"></a><a href="#FNanchor_616_616"><span class="label">[616]</span></a> D’Argentré I. <small>II</small>. 342.—Alph. de Castro adv. Hæreses, +Lib. <small>II</small>. s. v. <i>Angelus</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_617_617" id="Footnote_617_617"></a><a href="#FNanchor_617_617"><span class="label">[617]</span></a> For a luminous presentation of the influence of Humanism +on the policy of the Church in the fifteenth century, see Creighton’s +History of the Popes, II. 333 sqq. It was one of the complaints of +Savonarola that learning and culture had supplanted religion in the +minds of those to whom the destinies of Christianity were confided until +they had become infidels—“Vattene a Roma e per tutto il Cristianesimo; +nelle case de’ gran prelati e de’ gran maestri non s’attende se non a +poesie e ad arte oratoria ...Essi hanno introdotto fra noi le feste del +diavolo; essi non credono a Dio, e si fanno beffe dei misteri della +nostra religione” (Villari, Storia di Savonarola, Ed. 1887, I. 197, +199).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_618_618" id="Footnote_618_618"></a><a href="#FNanchor_618_618"><span class="label">[618]</span></a> Laurent. Vallæ in Donat. Constant. Declam. (Fasciculus +Rer. Expetendar. L. 132, Ed. 1690).—Bayle, s. v. <i>Valle</i>.—Raynald. +ann. 1446, No. 9.—Paramo de Orig. Offic. S. Inq. p. 297.—Wagenmann, +Real-Encykl. VIII. 492-3.—Creighton’s Hist. of the Popes, II. 340.—Æn. +Sylv. Comment. in Dict. et Fact. Alfonsi Regis Lib. <small>I</small>.—Erasmi Epistt. +Lib. <small>IV</small>. Ep. 7; Lib. <small>VII</small>. Ep. 3.—Reusch, Der Index der Verbotenen +Bücher, I. 227. +</p><p> +The immediate conviction wrought by Valla’s criticism of the Donation of +Constantine is shown in Æneas Sylvius’s defence of the temporal power, +where he abandons Constantine entirely, basing the territorial claims of +the Holy See on the gifts of Charlemagne, and its authority over kings +on the power of the keys and the headship granted to Peter (Æn. Sylvii +Opp. inedd. pp. 571-81). Yet the Church soon rallied and renewed its +claims. Arnaldo Albertino, Inquisitor of Valencia, in alluding to the +Donation of Constantine, says, in 1533, that Lorenzo Valla endeavored to +dispute its truth, but that every one else is united in maintaining it, +so that to deny it is to come near heresy (Arn. Albertini Repetitio +nova, Valentiæ, 1534, col. 32-3). Curiously enough, he adds that it is +asserted in the bull <i>Unam Sanctam</i>, which is not the case (I. Extrav. +Commun. Lib. <small>I</small>. Tit. viii.). In fact, Boniface VIII. founded his claims +on Christ, and a reference to Constantine would only weaken them. +</p><p> +Valla’s bitter and captious criticisms provoked sundry epigrams after +his death. +</p> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">“Nunc postquam manes defunctus Valla petivit,<br /></span> +<span class="i2">Non audet Pluto verba Latina loqui.<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Jupiter hunc cæli dignatus parte fuisset,<br /></span> +<span class="i2">Censorem linguæ sed timet esse suæ.”<br /></span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">“Obe ut Valla silet solitus qui parcere nulli est!<br /></span> +<span class="i2">Si quæris quid agat nunc quoque mordet humum.”—(Bayle, l.c.).<br /></span> +</div></div></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_619_619" id="Footnote_619_619"></a><a href="#FNanchor_619_619"><span class="label">[619]</span></a> Raynald. ann. 1459, No. 31; ann. 1461, No. 9, 10.—Æn. +Sylvii Opp. inedd. pp. 453, 506-7, 524, 653.—B. Platinæ Vit. Pauli +III.—Creighton, Hist. of the Popes, II. 440; III. 39.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_620_620" id="Footnote_620_620"></a><a href="#FNanchor_620_620"><span class="label">[620]</span></a> Gregor. Heymburg. Confut. Primatus Papæ (Fascic. Rer. +Expetend. II. 117).—B. Platinæ Vit. Pauli II.—Cantù, I. 186-7, 198. +</p><p> +Creighton (Hist. of the Popes, III. 276 sqq.) has printed from a +Cambridge MS. a curious correspondence between Pomponio, while +imprisoned in the Castle of Sant’ Angelo, and his jailer, Rodrigo de +Arevalo, afterwards Bishop of Zamora. It shows how fragile was the +philosophy of the Platonists when exposed to real privations.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_621_621" id="Footnote_621_621"></a><a href="#FNanchor_621_621"><span class="label">[621]</span></a> Marsil. Ficin. Epistt. Libb. <small>VIII</small>., <small>XI</small>., <small>XII</small>. (Opp. Ed. +1561, I. 866-7, 931, 946, 962-3); De Christ. Relig. c. 11, 13, 22, 24, +26 (I. 15, 18, 25, 29); De Vita Cœlitus comparanda Lib. <small>III</small>. c. 1, 2 (I. +532-33); In Platonem (II. 1390); In Plotinum c. 6, 7, 12, 15 (II. +1620-22, 1633, 1636).—Cantù, I. 179. +</p><p> +Yet we find him attributing a fever and diarrhœa to the influence of +Saturn in the house of Cancer, for Saturn had been in his geniture from +the beginning; and his cure he ascribes to a vow made to the +Virgin.—Epistt. Opp. I. 644, 733.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_622_622" id="Footnote_622_622"></a><a href="#FNanchor_622_622"><span class="label">[622]</span></a> D’Argentré I. <small>II</small>. 250.—Cantù, I. 182, <small>III</small>. 699-700.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_623_623" id="Footnote_623_623"></a><a href="#FNanchor_623_623"><span class="label">[623]</span></a> J. Pic. Mirand. Vita, Conclusiones, Apologia, Alexand. +PP. VI. Bull. <i>Omnium Catholicor</i>. (Opp. Basil. 1572). Cf. Cantù, I. +185.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_624_624" id="Footnote_624_624"></a><a href="#FNanchor_624_624"><span class="label">[624]</span></a> Concil. Lateran. V. Sess. <small>VIII</small>. (Harduin. IX. +1719).—Ripoll IV. 373.—Renan, pp. 53, 363.—P. Pomponatii Tract. de +Immort. Animæ c. xiv.—Cantù, I. 179-81.—Bayle, s. v. <i>Pomponace</i>, Note +D. +</p><p> +The device by which philosophers escaped responsibility for their +philosophy is illustrated by the concluding words of Agostino Nifo’s +treatise <i>De Cœlo et Mundo</i>, in 1514: “In qua omnibus pateat me ornnia +esse locutum ut phylosophum: quæ vero viderentur Sanctæ Romanæ Ecclesiæ +dissonare illico revocamus, asserentes ea incuria nostra proficisci non +autem a malitia, quare nostras bas interprætationes omnes et quascunque +alias in quibusvis libris editis Sanctæ Romanæ Ecclesiæ submittimus.” +</p><p> +And so Marsilio Ficino—“Nos autem in omnibus quæ scribimus eatenus +affirmari a nobis aliisque volumus quatenus Christianorum theologorum +concilio videatur”—De Immort. Animæ, Lib. <small>XVIII</small>. c. 5. +</p><p> +Pomponazio winds up his treatise on the immortality of the soul with +“Hæc itaque sunt quæ mihi in hac materia dicenda videntur. Semper tamen +in hoc et in aliis subjiciendo sedi Apostolicæ”—De Immort. Animæ c. +xv.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_625_625" id="Footnote_625_625"></a><a href="#FNanchor_625_625"><span class="label">[625]</span></a> P. Pomponatii Tract. de Immort. Animæ c. iv., viii., +xiv., xiv.—Prieriat. de Strigimagar. Lib. <small>I</small>. c. iv., v.—Llorente, +Hist. de l’Inq. d’Espagne, ch. xv. Art. ii. No. 4.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_626_626" id="Footnote_626_626"></a><a href="#FNanchor_626_626"><span class="label">[626]</span></a> Renan, pp. 367-72.—Cantù, I. 183.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_627_627" id="Footnote_627_627"></a><a href="#FNanchor_627_627"><span class="label">[627]</span></a> Villari, Frà Girolamo Savonarola, Ed. 1887, T. II. p. 3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_628_628" id="Footnote_628_628"></a><a href="#FNanchor_628_628"><span class="label">[628]</span></a> Cartas de D. Fr. Feyjoo, Carta <small>XXII</small>. (T. I. p. 180).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_629_629" id="Footnote_629_629"></a><a href="#FNanchor_629_629"><span class="label">[629]</span></a> Historia General de Mallorca, III. 40-2 (Palma, +1841).—Pelayo, Heterodoxos Españoles, I. 514-15.—Nic. Anton. Bibl. +Hispan. Lib. <small>IX</small>. c. iii. No. 73.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_630_630" id="Footnote_630_630"></a><a href="#FNanchor_630_630"><span class="label">[630]</span></a> Mariana, Hist. de España, Lib. <small>XV</small>. c. 4.—Hist. Gen. de +Mallorca, I. 601, III. 44-6.—Nic. Anton. l. c. No. 74.—Wadding. ann. +1275, No. 12.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_631_631" id="Footnote_631_631"></a><a href="#FNanchor_631_631"><span class="label">[631]</span></a> Wadding. ann. 1293, No. 3; ann. 1215, No. 2, 5.—C. 1. +Clement. v. 1.—Nic. Anton. I. c. No. 76.—Hist. Gen. de Mallorca, II. +1058-9, 1063; III. 64-5, 72.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_632_632" id="Footnote_632_632"></a><a href="#FNanchor_632_632"><span class="label">[632]</span></a> Nic. Anton. 1. c. No. 87-154.—Hist. Gen. de Mall. III. +68, 70, 96-8.—R. Lullii Art. Mag. P. <small>IX</small>. c. 52 (Opp. Ed. Argentorati, +1651, p. 438). +</p><p> +For an account of Lully’s poetical works, see Chabaneau (Vaissette, Éd. +Privat, x. 379).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_633_633" id="Footnote_633_633"></a><a href="#FNanchor_633_633"><span class="label">[633]</span></a> Hist. Gen. de Mall. III. 71, 78.—Pelayo, I. 530, 535, +537, 539.—Nic. Anton. 1. c. No. 82.—Gersoni Epist. ad. Bart. Carthus; +Ejusd. De Exam. Doctr. P. <small>II</small>. Consid. 1.—Corn. Agrippæ de Vanitate +Scient. c. 9.—Hieron. Cardan, de Subtil. Rer. Lib. xv.—Mariana, Lib. +xv. c. 4.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_634_634" id="Footnote_634_634"></a><a href="#FNanchor_634_634"><span class="label">[634]</span></a> Pelayo, I. 519-23.—R. Lullii Lamentat. Philosoph.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_635_635" id="Footnote_635_635"></a><a href="#FNanchor_635_635"><span class="label">[635]</span></a> Pelayo, I. 499, 528.—Hist. Gen. de Mall. III. +85.—D’Argentré I. <small>I</small>. 256-7, 259—Pegnæ Append. ad Eymeric. pp. +67-8.—Bofarull. Documentos, VI. 360.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_636_636" id="Footnote_636_636"></a><a href="#FNanchor_636_636"><span class="label">[636]</span></a> Eymeric. Direct. pp. 255-61. +</p><p> +Pegna says (p. 262) that in the MSS. of Eymerich’s work the list of +errors is fewer than in the printed text, and this is confirmed by +Father Denifle (Archiv. für Litt.-u. K. 1885, p. 143). Apparently the +Dominicans of the fifteenth century, when they printed the +<i>Directorium</i>, interpolated errors to aid them in the controversy over +Lully.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_637_637" id="Footnote_637_637"></a><a href="#FNanchor_637_637"><span class="label">[637]</span></a> D’Argentré I. <small>I</small>. 258, 260.—Hist. Gen. de Mall. III. +82-4.—Pelayo, I. 784-5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_638_638" id="Footnote_638_638"></a><a href="#FNanchor_638_638"><span class="label">[638]</span></a> Hist. Gen. de Mall. III. 59, 83-6.—Pelayo, I. 498, +787-88.—D’Argentré I. <small>I</small>. 259-61.—Nic. Anton. I. c. No. 78.—Ripoll II. +290.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_639_639" id="Footnote_639_639"></a><a href="#FNanchor_639_639"><span class="label">[639]</span></a> Hist. Gen. de Mall. III. 65-6, 92, 94-5.—Gabrieli +Prateoli Elenchus Hæret. Colon. 1608, p. 423.—D’Argentré I. <small>I</small>. 259, +261.—Reusch, Der Index der verbotenen Bücher, I. 27-33.—Benedict. PP. +XIV. De Servorum Dei Beatif. Lib. I. c. xl. § 4.—Raynald. ann. 1372, +No. 35. +</p><p> +In 1533 Arnaldo Albertino, Inquisitor of Valencia, complained bitterly +of the injustice which ranked as a heretic such a man as Lully, who was +inspired by God and was rather to be worshipped as a saint.—Albertini +Repetitio nova, Valentia, 1534, col. 406. +</p><p> +The publication of a complete critical edition of Lully’s works has +recently been commenced at Padua by D. Jerón. Roselló, under the +patronage of the Archduke Ludwig Salvator of Austria.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_640_640" id="Footnote_640_640"></a><a href="#FNanchor_640_640"><span class="label">[640]</span></a> S. Augustin, De Genesi ad litteram Lib. <small>XII</small>. c. 35, 36; +De Civ. Dei Lib. <small>XXII</small>. c. 29. Cf. De Doctr. Christ. Lib. <small>I</small>. c. 31; +Epistt. cxviii. § 14, clxix. § 3 (Ed. Benedict.).—Matt. Paris ann. 1243 +(p. 415).—Th. Aquinat. Sum. Suppl. Q. xcii.—S. Bonavent. Breviloq. +<small>VII</small>. 5, 7; Centiloq. <small>III</small>. 50; Pharetræ <small>IV</small>. 50.—W. Preger, Zeitschrift +für die histor. Theol. 1869, pp. 41-2.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_641_641" id="Footnote_641_641"></a><a href="#FNanchor_641_641"><span class="label">[641]</span></a> C. 3, Clem. v. iii.—Ripoll II. 172.—Wadding. ann. 1331, +No. 5.—Paul Lang. Chron. Citicens. (Pistor, I. 1207, 1210).—Gob. +Person. Cosmodr. Æt. <small>VI</small>. c. 71.—D’Argentré I. <small>I</small>. 315 sqq.—P. de +Herenthals Vit. Joann. XXII. ann. 1333 (Muratori S. R. I. III. <small>II</small>. +501).—Guill. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1331.—Villani, X. 226.—Chron. +Glassberger ann. 1331.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_642_642" id="Footnote_642_642"></a><a href="#FNanchor_642_642"><span class="label">[642]</span></a> W. Preger, Die Politik des Pabstes Johann XXII. pp. 14, +66, 69.—Alphons. de Spina Fortalic. Fidei Lib. <small>II</small>. Consid. +xii.—Vitodurani Chron. (Eccard. Corp. Hist. I. 1806-7).—Martene +Thesaur. I. 1383.—D’Argentré I. <small>I</small>. 316-17. 319-22.—Isambert, Anc. Loix +Franç. IV. 387.—Guillel. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1333.—Raynald. ann. +1334, No. 27, 37, etc.—Wadding. ann. 1334, No. 14.—Villani, XI. +19.—Baluz. et Mansi, III. 350.—Grandes Chroniques, ann. 1334 (V. 97).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_643_643" id="Footnote_643_643"></a><a href="#FNanchor_643_643"><span class="label">[643]</span></a> Molinier, Études sur quelques MSS. des Bibliothèques +d’Italie, p. 116.—Chron. Glassberger ann. 1334.—Benedict. XII Vit. +Tert. ann. 1335-6 (Muratori S. R. I. III. <small>II</small>. 539-41).—Ejusd. Vit. +Prim. ann. 1338 (Ibid. p. 534).—Eymeric. p. 421.—Concil. Florent. ann. +1439 P. <small>II</small>. Union. Decret. (Harduin. IX. 986). +</p><p> +A remark of Æneas Sylvius in 1453 shows that, notwithstanding these +authoritative definitions, the old belief still lingered that the glory +of the saints was postponed till the Day of Judgment (Opp. inedd.—Atti +della Accad. dei Lincei, 1883, p. 567).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_644_644" id="Footnote_644_644"></a><a href="#FNanchor_644_644"><span class="label">[644]</span></a> S. Anselmi Cur Deus Homo Lib. <small>II</small>. c. xvi.; Ejusd. Lib. de +Conceptu Virginali.—S. Bernardi Epist. 174, ad Canon. +Lugdun.—D’Argentré I. <small>II</small>. 60.—Pet. Lombardi Sententt. Lib. <small>III</small>. Dist. +iii. Q. 1.—Innoc. PP. III. Sermo <small>XII</small>. in Purif. S. Mariæ.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_645_645" id="Footnote_645_645"></a><a href="#FNanchor_645_645"><span class="label">[645]</span></a> Pet. Blesens. Sermo <small>XII</small>., <small>XXXIII</small>.,<small>XXXVIII</small>.—S. Bonavent. +Speculi Beatæ Virginis c. i., ii., viii., ix.—The mediæval conception +of the Virgin, as the intercessor between God and man and the source of +all good, is expressed by Fazio degli Uberti— +</p> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">“Tu sola mitigasti la discordia<br /></span> +<span class="i2">Che fu tra Dio e l’ uomo; e tu cagione<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Sei d’ ogni bene che quaggiù si esordia.”<br /></span> +</div></div> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_646_646" id="Footnote_646_646"></a><a href="#FNanchor_646_646"><span class="label">[646]</span></a> Thom. Aquin. Summ. <small>I</small>. ii. Q. 81, Art. 4; <small>III</small>. Q. 14, Art. +4, Q. 27.—D’Argentré I. <small>I</small>. 275.—Alvar. Pelag. de Planctu Eccles. Lib. +<small>II</small>. Art 52.—Chron. de Saint-Just (Vaissette, Éd. Privat, VIII. +225).—Concil. Londin. ann. 1328 c. 2 (Harduin. VII. 1538). +</p><p> +The epitaph of Duns Scotus gives him the credit of defending the +Immaculate Conception. +</p> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">“Concepta est virgo primi sine labe parentis<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Hic tulit—” <span style="margin-left: 2em;">(Mosheim de Beghardis, p. 234.)</span><br /></span> +</div></div> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_647_647" id="Footnote_647_647"></a><a href="#FNanchor_647_647"><span class="label">[647]</span></a> Religieux de S. Denis, Hist. de Charles VI. <small>VII</small>. 5; <small>VIII</small>. +2, 14; <small>XXIII</small>. 5.—Pelayo, Heterodoxos Españoles, I. 536.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_648_648" id="Footnote_648_648"></a><a href="#FNanchor_648_648"><span class="label">[648]</span></a> Wadding. Addit. ad T. V. No. 16 (T. VII. p. 491); ann. +1439, No. 47-8.—Concil. Basil. Sess. <small>XXXVI</small>. (Harduin. IX. +1160).—Concil. Florent. Decr. pro Jacobinis (Harduin. IX. 1024-5).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_649_649" id="Footnote_649_649"></a><a href="#FNanchor_649_649"><span class="label">[649]</span></a> Concil. Avenionens. ann. 1457 (Harduin. IX. +1388).—D’Argentré I. <small>II</small>. 252.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_650_650" id="Footnote_650_650"></a><a href="#FNanchor_650_650"><span class="label">[650]</span></a> Wadding. ann. 1477, No. 1; ann. 1479, No. 17-18.—C. 1, +2, Extrav. Commun. <small>III</small>. xii.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_651_651" id="Footnote_651_651"></a><a href="#FNanchor_651_651"><span class="label">[651]</span></a> D’Argentré I. <small>II</small>. 331-5, 343-3.—Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. +ann. 1498.—Wadding. ann. 1500, No. 29.—Chron. Glassberger ann. 1501.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_652_652" id="Footnote_652_652"></a><a href="#FNanchor_652_652"><span class="label">[652]</span></a> Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1497.—D’Argentré I. <small>II</small>. +336-40, 347.—Ripoll IV. 267.—Bernardi Comens. Lucerna Inquis. s.v. +<i>Hæresis</i>, No. 23.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_653_653" id="Footnote_653_653"></a><a href="#FNanchor_653_653"><span class="label">[653]</span></a> I have followed a contemporary account of this curious +affair—“De Quatuor Hæresiarchis in civitate Bernensi nuper combustis, +<small>A.D.</small> 1509,” 4to, <i>sine nota</i> (Strassburg, 1509), attributed to Thomas +Murner. It accords sufficiently with the briefer reports of Trithemius +(Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1509) and Sebastian Brandt (Pauli Langii Chron. +Citicens. ann. 1509), and that of the Chron. Glassberger ann. 1501, +1506, 1507, 1509.—Garibay, Compendio Historial de España, Lib. xx. cap. +13. +</p><p> +The Bernese community was piously devoted to the Virgin. In 1489 a +certain Nicholas Rotelfinger was inconsiderate enough to declare that +she helped the wicked as well as the good. For this he was obliged to +stand a whole day in an iron collar and to make oath that he would +personally seek the pope and bring home a written absolution.—Valerius +Anshelm, Berner-Chronik, Bern, 1884, I. 355.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_654_654" id="Footnote_654_654"></a><a href="#FNanchor_654_654"><span class="label">[654]</span></a> Revocatio fratris Vuygandi Vuirt (apud Trebotes, <i>sine +anno</i>).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_655_655" id="Footnote_655_655"></a><a href="#FNanchor_655_655"><span class="label">[655]</span></a> De Beatæ Virginia Conceptione Ducentorum et sexdecim +Doctorum vera, tuta, et tenenda Sententia (<i>sine nota. sed. c.</i> +1500).—Concil. Trident. Sess. v. Decr. de Orig. Peccat. § 5.—Pauli PP. +IV. Bull. <i>Super speculum</i> (Mag. Bull. Rom. II. 343).—Pauli PP. V. +Bull. <i>Regis pacifici</i> (Ibid. p. 392).—Ejusd. Constit. <i>Sanctissimus</i> +(Ib. p. 400).—Gregor. PP. XV. Constit. <i>Sanctissimus</i> (Ib. p. +477).—Ejusd. Bull. <i>Eximii</i> (Ib. p. 478).—Prattica del Modo da +procedersi nelle Cause del S. Offitio, cap. xix. (MSS. Bib. Reg. +Monachens. Cod. Ital. 598.—MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds italien, 139).—Gage, +New Survey of the West Indies, London, 1677, p. 266.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_656_656" id="Footnote_656_656"></a><a href="#FNanchor_656_656"><span class="label">[656]</span></a> Alph. de Castro de justa Hæret. Punitione Lib. <small>I</small>. c. +viii. Dub. 4.—Carenæ Tract. de Modo procedendi Tit. <small>XVII</small>. § 9. +</p><p> +Yet in Spain the intense popular devotion to the Virgin rendered the +Inquisition very sensitive in its reverence for her. In 1642 an +inquisitor, Diego de Narbona, in his <i>Annales Tractatus Juris</i> alluded +to an assertion of Clement of Alexandria (Stromata, Lib. <small>VII</small>.) that some +persons believed that after the Nativity the Virgin was inspected by the +midwife to prove her virginity. Although he condemned the statement as +most indecent and dishonoring to the Virgin, his work was denounced to +the Inquisition of Granada, which referred it to the Inquisitor-general. +Narbona in vain endeavored to defend himself. It was shown that in the +Index Expurgatorius of 1640 the passage of Clement, as well as those in +all other authors alluding to it, had been ordered to be <i>borrado</i>, or +expunged, so that the very memory of so scandalous a tale might be lost. +Narbona alleged in his defence a passage in Padre Basilio Ponce de Leon, +but the Inquisition showed that this had likewise been <i>borrado</i>, and, +as every one who possessed a copy of a book containing a prohibited +passage was bound to blot it out and render it illegible, he was +culpable in not having done so.—MSS. Bibl. Bodleian. Arch S. 130.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_657_657" id="Footnote_657_657"></a><a href="#FNanchor_657_657"><span class="label">[657]</span></a> Reusch, Der Index der verbotenen Bücher, II. 843, +986.—Addis and Arnold’s Catholic Dictionary s. v. <i>Immaculate</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_658_658" id="Footnote_658_658"></a><a href="#FNanchor_658_658"><span class="label">[658]</span></a> Reusch, op. cit. II. 989.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_659_659" id="Footnote_659_659"></a><a href="#FNanchor_659_659"><span class="label">[659]</span></a> Mosheim de Beghardis, pp. 368, 378.—Eymeric. pp. +311-16.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_660_660" id="Footnote_660_660"></a><a href="#FNanchor_660_660"><span class="label">[660]</span></a> Albertini Repertor. Inquis. s. vv. <i>Libri, +Scriptura</i>.—Raynald. ann. 1501, No. 36.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_661_661" id="Footnote_661_661"></a><a href="#FNanchor_661_661"><span class="label">[661]</span></a> Concil. Lateran. V. Sess. <small>IX</small>. (Harduin. IX. 1779-81). +</p><p> +These rules were probably enforced only where there was an Inquisition +in working order. In the edition of Nifo’s work, <i>De Cœlo et Mundo</i>, +printed at Naples in 1517, there is an <i>imprimatur</i> by Antonio Caietano, +prior of the Dominican convent, reciting the conciliar decree, and +stating that in the absence of the inquisitor he had been deputed by the +Vicar of Naples to examine the work, in which he found no evil. +</p><p> +In the Venice editions of Joachim of Flora, printed in 1516 and 1517, +there is not only the permission of the inquisitor and of the Patriarch +of Venice, but also that of the Council of Ten, showing that the press +was subjected to no little impediment. +</p><p> +In the contemporaneous Lyons edition of Alvaro Pelayo’s <i>De Planctu +Ecclesiœ</i> (1517), however, there is no <i>imprimatur</i>, and evidently there +was no censorship, and the same is the case in such German books of the +period as I have had an opportunity of examining.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_662_662" id="Footnote_662_662"></a><a href="#FNanchor_662_662"><span class="label">[662]</span></a> S. Raymondi Summ. I. <small>VI</small>. i.—<small>I</small>. Extrav. Commun. I. +viii.—Lib. Carolin. <small>III</small>. 1, 3.—Harduin. Concil. IV. 131, 453-4, 747, +775, 970.—Hartzheim Concil. German. I. 390-6.—Eymeric. p. 325.—Tocco, +L’Eresia nel Medio Evo, pp. 389-90.—C. 9, 11, Extra, <small>I</small>. xi. +</p><p> +When Sigismund of Austria, in his quarrel with Nicholas of Cusa over the +bishopric of Brixen, refused to observe the interdict cast on his +territories, Pius II., in 1460, summoned him to trial within sixty days +as a heretic, because his disobedience showed him to be notoriously +guilty of that heresy of heresies, disbelief in the article of the +Creed, “<i>Credo in unam sanctam Catholicam et Apostolicam ecclesiam</i>” +(Freher et Struv. II. 192).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_663_663" id="Footnote_663_663"></a><a href="#FNanchor_663_663"><span class="label">[663]</span></a> Innoc. PP. III. Regest. <small>VII</small>. 47.—Batthyani Legg. Eccles. +Hung. II. 355-6.—Ripoll I. 70-1, 186.—Wadding. ann. 1351, No. 8; ann. +1354, No. 4, 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_664_664" id="Footnote_664_664"></a><a href="#FNanchor_664_664"><span class="label">[664]</span></a> Innoc. PP. III.. Regest. <small>VII</small>. 2-12, 121, 152-4, 164, +203-5; <small>IX</small>. 243-6; <small>X</small>. 49-51.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_665_665" id="Footnote_665_665"></a><a href="#FNanchor_665_665"><span class="label">[665]</span></a> C. 35 Decr. P. <small>II</small>. Caus. xxiv. Q. 9.—Berger, Registres +d’Innoc. IV. No. 573, 1817.—Raynald. ann. 1233, No. 1-15.—Epistt. +Sæculi XIII. T. I. No. 725 (Pertz).—Buchon, Recherches et Matériaux, +pp. 31, 40-2.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_666_666" id="Footnote_666_666"></a><a href="#FNanchor_666_666"><span class="label">[666]</span></a> Theiner Monument. Slavor. Meridional. I. 120.—Berger, +Registres d’Innoc. IV. No. 2058, 4053, 4750, 4769.—Barb, de’ Mironi, +Hist. Eccles. di Vicenza II. 102.—Thomas, Registres de Boniface VIII. +No. 613-4.—Raynald. ann. 1318, No. 57.—Ripoll II. 172, 482.—B. +Guidon. Practica P. <small>II</small>. No. 9; P. <small>V</small>. No. 11.—Eymeric. p. 303.—Harduin. +VII. 1700, 1709, 1720. +</p><p> +The relations between the races in the Levant were not such as to win +over the Greeks. A writer of the middle of the thirteenth century, who +was zealous for the reunion of the churches, repeatedly alludes to the +repulsion caused by the tyranny and injustice of the Latins towards the +Greeks. Even the lowest of the former treated the Greeks with contempt, +pulling them by the beard and stigmatizing them as dogs.—Opusc. +Tripartiti P. <small>II</small>. c. xi., xvii. (Fascic. Rer. Expetend. et Fugiend. II. +215, 216, 221).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_667_667" id="Footnote_667_667"></a><a href="#FNanchor_667_667"><span class="label">[667]</span></a> Raynald. ann. 1373, No. 18; ann. 1375, No. 25.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_668_668" id="Footnote_668_668"></a><a href="#FNanchor_668_668"><span class="label">[668]</span></a> Raynald. ann. 1449, No. 10.—Ripoll IV. 72. +</p><p> +In 1718 the congregation of the Propaganda permitted the erection of a +Greek episcopate in Calabria, to supply the spiritual needs of the Greek +population. The Greeks in the Island of Sicily complained of the expense +of sending their youths to Calabria or to Rome for ordination, and in +1784, at the instance of Ferdinand III., Pius VI. authorized the +establishment of another Greek bishop in Palermo.—Gallo, Codice +Ecclesiastico Siculo, IV. 47 (Palermo, 1852).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_669_669" id="Footnote_669_669"></a><a href="#FNanchor_669_669"><span class="label">[669]</span></a> Th. Cantimprat. Bonum Universale, Lib. <small>II</small>. c. 2.—Humb. +de Roman. Tract. in Concil. Lugdun. P. <small>III</small>. c. 8. (Martene Ampl. Coll. +VII. 197). Cf. Opusc. Tripart. P. <small>III</small>. c. viii. (Fascic. Rer. Expetend. +et Fugiend. II. 227). +</p><p> +William Langland sets forth the popular appreciation of the <i>Quæstuarii</i> +with sufficient distinctness— +</p> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">“Here preched a Pardonere as he a prest were,<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Broughte forth a bulle with bishopes seles,<br /></span> +<span class="ist">And seide that hym-selfe myghte asoilen hem alle<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Of falshed of fastyng of vowes ybroken.<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Lewed men leued hym well and lyked his wordes ...<br /></span> +<span class="ist">...Were the bischop yblissed and worth bothe his eares<br /></span> +<span class="ist">His seel shulde not be sent to deceyue the peple.”<br /></span> +<span class="i8">Piers Plowman, Prologue, 68-79.<br /></span> +</div></div></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_670_670" id="Footnote_670_670"></a><a href="#FNanchor_670_670"><span class="label">[670]</span></a> C. xi. § 2 Sexto v. ii.—Bern. Guidon. Practica P. v. +(Ed. Douais, p. 199).—Eymeric. pp. 107, 564.—Coll. Doat, XXVI. 314.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_671_671" id="Footnote_671_671"></a><a href="#FNanchor_671_671"><span class="label">[671]</span></a> 2 Clement, v. ix.—Concil. Senonens. ann. 1485, Art. <small>II</small>. +c. 8 (D’Achery, I. 758).—C. Trident. Sess. xxi. De Reform. c. 9.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_672_672" id="Footnote_672_672"></a><a href="#FNanchor_672_672"><span class="label">[672]</span></a> Bertholdi a Ratispona Sermones, Monachii, 1882, p. 93.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_673_673" id="Footnote_673_673"></a><a href="#FNanchor_673_673"><span class="label">[673]</span></a> Carmina Burana, Breslau, 1883, pp. 22-3.—This was a +favorite theme with the poetasters of the time— +</p> + +<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary=""> +<tr valign="top"><td>“Cardinales ut prædixi <br /> + novo jure crucifixi<br /> + vendunt patrimoniam.</td> + +<td>Petrus foris, intus Nero,<br /> +intus lupus, foris vero<br /> +sicut agni ovium” (Ib. p. 18),</td></tr> +</table> + +<p class="nind">and this pervaded the whole Church— +</p> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">“Veneunt altaria,<br /></span> +<span class="ist">venit eucharistia<br /></span> +<span class="ist">cum sit nugatoria<br /></span> +<span class="ist">gratia venalis.”—(Ib. p. 41).<br /></span> +</div></div> + +<p class="nind"> +The honest Franciscan, John of Winterthur, attributed all the evils +which oppressed the Church to its venality— +</p> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">“Ecclesiam nummus vilem fecit meretricem,<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Nam pro mercede scortum dat se cupienti.<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Nummus cuncta facit nil bene justitia,<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Cunctis prostituens pro munere seque venalem,<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Singula facta negat vel agit pro stipite solo;<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Divino zelo nulla fere peragit.”<br /></span> +<span class="i5">Vitodurani Chron. ann. 1343.<br /></span> +</div></div> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_674_674" id="Footnote_674_674"></a><a href="#FNanchor_674_674"><span class="label">[674]</span></a> C. 7, 20, 21 Decr. P. <small>II</small>. Caus. 1, Q. 1.—Th. Aquin. +Summ. Sec. Sec. Q. 100, Art. 1.—Gloss. Bernardi; Gloss. Hostiens. +(Eymeric. pp. 138, 143, 165).—Eymeric. p. 318.—Berger, Registres +d’Inn. IV. No. 2977, 3010, 4668, 4718.—Thomas, Reg. de Boniface VIII. +No. 547, 554, 557-8, 644, 726, 747.—Taxæ Sac. Pœnitent. Ed. Friedrichs, +p. 35; Ed. Gibbings, p. 3 (cf. Van Espen, Dissert. in Jus Canon. noviss. +P. <small>III</small>. p. 699).—Durandi Specul. Juris Lib. <small>IV</small>. Partic. iv. Rubr. <i>de +Simonia</i>. +</p><p> +Clement IV. was exceptional in seeking to repress the acquisitiveness of +the curia. When, in 1266, Jean de Courtenai was elected Archbishop of +Reims, and encumbered his see with a debt of twelve thousand livres to +pay the Sacred College, Clement promptly excommunicated him and summoned +him to reveal the names of all who participated in the spoils. Yet +Clement had no scruple in following the example of his predecessor, +Urban IV., in the negotiations which resulted in the crusade of Charles +of Anjou against Manfred. Simon, Cardinal of S. Cecilia, sent to France +for the purpose, was furnished with special powers to dispense for +defects of age or birth or other irregularities in the acquisition of +benefices, for holding pluralities, and for marriage within the +prohibited grades, and was instructed to distribute these favors so as +to remove obstacles to the enterprise (Urbani PP. IV. Epistt. 32-35, 40, +64-5, 68; Clement. PP. IV. Epistt. 8, 19, 20, 41, 383.—<i>ap.</i> Martene +Thesaur. II.).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_675_675" id="Footnote_675_675"></a><a href="#FNanchor_675_675"><span class="label">[675]</span></a> Von der Hardt, I. <small>XVI</small>. 841.—D’Argentré I. <small>II</small>. +228.—Theod. a Niem de Schismate Lib. <small>II</small>. c. xiv.; Ejusd. Nemor. Unionis +Tract. <small>VI</small>. c. 36, 37, 39.—Poggii Bracciol. Dialogus contra +Hypocrisim.—Gobelini Personæ Cosmodrom. Æt. V. c. 85. +</p><p> +The question as to the possibility of a pope committing simony was long +under discussion. At the Council of Lyons, in 1245, Guiard, Bishop of +Cambrai, was asked by a cardinal if he believed it possible, when he +rendered a most emphatic answer in the affirmative (Th. Cantimprat. +Bonum Universale, Lib. <small>II</small>. c. 2). Thomas Aquinas not only asserts it, +but adds that the higher the position of the offender the greater the +sin (Summ. Sec. Sec. Q. 100, Art. 1, No. 7). Yet the venality of the +Holy See was too notorious for concealment, and arguments were framed to +prove that the pope had a right to sell preferments, for which see the +<i>Aureum Speculum Papœ</i>, P. <small>II</small>. c. 1, written in 1404, under Boniface +IX., and the laborious effort of William of Ockham to controvert the +assertion. The ingenious methods of the curia to extract the last penny +from applicants are described in P. <small>I</small>. c. v. of the Speculum. The author +has no hesitation in pronouncing the curia to be in a state of damnation +(Fascic. Rer. Expetend. et Fugiend. II. 63, 70, 81, 461). All who +deplored the condition of the Church instinctively turned to the Holy +See as the source of corruption and demoralization. Nothing can well be +conceived more terrible than the account of it given about this time by +Cardinal Matthew of Krokow in his tract <i>De Squaloribus Romanœ Curiœ</i> +(Ib. II. 584-607).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_676_676" id="Footnote_676_676"></a><a href="#FNanchor_676_676"><span class="label">[676]</span></a> Gersoni Tract. de Symonia.—D’Argentré I. <small>II</small>. +234.—Goldast. Constit. Imp. I. 402. +</p><p> +In <i>La déploration de l’Église militante</i> of Jean Boucher, in 1512, +simony is described as the chief source of trouble— +</p> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">“Ceste sixte gloute et insatiable<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Du sanctuaire elle a fait ung estable,<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Et de mes loys coustume abhominable.<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Ha, ha, mauldicte et fausse symonie!<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Tu ne cessas jamais de m’infester....<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Pour ung courtault on baille ung bénéfice;<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Pour ung baiser ou aultre malefice<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Quelque champis aura ung evesché;<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Pour cent escus quelque meschant novice,<br /></span> +<span class="ist">Plein de luxure et de tout aultre vice,<br /></span> +<span class="ist">De dignitez sera tout empesché.”<br /></span> +<span class="i0">(Bull. de la Soc. de l’Hist. du Prot. Français, 1856, pp. 268-9).<br /></span> +</div></div> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_677_677" id="Footnote_677_677"></a><a href="#FNanchor_677_677"><span class="label">[677]</span></a> Vaissette, Éd. Privat, X. Pr. 242, 254.—See the author’s +“Studies in Church History,” 2 Ed. pp. 210 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_678_678" id="Footnote_678_678"></a><a href="#FNanchor_678_678"><span class="label">[678]</span></a> Nic. de Clemangis de Ruina Ecclesiæ, cap. xix.-xxxvi.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_679_679" id="Footnote_679_679"></a><a href="#FNanchor_679_679"><span class="label">[679]</span></a> S. Bonaventuræ Libell. Apologet. Quæst i.; Tractatus +quare Fr. Minores prædicent.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_680_680" id="Footnote_680_680"></a><a href="#FNanchor_680_680"><span class="label">[680]</span></a> Pelayo, Heterodoxos Españoles, I. 721-3, 735-6.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_681_681" id="Footnote_681_681"></a><a href="#FNanchor_681_681"><span class="label">[681]</span></a> Marsil. Patav. Defensor Pacis <small>II</small>. xi. Cf. cap. xxiii., +xxiv.—Alvar. Pelag. de Planct. Eccles. Lib. <small>II</small>. Art. vii.—Baluz. et +Mansi, III. 24-5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_682_682" id="Footnote_682_682"></a><a href="#FNanchor_682_682"><span class="label">[682]</span></a> Chron. Glassberger ann. 1335.—Albert. Argentinens. +Chron. ann. 1351.—Hist. Ordin. Carthus. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 187).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_683_683" id="Footnote_683_683"></a><a href="#FNanchor_683_683"><span class="label">[683]</span></a> Petrarchi Lib. sine Titulo Epistt. vii., viii., ix., +xii., xvi.—Decamerone, Giorn. I. Nov. 2. +</p><p> +Petrarch’s wrath at the papal court is explicable if there is truth in +the disgusting story alleged in explanation of the enigmatical allusions +in his Canzone <small>XXII</small>.—“<i>Mai non vo’ più cantor com’io soleva</i>.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_684_684" id="Footnote_684_684"></a><a href="#FNanchor_684_684"><span class="label">[684]</span></a> Revelat. S. Brigittæ Lib. <small>I</small>. c. 41; Lib. <small>IV</small>. c. 33, 37, +142. +</p><p> +St. Birgitta was canonized in 1391 by Boniface IX., and after the Schism +was healed this was confirmed in 1419 by Martin IV. Both popes ascribe +her revelations to the Holy Ghost.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_685_685" id="Footnote_685_685"></a><a href="#FNanchor_685_685"><span class="label">[685]</span></a> Epistole della Santa Caterina da Siena, Lett. 9, 13, 14, +15, 17, 18, 21, 35, 38, 39, 41, 44, 50, 91, etc. (Milano, 1843).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_686_686" id="Footnote_686_686"></a><a href="#FNanchor_686_686"><span class="label">[686]</span></a> Telesphori de magnis Tribulationibus (Venet. 1516, fol. +11).—Henrici de Hassia Lib. contra Thelesphori Vaticinia c. i., ii., +x., xx., xxxvi., xxxvii., xli., xlii., (Pez, Thesaur. Anecd. T. I. P. +<small>II</small>.). +</p><p> +Henry wrote a letter to the princes of the Church in the name of +Lucifer, Prince of Darkness and Emperor of Acheron, similar to that +which agitated Clement VI. in 1351 (Pez, Dissert, p. lxxix.).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_687_687" id="Footnote_687_687"></a><a href="#FNanchor_687_687"><span class="label">[687]</span></a> Libellus Supplex oblatus Papæ in Concilio Pisano (Martene +Ampl. Coll. VII. 1124-32).—Von der Hardt, IV. 1414, 1417-18, 1422-3, +1426-7, 1432.—Rymer, X. 433-6.—Gobelini Personæ Cosmodrom. Æt. <small>VI</small>. +cap. 96.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_688_688" id="Footnote_688_688"></a><a href="#FNanchor_688_688"><span class="label">[688]</span></a> Andreæ Gubernac. Concil. P. <small>II., III., V.</small> cap. 2 (Von der +Hardt, VI. 175, 179, 209).—Nideri Formicar. Lib. <small>I</small>. c. vii.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_689_689" id="Footnote_689_689"></a><a href="#FNanchor_689_689"><span class="label">[689]</span></a> Fascic. Rer. Expetend. et Fugiend. I. 68, 417; II. 105 +(Ed. 1690).—Herm. Ryd de Reen de Vita Clericor. (Ib. II. 142).—Mém. de +Jacques du Clercq, Liv. <small>III</small>. ch. 43.—Steph. Infessuræ Diar. Urb. Roman. +ann. 1474 (Eccard. Corp. Hist. II. 1939).—Wimpfeling de vita et moribus +Episcoporum, Argentorati, 1512.—De Munditia et Castitate Sacerdotum +(<i>sine nota</i>, sed Parisiis c. 1500).—Rapp, Die Hexenprocesse und ihre +Gegner aus Tirol, p. 148.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_690_690" id="Footnote_690_690"></a><a href="#FNanchor_690_690"><span class="label">[690]</span></a> Joann. de Trittenheim Lib. Lugubris de Statu et Ruina +Monast. Ord. c. i., iii.—Angeli Rumpheri Hist. Formbach. Lib. <small>II</small>. (Pez, +I. iii. 446, 451-2). +</p><p> +This is by no means a solitary case. In 1329 the Abbot of La Grasse was +by a judgment of the Parlement of Paris deprived for life of <i>haute +justice</i>, and the abbey condemned in a fine of thirty thousand livres to +the king and six hundred livres damages to victims, for murders +committed, illegal tortures, and other crimes.—A. Molinier, Vaissette, +Éd. Privat, IX. 417.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_691_691" id="Footnote_691_691"></a><a href="#FNanchor_691_691"><span class="label">[691]</span></a> Gersoni de Reform. Eccles. c. xxiv. (Von der Hardt, I. v. +125-8).—Theod. Vrie Hist. Concil. Constant. Lib. <small>IV</small>. Dist. vii.—Revel. +S. Brigittæ Lib. <small>VII</small>. cap. vii.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_692_692" id="Footnote_692_692"></a><a href="#FNanchor_692_692"><span class="label">[692]</span></a> Alvar. Pelag. de Planctu Eccles. Lib. <small>II</small>. Art. i., +ii.—Meyeri Annal. Flandriæ Lib. <small>XIII</small>. ann. 1379.—Religieux de S. +Denys, Hist. de Charles VI. Liv. <small>XVI</small>. ch. 10; Liv. xxxv. ch. +8.—Wadding. ann. 1405, No. 7.—Æn. Sylvii opp. inedd. (Atti della +Accad. del Lincei, 1883, pp. 558-9).—Steph. Infessuræ Diar. (Eccard. +II. 1988, 1996-7).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_693_693" id="Footnote_693_693"></a><a href="#FNanchor_693_693"><span class="label">[693]</span></a> Pet. Alliacens. Principium in Cursum Bibliæ (Fascic. Rer. +Expetend. II. 516).—Bernardi Comens. Lucerna Inquis. s. v. <i>Hœresis</i>, +No. 21.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_694_694" id="Footnote_694_694"></a><a href="#FNanchor_694_694"><span class="label">[694]</span></a> It would scarce seem possible that, in the full light of +the nineteenth century, men could still be found hardy enough to defend +the position of the Church towards heretics, but it is a sign of the +progress of humanity that this is no longer done by justifying the +irrefragable facts of history, but by boldly denying them. In a recent +work by M. le Chanoine Claessens, “Camérier secret de Sa Saintété,” who +informs us that after long and serious study of the original sources he +writes with scrupulous impartiality and with the calmness befitting +history, we are told that the penalty of the Church for public and +obstinate heretics is simply excommunication, and that it has never +allowed itself to employ any direct constraint, whether for the +conversion of Jews and Pagans or to bring back wandering Christians to +unity. At the same time he is careful to make the reservation that the +Church possesses an incontestable right to use physical means to compel +those who have been baptized to fulfil the obligations thus +assumed.—Claessens, L’Inquisition et le régime pénal pour la répression +de l’hérésie dans les Pays-Bas du passé, Tournhout, 1886, p. 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_695_695" id="Footnote_695_695"></a><a href="#FNanchor_695_695"><span class="label">[695]</span></a> Jacques Fournier (subsequently Benedict XII.) was made +Cardinal of S. Prisca in the creation of December 18, 1327, but he had +been previously translated from the see of Pamiers to that of Mirepoix +(Ciacconii Vit. Pontif. Ed. 1677, II. 424). Pierre Recordi’s trial must, +therefore, have endured for at least several years.</p></div> + +</div> + +<p><a name="transcriber_note" id="transcriber_note"></a></p> + +<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="" +style="border:3px dotted gray;padding:2%;text-align:center; +margin-top:5%;margin-bottom:5%;"> +<tr><th align="center">The following typographical errors were corrected by the etext transcriber:</th></tr> +<tr><td align="center">Accordingly, in <span class="un">1494</span>, we hear of four of them—two men and two women—burned at Parma,=>Accordingly, in 1294, we hear of four of them—two men and two women—burned at Parma,</td></tr> +<tr><td align="center">Elsewhere <span class="un">thoughout</span> Europe=>Elsewhere throughout Europe</td></tr> +<tr><td align="center">win the palm of <span class="un">martydom</span>=>win the palm of martyrdom</td></tr> +</table> + +<p class="figcenter"> +<img src="images/back.jpg" width="342" height="550" alt="image of the book's back cover" title="" /> +</p> + +<hr class="full" /> + + + + + + + +<pre> + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of A History of The Inquisition of The +Middle Ages; volume III, by Henry Charles Lea + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION 3/3 *** + +***** This file should be named 39580-h.htm or 39580-h.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + http://www.gutenberg.org/3/9/5/8/39580/ + +Produced by Chuck Greif and the Online Distributed +Proofreading Team at DP Europe (http://dp.rastko.net); +produced from images available at the Internet Archive. + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, +set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to +copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to +protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark. Project +Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you +charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission. If you +do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the +rules is very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose +such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and +research. They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do +practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks. Redistribution is +subject to the trademark license, especially commercial +redistribution. + + + +*** START: FULL LICENSE *** + +THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE +PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK + +To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free +distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work +(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project +Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project +Gutenberg-tm License (available with this file or online at +http://gutenberg.org/license). + + +Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic works + +1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to +and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property +(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all +the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy +all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession. +If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the +terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or +entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8. + +1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be +used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who +agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few +things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works +even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See +paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement +and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works. See paragraph 1.E below. + +1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation" +or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual works in the +collection are in the public domain in the United States. If an +individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are +located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from +copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative +works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg +are removed. Of course, we hope that you will support the Project +Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by +freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of +this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with +the work. You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by +keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project +Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others. + +1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern +what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are in +a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, check +the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement +before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or +creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project +Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no representations concerning +the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United +States. + +1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg: + +1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate +access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently +whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the +phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project +Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed, +copied or distributed: + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license + +1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived +from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is +posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied +and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees +or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to a work +with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the +work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 +through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the +Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or +1.E.9. + +1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted +with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution +must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional +terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms will be linked +to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the +permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work. + +1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm +License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this +work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm. + +1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this +electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without +prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with +active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project +Gutenberg-tm License. + +1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, +compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any +word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access to or +distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than +"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version +posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org), +you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a +copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon +request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other +form. Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm +License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1. + +1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, +performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works +unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. + +1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing +access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided +that + +- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from + the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method + you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is + owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he + has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the + Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments + must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you + prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax + returns. Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and + sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the + address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to + the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation." + +- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies + you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he + does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm + License. You must require such a user to return or + destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium + and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of + Project Gutenberg-tm works. + +- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any + money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the + electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days + of receipt of the work. + +- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free + distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works. + +1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set +forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from +both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael +Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark. Contact the +Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below. + +1.F. + +1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable +effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread +public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm +collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain +"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or +corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual +property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a +computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by +your equipment. + +1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right +of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project +Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project +Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all +liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal +fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT +LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE +PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE +TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE +LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR +INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH +DAMAGE. + +1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a +defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can +receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a +written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you +received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with +your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you with +the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a +refund. If you received the work electronically, the person or entity +providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to +receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy +is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further +opportunities to fix the problem. + +1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth +in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS' WITH NO OTHER +WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO +WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. + +1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied +warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages. +If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the +law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be +interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by +the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any +provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions. + +1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the +trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone +providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance +with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production, +promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works, +harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees, +that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do +or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm +work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any +Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause. + + +Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm + +Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of +electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers +including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It exists +because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from +people in all walks of life. + +Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the +assistance they need, are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's +goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will +remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project +Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure +and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations. +To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation +and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4 +and the Foundation web page at http://www.pglaf.org. + + +Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive +Foundation + +The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit +501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the +state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal +Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification +number is 64-6221541. Its 501(c)(3) letter is posted at +http://pglaf.org/fundraising. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg +Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent +permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws. + +The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S. +Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered +throughout numerous locations. Its business office is located at +809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email +business@pglaf.org. Email contact links and up to date contact +information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official +page at http://pglaf.org + +For additional contact information: + Dr. Gregory B. Newby + Chief Executive and Director + gbnewby@pglaf.org + + +Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg +Literary Archive Foundation + +Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide +spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of +increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be +freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest +array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations +($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt +status with the IRS. + +The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating +charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United +States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a +considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up +with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations +where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To +SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any +particular state visit http://pglaf.org + +While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we +have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition +against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who +approach us with offers to donate. + +International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make +any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from +outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. + +Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation +methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other +ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. +To donate, please visit: http://pglaf.org/donate + + +Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works. + +Professor Michael S. Hart is the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm +concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared +with anyone. For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project +Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support. + + +Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed +editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S. +unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not necessarily +keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition. + + +Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility: + + http://www.gutenberg.org + +This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm, +including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary +Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to +subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. + + +</pre> + +</body> +</html> diff --git a/39580-h/images/back.jpg b/39580-h/images/back.jpg Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..b66293c --- /dev/null +++ b/39580-h/images/back.jpg diff --git a/39580-h/images/cover.jpg b/39580-h/images/cover.jpg Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..dd5a740 --- /dev/null +++ b/39580-h/images/cover.jpg |
