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diff --git a/39537-h/39537-h.htm b/39537-h/39537-h.htm new file mode 100644 index 0000000..eaf12fe --- /dev/null +++ b/39537-h/39537-h.htm @@ -0,0 +1,40185 @@ +<!DOCTYPE html PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD XHTML 1.0 Strict//EN" + "http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml1/DTD/xhtml1-strict.dtd"> + +<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml"> + <head> + <meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html;charset=iso-8859-1" /> + <title> + Medieval English Nunneries, by Eileen Power—A Project Gutenberg eBook + </title> + + <style type="text/css"> + + p {margin-top: .75em; text-align: justify; margin-bottom: .75em;} + + body {margin-left: 12%; margin-right: 12%;} + + .pagenum {position: absolute; left: 92%; font-size: smaller; text-align: right; font-style: normal;} + + h1,h2,h3,h4,h5,h6 {text-align: center; clear: both;} + + hr {width: 33%; margin-top: 2em; margin-bottom: 2em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; clear: both;} + + table {margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;} + .dent {padding-left: 1em;} + .dent2 {padding-left: 2em;} + + .giant {font-size: 200%} + .huge {font-size: 150%} + .large {font-size: 125%} + + .blockquot {margin-left: 5%; margin-right: 10%;} + .poem {margin-left: 15%;} + .note {margin-left: 20%; margin-right: 20%;} + .descrip {margin-left: 30%; margin-right: 30%;} + .hang {margin-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em;} + .hang2 {margin-left: 4em; text-indent: -4em;} + .caption {text-align: center; font-size: small;} + .title {text-align: center; font-size: 150%;} + + .right {text-align: right;} + .center {text-align: center;} + + .smcap {font-variant: small-caps;} + .smcaplc {text-transform: lowercase; font-variant: small-caps;} + + .figcenter {margin: auto; text-align: center;} + + p.dropcap:first-letter{float: left; padding-right: 3px; font-size: 250%; line-height: 83%; width:auto;} + .caps {text-transform:uppercase;} + + a:link {color:#0000ff; text-decoration:none} + a:visited {color:#6633cc; text-decoration:none} + + .spacer {padding-left: 1em; padding-right: 1em;} + + .verts {margin-left: 20%; margin-right: 20%;} + + </style> + </head> +<body> + + +<pre> + +The Project Gutenberg EBook of Medieval English Nunneries c. 1275 to 1535, by +Eileen Edna Power + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Medieval English Nunneries c. 1275 to 1535 + +Author: Eileen Edna Power + +Release Date: April 25, 2012 [EBook #39537] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK MEDIEVAL ENGLISH NUNNERIES *** + + + + +Produced by Bryan Ness and the Online Distributed +Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was +produced from images generously made available by The +Internet Archive/American Libraries.) + + + + + + +</pre> + + + + +<p class="center"><span class="large">CAMBRIDGE STUDIES<br /> +IN MEDIEVAL LIFE AND THOUGHT</span></p> +<p class="center">Edited by G. G. <span class="smcap">Coulton</span>, M.A.<br /> +Fellow of St John’s College, Cambridge<br /> +and University Lecturer in English</p> + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<h1><small>MEDIEVAL ENGLISH NUNNERIES</small></h1> +<p> </p><p> </p> + +<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary="table"> +<tr><td align="center" colspan="3"><small>CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS<br /> +C. F. CLAY, <span class="smcap">Manager</span><br /> +LONDON: FETTER LANE, E.C. 4</small></td></tr> +<tr><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="3" align="center"><img src="images/deco_001.jpg" alt="" /></td></tr> +<tr><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td align="center" colspan="3"><small>NEW YORK: THE MACMILLAN CO.</small></td></tr> +<tr><td><small>BOMBAY</small></td><td rowspan="3" valign="middle"><span class="giant">}</span></td> + <td rowspan="3" valign="middle"><small>MACMILLAN AND CO., <span class="smcap">Ltd.</span></small></td></tr> +<tr><td><small>CALCUTTA</small></td></tr> +<tr><td><small>MADRAS</small></td></tr> + +<tr><td colspan="3"><small>TORONTO: THE MACMILLAN CO.<br /><span style="margin-left: 5.5em;">OF CANADA, <span class="smcap">Ltd.</span></span></small></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="3"><small>TOKYO: MARUZEN-KABUSHIKI-KAISHA</small></td></tr> +<tr><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td align="center" colspan="3"><small>ALL RIGHTS RESERVED</small></td></tr></table> + + + +<p> </p><p> <a name="frontis" id="frontis"></a></p> +<p class="center">PLATE I</p> +<div class="figcenter"><img src="images/img01tmb.jpg" alt="" /><br /> +<a href="images/img01.jpg"><small>Larger Image</small></a></div> +<p class="center">PAGE FROM <i>LA SAINTE ABBAYE</i></p> + +<p class="descrip">(At the top of the picture a priest with two acolytes prepares the +sacrament; behind them stand the abbess, holding her staff, her chaplain +and the sacristan, who rings the bell; behind them a group of four nuns, +including the cellaress with her keys. At the bottom is a procession of +priest, acolytes and nuns in the quire.)</p> + + + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<p class="center"><span class="huge">MEDIEVAL<br /> +ENGLISH NUNNERIES</span></p> +<p class="center"><span class="large">c. 1275 to 1535</span></p> +<p> </p> +<p class="center"><small>BY</small><br /> +<span class="large">EILEEN POWER</span><br /> +<small>SOMETIME FELLOW AND LECTURER<br />OF GIRTON COLLEGE CAMBRIDGE</small></p> +<p> </p> +<div class="figcenter"><img src="images/tpage.jpg" alt="" /></div> +<p class="caption">MADAME EGLENTYNE<br />(From the Ellesmere MS.)</p> +<p> </p> +<p class="center">CAMBRIDGE<br /> +AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS<br /> +1922</p> + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<p class="center">TO<br /><span class="large">M. G. J.</span></p> +<p> </p> +<p class="center">PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN</p> + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<hr style="width: 50%;" /> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_v" id="Page_v">[Pg v]</a></span></p> +<h2>GENERAL PREFACE</h2> + + +<p class="dropcap"><span class="caps">There</span> is only too much truth in the frequent complaint that history, as +compared with the physical sciences, is neglected by the modern public. +But historians have the remedy in their own hands; choosing problems of +equal importance to those of the scientist, and treating them with equal +accuracy, they will command equal attention. Those who insist that the +proportion of accurately ascertainable facts is smaller in history, and +therefore the room for speculation wider, do not thereby establish any +essential distinction between truth-seeking in history and truth-seeking +in chemistry. The historian, whatever be his subject, is as definitely +bound as the chemist “to proclaim certainties as certain, falsehoods as +false, and uncertainties as dubious.” Those are the words, not of a modern +scientist, but of the seventeenth century monk, Jean Mabillon; they sum up +his literary profession of faith. Men will follow us in history as +implicitly as they follow the chemist, if only we will form the chemist’s +habit of marking clearly where our facts end and our inferences begin. +Then the public, so far from discouraging our speculations, will most +heartily encourage them; for the most positive man of science is always +grateful to anyone who, by putting forward a working theory, stimulates +further discussion.</p> + +<p>The present series, therefore, appeals directly to that craving for +clearer facts which has been bred in these times of storm and stress. No +care can save us altogether from error; but, for our own sake and the +public’s, we have elected to adopt a safeguard dictated by ordinary +business commonsense. Whatever errors of fact are pointed out by reviewers +or correspondents shall be publicly corrected with the least possible +delay. After a year of publication, all copies shall be provided with such +an erratum-slip without waiting for<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_vi" id="Page_vi">[Pg vi]</a></span> the chance of a second edition; and +each fresh volume in this series shall contain a full list of the errata +noted in its immediate predecessor. After the lapse of a year from the +first publication of any volume, and at any time during the ensuing twelve +months, any possessor of that volume who will send a stamped and addressed +envelope to the Cambridge University Press, Fetter Lane, Fleet Street, +London, E.C. 4, shall receive, in due course, a free copy of the <i>errata</i> +in that volume. Thus, with the help of our critics, we may reasonably hope +to put forward these monographs as roughly representing the most accurate +information obtainable under present conditions. Our facts being thus +secured, the reader will judge our inferences on their own merits; and +something will have been done to dissipate that cloud of suspicion which +hangs over too many important chapters in the social and religious history +of the Middle Ages.</p> + +<p><span style="margin-left: 4em;">G. G. C.</span></p> + +<p><i>October, 1922.</i></p> + + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<hr style="width: 50%;" /> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_vii" id="Page_vii">[Pg vii]</a></span></p> +<h2>AUTHOR’S PREFACE</h2> + + +<p class="dropcap"><span class="caps">The</span> monastic ideal and the development of the monastic rule and orders +have been studied in many admirable books. The purpose of the present work +is not to describe and analyse once again that ideal, but to give a +general picture of English nunnery life during a definite period, the +three centuries before the Dissolution. It is derived entirely from +pre-Reformation sources, and the tainted evidence of Henry VIII’s +commissioners has not been used; nor has the story of the suppression of +the English nunneries been told. The nunneries dealt with are drawn from +all the monastic orders, except the Gilbertine order, which has been +omitted, both because it differed from others in containing double houses +of men and women and because it has already been the subject of an +excellent monograph by Miss Rose Graham.</p> + +<p>It remains for me to record my deep gratitude to two scholars, in whose +debt students of medieval monastic history must always lie, Mr G. G. +Coulton and Mr A. Hamilton Thompson. I owe more than I can say to their +unfailing interest and readiness to discuss, to help and to criticise. To +Mr Hamilton Thompson I am specially indebted for the loan of his +transcripts and translations of Alnwick’s Register, now in course of +publication, for reading and criticising my manuscript and finally for +undertaking the arduous work of reading my proofs. I gratefully +acknowledge suggestions received at different times from Mr Hubert Hall, +Miss Rose Graham and Canon Foster, and faithful criticism from my friend +Miss M. G. Jones. I have also to thank Mr H. S. Bennett for kindly +preparing the index, and Mr Sydney Cockerell, Director of the Fitzwilliam +Museum, for assistance in the choice of illustrations.</p> + +<p><span style="margin-left: 4em;">EILEEN POWER.</span></p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Girton College,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 4em;">Cambridge.</span></span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;"><i>September 1922</i></span></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_viii" id="Page_viii">[Pg viii]</a></span></p> + + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<hr style="width: 50%;" /> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_ix" id="Page_ix">[Pg ix]</a></span></p> +<p class="title">CONTENTS</p> + +<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="5" summary="table"> +<tr><td> </td><td align="right"><small>PAGE</small></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2" align="center"><a href="#CHAPTER_I">CHAPTER I.</a> THE NOVICE</td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">Situation, income and size of the English nunneries</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_1">1</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">Nuns drawn from (1) the nobles and gentry</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_4">4</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2"><span style="margin-left: 7em;">(2) the middle class</span></td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_9">9</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">Nunneries in medieval wills</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_14">14</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">The dowry system</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_16">16</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">Motives for taking the veil:</td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(1)</td><td>a career and a vocation for girls</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_25">25</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(2)</td><td>a ‘dumping ground’ for political prisoners</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_29">29</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(3)</td><td>for illegitimate, deformed or half-witted girls</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_30">30</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(4)</td><td>nuns forced unwillingly to profess by their relations</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_33">33</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(5)</td><td>a refuge for widows and occasionally for wives</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_38">38</a></td></tr> +<tr><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2" align="center"><a href="#CHAPTER_II">CHAPTER II.</a> THE HEAD OF THE HOUSE</td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">Superiors usually women of social standing</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_42">42</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">Elections and election disputes</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_43">43</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">Resignations</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_56">56</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">Special temptations of a superior:</td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(1)</td><td>excessive independence and comfort</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_59">59</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(2)</td><td>autocratic government</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_64">64</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(3)</td><td>favouritism</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_66">66</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">The superior a great lady in the country side</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_68">68</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">Journeys</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_69">69</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">Luxurious clothes and entertainments</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_73">73</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">Picture of heads of houses in Bishop Alnwick’s Lincoln visitations (1436-49)</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_80">80</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">Wicked prioresses</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_82">82</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">Good prioresses</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_89">89</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">General conclusion: Chaucer’s picture borne out by the records</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_94">94</a></td></tr> +<tr><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2" align="center"><a href="#CHAPTER_III">CHAPTER III.</a> WORLDLY GOODS</td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">Evidence as to monastic property in</td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(1)</td><td>the <i>Valor Ecclesiasticus</i></td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_96">96</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(2)</td><td>monastic account rolls</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_97">97</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">Variation of size and income among houses</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_98">98</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">Methods of administration of estates</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_99">99</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">Sources of income:</td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(1)</td><td>rents from land and houses</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_100">100</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(2)</td><td>manorial perquisites and grants</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_103">103</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_x" id="Page_x">[Pg x]</a></span>(3)</td><td>issues of the manor</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_109">109</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(4)</td><td>miscellaneous payments</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_112">112</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(5)</td><td>spiritualities</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_113">113</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">Expenses</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_117">117</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(1)</td><td>internal expenses of the convent</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_119">119</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(2)</td><td>divers expenses</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_123">123</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(3)</td><td>repairs</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_123">123</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(4)</td><td>the home farm</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_125">125</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(5)</td><td>the wages sheet</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_129">129</a></td></tr> +<tr><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2" align="center"><a href="#CHAPTER_IV">CHAPTER IV.</a> MONASTIC HOUSEWIVES</td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">The obedientiaries</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_131">131</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">Allocation of income and obedientiaries’ accounts</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_134">134</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">Chambresses’ accounts (clothes)</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_137">137</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">Cellaresses’ accounts (food)</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_137">137</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">Servants</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_143">143</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(1)</td><td>chaplain</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_144">144</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(2)</td><td>administrative officials</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_146">146</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(3)</td><td>household staff</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_150">150</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(4)</td><td>farm labourers</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_150">150</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">Nunnery households</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_151">151</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">Relations between nuns and servants</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_154">154</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">Occasional hired labour</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_157">157</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">Villages occasionally dependent upon nunneries for work</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_158">158</a></td></tr> +<tr><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2" align="center"><a href="#CHAPTER_V">CHAPTER V.</a> FINANCIAL DIFFICULTIES</td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">Poverty of nunneries</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_161">161</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(1)</td><td>prevalence of debt</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_162">162</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(2)</td><td>insufficient food and clothing</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_164">164</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(3)</td><td>ruinous buildings</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_168">168</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(4)</td><td>nuns begging alms</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_172">172</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">Reasons for poverty:</td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(1)</td><td>natural disasters</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_176">176</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(2)</td><td>ecclesiastical exactions and royal taxes</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_183">183</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(3)</td><td>feudal and other services</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_185">185</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(4)</td><td>right of patrons to take temporalities during voidance</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_186">186</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(5)</td><td>right of bishop and king to nominate nuns on certain occasions</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_188">188</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(6)</td><td>pensions, corrodies, grants and liveries</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_194">194</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(7)</td><td>hospitality</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_200">200</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(8)</td><td>litigation</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_201">201</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(9)</td><td>bad management</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_203">203</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(10)</td><td>extravagance</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_211">211</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(11)</td><td>overcrowding with nuns</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_212">212</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xi" id="Page_xi">[Pg xi]</a></span>Methods adopted by bishops to remedy financial distress:</td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(1)</td><td>devices to safeguard expenditure by the head of the house</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_217">217</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(2)</td><td>episcopal licence required for business transactions</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_225">225</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(3)</td><td>appointment of a <i>custos</i></td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_228">228</a></td></tr> +<tr><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2" align="center"><a href="#CHAPTER_VI">CHAPTER VI.</a> EDUCATION</td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">The education of the nuns:</td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" colspan="2">Learning of Anglo-Saxon nuns, and of German nuns at a later date</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_237">237</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" colspan="2">Little learning in English nunneries during the later middle ages</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_238">238</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" colspan="2">Nunnery libraries and nuns’ books</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_240">240</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" colspan="2">Education of nuns</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_244">244</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" colspan="2">Latin in nunneries</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_246">246</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" colspan="2">Translations for the use of nuns</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_251">251</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" colspan="2">Needlework</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_255">255</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" colspan="2">Simple forms of medicine</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_258">258</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">Nunneries as schools for children:</td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" colspan="2">The education of novices</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_260">260</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" colspan="2">The education of secular children</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_261">261</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" colspan="2">Boys</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_263">263</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" colspan="2">Limitations:</td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent2" align="right">(1)</td><td>not all nunneries took children</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_264">264</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent2" align="right">(2)</td><td>only gentlefolk taken</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_265">265</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent2" align="right">(3)</td><td>disapproval and restriction of nunnery schools by the ecclesiastical authorities</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_270">270</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" colspan="2">What did the nuns teach?</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_274">274</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" colspan="2">Life of school children in nunneries</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_279">279</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" colspan="2">‘Piety and breeding’</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_281">281</a></td></tr> +<tr><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2" align="center"><a href="#CHAPTER_VII">CHAPTER VII.</a> ROUTINE AND REACTION</td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">Division of the day by the Benedictine Rule</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_285">285</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">The Benedictine combination of prayer, study and labour breaks down</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_288">288</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">Dead routine</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_289">289</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">The reaction from routine</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_290">290</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(1)</td><td>carelessness in singing the services</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_291">291</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(2)</td><td><i>accidia</i></td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_293">293</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(3)</td><td>quarrels</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_297">297</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(4)</td><td>gay clothes</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_303">303</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(5)</td><td>pet animals</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_305">305</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(6)</td><td>dancing, minstrels and merry-making</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_309">309</a></td></tr> +<tr><td> <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xii" id="Page_xii">[Pg xii]</a></span></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2" align="center"><a href="#CHAPTER_VIII">CHAPTER VIII.</a> PRIVATE LIFE AND PRIVATE PROPERTY</td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">The monastic obligation to (1) communal life, (2) personal poverty</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_315">315</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">The breakdown of communal life: division into <i>familiae</i> with private rooms</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_316">316</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">The breakdown of personal poverty</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_322">322</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(1)</td><td>the annual <i>peculium</i></td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_323">323</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(2)</td><td>money pittances</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_323">323</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(3)</td><td>gifts in money and kind</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_324">324</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(4)</td><td>legacies</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_325">325</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(5)</td><td>proceeds of a nun’s own labour</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_330">330</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">Private life and private property in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_331">331</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">Attitude of ecclesiastical authorities</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_336">336</a></td></tr> +<tr><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2" align="center"><a href="#CHAPTER_IX">CHAPTER IX.</a> FISH OUT OF WATER</td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">Enclosure in the Benedictine Rule</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_341">341</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">The movement for the enclosure of nuns</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_343">343</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">The Bull <i>Periculoso</i></td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_344">344</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">Attempts to enforce enclosure in England</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_346">346</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">Attempts to regulate and restrict the emergence of nuns from their houses</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_353">353</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">The usual pretexts for breaking enclosure:</td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(1)</td><td>illness</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_361">361</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(2)</td><td>to enter a stricter rule</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_363">363</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(3)</td><td>convent business</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_367">367</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(4)</td><td>ceremonies, processions, funerals</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_368">368</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(5)</td><td>pilgrimages</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_371">371</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(6)</td><td>visits to friends</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_376">376</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(7)</td><td>short walks, field work</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_381">381</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">The nuns wander freely about in the world</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_385">385</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">Conclusion</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_391">391</a></td></tr> +<tr><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2" align="center"><a href="#CHAPTER_X">CHAPTER X.</a> THE WORLD IN THE CLOISTER</td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">Visitors in the cloister are another side of the enclosure problem</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_394">394</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">The scholars of Oxford and Cambridge and the neighbouring nunneries</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_395">395</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">Regulations to govern the entrance of seculars into nunneries:</td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(1)</td><td>certain persons not to be admitted</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_401">401</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(2)</td><td>certain parts of the house and certain hours forbidden</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_402">402</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(3)</td><td>unsuccessful attempts to regulate the reception of boarders</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_409">409</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">The nuns and political movements</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_419">419</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xiii" id="Page_xiii">[Pg xiii]</a></span>Robbery and violence</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_422">422</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">Border raids in Durham and Yorkshire</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_425">425</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">The strange tale of Sir John Arundel’s outrage on a nunnery</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_429">429</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">The sack of Origny in <i>Raoul de Cambrai</i></td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_432">432</a></td></tr> +<tr><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2" align="center"><a href="#CHAPTER_XI">CHAPTER XI.</a> THE OLDE DAUNCE</td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">Nuns and the celibate ideal</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_436">436</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">Sources of evidence for the moral state of the English nunneries</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_439">439</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">Apostate nuns</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_440">440</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">Nuns’ lovers</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_446">446</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">Nuns’ children</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_450">450</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">Disorder in two small houses, Cannington (1351) and Easebourne (1478)</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_452">452</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">Disorder in the great abbeys of Amesbury and Godstow</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_454">454</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">Moral state of the nunneries in the diocese of Lincoln at two periods</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_456">456</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">Attempted statistical estimate of cases of immorality in Lincoln (1430-50),<br />Norwich (1514) and Chichester (1478, 1524) dioceses</td> + <td valign="bottom" align="right"><a href="#Page_460">460</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">Punishment of offenders</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_462">462</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">General conclusions</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_471">471</a></td></tr> +<tr><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2" align="center"><a href="#CHAPTER_XII">CHAPTER XII.</a> THE MACHINERY OF REFORM</td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">The chapter meeting</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_475">475</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">Reform by external authorities:</td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(1)</td><td>a parent house</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_478">478</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(2)</td><td>the chapter general of the order</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_481">481</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(3)</td><td>the bishop of the diocese</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_482">482</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">The episcopal visitation and injunctions</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_483">483</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">How far was this control adequate?</td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(1)</td><td>concealment of faults</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_488">488</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(2)</td><td>visitation too infrequent</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_490">490</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">(3)</td><td>difficulty of enforcing injunctions</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_492">492</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">Value of visitation documents to the historian</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_493">493</a></td></tr> +<tr><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2" align="center"><a href="#CHAPTER_XIII">CHAPTER XIII.</a> THE NUN IN MEDIEVAL LITERATURE</td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">Value of literary evidence</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_499">499</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">Autobiographies and biographies of nuns</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_500">500</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">Popular poetry (<i>chansons de nonnes</i>)</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_502">502</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">Popular stories (<i>fabliaux</i>, <i>exempla</i>)</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_515">515</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">Didactic works addressed to nuns</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_523">523</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">Satires and moral treatises</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_533">533</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">Secular literature in general</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_555">555</a></td></tr> +<tr><td> <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xiv" id="Page_xiv">[Pg xiv]</a></span></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2" align="center">APPENDICES</td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2"><span style="margin-left: .5em;"><a href="#APPENDIX_I">I.</a> <span class="smcap">Additional Notes to the Text:</span></span></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">A.</td><td>The daily fare of Barking Abbey</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_563">563</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">B.</td><td>School children in nunneries</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_568">568</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">C.</td><td>Nunnery disputes</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_581">581</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">D.</td><td>Gay clothes</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_585">585</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">E.</td><td>Convent pets in literature</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_588">588</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">F.</td><td>The moral state of Littlemore Priory in the sixteenth century</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_595">595</a></td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" class="dent" align="right">G.</td><td>The moral state of the Yorkshire nunneries in the first half of<br />the fourteenth century</td> + <td valign="bottom" align="right"><a href="#Page_597">597</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">H.</td><td>The disappearance or suppression of eight nunneries prior to 1535</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_602">602</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">I.</td><td><i>Chansons de Nonnes</i></td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_604">604</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">J.</td><td>The theme of the nun in love in medieval popular literature</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_622">622</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="dent" align="right">K.</td><td>Nuns in the <i>Dialogus Miraculorum</i> of Caesarius of Heisterbach</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_627">627</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2"><span style="margin-left: .2em;"><a href="#APPENDIX_II">II.</a> <span class="smcap">Visitations of Nunneries in the Diocese of Rouen by Archbishop</span></span><br /><span style="margin-left: 1.5em;"><span class="smcap">Eudes Rigaud (1248-1269)</span></span></td> + <td valign="bottom" align="right"><a href="#Page_634">634</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2"><a href="#APPENDIX_III">III.</a> <span class="smcap">Fifteenth Century Saxon Visitations by Johann Busch</span></td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_670">670</a></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2"><a href="#APPENDIX_IV">IV.</a> <span class="smcap">List of English Nunneries, C. 1275-1535</span></td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_685">685</a></td></tr> +<tr><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">BIBLIOGRAPHY</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_693">693</a></td></tr> +<tr><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2">INDEX</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_704">704</a></td></tr></table> + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<hr style="width: 50%;" /> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xv" id="Page_xv">[Pg xv]</a></span></p> +<p class="title">LIST OF PLATES</p> + +<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="5" summary="table"> +<tr><td><small>PLATE</small></td></tr> +<tr><td align="right">I</td><td>Page from <i>La Sainte Abbaye</i></td> + <td align="right"><a href="#frontis">FRONTISPIECE</a></td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td>(Brit. Mus. MS. Add. 39843. Folio 6vº.)</td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="2"> </td><td align="right"><small>TO FACE PAGE</small></td></tr> +<tr><td align="right">II</td><td>Abbess receiving the pastoral staff from a bishop</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_45">44</a></td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td>(From <i>The Metz Pontifical</i>, 82(b)vº and 90vº, in the Fitzwilliam<br />Museum, Cambridge.)</td></tr> +<tr><td align="right">III</td><td>Page from <i>La Sainte Abbaye</i></td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_144">144</a></td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td>(Folio 29.)</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">IV</td><td>Brass of Ela Buttry, the stingy Prioress of Campsey († 1546), in<br />St Stephen’s Church, Norwich</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_169">168</a></td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td>(From <i>Norfolk Archaeology</i>, Vol. <span class="smcaplc">VI</span>; Norf. and Norwich Archaeol.<br />Soc. 1864.)</td></tr> +<tr><td align="right">V</td><td>Page from <i>La Sainte Abbaye</i></td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_261">260</a></td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td>(Folio 1vº.)</td></tr> +<tr><td align="right">VI</td><td>Dominican nuns in quire</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_287">286</a></td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td>(From Brit. Mus. Cott. MSS. Dom. A <span class="smcaplc">XII</span> f.)</td></tr> +<tr><td align="right">VII</td><td>The nun who loved the world</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_389">388</a></td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td>(From <i>Queen Mary’s Psalter</i>, Brit. Mus. Royal MS. 2 B. <span class="smcaplc">VII</span>.)</td></tr> +<tr><td align="right">VIII</td><td>Plan of Lacock Abbey</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_402">403</a></td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td>(From <i>Archaeologia</i>, <span class="smcaplc">LVII</span>, by permission of the Society of Antiquaries<br />and Mr Harold Brakspear.)</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td align="center">MAP</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td>Map showing the English Nunneries in the later middle ages</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#map">AT END</a></td></tr></table> + + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<hr style="width: 50%;" /> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">[Pg 1]</a></span></p> +<p class="center"><span class="giant">MEDIEVAL ENGLISH NUNNERIES</span></p> +<p> </p> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_I" id="CHAPTER_I"></a>CHAPTER I</h2> +<p class="title">THE NOVICE</p> + +<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary="table"> +<tr><td>Then, fair virgin, hear my spell,<br /> +For I must your duty tell.<br /> +First a-mornings take your book,<br /> +The glass wherein yourself must look;<br /> +Your young thoughts so proud and jolly<br /> +Must be turn’d to motions holy;<br /> +For your busk, attires and toys,<br /> +Have your thoughts on heavenly joys:<br /> +And for all your follies past,<br /> +You must do penance, pray and fast.<br /> +You shall ring your sacring bell,<br /> +Keep your hours and tell your knell,<br /> +Rise at midnight to your matins,<br /> +Read your psalter, sing your Latins;<br /> +And when your blood shall kindle pleasure,<br /> +Scourge yourself in plenteous measure.<br /> +You must read the morning mass,<br /> +You must creep unto the cross,<br /> +Put cold ashes on your head,<br /> +Have a hair cloth for your bed,<br /> +Bind your beads, and tell your needs,<br /> +Your holy Aves and your Creeds;<br /> +Holy maid, this must be done,<br /> +If you mean to live a nun.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 4em;"><i>The Merry Devil of Edmonton.</i></span></td></tr></table> + +<p> </p> +<p>There were in England during the later middle ages (c. 1270-1536) some 138 +nunneries, excluding double houses of the Gilbertine order, which +contained brothers as well as nuns. Of these over one half belonged to the +Benedictine order and about a quarter (localised almost entirely in +Lincolnshire and Yorkshire) to the Cistercian order. The rest were +distributed as follows: 17 to the order of St Augustine and one (Minchin +Buckland), which belonged to the order of St John of Jerusalem and +followed the Austin rule, four to the Franciscan order, two to the Cluniac +order, two to the Premonstratensian order and one to the Dominican<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">[Pg 2]</a></span> order. +There was also founded in the fifteenth century a very famous double house +of the Brigittine order, Syon Abbey. Twenty-one of these houses had the +status of abbeys; the rest were priories. They were distributed all over +the country, Surrey, Lancashire, Westmorland and Cornwall being the only +counties without one, but they were more thickly spread over the eastern +than over the western half of the island. They were most numerous in the +North, East and East Midlands, to wit, in the dioceses of York, Lincoln +(which was then very large and included Lincolnshire, Northamptonshire, +Rutland, Bedfordshire, Huntingdonshire, Leicestershire, Buckinghamshire, +Oxfordshire and part of Hertfordshire) and Norwich; there were 27 houses +in the diocese of York, 31 in the diocese of Lincoln, ten in the diocese +of Norwich and in London and its suburbs there were seven. On the other +hand if nunneries were most plentiful in the North and East Midlands it +was there that they were smallest and poorest. The wealthiest and most +famous nunneries in England were all south of the Thames. Apart from the +new foundation at Syon, which very soon became the largest and richest of +all, the greatest houses were the old established abbeys of Wessex, +Shaftesbury, Wilton, St Mary’s Winchester, Romsey and Wherwell, which, +together with Barking in Essex were all of Anglo-Saxon foundation; and +Dartford in Kent, founded by Edward III. The only houses north of the +Thames which approached these in importance were Godstow and Elstow +Abbeys, in Oxfordshire and Bedfordshire respectively; the majority were +small priories with small incomes.</p> + +<p>An analysis of the incomes and numerical size of English nunneries at the +dissolution gives interesting and somewhat startling results. Out of 106 +houses for which information is available only seven had in 1535 a gross +annual income of over £450 a year. The richest were Syon and Shaftesbury +with £1943 and £1324 respectively; then came Barking with £862, Wilton +with £674, Amesbury with £595, Romsey with £528 and Dartford with £488. +Five others (St Helen’s Bishopsgate, Haliwell and the Minories all in +London, Elstow and Godstow) had from £300 to £400; nine others (Nuneaton, +Clerkenwell, Malling, St Mary’s Winchester, Tarrant Keynes, Canonsleigh, +Campsey, Minchin Buckland and Lacock) had from £200 to £300. Twelve had +between<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[Pg 3]</a></span> £100 and £200 and no less than 73 houses had under £100, of which +39 actually had under £50; and it must be remembered that the net annual +income, after the deduction of certain annual charges, was less still<a name='fna_1' id='fna_1' href='#f_1'><small>[1]</small></a>. +An analysis of the numerical size of nunneries presents more difficulties, +for the number of nuns given sometimes differs in the reports referring to +the same house and it is doubtful whether commissioners or receivers +always set down the total number of nuns present at the visitation or +dissolution of a house; while lists of pensions paid by the crown to +ex-inmates after dissolution are still more incomplete as evidence. A +rough analysis, however, leaves very much the same impression as an +analysis of incomes<a name='fna_2' id='fna_2' href='#f_2'><small>[2]</small></a>. Out of 111 houses, for which some sort of +numerical estimate is possible, only four have over thirty inmates, viz. +Syon (51), Amesbury (33), Wilton (32) and Barking (30). Eight (Elstow, the +Minories, Nuneaton, Denny, Romsey, Wherwell, Dartford and St Mary’s +Winchester) have from 20 to 30; thirty-six have from 10 to 20 and +sixty-three have under 10. These statistics permit of certain large +generalisations. First, that the majority of English nunneries were small +and poor. Secondly, that, as has already been pointed out, the largest and +richest houses were all in London and south of the Thames; only four +houses north of that river had gross incomes of over £200 and only three +could boast of more than 20 inmates. Thirdly, the nunneries during this +period owned land and rents to the annual value of over £15,500 and +contained perhaps between 1500 and 2000 nuns.</p> + +<p>To understand the history of the English nunneries during the later middle +ages it is necessary not only to understand the smallness and poverty of +many of the houses and the high repute of others; it is necessary also to +understand what manner of women took the veil in them. From what social +classes were the nuns drawn, and for what reason did they enter religion? +What<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[Pg 4]</a></span> function did monasticism, so far as it concerned women, fulfil in +the life of medieval society?</p> + +<p>It has been shown that the proportion of women who became nuns was very +small in comparison with the total female population. It has indeed been +insufficiently recognised that the medieval nunneries were recruited +almost entirely from among the upper classes. They were essentially +aristocratic institutions, the refuge of the gently born. At Romsey Abbey +a list of 91 sisters at the election of an abbess in 1333 is full of +well-known county names<a name='fna_3' id='fna_3' href='#f_3'><small>[3]</small></a>. The names of Bassett, Sackville, Covert, +Hussey, Tawke and Farnfold occur at Easebourne<a name='fna_4' id='fna_4' href='#f_4'><small>[4]</small></a>; Lewknor, St John, +Okehurst, Michelgrove and Sidney at Rusper<a name='fna_5' id='fna_5' href='#f_5'><small>[5]</small></a>, the two small and poor +nunneries in Sussex. The return of the subsidy in 1377 enumerates the +sisters of Minchin Barrow and, as their historian points out, “among the +family names of these ladies are some of the best that the western +counties could produce”<a name='fna_6' id='fna_6' href='#f_6'><small>[6]</small></a>. The other Somerset houses were equally +aristocratic, and an examination of the roll of prioresses for almost any +medieval convent in any part of England will give the same result, even in +the smallest and poorest nunneries, the inmates of which were reduced to +begging alms<a name='fna_7' id='fna_7' href='#f_7'><small>[7]</small></a>. These ladies appear sometimes to have had the spirit of +their race, as they often had its manners and its tastes. For 21 years +Isabel Stanley, Prioress of King’s Mead, Derby, refused to pay a rent due +from her house to the Abbot of Burton; at last the Abbot sent his bailiff +to distrain for it and she spoke her mind in good set terms. “Wenes these +churles to overlede me,” cried this worthy daughter of a knightly family, +“or sue the lawe agayne me? They shall not be so hardy but they shall avye +upon their bodies and be nailed with arrows; for I am a gentlewoman, comen +of the greatest of Lancashire and Cheshire, and that they shall know right +well”<a name='fna_8' id='fna_8' href='#f_8'><small>[8]</small></a>. A tacit recognition of the aristocratic<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[Pg 5]</a></span> character of the +convents is to be found in the fact that bishops were often at pains to +mention the good birth of the girls whom, in accordance with a general +right, they nominated to certain houses on certain occasions. Thus Wykeham +wrote to the Abbess of St Mary’s Winchester, bidding her admit Joan +Bleden, “quest de bone et honeste condition, come nous sumes enformes”<a name='fna_9' id='fna_9' href='#f_9'><small>[9]</small></a>. +More frequently still the candidates were described as “domicella” or +“damoysele”<a name='fna_10' id='fna_10' href='#f_10'><small>[10]</small></a>. At least one instance is extant of a bishop ordering that +all the nuns of a house were to be of noble condition<a name='fna_11' id='fna_11' href='#f_11'><small>[11]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>The fact that the greater portion of the female population was unaffected +by the existence of the outlet provided by conventual life for women’s +energies is a significant one. The reason for it—paradoxical as this may +sound—lies in the very narrowness of the sphere to which women of gentle +birth were confined. The disadvantage of rank is that so many honest +occupations are not, in its eyes, honourable occupations. In the lowest +ranks of society the poor labourer upon the land had no need to get rid of +his daughter, if he could not find her a husband, nor would it have been +to his interest to do so; for, working in the fields among his sons, or +spinning and brewing with his wife at home, she could earn a supplementary +if not a living wage. The tradesman or artisan in the town was in a +similar position. He recognised that the ideal course was to find a +husband for his growing girl, but the alternative was in no sense that she +should eat out her heart and his income during long years at home; and if +he were too poor to provide her with a sufficient dower, he could and +often did apprentice her to a trade. The number of industries which were +carried on by women in the middle ages shows that for the burgess and +lower classes there were other outlets besides marriage; and then, as now, +domestic service provided for many. But the case of the well-born lady was +different. The knight or the county gentleman could not apprentice his +superfluous<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[Pg 6]</a></span> daughters to a pursemaker or a weaver in the town; not from +them were drawn the regrateresses in the market place and the harvest +gatherers in the field; nor was it theirs to make the parti-coloured bed +and shake the coverlet, worked with grapes and unicorns, in some rich +vintner’s house. There remained for him, if he did not wish or could not +afford to keep them at home and for them, if they desired some scope for +their young energies, only marriage or else a convent, where they might go +with a smaller dower than a husband of their own rank would demand.</p> + +<p>To say that the convents were the refuge of the gently born is not to say +that there was no admixture of classes within them. The term gentleman was +becoming more comprehensive in the later middle ages. It included the +upper class proper, the families of noble birth; and it included also the +country gentry. The convents were probably at first recruited almost +entirely from these two ranks of society, and a study of any collection of +medieval wills shows how large a proportion of such families took +advantage of this opening for women. A phrase will sometimes occur which +shows that it was regarded as the natural and obvious alternative to +marriage. Sir John Daubriggecourt in 1415 left his daughter Margery 40 +marks, “if she be wedded to a worldly husband, and if she be caused to +receive the sacred veil of the order of holy nuns” ten pounds and twenty +shillings rent<a name='fna_12' id='fna_12' href='#f_12'><small>[12]</small></a>, and Sir John le Blund in 1312 bequeathed an annuity to +his daughter Ann, “till she marry or enter a religious house”<a name='fna_13' id='fna_13' href='#f_13'><small>[13]</small></a>. The +anxiety of the upper classes to secure a place for their children in +nunneries sometimes even led to overcrowding. At Carrow the Prioress was +forced to complain that “certain lords of England whom she was unable to +resist because of their power” forced their daughters upon the priory as +nuns, and in 1273 a papal bull forbade the reception of more inmates than +the revenues would support<a name='fna_14' id='fna_14' href='#f_14'><small>[14]</small></a>. Archbishop William Wickwane addressed a +similar mandate to two Yorkshire houses, Wilberfoss and Nunkeeling, which +public rumour had informed him to be overburdened with nuns and with +secular boarders “at the instance of nobles”<a name='fna_15' id='fna_15' href='#f_15'><small>[15]</small></a>; and in 1327 Bishop<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[Pg 7]</a></span> +Stratford wrote to Romsey Abbey that the house was notoriously burdened +with ladies beyond the established number, and that he had heard that the +nuns were being forced to receive more “damoyseles” as novices, which he +forbade without special licence<a name='fna_16' id='fna_16' href='#f_16'><small>[16]</small></a>. A very strong personal connection +must in time have been established between a nunnery and certain families +from which, in each generation, it received a daughter or a niece and her +dower. Such was the connection between Shouldham and the Beauchamps<a name='fna_17' id='fna_17' href='#f_17'><small>[17]</small></a> +and between Nunmonkton and the Fairfaxes<a name='fna_18' id='fna_18' href='#f_18'><small>[18]</small></a>. A close link bound each +nunnery to the family of its patron. Thus we find a Clinton at Wroxall and +a Darcy at Heynings; nor is it unlikely that these noble ladies sometimes +expected privileges and homage more than the strict equality of convent +life would allow, if it be permissible to generalise from the behaviour of +Isabel Clinton<a name='fna_19' id='fna_19' href='#f_19'><small>[19]</small></a> and from the fact that Margaret Darcy received a rather +severe penance from Bishop Gynewell in 1351 and a special warning against +going beyond the claustral precincts or speaking to strangers<a name='fna_20' id='fna_20' href='#f_20'><small>[20]</small></a>, while +in 1393 there occurs the significant injunction by Bishop Bokyngham that +no sister was to have a room to herself except Dame Margaret Darcy +(doubtless the same woman now grown elderly and ailing) “on account of the +nobility of her race”; an old lady of firm will and (despite his careful +mention of extra pittances and of tolerating for a while) a somewhat +sycophantic prelate<a name='fna_21' id='fna_21' href='#f_21'><small>[21]</small></a>.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[Pg 8]</a></span>It is worthy of notice that Chaucer has drawn an unmistakable “lady” in +his typical prioress. There is her delicate behaviour at meals:</p> + +<p class="poem">At mete wel ytaught was she with-alle;<br /> +She leet no morsel from her lippes falle,<br /> +Ne wette hir fingres in hir sauce depe.<br /> +Wel coude she carie a morsel, and wel kepe,<br /> +That no drope ne fille upon hir brest.<br /> +In curteisye was set ful muche hir lest.<br /> +Hir over lippe wyped she so clene,<br /> +That in hir coppe was no ferthing sene<br /> +Of grece, whan she drunken hadde hir draughte.<br /> +Ful semely after hir mete she raughte<a name='fna_22' id='fna_22' href='#f_22'><small>[22]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>This was the <i>ne plus ultra</i> of feudal table manners; Chaucer might have +been writing one of those books of deportment for the guidance of +aristocratic young women, which were so numerous in France. So the <i>Clef +d’Amors</i> counsels ladies who would win them lovers<a name='fna_23' id='fna_23' href='#f_23'><small>[23]</small></a>, and even so Robert +de Blois depicts the perfect diner. Robert de Blois’ ideal, the +chivalrous, frivolous, sensuous ideal of “courtesy,” which underlay the +whole aristocratic conception of life and the attainment of which was the +criterion of polite society, is the ideal of the Prioress also:</p> + +<p class="poem">“Gardez vous, Dames, bien acertes,”<br /> +“Qu’au mengier soiez bien apertes;<br /> +C’est une chose c’on moult prise<br /> +Que là soit dame bien aprise.<br /> +Tel chose torne à vilonie<br /> +Que toutes genz ne sevent mie;<br /> +Se puet cil tost avoir mespris<br /> +Qui n’est cortoisement apris<a name='fna_24' id='fna_24' href='#f_24'><small>[24]</small></a>.”</p> + +<p>Later he warns against the greedy selection of the finest and largest +titbit for oneself, on the ground that “n’est pas <i>cortoisie</i>.”<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[Pg 9]</a></span> The same +consideration preoccupies Madame Eglentyne at her supper: “in <i>curteisye</i> +was set ful muche hir lest.” Good manners, elegant deportment, the polish +of the court, all that we mean by nurture, these are her aim:</p> + +<p class="poem">And sikerly she was of greet disport,<br /> +And ful plesaunt, and amiable of port,<br /> +And peyned her to countrefete chere<br /> +Of court, and been estatlich of manere,<br /> +And to be holden digne of reverence.</p> + +<p>Her pets are the pets of ladies in metrical romances and in illuminated +borders; “smale houndes,” delicately fed with “rosted flesh, or milk and +wastel-bread.” Her very beauty</p> + +<p class="poem">(Hir nose tretys; hir eyen greye as glas,<br /> +Hir mouth ful smal, and ther-to soft and reed;<br /> +But sikerly she hadde a fair forheed;<br /> +It was almost a spanne brood, I trowe;<br /> +For, hardily, she was nat undergrowe)</p> + +<p>conforms to the courtly standard. Only the mention of her chanting of +divine service (through the tretys nose) differentiates her from any other +well-born lady of the day; and if Chaucer had not told us whom he was +describing, we might never have known that she was a nun. It was in these +ideals and traditions that most of the inmates of English convents were +born and bred.</p> + +<p>During the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, however, another class rose +into prominence and, perhaps because it was originally drawn to a great +extent from the younger sons of the country gentry, found amalgamation +with the gentry easy. The development of trade and the new openings for +the employment of capital had brought about the rise of the English +merchant class. Hitherto foreigners had financed the English crown, but +during the first four years of the Hundred Years’ War it became clear that +English merchants were now rich and powerful enough to take their place; +and the triumph of the native was complete when, in 1345, Edward III +repudiated his debts to the Italian merchants and the Bardi and Peruzzi +failed. Henceforth the English merchants were supreme; on the one hand +their trading ventures enriched them; on the other they made vast sums out +of farming the customs and the war subsidies in return<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[Pg 10]</a></span> for loans of ready +money, and out of all sorts of government contracts. The successful +campaigns of Crécy and Poitiers were entirely financed by these English +capitalists. Not only trade but industry swelled the ranks of the +<i>nouveaux riches</i> and the clothiers of the fourteenth and fifteenth +centuries grew rich and prospered. Evidences of the wealth and importance +of this middle class are to be found on all sides. The taxation of +movables, which from 1334 became an important and in time the main source +of national revenue, indicates the discovery on the part of the government +that the wealth of the nation no longer lay in land, but in trade. The +frequent sumptuary acts, the luxury of daily life, bear witness to the +wealth of the <i>nouveaux riches</i>; and so also do their philanthropic +enterprises, the beautiful churches which they built, the bridges which +they repaired, the gifts which they gave to religious and to civic +corporations. And it was in the fourteenth century that there began that +steady fusion between the country gentry and the rich burgesses, which was +accomplished before the end of the middle ages and which resulted in the +formation of a solid and powerful middle class. The political amalgamation +of the two classes in the lower house of Parliament corresponded to a +social amalgamation in the world outside. The country knights and squires +saw in business a career for their younger sons; they saw in marriage with +the daughters of the mercantile class a way to mend their fortunes; the +city merchants, on the other hand, saw in such alliances a road to the +attainment of that social prestige which went with land and blood, and +were not loath to pay the price. “Merchants or new gentlemen I deem will +proffer large,” wrote Edmund Paston, concerning the marriage of one of his +family. “Well I wot if ye depart to London ye shall have proffers +large”<a name='fna_25' id='fna_25' href='#f_25'><small>[25]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>This social amalgamation between the country gentry and the “new +gentlemen,” who had made their money in trade, was naturally reflected in +the nunneries. The wills of London burgesses, which were enrolled in the +Court of Husting, show that the daughters of these well-to-do citizens +were in the habit of taking the veil. There is even more than one trace of +the aristocratic view of religion as the sole alternative to marriage. +Langland, enumerating the good deeds which will win pardon for<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[Pg 11]</a></span> the +merchant, bids him “marie maydens or maken hem nonnes”<a name='fna_26' id='fna_26' href='#f_26'><small>[26]</small></a>. At Ludlow the +gild of Palmers provided that:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>If any good girl of the gild of marriageable age, cannot have the +means found by her father, either to go into a religious house or to +marry, whichever she wishes to do, friendly and right help shall be +given her out of our common chest, towards enabling her to do +whichever of the two she wishes<a name='fna_27' id='fna_27' href='#f_27'><small>[27]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Similarly at Berwick-on-Tweed the gild “ordained by the pleasure of the +burgesses” had a provision entitled, “Of the bringing up of daughters of +the gild,” which ran: “If any brother die leaving a daughter true and +worthy and of good repute, but undowered, the gild shall find her a dower, +either on marriage or on going into a religious house”<a name='fna_28' id='fna_28' href='#f_28'><small>[28]</small></a>. So also John +Syward, “stockfisshmongere” of London, whose will was proved at the Court +of Husting in 1349, left, “To Dionisia his daughter forty pounds for her +advancement, so that she either marry therewith or become a religious at +her election, within one year after his decease”<a name='fna_29' id='fna_29' href='#f_29'><small>[29]</small></a>; and William Wyght, +of the same trade, bequeathed “to each of his daughters Agnes, Margaret, +Beatrix and Alice fifty pounds sterling for their marriage or for entering +a religious house” (1393)<a name='fna_30' id='fna_30' href='#f_30'><small>[30]</small></a>; while William Marowe in 1504 bequeathed to +“Elizabeth and Katherine his daughters forty pounds each, to be paid at +their marriage or profession”<a name='fna_31' id='fna_31' href='#f_31'><small>[31]</small></a>. Sometimes, however, the sound burgess +sense prevailed, as when Walter Constantyn endowed his wife with “the +residue of his goods, so that she assist Amicia, his niece, ... towards +her marriage or to some trade befitting her position”<a name='fna_32' id='fna_32' href='#f_32'><small>[32]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>The mixture of classes must have been more frequent in convents which were +situate in or near a large town, while the country gentry had those lying +in rural districts more or less<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[Pg 12]</a></span> to themselves. The nunnery of Carrow, for +instance, was a favourite resort for girls of noble and of gentle birth, +but it was also recruited from the daughters of prosperous Norwich +citizens; among nuns with well-known county names there were also ladies +such as Isabel Barbour, daughter of Thomas Welan, barber, and Joan his +wife, Margery Folcard, daughter of John Folcard, alderman of Norwich, and +Catherine Segryme, daughter of Ralph Segryme, another alderman; the latter +attained the position of prioress at the end of the fifteenth century<a name='fna_33' id='fna_33' href='#f_33'><small>[33]</small></a>. +These citizens, wealthy and powerful men in days when Norwich was one of +the most important towns in England, probably met on equal terms with the +country gentlemen of Norfolk, and both sent their daughters with handsome +dowries to Carrow. The nunneries of London and of the surrounding district +contained a similar mixture of classes, ranging from some of the noblest +ladies in the land to the daughters of city magnates, men enriched by +honourable trade or by the less honourable capitalistic ventures of the +king’s merchants. The famous house of Minoresses without Aldgate +illustrates the situation very clearly. It was always a special favourite +of royalty; and the storm bird, Isabella, mother of Edward III, is by some +supposed to have died in the order. She was certainly its constant +benefactress<a name='fna_34' id='fna_34' href='#f_34'><small>[34]</small></a> as were Thomas of Woodstock, Duke of Gloucester and his +wife, whose daughter Isabel was placed in the nunnery while only a child +and eventually became its abbess<a name='fna_35' id='fna_35' href='#f_35'><small>[35]</small></a>. Katherine, widow of John de Ingham, +and Eleanor Lady Scrope were other aristocratic women who took the veil at +the Minories<a name='fna_36' id='fna_36' href='#f_36'><small>[36]</small></a>. But this noble connection did not prevent the house from +containing Alice, sister of Richard Hale, fishmonger<a name='fna_37' id='fna_37' href='#f_37'><small>[37]</small></a>, Elizabeth, +daughter of Thomas Padyngton, fishmonger<a name='fna_38' id='fna_38' href='#f_38'><small>[38]</small></a>, Marion, daughter of John +Charteseye, baker<a name='fna_39' id='fna_39' href='#f_39'><small>[39]</small></a>, and Frideswida, daughter of John Reynewell, +alderman of the City of London<a name='fna_40' id='fna_40' href='#f_40'><small>[40]</small></a>, girls drawn from the <i>élite</i> of the +burgess class. An investigation of the wills enrolled in the Court of +Husting shows the relative popularity<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[Pg 13]</a></span> of different convents among the +citizens of London. Between the years 1258 and the Dissolution, 52 wills +contain references to one or more nuns related to the testators<a name='fna_41' id='fna_41' href='#f_41'><small>[41]</small></a>. From +these it appears that the most popular house was Clerkenwell in Middlesex, +which is mentioned in nine wills<a name='fna_42' id='fna_42' href='#f_42'><small>[42]</small></a>. Barking in Essex comes next with +eight references<a name='fna_43' id='fna_43' href='#f_43'><small>[43]</small></a>, and St Helen’s Bishopsgate with seven<a name='fna_44' id='fna_44' href='#f_44'><small>[44]</small></a>; the house +of Minoresses without Aldgate is five times mentioned<a name='fna_45' id='fna_45' href='#f_45'><small>[45]</small></a>, Haliwell<a name='fna_46' id='fna_46' href='#f_46'><small>[46]</small></a> in +London and Stratford-atte-Bowe<a name='fna_47' id='fna_47' href='#f_47'><small>[47]</small></a> outside, having five and four +references respectively, Kilburn in Middlesex three<a name='fna_48' id='fna_48' href='#f_48'><small>[48]</small></a>, Sopwell in +Hertfordshire two<a name='fna_49' id='fna_49' href='#f_49'><small>[49]</small></a>, Malling<a name='fna_50' id='fna_50' href='#f_50'><small>[50]</small></a> and Sheppey<a name='fna_51' id='fna_51' href='#f_51'><small>[51]</small></a> in Kent two each. Other +convents are mentioned once only and in some cases a testator leaves +legacies to nuns by name, without mentioning where they are professed. All +these houses were in the diocese of London and either in or near the +capital itself; they lay in the counties of Middlesex, Kent, Essex, +Hertford and Bedford<a name='fna_52' id='fna_52' href='#f_52'><small>[52]</small></a>. It was but rarely that city girls went as far +afield as Denny in Cambridgeshire, where the famous fishmonger and mayor +of London, John Philpott, had a daughter Thomasina.</p> + +<p>Thus the nobles, the gentry and the superior rank of burgess—the upper +and the upper-middle classes—sent their daughters to nunneries. But nuns +were drawn from no lower class; poor girls of the lowest rank—whether the +daughters of artisans or of country labourers—seem never to have taken +the veil. A certain degree of education was demanded in a nun before her +admission and the poor man’s daughter would have neither the money, the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[Pg 14]</a></span> +opportunity, nor the leisure to acquire it. The manorial fine paid by a +villein when he wished to put his son to school and make a religious of +him, had no counterpart in the case of girls<a name='fna_53' id='fna_53' href='#f_53'><small>[53]</small></a>; the taking of the veil +by a villein’s daughter was apparently not contemplated. The chief barrier +which shut out the poor from the nunneries was doubtless the dower which, +in spite of the strict prohibition of the rule, was certainly required +from a novice in almost every convent. The lay sisters of those nunneries +which had lay sisters attached were probably drawn mainly from the lower +class<a name='fna_54' id='fna_54' href='#f_54'><small>[54]</small></a>, but it must have been in the highest degree exceptional for a +poor or low-born girl to become a nun.</p> + +<p>Medieval wills (our most trusty source of information for the <i>personnel</i> +of the nunneries) make it possible to gauge the extent to which the upper +and middle classes used the nunneries as receptacles for superfluous +daughters. In these wills, in which the medieval paterfamilias laboriously +catalogues his offspring and divides his wealth between them, it is easy +to guess at the embarrassments of a father too well-blessed with female +progeny. What was poor Simon the Chamberlain of the diocese of Worcester +to do, with six strapping girls upon his hands and sons Robert and Henry +to provide for too? Fortunately he had a generous patron in Sir Nicholas +de Mitton and it was perhaps Sir Nicholas who provided the dowers, when +two of them were packed off to Nuneaton; let us hope that Christiana, +Cecilia, Matilda and Joan married themselves out of the legacies which he +left them in his will, when he died in 1290<a name='fna_55' id='fna_55' href='#f_55'><small>[55]</small></a>. William de Percehay, lord +of Ryton, who made his will in 1344, had to provide for five sons and one +is therefore not surprised to find that two of his three daughters were +nuns<a name='fna_56' id='fna_56' href='#f_56'><small>[56]</small></a>. It is the same with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[Pg 15]</a></span> the rich citizens of London and elsewhere; +Sir Richard de la Pole, of a great Hull merchant house (soon to be +ennobled), mentions in his will two sons and two daughters, one of whom +was a nun at Barking while the other received a legacy towards her +marriage<a name='fna_57' id='fna_57' href='#f_57'><small>[57]</small></a>; Hugh de Waltham, town clerk, mentions three daughters, one +at St Helen’s<a name='fna_58' id='fna_58' href='#f_58'><small>[58]</small></a>; John de Croydon, fishmonger, leaves bequests to one son +and four daughters, one at Clerkenwell<a name='fna_59' id='fna_59' href='#f_59'><small>[59]</small></a>; William de Chayham kept Lucy, +Agnes and Johanna with him, but made Juliana a nun<a name='fna_60' id='fna_60' href='#f_60'><small>[60]</small></a>. The will of Joan +Lady Clinton illustrates the proportion in which a large family of girls +might be divided between the convent and the world; in 1457 she left +certain sums of money to Margaret, Isabel and Cecily Francyes, on +condition that they should pay four pounds annually to their sisters Joan +and Elizabeth, nuns<a name='fna_61' id='fna_61' href='#f_61'><small>[61]</small></a>. It was not infrequent for several members of a +family to enter the same convent, as the lists of inmates given in +visitation records, or in the reports of Henry VIII’s commissioners, as +well as the evidence of the wills, bear witness<a name='fna_62' id='fna_62' href='#f_62'><small>[62]</small></a>. The case of +Shouldham, already quoted, shows that different generations of a family +might be represented at the same time in a convent<a name='fna_63' id='fna_63' href='#f_63'><small>[63]</small></a>, but it was perhaps +not usual for so many sisters to become nuns as in the Fairfax family; in +1393 their brother’s will introduces us to Mary and Alice, nuns of +Sempringham, and Margaret and Eleanor, respectively prioress and nun of +Nunmonkton<a name='fna_64' id='fna_64' href='#f_64'><small>[64]</small></a>. Margaret (of whom more anon) took convent life easily; it +is to be feared that she had all too little vocation for it. Sometimes +these family parties in a nunnery led to quarrels; the sisters +foregathered in cliques, or else they continued in the cloister the +domestic arguments of the hearth; there was an amusing case of the kind at +Swine in 1268<a name='fna_65' id='fna_65' href='#f_65'><small>[65]</small></a>, and some years later (in 1318) an Archbishop of York +had to forbid<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[Pg 16]</a></span> the admission of more than two or three nuns of one family +to Nunappleton, without special licence, for fear of discord<a name='fna_66' id='fna_66' href='#f_66'><small>[66]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Probably the real factor in determining the social class from which the +convents were recruited, was not one of rank, but one of money. The +practice of demanding dowries from those who wished to become nuns was +strictly forbidden by the monastic rule and by canon law<a name='fna_67' id='fna_67' href='#f_67'><small>[67]</small></a>. To spiritual +minds any taint of commerce was repugnant; Christ asked no dowry with his +bride. The didactic and mystical writers of the period often draw a +contrast between the earthly and the heavenly groom in this matter. The +author of <i>Hali Meidenhad</i> in the thirteenth century, urging the convent +life upon his spiritual daughter, sets against his picture of Christ’s +virgin-brides that of the well-born girl, married with disparagement +through lack of dower:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>What thinkest thou of the poor, that are indifferently dowered and +ill-provided for, as almost all gentlewomen now are in the world, that +have not wherewith to buy themselves a bridegroom of their own rank +and give themselves into servitude to a man of low esteem, with all +that they have? Wellaway! Jesu! what unworthy chaffer<a name='fna_68' id='fna_68' href='#f_68'><small>[68]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Thomas of Hales’ mystical poem <i>A Luue Ron</i>, in the same century, also +lays stress upon this point, half in ecstatic praise of the celibate +ideal, half as a material inducement<a name='fna_69' id='fna_69' href='#f_69'><small>[69]</small></a>, and the same idea is repeated at +the end of the next century in <i>Clene Maydenhod</i>:</p> + +<p class="poem">He asketh with the nouther lond ne leode,<br /> +Gold ne selver ne precious stone.<br /> +To such thinges hath he no neode,<br /> +Al that is good is with hym one,<br /> +Gif thou with him thi lyf wolt lede<br /> +And graunte to ben his owne lemman<a name='fna_70' id='fna_70' href='#f_70'><small>[70]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>In ecclesiastical language the same sentiment is expressed by the +injunction of Archbishop Greenfield of York, who forbade the nuns of Arden +to receive any one as a nun by compact, since that involved guilt of +simony, but only to receive her “from promptings of love”<a name='fna_71' id='fna_71' href='#f_71'><small>[71]</small></a>.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[Pg 17]</a></span>This sentiment was, however, set aside in practice from early times; and a +glance at any conventual register, such as the famous Register of Godstow +Abbey, shows something like a regular system of dowries, dating certainly +from the twelfth century. The Godstow Register contains 19 deeds, ranging +between 1139 and 1278, by which grants are made to the nunnery on the +entrance of a relative of the grantor, the usual phrase being that such +and such a man gave such and such rent-charges, pasture-rights, lands or +messuages, “with” his mother or sister or daughter “to be a nun”<a name='fna_72' id='fna_72' href='#f_72'><small>[72]</small></a>. One +very curious deed dated 1259, shows that the reception of a girl at +Godstow was definitely a pecuniary matter. Ralph and Agnes Chondut sold to +the nunnery a piece of land called Anfric,</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>for thys quite claime and reles, the seyd abbas and holy mynchons of +Godstowe gafe to the seyde raph and Agnes hys wyfe liiiº marke, and +made Katherine the sustur of the seyd Agnes (wyfe of the seyd raph) +Mynchon in the monasteri of Godstowe, with the costys of the hows, ... +and the seyd holy mynchons of Godstowe shold pay to the seyd raph and +Agnes hys wyfe xxv marke of the forseyd liii marke in that day in +whyche the foreseyd Katerine should be delyuerd to hem to be norysshed +and to be mad mynchon in the same place and in the whyche the seyd +penyes shold be payd,</p></div> + +<p>and a second instalment at a place to be agreed upon when confirmation of +the grant is obtained<a name='fna_73' id='fna_73' href='#f_73'><small>[73]</small></a>. That is to say the price of the land was £35. +6<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i> together with the cost of receiving<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[Pg 18]</a></span> Katherine, which was +equivalent to a further sum of money, unfortunately not specified.</p> + +<p>Any collection of wills provides ample evidence of this dowry system. Not +only do they frequently contain legacies for the support of some +particular nun during the term of her life, but bequests also occur for +the specific purpose of paying for the admission of a girl to a nunnery, +in exactly the same way as other girls are provided with dowries for their +marriage. The Countess of Warwick, in 1439, left a will directing “that +Iane Newmarch have cc mark in gold, And I to bere all Costes as for her +bryngynge yn-to seynt Katrens, or where-ever she woll be elles”<a name='fna_74' id='fna_74' href='#f_74'><small>[74]</small></a>. Even +the clergy, who should have been the last to recognise a system so +flagrantly contrary to canon law, followed the general custom; William +Peke, rector of Scrivelsby, left one Isabella ten marks to make her a nun +in the Gilbertine house of Catley<a name='fna_75' id='fna_75' href='#f_75'><small>[75]</small></a> and Robert de Playce, rector of the +church of Brompton, made the following bequest:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Item I bequeath to the daughter of John de Playce my brother 100<i>s.</i> +in silver, for an aid towards making her a nun in one of the houses of +Wickham, Yedingham or Muncton, if her friends are willing to give her +sufficient aid to accomplish this, but if, through lack of assistance +from friends, she be not made a nun,</p></div> + +<p>she was to have none of this bequest (1345)<a name='fna_76' id='fna_76' href='#f_76'><small>[76]</small></a>. Sometimes, as has already +been noted, the money is left alternatively to marry the girl or to make +her a nun, which brings out very clearly the dower-like nature of such +bequests<a name='fna_77' id='fna_77' href='#f_77'><small>[77]</small></a>. The accounts of great folk<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[Pg 19]</a></span> often tell the same tale. When +Elizabeth Chaucy—probably a relative of the poet Chaucer—became a nun at +Barking Abbey in 1381, John of Gaunt paid £51. 8<i>s.</i> 2<i>d.</i> in expenses and +gifts on the occasion of her admission<a name='fna_78' id='fna_78' href='#f_78'><small>[78]</small></a>, and the privy purse expenses +of Elizabeth of York contain the item, “Delivered to thabbesse of +Elnestowe by thands of John Duffyn for the costes and charges of litle +Anne Loveday at the making of her nonne there £6. 13<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i>”<a name='fna_79' id='fna_79' href='#f_79'><small>[79]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>It is possible to determine the exact nature of these costs and charges +from an account of the expenses of the executors of Elizabeth Sewardby, +who died in 1468. This lady, the widow of William Sewardby of Sewardby, +had left a legacy of £6. 13<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i> to her namesake, little Elizabeth +Sewardby, to be given her if she should become a nun. The executors record +certain payments made to the Prioress of Nunmonkton during the period when +Elizabeth was a boarder there, before taking the vows, and then follows a +list of “expenses made for and concerning Elizabeth Sewardby when she was +made a nun at Monkton”:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>They say that they paid and gave to the Prioress and Convent of +Monkton, for a certain fee which the said Prioress and Convent <i>claim +by custom to have and are wont to have from each nun at her entrance</i> +£3. And in money paid for the habit of the said Elizabeth Sewardby and +for other attire of her body and for a fitting bed, £3. 13<i>s.</i> +6½<i>d.</i> And in expenditure made in connection with the aforesaid +Prioress and Convent and with the friends of the aforesaid Elizabeth +coming together on the Sunday next after the feast of the Nativity of +the Blessed Virgin Mary <span class="smcaplc">A.D.</span> 1460, £3. 11<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i> In a gratuity +given to brother John Hamilton, preaching a sermon at the aforesaid +Monkton on the aforesaid Sunday, 2<i>s.</i> And in a certain remuneration +given to Thomas Clerk of York for his wise counsel concerning the +recovery of the debts due to the said dame Elizabeth Sewardby, +deceased, 12<i>d.</i> Total £10. 7<i>s.</i> 10½<i>d.</i><a name='fna_80' id='fna_80' href='#f_80'><small>[80]</small></a></p></div> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[Pg 20]</a></span>It will be noticed that Elizabeth took with her not only a lump sum of +money, but also clothes and a bed, the cost of which more than doubled the +dowry. Canon law specifically allowed the provision of a habit by friends, +when the poverty of a house rendered this necessary; and it is clear from +other sources that it was not unusual for a novice to be provided also +with furniture. The inventory of the goods belonging to the priory of +Minster in Sheppey, at the Dissolution, contains, under the heading of +“the greate Chamber in the Dorter,” a note of</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>stuff in the same chamber belonging to Dame Agnes Davye, <i>which she +browghte with her</i>; a square sparver of payntyd clothe and iiij peces +hangyng of the same, iij payre of shets, a cownterpoynt of corse +verder and i square cofer of ashe, a cabord of waynscott carved, ij +awndyrons, a payre of tonges and a fyer panne.</p></div> + +<p>And under “Dame Agnes Browne’s Chamber” is the entry:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p><i>Stuff given her by her frends</i>:—A fetherbed, a bolster, ij +pyllowys, a payre of blankatts, ij corse coverleds, iiij pare of shets +good and badde, an olde tester and selar of paynted clothes and ij +peces of hangyng to the same; a square cofer carvyd, with ij bad +clothes upon the cofer, and in the wyndow a lytill cobard of waynscott +carvyd and ij lytill chestes; a small goblet with a cover of sylver +parcel gylt, a lytill maser with a bryme of sylver and gylt, a lytyll +pece of sylver and a spone of sylver, ij lytyll latyn candellstyks, a +fire panne and a pare of tonges, ij small aundyrons, iiij pewter +dysshes, a porrenger, a pewter bason, ij skyllots, a lytill brasse +pot, a cawdyron and a drynkyng pot of pewter.</p></div> + +<p>She had apparently been sent into the house with a complete equipment in +furniture and implements<a name='fna_81' id='fna_81' href='#f_81'><small>[81]</small></a>.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[Pg 21]</a></span>Throughout the middle ages a struggle went on between the Church, which +forbade the exaction of dowries, and the convents which persisted in +demanding them, sometimes in so flagrant a manner as to incur the charge +of simony. The earliest prohibition of dowries in English canon law +occurred at the Council of Westminster in 1175<a name='fna_82' id='fna_82' href='#f_82'><small>[82]</small></a> and was repeated at the +Council of London in 1200<a name='fna_83' id='fna_83' href='#f_83'><small>[83]</small></a> and at the Council of Oxford in 1222<a name='fna_84' id='fna_84' href='#f_84'><small>[84]</small></a>; +this last had been anticipated by a decree of the fourth Lateran Council. +The history of the struggle to apply it is to be gathered from +visitational records. Archbishop Walter Giffard, visiting Swine in 1268, +finds that Alicia Brun and Alicia de Adeburn were simoniacally veiled<a name='fna_85' id='fna_85' href='#f_85'><small>[85]</small></a>; +Bishop Norbury has to rebuke the Prioress of Chester for the simoniacal +receipt of bribes to admit nuns<a name='fna_86' id='fna_86' href='#f_86'><small>[86]</small></a>; Bishop Ralph of Shrewsbury has heard +that the Prioress of Cannington received four women as sisters of that +house for £20 each, falling into the pravity of simony<a name='fna_87' id='fna_87' href='#f_87'><small>[87]</small></a>; William of +Wykeham writes to the nuns of Romsey in 1387 that</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>in our said visitations it was discovered and declared that, on +account of the reception of certain persons as nuns of your said +monastery, several sums of money were received by the Abbess and +Convent by way of covenant, reward and compact, not without stain of +the pravity of simony and, if it were so, to the peril of your souls,</p></div> + +<p>and he proceeds to forbid the exaction of a dowry “on pretext of any +custom (<i>consuetudinis</i>) whatsoever, which is rather to be esteemed a +corruption (<i>corruptela</i>),” a significant phrase, which shows that the +practice was well established<a name='fna_88' id='fna_88' href='#f_88'><small>[88]</small></a>. Bishop Buckingham<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[Pg 22]</a></span> of Lincoln warns the +nuns of Heynings against “the reception or extortion of money or of +anything else by compact for the reception of anyone into religion” +(1392)<a name='fna_89' id='fna_89' href='#f_89'><small>[89]</small></a>; and Bishop Flemyng enjoins at Elstow in 1422</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>that hereafter fit persons be received as nuns; for whose reception or +entrance let no money or aught else be demanded; but without any +simoniacal bargain and covenant of any sum of money or other thing +whatsoever, which were accustomed to be made by the crime of simony, +let them henceforth be admitted to your religion purely, simply and +for nothing<a name='fna_90' id='fna_90' href='#f_90'><small>[90]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>But the most detailed information as to the prevalence of the dowry-system +is contained in the records of Bishop Alnwick’s visitations of religious +houses in the diocese of Lincoln in 1440<a name='fna_91' id='fna_91' href='#f_91'><small>[91]</small></a>. When the Bishop came to +Heynings (which had already been in trouble under Bokyngham) one of the +nuns, Dame Agnes Sutton, gave evidence to the effect that</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>her friends came to the Prioress and covenanted that she should be +received as a nun for twelve marks and the said money was paid down +before she was admitted, and she says that no one is admitted before +the sum agreed upon for her reception is paid.</p></div> + +<p>She added that nothing was exacted save what was a free offering, but from +her previous words it is obvious that no nuns were received at Heynings +without a dowry. Similarly at Langley Dame Cecily Folgeham said that her +friends gave ten marks to the house “when she was tonsured, but not by +covenant.” The most interesting case of all was that of Nuncoton. The +Subprioress, Dame Ellen Frost, said “that it was the custom in time past +to take twenty pounds or less for the admission of nuns, otherwise they +would not be received.” The Bishop proceeded to examine other members of +the house; Dame Maud Saltmershe confirmed what the Subprioress had said +about the price for the reception of nuns; two other ladies, who had been +in religion for fifteen and eight years respectively, deposed to having +paid twenty pounds on their entrance and Dame Alice Skotte said that she +did not know how much she had paid, but that she thought it was twenty +pounds. Clearly there was a fixed entrance fee to this nunnery and it was +impossible to become<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[Pg 23]</a></span> a nun without it; all pretence of free-will +offerings had been dropped. When it is considered that this entrance fee +was twenty pounds (i.e. about £200 of modern money) it is easy to see why +poor girls belonging to the lower orders never found their way into +convents; such a luxury was far beyond their means.</p> + +<p>In each of these cases and at two other houses (St Michael’s Stamford, and +Legbourne) Alnwick entered a stern prohibition, on pain of +excommunication, against the reception of anything except free gifts from +the friends of a novice. His injunction to Heynings may be quoted as +typical of those made by medieval bishops on such occasions:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>For as mykelle as we founde that many has been receyvede here afore +into nunne and sustre in your sayde pryory by covenaunt and paccyons +made be fore thair receyvyng of certeyn moneys to be payed to the +howse, the whiche is dampnede by alle lawe, we charge yowe under the +payn of the sentence of cursyng obove wrytene that fro hense forthe ye +receyve none persons in to nunne ne sustre in your sayde pryore by no +suche couenant, ne pactes or bargaines made before. Whan thai are +receyvede and professede, if thaire frendes of thaire almesse wylle +any gyfe to the place, we suffre wele, commende and conferme hit to be +receyvede<a name='fna_92' id='fna_92' href='#f_92'><small>[92]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>But the efforts at reform made by Alnwick and other visitors were never +very successful; Nuncoton evidently continued to demand its entrance fee, +for in 1531 the practice was once more forbidden by Bishop Longland<a name='fna_93' id='fna_93' href='#f_93'><small>[93]</small></a>. +Moreover it is easy to see that the distinction between the reception of +what was willingly offered by friends (which was specifically permitted by +the rule of St Benedict and by synods and visitors throughout the middle +ages), and what was given by agreement as payment for the entry of a +novice (which was always forbidden) might become a distinction without a +difference, as it clearly was in the case of Heynings quoted above. The +Prioress of Gokewell, who declared to Alnwick that “they take nothing for +the admission of nuns, save that which the friends of her who is to be +created offer of their free-will and not by agreement”<a name='fna_94' id='fna_94' href='#f_94'><small>[94]</small></a>, may have acted +in reality not very differently from her erring sisters of Heynings, +Nuncoton and Langley. The temptation was in fact too great.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[Pg 24]</a></span> The clause of +the Oxford decree, which permitted poor houses if necessary to receive a +sum sufficient for the vesture of a new member and no more, broadened the +way already opened by the permission of free-will offerings. The +concluding words of Bishop Flemyng’s prohibition of dowries at Elstow in +1422 show that this permission had been abused; “if they must be clothed +at their own or their friends’ expense, let nothing at all be in any sort +exacted or required, beyond their garments or the just price of their +garments”<a name='fna_95' id='fna_95' href='#f_95'><small>[95]</small></a>. Throughout the later middle ages an increase in the cost of +living went side by side with a decrease in the monastic ideal of poverty, +showing itself on the one hand in the constant breach of the rule against +private property, on the other in the exaction of money with novices, +until the dowry system (although never during the middle ages recognised +by law) became in practice a matter of course.</p> + +<p>Lest it should seem that everyone who had enough money could become a nun, +it must, however, be added that the bishops took some pains that the +persons who were received as novices should be suitable and pleasing to +their sisters. They seldom exercised their right of nomination without +some assurance that their nominee was of honest life and station, +“Mulierem honestam, ut credimus”<a name='fna_96' id='fna_96' href='#f_96'><small>[96]</small></a>, “bonae indolis, ut credimus, +juvenculam”<a name='fna_97' id='fna_97' href='#f_97'><small>[97]</small></a>, “jeovene damoisele et de bone condicion, come nous sumez +enformez”<a name='fna_98' id='fna_98' href='#f_98'><small>[98]</small></a>, “competeter ad hujusmodi officii debitum litterate”<a name='fna_99' id='fna_99' href='#f_99'><small>[99]</small></a>. +They were always ready to hear complaints if unsuitable persons had been +admitted by the prioress; and they sometimes made special injunctions upon +the matter. Bokyngham at Heynings in 1392 ordered “that they receive no +one to the habit, nor even to profession, unless she be first found by +diligent inquisition and approbation to be useful, teachable, capable, of +legitimate age, discreet and honest”<a name='fna_100' id='fna_100' href='#f_100'><small>[100]</small></a>. At Elstow Bishop Gray made a +very comprehensive injunction:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Furthermore we enjoin and charge you the Abbess ... that henceforward +you admit no one to be a nun of the said monastery, unless <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[Pg 25]</a></span>with the +express consent of the greater and sounder part of the same convent; +and no one in that case, unless she be taught in song and reading and +the other things requisite herein, or probably may be easily +instructed within short time, and be such that she shall be able to +bear the burdens of the quire (with) the rest that pertain to +religion<a name='fna_101' id='fna_101' href='#f_101'><small>[101]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Nevertheless, for all their precautions, some strange inmates found their +way into the medieval nunneries.</p> + +<p>The novice who entered a nunnery, to live there as a nun for the rest of +her natural life, might do so for very various reasons. For those who +entered young and of their own will, religion was either a profession or a +vocation. They might take the veil because it offered an honourable career +for superfluous girls, who were unwilling or unable to marry; or they +might take it in a real spirit of devotion, with a real call to the +religious life. For other girls the nunnery might be a prison, into which +they were thrust, unwilling but often afraid to resist, by elders who +wished to be rid of them; and many nunneries contained also another class +of inmates, older women, often widows, who had retired thither to end +their days in peace. A career, a vocation, a prison, a refuge; to its +different inmates the medieval nunnery was all these things.</p> + +<p>The nunnery as a career and as a vocation does not need separate +treatment. It has already been shown that in large families it was a very +usual custom to make one or more of the daughters nuns. Indeed the youth +of many of the girls who took the veil is in itself proof that anything +like a vocation, or even a free choice, was seldom possible and was hardly +anticipated, even in theory. The age of profession was sixteen, but much +younger children were received as novices and prepared for the veil; they +could withdraw if they found the life distasteful, but as a rule, being +brought up from early childhood for this career, they entered upon it as a +matter of course; moreover the Church was rather apt to regard the +withdrawal of novices as apostasy. Sir Guy de Beauchamp in his will (dated +1359) describes his daughter Katherine as a nun of Shouldham and Dugdale +notes that Katherine, aged seven years, and Elizabeth, aged about one +year, were found to be daughters and heirs of the said Guy, who<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[Pg 26]</a></span> died in +the following year<a name='fna_102' id='fna_102' href='#f_102'><small>[102]</small></a>. It might be supposed that this child of seven was +being brought up as a lay boarder in the convent, but legacies left to +Katherine “a nun at Shouldham” by her grandfather and by her uncle, in +1369 and in 1400 respectively, show that she had been thus vowed in +infancy to a religious life<a name='fna_103' id='fna_103' href='#f_103'><small>[103]</small></a>. One of the daughters of Thomas of +Woodstock Duke of Gloucester, was “in infancy placed in the monastery (of +the Minoresses without Aldgate) and clad in the monastic habit” and in +1401 the Pope gave her permission to leave it if she wished, but she +remained and became its abbess<a name='fna_104' id='fna_104' href='#f_104'><small>[104]</small></a>. Bishops’ registers constantly give +evidence of the presence of mere children in nunneries. When Alnwick +visited Ankerwyke in 1441, three of the younger nuns complained that they +lacked a teacher (<i>informatrix</i>) to teach them “reading, song, or +religious observance”; and at the end of the visitation the Bishop noted +that he had examined all the nuns save three, whom he had omitted “on +account of the heedlessness of their age and the simplicity of their +discretion, since the eldest of them is not older than thirteen +years”<a name='fna_105' id='fna_105' href='#f_105'><small>[105]</small></a>. At Studley in 1445 he found a girl who had been in religion +for two years and was then thirteen; she complained that one of the +maid-servants had slapped a fellow nun (doubtless also a child) in +church!<a name='fna_106' id='fna_106' href='#f_106'><small>[106]</small></a> At Littlemore there was a certain Agnes Marcham, who had +entered at the age of thirteen, and had remained there unprofessed for +thirteen years; she now refused to take the full vows<a name='fna_107' id='fna_107' href='#f_107'><small>[107]</small></a>. Some of the +nuns at Romsey in 1534 were very young, two being fourteen and one +fifteen<a name='fna_108' id='fna_108' href='#f_108'><small>[108]</small></a>. Indeed the reception of girls at a tender age was rather +encouraged than otherwise by the Church. Archbishop Greenfield gave a +licence to the Prioress of Hampole to receive Elena, daughter of the late +Reyner Sperri, citizen of York, who was eight years old, and (he added +solemnly) “of good conversation and life”<a name='fna_109' id='fna_109' href='#f_109'><small>[109]</small></a>, and Archbishop John le +Romeyn described Margaret de la Batayle, whom he sent to Sinningthwaite, +as “<i>juvencula</i>”<a name='fna_110' id='fna_110' href='#f_110'><small>[110]</small></a>. The great<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[Pg 27]</a></span> Peckham went out of his way to make a +specific defence of the practice in 1282, when the Prioress and Convent of +Stratford sought to excuse themselves from veiling a little girl called +Isabel Bret, by reason of her youth, “since on account of this minority +she is the more able and capable to learn and receive those things which +concern the discipline of your order”<a name='fna_111' id='fna_111' href='#f_111'><small>[111]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>It is impossible to make the generalisation that even children professed +at such an early age could have had no consciousness of a vocation for the +religious life; the history of some of the women saints of the middle ages +would be enough to disprove this<a name='fna_112' id='fna_112' href='#f_112'><small>[112]</small></a>. The German monk Caesarius of +Heisterbach, who is to be equalled as a gossip only by the less pious +Salimbene, has some delightful stories of youthful enthusiasts in the +<i>Dialogus Miraculorum</i>, which he wrote between 1220 and 1235 for the +instruction of the novices in his own Cistercian house. One child, +destined for a worldly match, protests daily that she will wed Christ +only; and, when forced to wear rich garments, asserts “even if you turn me +to gold you cannot make me change my mind,” until her parents, worn out by +her prayers, allow her to enter a nunnery where, although very young, she +is soon made governess of the novices. Her sister, given to an earthly +husband while yet a child, is widowed and, “<i>ipsa adhuc adolescentula</i>” +enters the same house. Another girl, fired by their example, escapes to a +nunnery in man’s clothes; her sister, trying to follow, is caught by her +parents and married, “but I hope,” says the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[Pg 28]</a></span> appreciative Caesarius, “that +God may not leave unrewarded so fervent a desire to enter religion”<a name='fna_113' id='fna_113' href='#f_113'><small>[113]</small></a>. +But the most charming tale of all is that of the conversion of Helswindis, +Abbess of Burtscheid<a name='fna_114' id='fna_114' href='#f_114'><small>[114]</small></a>.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>She, although the daughter of a powerful and wealthy man ... burned so +from her earliest childhood with zeal to be converted (i.e. to become +a nun), that she used often to say to her mother: “Mother, make me a +nun.” Now she was accustomed with her mother to ascend Mount St. +Saviour, whereon stood at that time the convent of the sisters of +Burtscheid. One day she climbed secretly in through the kitchen +window, went up to the dorter and putting on the habit of one of the +maidens, entered the choir with the others. When the Abbess told this +to her mother, who wanted to go, she, thinking that it was a joke, +replied “Call the child; we must go.” Then the child came from within +to the window, saying: “I am a nun; I will not go with thee.” But the +mother, fearing her husband, replied: “Only come with me now, and I +will beg thy father to make thee a nun.” And so she went forth. It +happened that the mother (who had held her peace) once more went up +the mountain, leaving her daughter asleep. And when the latter rose +and sought her mother in vain in the church, she suspected her to be +at the convent, followed her alone, and, getting in by the same +window, once more put on the habit. When her mother besought her to +come away she replied: “Thou shalt not deceive me again,” repeating +the promise that had been made to her. Then indeed her mother went +home in great fear, and her father came up full of rage, together with +her brothers, broke open the doors and carried off his screaming +daughter, whom he committed to the care of relatives, that they might +dissuade her. But she, being (as I believe) not yet nine years of age, +answered them so wisely that they marvelled. What more? The Bishop of +Liège having excommunicated her father and those by whom she had been +taken away, she was restored to the place and after a few years was +elected Abbess there<a name='fna_115' id='fna_115' href='#f_115'><small>[115]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[Pg 29]</a></span>After these examples of infant zeal it is impossible to assert that even +the extreme youth of many novices made a real vocation for religious life +impossible. But there is no doubt that such a vocation was less probable, +than in cases when a girl of more mature years entered a convent. And it +is also certain that the tendency to regard monasticism as the natural +career for superfluous girls and as the natural alternative to marriage, +was capable of grave abuse. When medieval convents are compared +unfavourably with those of the present day, and when the increasing laxity +with which the rule was kept in the later middle ages is condemned, it has +always to be remembered that the majority of girls in those days (unlike +those of today) entered the nunneries as a career, without any particular +spiritual qualification, because there was nothing else for them to do. +Even in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries monasticism produced +saintly women and great mystics (especially in Germany); but it is +remarkable that in England, although there must have been many good +abbesses like Euphemia of Wherwell, there are no outstanding names. +Monasticism was pre-eminently a respectable career.</p> + +<p>It has been said that this tendency to regard monasticism as a career was +capable of abuse; and there were not wanting men to abuse it and to use +the nunnery as a “dumping ground” for unwanted and often unwilling girls, +whom it was desirable to put out of the world, by a means as sure as death +itself and without the risk attaching to murder. Kings themselves were +wont thus to immure the wives and daughters of defeated rebels.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[Pg 30]</a></span> Wencilian +(Gwenllian) daughter of Llewelyn was sent to Sempringham as a child, after +her father’s death in 1283, and died a nun there in 1337, and the two +daughters of Hugh Despenser the elder were forced to take the veil at the +same convent after their father’s fall<a name='fna_116' id='fna_116' href='#f_116'><small>[116]</small></a>. The nunnery must often have +served the purpose of lesser men, desirous of shaking off an encumbrance. +The guilty wife of Sir Thomas Tuddenham, unhappily married for eight years +and ruined by an intrigue with her father’s servant, was sent to +Crabhouse, where she lived for some forty years; and none thought kindly +of her save—strangely enough—her husband’s sister<a name='fna_117' id='fna_117' href='#f_117'><small>[117]</small></a>. Sir Peter de +Montfort, dying in 1367, left ten shillings to the lady Lora Astley, a nun +at Pinley, called by Dugdale “his old concubine”<a name='fna_118' id='fna_118' href='#f_118'><small>[118]</small></a>. Illegitimate +children too were sometimes sent to convents. One remembers Langland’s +nunnery, where</p> + +<p class="poem"><span style="margin-left: 7.5em;">Dame Iohanne was a bastard,</span><br /> +And dame Clarice a kniȝtes douȝter · ac a kokewolde was hire syre.</p> + +<p>Nor were the clergy loath to embrace this opportunity of removing the +fruit of a lapse from grace. Hugh de Tunstede, rector of Catton, left ten +shillings and a bed to his daughter Joan, a nun of Wilberfoss<a name='fna_119' id='fna_119' href='#f_119'><small>[119]</small></a>, and at +the time of the Dissolution there was a child of Wolsey himself at +Shaftesbury<a name='fna_120' id='fna_120' href='#f_120'><small>[120]</small></a>. It is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[Pg 31]</a></span> significant that it was sometimes necessary to +procure the papal dispensation of an abbess- or prioress-elect for +illegitimacy, before she could hold office. The dispensation in 1472 of +Joan Ward, a nun of Esholt, who afterwards became prioress, is +interesting, for the Wards were patrons of the house and her presence +illustrates one of the uses to which such patronage could be put<a name='fna_121' id='fna_121' href='#f_121'><small>[121]</small></a>. The +diocese of York affords other instances (they were common enough in the +case of priests) of dispensation “<i>super defectu natalium</i>”; in 1474 one +was granted to Cecily Conyers, a nun at Ellerton, “born of a married man +and a single woman”<a name='fna_122' id='fna_122' href='#f_122'><small>[122]</small></a> and in 1432 Alice Etton received one four days +before her confirmation as Prioress of Sinningthwaite<a name='fna_123' id='fna_123' href='#f_123'><small>[123]</small></a>. At St Mary’s +Neasham in 1437, the Bishop of Durham appointed Agnes Tudowe prioress and +issued a mandate for her dispensation for illegitimacy and her +installation on the same day<a name='fna_124' id='fna_124' href='#f_124'><small>[124]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Less defensible from the point of view of the house was the practice, +which certainly existed, of placing in nunneries girls in some way +deformed, or suffering from an incurable defect.</p> + +<p class="poem">Now earth to earth in convent walls,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">To earth in churchyard sod.</span><br /> +I was not good enough for man,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">And so am given to God.</span></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[Pg 32]</a></span>It will be remembered that the practice roused the disapprobation of +Gargantua, whose abbey of Thélème contained only beautiful and amiable +persons.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Item, parcequ’en icelluy temps on ne mettoit en religion des femmes, +sinon celles qu’estoyent borgnes, boiteuses, bossues, laides, +deffaictes, folles, insensees, maleficiees et tarees, ... (“a propos, +dist li moyne, une femme qui n’est ny belle, ny bonne, a quoi vault +elle?—A mettre en religion, dist Gargantua.—Voyre, dist le moine, et +a faire des chemises.”) ... feut ordonne que la (i.e. à Thélème) ne +seroyent receues, sinon les belles, bien formees et bien naturees, et +les beaux, bien formez et bien naturez<a name='fna_125' id='fna_125' href='#f_125'><small>[125]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Occasionally the nuns seem to have resented or resisted these attempts to +foist the deformed and the half-witted upon them. One of the reasons urged +by the obstinate inmates of Stratford against receiving little Isabel Bret +was that she was deformed in her person<a name='fna_126' id='fna_126' href='#f_126'><small>[126]</small></a>. It was complained against +the Prioress of Ankerwyke at Alnwick’s visitation in 1441 that she made +<i>ideotas</i> and other unfit persons nuns<a name='fna_127' id='fna_127' href='#f_127'><small>[127]</small></a>; and in 1514 the Prioress of +Thetford was similarly charged with intending shortly to receive +illiterate and deformed persons as nuns and especially one Dorothy +Sturges, a deaf and deformed gentlewoman. Her designs were frustrated, but +the nuns of Blackborough were less particular and in 1532 Dorothy answered +among her sisters that nothing was in need of reform in that little +house<a name='fna_128' id='fna_128' href='#f_128'><small>[128]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>At the time of the Dissolution the Commissioners found that one of the +nuns of Langley was “in regard a fool”<a name='fna_129' id='fna_129' href='#f_129'><small>[129]</small></a>; and a certain Jane Gowring +(the name of whose convent has not been preserved) sent a petition to +Cromwell, demanding whether two girls of twelve and thirteen, the one deaf +and dumb and the other an<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[Pg 33]</a></span> idiot, should depart or not<a name='fna_130' id='fna_130' href='#f_130'><small>[130]</small></a>. At Nuncoton +in 1440 a nun informed Bishop Alnwick that two old nuns lay in the fermery +and took their meals in the convent’s cellar “and likewise the infirm, +<i>the weak minded</i> (<i>imbecilles</i>) and they that are in their seynies do eat +in the same cellar”<a name='fna_131' id='fna_131' href='#f_131'><small>[131]</small></a>. Complaints of the presence of idiots were fairly +frequent. It is easy to understand the exasperation of Thetford over the +case of Dorothy Sturges, when one finds Dame Katherine Mitford complaining +at the same visitation that Elizabeth Haukeforth is “<i>aliquando +lunatica</i>”<a name='fna_132' id='fna_132' href='#f_132'><small>[132]</small></a>; but a few years later Agnes Hosey, described as +“<i>ideota</i>,” gave testimony with her sisters at Easebourne and excited no +adverse comment<a name='fna_133' id='fna_133' href='#f_133'><small>[133]</small></a>. In an age when faith and superstition went hand in +hand a mad nun might even bring glory to her house; the tale of Catherine, +nun of Bungay, illustrates this. In 1319 an inquiry was held into the +miracles said to have been performed at the tomb of the saintly Robert of +Winchelsea, Archbishop of Canterbury, whose canonisation was ardently +desired by the English; among these miracles was the following:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Sir Walter Botere, chaplain, having been sworn, says that the miracle +happened thus, to wit that he saw a certain Catherine, who had been +(so they say) a nun of Bungay, in the diocese of Norwich, mad +(<i>furiosam</i>) and led to the tomb of the said father; and there she was +cured of the said madness and so departed sane; and he says that there +is public talk and report of this.</p></div> + +<p>Three other witnesses also swore to the tale<a name='fna_134' id='fna_134' href='#f_134'><small>[134]</small></a>. Even cases of violent +and dangerous madness seem at times to have occurred, judging from a note +at Alnwick’s visitation of Stainfield in 1440, in which it is said that +all the nuns appeared separately before the Bishop, “with the exception of +Alicia Benyntone, who is out of her mind and confined in chains”<a name='fna_135' id='fna_135' href='#f_135'><small>[135]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Lay and ecclesiastical opinion alike condemned another practice, which +seems to have been fairly widespread in medieval England, that of forcing +into convents children too young to realise their fate, or even girls old +enough to resist, of whom<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[Pg 34]</a></span> unscrupulous relatives desired to be rid, +generally in order to gain possession of their inheritance; for a nun, +dead in the eyes of the law which governed the world, could claim no share +in her father’s estate<a name='fna_136' id='fna_136' href='#f_136'><small>[136]</small></a>. It is true that influential people, who could +succeed in proving that a nun was unwillingly professed, might obtain her +release<a name='fna_137' id='fna_137' href='#f_137'><small>[137]</small></a>; but many little heiresses and unwanted children must have +remained for ever, without hope of escape, in the convents to which they +had been hurried, for it is evident that the religious houses themselves +did all they could to discourage the presentation of such petitions, or +the escape of unwilling members. The <i>chanson de nonne</i>, the song of the +nun unwillingly professed, is a favourite theme in medieval popular +poetry<a name='fna_138' id='fna_138' href='#f_138'><small>[138]</small></a>; and dry documents show that it had its foundation in fact. It +is possible to collect from various sources a remarkable series of legal +documents which illustrate the practice of putting girls into nunneries, +so as to secure their inheritance.</p> + +<p>As early as 1197 there is a case at Ankerwyke, where a nun who had been +fifteen years professed returned to the world and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[Pg 35]</a></span> claimed a share of her +father’s property, on the ground that she had been forced into the +monastery by a guardian, who wished to secure the whole inheritance. Her +relatives energetically resisted a claim by which they would have been the +losers and appealed to the Pope. The runaway nun was excommunicated and +her case came into the Curia Regis, but the result has not survived and it +is impossible to say whether her story was true<a name='fna_139' id='fna_139' href='#f_139'><small>[139]</small></a>. The case of Agnes, +nun of Haverholme, illustrates at once the reason for which an unwilling +girl might be immured in a nunnery and the obstacles which her order would +place in the way of escape. She enters history in a papal mandate of 1304, +by which three ecclesiastics are ordered to take proceedings in the case +of Agnes, whose father and stepmother (how familiar and like a fairy tale +it sounds) in order to deprive her of her heritage, shut her up in the +monastery of Haverholme. “The canons and nuns of Sempringham (to which +order Haverholme belonged) declare,” continues the mandate, “that she took +the habit out of devotion, but refuse to confirm their assertion by +oath”<a name='fna_140' id='fna_140' href='#f_140'><small>[140]</small></a>. The inference is irresistible. Another case, the memory of +which is preserved in a petition to Chancery, concerns Katherine and Joan, +the two daughters of Thomas Norfolk, whose widow Agnes married a certain +Richard Haldenby. Agnes was seised of certain lands and tenements in +Yorkshire to the value of £40 a year, as the nearest friend of the two +girls, whose share of their father’s estate the lands were. But her +remarriage roused the wrath of the Norfolk family and an uncle, John +Norfolk, dispossessed her of the land and took the children out of her +guardianship, “with great force of armed men against the peace of our lord +the king,” breaking open their doors and carrying away the deeds of their +possessions. Then, according to the petition of Agnes and her second +husband, “did he make the said Katherine a nun, when she was under the age +of nine years, at a place called Wallingwells, against her will, and the +other daughter of the aforesaid Thomas Norfolk he hath killed, as it is +said.” The mother begs for an inquiry to be held<a name='fna_141' id='fna_141' href='#f_141'><small>[141]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>But the most vivid of all these little tragedies of the cloister are those +concerned with Margaret de Prestewych and Clarice<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[Pg 36]</a></span> Stil. The case of +Margaret de Prestewych has been preserved in the register of Robert de +Stretton, Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield; and it is satisfactory to know +that one energetic girl at least succeeded in making good her protests and +in escaping from her prison. In her eighth year or thereabouts, according +to her own petition to the Pope, her friends compelled her against her +will to enter the priory of the nuns of Seton, of the order of St +Augustine, and take on her the habit of a novice. She remained there, as +in a prison, for several years, always protesting that she had never made +nor ever would willingly make any profession. And then, seeing that she +must by profession be excluded from her inheritance, she feigned herself +sick and took to her bed. But this did not prevent her being carried to +the church at the instance of her rivals and blessed by a monk, in spite +of her cries and protests that she would not remain in that priory or in +any other order. On the first opportunity she went forth from the priory +without leave and returned to the world, which in heart she had never +left, and married Robert de Holand, publicly after banns, and had issue. +The bishop, to whom the case had been referred by the Pope, found upon +inquiry that these things were true, and in 1383 released her from the +observance of her order<a name='fna_142' id='fna_142' href='#f_142'><small>[142]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Within a few years of this high spirited lady’s escape the case of little +Clarice Stil engaged the attention of the King’s court. The dry-as-dust +pages of the medieval law-books hide many jewels for whoever has patience +to seek them, but none brighter than this story. It all arose out of a +writ of wardship sued by one David Carmayngton or Servyngton against +Walter Reynold, whom he declared to have unjustly deforced him of the +wardship of the land and heir of Robert Stil, the heir being<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[Pg 37]</a></span> Clarice. +Walter, however, said that no action lay against him, because Clarice had +entered into the order of St John of Jerusalem, of which the Prioress of +Buckland was prioress, and had been professed in that order on the very +day of the purchase of the writ. In answer David unfolded a strange story. +He alleged that William Stil, the father of Robert, had married twice; by +his first wife Constance he had one daughter Margaret, who was now the +wife of Walter Reynold; by his second wife Joan he had two children, +Robert and Clarice. William died seised of certain tenements which were +inherited by Robert, who died without an heir of his body; whereupon +(David alleged) Walter, by connivance with the Prioress of Buckland and in +order to disinherit Clarice (in which case his own wife Margaret would be +the next of kin), took Clarice after her brother’s death and conveyed her +to Buckland Priory, she being then eight years of age, and kept her there +under guard. David’s counsel gave a dramatic account of the proceeding:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Sir, we say that the same Walter by covinage to compel the said +Clarice to be professed, took the said Clarice when she was between +the ages of seven and eight years, to the house of nuns at Buckland, +and in that place were two ladies, nuns, who were of his assent to +cause the infant to be professed, and they told the child that if she +passed the door the devil would carry her away.</p></div> + +<p>It was furthermore pleaded that on the day of purchase of the writ, +Clarice was within the age of twelve years and that she was still within +that age, and that therefore she could not be considered professed by the +law of the land. By this time one’s sympathies are all on the side of +David, and of terrified little Clarice, with whom the devil was to run +away. Unfortunately the judges referred the matter to an ecclesiastical +court and ordered a writ to be sent to the Bishop of Bath and Wells. The +Bishop made his return</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>that the said Clarice on August 1st, 1383, of her own free will, was +taken to the said Prioress of Buckland by Stephen Joseph, rector of +the church of Northeleye, without any connivance on the part of the +said Walter and the said Prioress, and she remained at the said priory +for two years to see if the life would please her. Afterwards, on +October 18th, 1385, she assumed the religious habit and made +profession according to the manners and customs of the said house. And +on the day when Clarice entered the house she was more than eight +years old and on the day of purchase of the writ <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[Pg 38]</a></span>more than twelve +years old, and at the present time is more than fourteen years old, +and is well contented with the religious life.</p></div> + +<p>The Bishop also found that no guards had been placed over Clarice by +Walter, or by the Prioress. So David lost his suit and was in mercy for a +false claim; and he also lost, upon a technical point, another suit which +he had brought against the Prioress of Buckland. Nevertheless one’s +sympathies remain obstinately on his side. That touch about the devil +assuredly never sprang even from the fertile brain of a lawyer<a name='fna_143' id='fna_143' href='#f_143'><small>[143]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>The illegitimate, the deformed, the feeble-minded and the unwilling +represent a not very pleasant side of the conventual system. The nunneries +contained other and less tragic inmates, who may be distinguished from the +majority; for to them went in voluntary retirement a large number of +widows<a name='fna_144' id='fna_144' href='#f_144'><small>[144]</small></a>. If the nun unwillingly professed has always been a favourite +theme in popular literature, so also has the broken-hearted wife or lover, +Guinevere hiding her sorrows in the silent cloister.</p> + +<p>Many of the widows who took the veil were, however, less romantic figures. +Although their presence as secular boarders was discouraged, because it +brought too much of the world<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[Pg 39]</a></span> within cloister walls, those who desired to +make regular profession were willingly received, the more so as they often +brought a substantial dower with them. Thus when Margaret, Countess of +Ulster, assumed the habit at Campsey in 1347, she took with her, by +licence of the Crown, the issues of all her lands and rents in England for +a year after her admission, and after that date 200 marks yearly were to +be paid for her sustenance<a name='fna_145' id='fna_145' href='#f_145'><small>[145]</small></a>. Such widows often enjoyed a respect +consonant with their former position in society and not infrequently +became heads of their houses. Katherine de Ingham and Eleanor Lady Scrope +both entered the Minories in their widowhood and eventually became +abbesses<a name='fna_146' id='fna_146' href='#f_146'><small>[146]</small></a>. But it does not need much imagination, nor an unduly +cynical temperament, to guess that this element of convent life must +occasionally have been a disturbing one. The conventual atmosphere did not +always succeed in killing the profaner passions of the soul; and the +advent of an opinionated widow, ripe in the experience of all those things +which her sisters had never known, with the aplomb of one who had long +enjoyed an honoured position as wife and mother and lady of the manor, +must at times have caused a flutter among the doves; such a situation, for +instance, as Bishop Cobham found at Wroxall when he visited it in +1323<a name='fna_147' id='fna_147' href='#f_147'><small>[147]</small></a>. Isabel Lady Clinton of Maxstoke, widow of the patron of the +house, had retired thither and had evidently taken with her a not too +modest opinion of her own importance. She found it impossible to forget +that she was a Clinton and to realise that she, who had in time gone by +given her easy patronage to the nuns and lodged with them when she would, +was now a simple sister among them. Was she to submit to the rule of +Prioress Agnes of Alesbury, she without whose goodwill Prioress Agnes had +never been appointed? Was she to listen meekly to chiding in the dorter, +and in the frater to bear with sulks? Impossible. How she comported +herself we know not, but the bishop “found grave discord existing between +the Prioress and dame Isabel Clinton, some of the sisters adhering to one +and some to the other.” Evidently a battle royal. The<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[Pg 40]</a></span> bishop, poor man, +did his best. He enjoined peace and concord among the inmates; the sisters +were to treat the prioress with reverence and obedience; those who had +rebelled against her were to desist and the prioress was to behave +amicably to all in frater, dorter, and elsewhere. And so my lord went his +way. He may have known the pertinacity of the late patroness; and it was +perhaps with resignation and without surprise that he confirmed her +election as prioress on the death of the harassed Agnes.</p> + +<p>The occasional cases in which wives left their husbands to enter a convent +were less likely to provoke discord. Such women as left husband and +children to take the veil must have been moved by a very strong vocation +for religion, or else by excessive weariness. Some may perhaps have found +married life even such an odious tale, “a licking of honey off thorns,” as +the misguided realist who wrote <i>Hali Meidenhad</i> sought to depict it. In +any case, whether the mystical faith of a St Bridget drew her thither, or +whether matrimony had not seemed easy to her that had tried it, the +presence of a wedded wife was unlikely to provoke discord in the convent; +the devout and the depressed are quiet bedeswomen. It was necessary for a +wife to obtain her husband’s permission before she could take the veil, +since her action entailed celibacy on his part also, during her lifetime. +Sometimes a husband would endow his wife liberally on her entry into the +house which she had selected. There are two such dowers in the Register of +Godstow Nunnery. About 1165 William de Seckworth gave the tithes of two +mills and a grant of five acres of meadow to the convent, “for the helth +of hys sowle and of hys chyldryn and of hys aunceters, with hys wyfe also, +the whyche he toke to kepe to the forseyd holy mynchons to serve +god”<a name='fna_148' id='fna_148' href='#f_148'><small>[148]</small></a>; and a quarter of a century later Geoffrey Durant and Molde his +wife, “whan þe same Moole yelded herself to be a mynchon to the same +chirch,” granted one mark of rent to be paid annually by their son Peter, +out of certain lands held by him, “which were of the mariage of the said +Moolde”<a name='fna_149' id='fna_149' href='#f_149'><small>[149]</small></a>. Nor did Walter Hauteyn, citizen of London, in his solicitude +for his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[Pg 41]</a></span> son and three daughters, forget the mother who had left her +husband and children for the service of God; to Alice his wife, a nun of +St Sepulchre’s Canterbury, he bequeathed in 1292 his dwelling place and +rents upon Cornhill for life, with remainder to his heirs<a name='fna_150' id='fna_150' href='#f_150'><small>[150]</small></a>.</p> + + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<hr style="width: 50%;" /> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">[Pg 42]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_II" id="CHAPTER_II"></a>CHAPTER II</h2> +<p class="title">THE HEAD OF THE HOUSE</p> + +<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary="table"> +<tr><td>“My lady Prioresse, by your leve<br /> +So that I wiste I sholde you not greve,<br /> +I wolde demen that ye tellen sholde<br /> +A tale next, if so were that ye wolde.<br /> +Now wol ye vouche-sauf, my lady dere?”<br /> +“Gladly” quod she, and seyde as ye shal here.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 14em;"><span class="smcap">Chaucer.</span></span></td></tr></table> + +<p> </p> +<p>It usually happened that the head of a nunnery was a woman of some social +standing in her own right. All nuns were Christ’s brides, but an earthly +father in the neighbourhood, with broad acres and loose purse strings, was +not to be despised. If a great lady retired to a nunnery she was very like +to end as its head; Barking Abbey in Essex had a long line of well-born +abbesses, including three queens and two princesses; and when Katherine de +la Pole (the youngest daughter of that earl of Suffolk who was slain at +Agincourt) is found holding the position of abbess at the tender age of +twenty-two, it is an irresistible inference that her birth was a factor in +the choice<a name='fna_151' id='fna_151' href='#f_151'><small>[151]</small></a>. The advantage in having a woman of local influence and +rich connections as prioress is illustrated in the history of Crabhouse +nunnery under Joan Wiggenhall<a name='fna_152' id='fna_152' href='#f_152'><small>[152]</small></a>; how she worked and built “be the grace +of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[Pg 43]</a></span> oure Lord God an be the helpe of Edmund Perys, Person of Watlington,” +her cousin; and how</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>whanne this good man beforeseyde was passid to God, oure Lord that is +ful graciouse to alle his servauntis that have nede and that troste on +hym, sente hem anothir goode frende hem to helpe and comforte in her +nede, clepid Mayster Jon Wygenale, Doctoure of Canon and person of +Oxborow, and Cosyn to the same Prioresse;</p></div> + +<p>and how</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>in the xix yere of the same Prioresse, ffel a grete derth of corne, +wherefore sche muste nedis have lefte werke with oute relevynge and +helpe of sum goode creature, so, be the steringe of oure Lord, Mayster +Jon Wygenale befor sayde sente us of his charite an 100 cowmbe malte +and an 100 coumbe Barly and besyde this procurid us xx mark. And for +the soule of my lord of Exetyr, of whos soule God of hys pyte he wil +have mercy, we had of him xl pounte and v mark to the same werke, +whiche drewe ccc mark, without mete and drinke. And within these vij +yere that the dortoure was in makynge the place at Lynne clepped +Corner Bothe was at the gate downe and no profite came to the place +many yeris beforne. So that maystir Jon before seyde of hys gret +charite lente the same prioresse good to make it up ageyne and +procured hir xx mark of the sekatouris of Roger Chapeleyn<a name='fna_153' id='fna_153' href='#f_153'><small>[153]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>The election of a superior was a complicated business, as may be gathered +from the list of seventeen documents relating to the election of Alice de +la Flagge as Prioress of Whiston in 1308, and enrolled in the <i>Sede +Vacante</i> Register of Worcester diocese<a name='fna_154' id='fna_154' href='#f_154'><small>[154]</small></a>. Indeed there were so many +formalities to be fulfilled<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">[Pg 44]</a></span> that the nuns seem often to have found great +difficulty in making a canonical election, and there are frequent notices +in the episcopal registers that their election has been quashed by the +Bishop on account of some technical fault; in such cases, however, the +Bishop’s action was merely formal and he almost always reappointed the +candidate of their choice<a name='fna_155' id='fna_155' href='#f_155'><small>[155]</small></a>. An election was, moreover, not only +complicated but expensive; it began with a journey to the patron to ask +for his <i>congé d’élire</i> and it ended with more journeys, to the patron and +to the Bishop, to ask for confirmation, so that the cost of travel and the +cost of paying a clerk to draw up the necessary documents were sometimes +considerable; moreover a fee was payable to the Bishop’s official for the +installation of the new head. The account of Margaret Ratclyff, Prioress +of Swaffham Bulbeck in 1482, contains notice of payments “to the official +of the lord bishop, at the installation of the said prioress for his fee +i. li.” and to one Bridone “for the transcript of the decree of election +of the prioress v. s.”<a name='fna_156' id='fna_156' href='#f_156'><small>[156]</small></a>. An account roll of St Michael’s Stamford for +the year 1375-6 illustrates the process in greater detail; under the +heading of “expenses de nostre Elit” are the following items:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Paid for the hire of horses with expenses going to the abbot of +Peterborough [the patron] to get licence to elect our choice 9½<i>d.</i> +Paid for the hire of horses going to the bishop of Lincoln and to the +abbot of Peterborough and for their expenses at our election 4<i>s.</i> +8½<i>d.</i> Paid for bread, ale and meat for our election on the +election day 2<i>s.</i> 11½<i>d.</i><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[Pg 45]</a></span> Paid for a letter to the abbot of +Peterborough for a licence to elect 3<i>d.</i> Paid for the installation of +our elect, 10<i>s.</i><a name='fna_157' id='fna_157' href='#f_157'><small>[157]</small></a> +Total 18<i>s.</i> 8½<i>d.</i><a name='fna_158' id='fna_158' href='#f_158'><small>[158]</small></a></p></div> + +<p>The only necessary qualifications for the head of a house were that she +should be above the age of twenty-one<a name='fna_159' id='fna_159' href='#f_159'><small>[159]</small></a>, born in wedlock and of good +reputation; a special dispensation had to be obtained for the election of +a woman who was under age or illegitimate.</p> + +<p> </p> +<p class="center">PLATE II</p> +<div class="figcenter"><img src="images/img02.jpg" alt="" /></div> +<p class="center">ABBESS RECEIVING THE PASTORAL STAFF FROM A BISHOP</p> + +<p> </p> +<div class="figcenter"><img src="images/img03.jpg" alt="" /></div> +<p class="center">BENEDICTION OF AN ABBESS BY A BISHOP</p> +<p> </p> + +<p>As a rule the nuns possessed the right of free election, subject to the +<i>congé d’élire</i> of their patron and to the confirmation of the bishop, and +they secured without very much difficulty the leader of their choice. +Often enough it must have been clear, especially in small communities, +that one of the nuns was better fitted to rule than her sisters, and, as +at Whiston, they</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>unanimously, as if inspired by the Holy Spirit<a name='fna_160' id='fna_160' href='#f_160'><small>[160]</small></a>, chose dame Alice +de la Flagge, a woman of discreet life and morals, of lawful age, +professed in the nunnery, born in lawful matrimony, prudent in +spiritual and temporal matters, of whose election all approved, and +afterwards, solemnly singing Te Deum Laudamus, carried the said elect, +weeping, resisting as much as she could, and expostulating in a high +voice, to the church as is the custom, and immediately afterwards, +brother William de Grimeley, monk of Worcester, proclaimed the +election. The said elect, after being very often asked, at length, +after due deliberation, being unwilling to resist the divine will, +consented<a name='fna_161' id='fna_161' href='#f_161'><small>[161]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>But Jocelin of Brakelond has taught us that a monastic election was not +always a foregone conclusion, that discussion waxed hot and barbed words +flew in the season of blood-letting “when the cloistered monks were wont +to reveal the secrets of their hearts in turn and to discuss matters one +with another,” and that “many men said many things and every man was fully +persuaded in his own mind.” Nuns were not very different from monks when +it came to an election, and the chance survival of a bishop’s register and +of another formal document among the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">[Pg 46]</a></span> muniments of Lincoln, has preserved +the record of an election comedy at Elstow Abbey, almost worthy to rank +with Jocelin’s inimitable account of the choice of Samson the subsacrist.</p> + +<p>After the death of Abbess Agnes Gascoigne in July 1529, the nineteen nuns +of Elstow, having received Henry VIII’s <i>congé d’élire</i>, assembled in +their chapter house on August 9th, to elect her successor. They chose +Master John Rayn “<i>utriusque juris doctorem</i>,” as director, Edward Watson, +notary public as clerk, and the Prior of Caldwell and the rectors of Great +Billing and Turvey as witnesses. Three novices and other lay persons +having departed, the director and the other men explained the forms of +election to the nuns in the vulgar tongue and they agreed to proceed by +way of scrutiny. Matilda Sheldon, subprioress, Alice Boifeld, +<i>precentrix</i>, and Anne Preston, <i>ostiaria</i> (doorkeeper) were chosen as +scrutineers and withdrew into a corner of the chapter house, with the +notary and witnesses. There Matilda Sheldon and Anne Preston nominated +Cecilia Starkey, <i>refectoraria</i>, while Alice Boifeld nominated Elizabeth +Boifeld, sacrist, evidently a relative. The three scrutineers then called +upon the other nuns to give their votes; Anne Wake, the prioress, named +Cecilia Starkey; Elizabeth Boifeld and Cecilia Starkey (each unable to +vote for herself, but determined not to assist the other) voted for a +third person, the subsacrist Helen Snawe; and Helen Snawe and all the +other nuns, except two, gave their votes in favour of Elizabeth Boifeld. +Consternation reigned among the older nuns, prioress, subprioress, +<i>refectoraria</i> and doorkeeper, when this result was announced. “Well,” +said the Prioress, “some of thies yong Nunnes be to blame,” and on the +director asking why, she replied: “For they wolde not shewe me so muche; +for I asked diverse of them before this day to whome they wolde gyve their +voices, but they wolde not shewe me.” “What said they to you?” asked the +director. “They said to me,” replied the flustered and indignant prioress, +“they wolde not tell to whome they wolde gyve their voices tyll the tyme +of thellection, and then they wolde gyve their voices as God shulde put +into their mynds, but this is by counsaill. And yet yt wolde have beseemed +them to have shewn as much to me as to the others.” And then she and Dame +Cecilia said, “What, shulde the yong nunnes gyve voices? Tushe, they +shulde not gyve voices!”<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">[Pg 47]</a></span> Clearly the situation was the same which Jocelin +of Brakelond had described over three centuries before: “The novices said +of their elders that they were invalid old men and little capable of +ruling an abbey.” However the Prioress was obliged to admit that the +younger nuns had voted in the last election and the subprioress thereupon, +in the name of the scrutineers, announced the election of Dame Elizabeth +Boifeld by the “more and sounder part of the convent” (poor Anne Wake!). +But the Prioress and disappointed Dame Cecilia still showed fight; the +votes must be referred to the Bishop of Lincoln. Further discussion; then +Dame Cecilia gracefully gave way; she consented to the election of Dame +Elizabeth Boifeld and would not proceed further in the matter. Master John +Rayn published the election at the steps of the altar. Helen Snawe (whom +after events showed to be a leading spirit in the affair) and Katherine +Wingate were chosen as proctors, to seek confirmation from the Bishop, and +Dame Elizabeth was taken to the altar (amid loud chanting of <i>Te Deum +Laudamus</i> by the triumphant younger nuns) and her election announced. She, +however, preserved that decorous semblance of unwillingness, or at least +of indifference, which custom demanded from a successful candidate, even +when she had been pulling strings for days, for when the proctors came to +her at two o’clock “in a certain upper chamber called Marteyns, in our +monastery” and asked her consent to her election, “she neither gave it nor +refused.” Away went the proctors, without so much as a wink to each other; +let us leave our elect to meditate upon the will of God. At four p.m. they +came to her “in a certain large garden, called the Pond Yard, within our +monastery”; and at their repeated instances she gave her consent. +“Wherefore we, the above-named nuns, pray the Lord Bishop to ratify and +confirm our election of the said Elizabeth Boyfeld as our Abbess.” Which +the Lord Bishop did<a name='fna_162' id='fna_162' href='#f_162'><small>[162]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>But this was by no means the end of the matter. A year later the whole +nunnery was in an uproar<a name='fna_163' id='fna_163' href='#f_163'><small>[163]</small></a>. The bishop, for reasons best known to +himself, had removed the prioress Dame Anne Wake and had appointed Dame +Helen Snawe in her place;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">[Pg 48]</a></span> perhaps Dame Anne had said “Tush” once too +often under the new <i>régime</i>; perhaps she was getting too old for her +work; or perhaps Abbess Elizabeth Boifeld had only commanded Dame Snawe’s +intrigues at a price; evidently the subsacrist was no less adroit than +that other subsacrist of Bury St Edmund’s. At any rate Dame Anne Wake was +put out of her office and Dame Helen Snawe ruled in her stead. It might +have been expected that this change would be welcomed by the nuns, +considering how strong the Boifeld faction had been at the election of the +Abbess. But no; during the year of triumph Helen Snawe had aroused the +hearty dislike of her sisters; led by Dames Barbara Gray (who had voted +against the Abbess at the last election) and Alice Bowlis they had +strenuously opposed her substitution for the old Prioress; they had been +impertinent to the Abbess of their own choice (indeed she was only a +figure-head); they had written letters to their friends and refused to +show them to her; and finally when the election of Dame Snawe was +announced, they had risen in a body and left the chapter-house as a +protest. This was intolerable, and the Bishop’s vicar-general came down to +examine the delinquents. Matilda Sheldon, the subprioress, admitted to +having left the chapter, but denied that she had done so for the reason +attributed and said that she did not know of the departure of the other +nuns, until she saw them in the dorter. Margaret Nicolson showed more +spirit; she said that she went out “because she wold not consent that my +lady Snawe shulde be priores,” and that “ther was none that ded councell +hir to goo” and that “my lady abbes did commaunde them to tary, that not +withestandyng they went forthe”; and she gave the names of eight nuns who +had followed the subprioress out. Dame Barbara Gray was next asked “yf she +ded aske licence of my Lady Abbas to wryte letters to hir frends,” and +replied “that she ded aske licens to wryte to hir frends and my Lady Abbas +sade, ‘Yf ye showe me what ye wryte I am content,’ and she saide agene, ‘I +have done my devoir to aske licence, and yf ye wyll nede see it I will +wryte noo letters.’” Asked whether she had left the chapter house, this +defiant young woman declared that “yf it were to do agene she wolde soo +doo,” and moreover “that she cannot fynde in hir hert to obbey my lady +Snawe as priores, and that she wyll rather goo out of the house by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">[Pg 49]</a></span> my +lord’s licence, or she wyll obbey hir ... and that she wyll never obbey +hir as priores, for hir hert cannot serve hir.” Asked for her objection to +Dame Snawe, she said that “she wyll shewe noo cause at thys tyme wherfor +she cannot love hir”; but after a little pressure she declared with heat +that “the priores maks every faute a dedly syne”<a name='fna_164' id='fna_164' href='#f_164'><small>[164]</small></a>, treats all of them +ill except her own self and if she “doo take an oppynyon she wyll kepe +itt,” whether it be right or wrong. Dame Margery Preston was next examined +and was evidently rather frightened at the result of her actions; she said +that she had left the chapter-house as a protest against the deposition of +the old prioress and not for any ill will that she bore Dame Snawe, “and +she sais,” the record continues, “that she ys well content to obbey my +lady Snawe as priores. And she desiers my lord to be a good lord to the +olde priores, because of her age.” Ill-used Dame Cecilia Starkey, so +unkindly circumvented by Dame Snawe a year ago, next appeared before the +vicar-general and said “that she went forthe of the chapter howse, but she +sais she gave noo occasion to eny of hir susters to goo forthe. And says +she knewe not howe many of hir susters went forthe whyle she come intoo +the dorter; saynge that she cannot fynde in hir hert nor wyll not accepte +and take my lady Snawe as priores” (an amusing comment on her vote in +1529). Next came Dame Alice Foster, who admitted to having left the +chapter-house</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>and sais that they war commanded by the Abbes to tare styll. But she +and other went forth because the olde priores was put done [i.e. down] +wrongfully and my lady Snawe put in agenst ther wylle, saynge that she +wyll never agre to hir as long as she lyvys; she says the sub-prioress +went forthe of the chapiter howse fyrst and then she and other +folowyde;</p></div> + +<p>and evidence in almost the same words was given by Dame Anne Preston and +by Dame Elizabeth Sinclere, the latter adding that “she wyll take tholde +priores as priores as longe as she levys and no other, and she says yf my +lord commaunde vs to take my lady Snawe to be priores, she had lever goo +forthe of the howse to sum other place and wyll not tare ther.” Dame Alice +Bowlis, another young rebel, asked</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">[Pg 50]</a></span>yf she ded aske lycence of the Abbes to wryte, she sais she ded aske +licens to wryte and my lady Abbes seyde “My lord hathe gevyn vs soo +strate commaundement that none shuld wryte no (letter) but ye shewe it +to me, what ye doo wryte”; and she sais she mayde aunswer agene to +thabbes, “It hathe not bene soo in tymis paste and I have done my +dewty. I wyll not wryte nowe at this tyme”; she admitted that she left +the chapter house, “but she says that nobody ded move hyr to goo +forthe; she says that she must neds nowe obbey the priores at my lords +commaundement, saynge that my lady Snawe ys not mete for that offes, +butt she wolde shewe noo cause wherfor.”</p></div> + +<p>Two other nuns declared with great boldness “That my lord ded not +commaunde vs to tak my lady Snawe as priores, but he saide, ‘Yf ye wyll +not take hir as priores I wyll make hir priores’” and that “they was wont +to have the priores chosyn by the Abbes and the convent, and not by my +lord, after seynte Bennet’s rule,” one of them remarking cryptically “that +she wyll take my lady Snawe as priores as other wyll doo” and not +otherwise. Meek little Dame Katherine Cornwallis was then interrogated and +said,</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“that she was going forthe of the chapiter house wt. other of hir +susters and then when she herde my lady abbes commaund them to tary, +she ded tary behynde, but she sais that she thynks that none of the +oder susters that went forthe ded here hyr, but only she” (kind little +Dame Katherine), “and she is sory that tholde priores ys put out of +hir offes. She says that my lady abbes ded tare styll and domina +Alicia Boyfelde, domina Snawe, domina Katherina Wyngate, domina +Dorothia Commaforthe, domina Elizabethe Repton, and domina Elizabeth +Stanysmore.”</p></div> + +<p>Finally the ill-used abbess made her complaint; she had bidden saucy Dame +Alice Bowlis and others to stand up at matins, according to the custom of +the house, “and went out of hir stall to byde them soo doo, and lady +Bowlis ded make hir awnswer agene that, ‘ye have mayde hir priores that +mayde ye abbes!’, brekyng her silence ther.” Evidently poor Elizabeth +Boifeld had not succeeded in living down the intrigues which had preceded +her election, and the convent suspected her of rewarding a supporter at +the expense of an old opponent.</p> + +<p>Here was a pretty state of affairs in the home of buxomness and peace. But +the vicar-general acted firmly. Barbara Gray and Alice Bowlis were given a +penance for their disobedience; they were to keep silence; neither of them +was to come within “the howse calde the misericorde” (where meat was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">[Pg 51]</a></span> +allowed to be eaten), but they were always to have their meals in the +frater; neither of them was to write any letters; and they were to take +the lowest places of all among the sisters in “processions and in other +placys.” Finally all the nuns were enjoined to be obedient to the abbess +and to the hated prioress. Their protests that they would never obey Dame +Alice Snawe, while the old prioress lived, were all in vain; and when some +ten years later the Reformation put an end to their dissensions by casting +them all upon the world, Dame Elizabeth Boyvill (<i>sic</i>), “abbesse,” +received an annual pension of £50, Dame Helen Snawe, “prioresse,” one of +£4 and Dame Anne Wake, “prioresse quondam,” one of 66<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i><a name='fna_165' id='fna_165' href='#f_165'><small>[165]</small></a></p> + +<p>The turbulent diocese of York provides us with an even more striking +picture of an election-quarrel. In 1308, after a vacancy, the election of +the Prioress of Keldholme lapsed to the Archbishop, who appointed Emma of +York. But the nuns would have none of Emma. Six of them refused obedience +to the new prioress and, six being probably at least half of the whole +convent, Emma of York resigned. Not to be daunted the Archbishop returned +to the charge; on August 5th he wrote to the Archdeacon of Cleveland +stating that as he found no one in the house capable of ruling it he had +appointed Joan de Pykering, a nun of Rosedale, to be Prioress.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>As a number of persons (named) had openly and publicly obstructed the +appointment of the new prioress the Archdeacon was to proceed +immediately to Keldholme and give her corporal possession and at the +same time he was to admonish other dissentient nuns (named)<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">[Pg 52]</a></span> that they +and all others must accept Joan de Pykering as prioress and reverently +obey her.</p></div> + +<p>It is clear in this case that the feuds of the convent had spread beyond +its walls, for the Archbishop at the same time warned all lay folk to +cease their opposition on pain of excommunication and shortly afterwards +imposed a penance upon one of those who had interfered. But pandemonium +still reigned at Keldholme and he went down in person to interview the +refractory nuns; the result of his visitation appears in a mandate issued +to the official of Cleveland on September 3rd, stating that he had found +four nuns, Isabella de Langetoft, Mary de Holm, Joan de Roseles and +Anabilla de Lokton (all had been among the original objectors to Emma of +York) incorrigible rebels. They were therefore to be packed off one after +another, Isabella to Handale, Mary to Swine, Joan to Nunappleton and +Anabilla to Wallingwells, there to perform their penances. In spite of +this ruthless elimination of the discordant elements, the convent of +Keldholme refused to submit. On February 1st following the Archbishop +wrote severely to the subprioress and convent bidding them at once to +direct a letter under their common seal to their patroness, declaring that +they had unanimously elected Joan de Pykering as prioress; on February 5th +he issued a commission to correct the crimes and excesses revealed at his +visitation; and on February 17th he directed the commissioners “to enquire +whether Joan de Pickering” (luckless exile in the tents of Kedar) “desired +for a good reason, of her own free will, to resign and if they found that +she did to enjoin the subprioress and convent to proceed to the canonical +election of a new prioress”; and on March 7th the triumphant convent +elected Emma of Stapelton. At the same time the Archbishop ordered the +transference of two other nuns to do penance at Esholt and at Nunkeeling, +perhaps for their share in these disorders but more probably for +immorality.</p> + +<p>But this was not the end. Emma of York could not forget that she had once +been prioress; Mary de Holm (who had either returned from or never gone to +Swine) was a thoroughly bad character; and in 1315 the Archbishop</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>directed Richard del Clay, <i>custos</i> of the monastery, to proceed at +once to Keldholme and to summon before him in the chapter Emma of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">[Pg 53]</a></span> +York and Mary de Holm, who like daughters of perdition were +disobedient and rebels against the Prioress. Having read the +Archbishop’s letter in the mother tongue in the chapter, he was to +admonish the two nuns for the first, second and third times that they +must humbly obey the Prioress in all lawful and canonical injunctions. +They were not to meddle with any internal or external business of the +house in any way, or to go outside of the enclosure of the monastery, +or to say anything against the Prioress, on pain of expulsion and of +the greater excommunication.</p></div> + +<p>At the end of the year, however, harassed Archbishop Greenfield went where +the wicked cease from troubling; and the two malcontents at Keldholme +seized the opportunity to triumph. Scarcely a couple of months after his +death Emma of Stapelton resigned; she said she was “oppressed by age,” but +since Emma of York was at once elected and confirmed in her place, it is +probable that the rage, like Joan de Pickering’s free will, was something +of a euphemism; her reason doubtless took a concrete and menacing shape +and wore a veil upon its undiminished head. The last we hear of these very +unsaintly ladies is in 1318, when the new Archbishop enjoined a penance on +Mary de Holm for incontinence with a chaplain<a name='fna_166' id='fna_166' href='#f_166'><small>[166]</small></a>. It is noticeable that +this was the second case of the kind which had occurred in the diocese of +York within fifteen years. At Swine in 1290 the appointment by Archbishop +Romeyn of Josiana de Anlaby as Prioress had been followed by similar +disorders and he ordered an inquiry to be held and the rebellious nuns to +be sent to Rosedale<a name='fna_167' id='fna_167' href='#f_167'><small>[167]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Much trouble might arise within a convent over the election of its head, +as these stories show. But sometimes external persons interfered; great +ladies used their influence and their wealth to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">[Pg 54]</a></span> secure the coveted post +for a protégée of their own; and the protégée herself was not averse to +oiling the palms of those in authority with good marks of silver; +“blood-abbesses,” Ensfrid of Cologne would have called them (“that is, +foisted in by their kinsfolk”) or “jester-abbesses” (“that is, such as had +been thrust in by the power of great folks”) or “simoniacs, who had crept +in through money or through worldly services”<a name='fna_168' id='fna_168' href='#f_168'><small>[168]</small></a>. In these cases there +was likely to be more trouble still, for great ladies were not always +careful of the character of a friend or relative whom they wished to +settle comfortably as head of a convent. In 1528 the Abbess of Wilton died +and Mr John Carey thought he would like the appointment for his sister +Eleanor, one of the nuns. He was brother-in-law to lovely Anne Boleyn, and +a word in her ear secured her warm support; the infatuated King wished to +please Anne; and Wolsey, steering his bark in troubled waters, wished to +please the King; so he promised that the lady should have the post, the +election to which had been placed in his hands by the nuns. It seemed that +all would go well with Dame Eleanor Carey, when Anne Boleyn pulled the +strings; but trouble arose, and the action taken by the Cardinal and by +the future oppressor of the monasteries is greatly to the credit of them +both, for both had much to lose from Anne. “As touching the matter of +Wilton” Henry wrote to her</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>My lord cardinal hath had the Nuns before him, and examined them, Mr. +Bell being present; which hath certified me, that for a truth that she +hath confessed herself, (which we would have had abbesse) to have had +two children by two sundry priests; and furder, since, hath been kept +by a servant of the Lord Broke, that was, and that not long ago; +wherefore I would not for all the gold in the world clog your +conscience nor mine to make her a ruler of a house, which is of so +ungudly demeanor, nor I trust you would not that neither for brother +nor sister I should so destain mine honor or conscience. And as +touching the prioress [Isabel Jordan] or Dame Eleanor’s eldest sister, +though there is not any evident case proved against them, and that the +prioress is so old that of many years she could not be as she was +named [ill-famed]: yet notwithstanding to do you pleasure I have done +that neither of them shall have it, but that some other good and well +disposed woman shall have it, whereby the house shall be the better +reformed (whereof I ensure you it had much need) and God much the +better served<a name='fna_169' id='fna_169' href='#f_169'><small>[169]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">[Pg 55]</a></span>Wolsey, however, gave the appointment to Isabel Jordan, who in spite of +her having been the subject of some scandal in her youth, was favoured by +the greater part of the convent as being “ancient, wise and discreet”; +whereupon he brought down upon himself a severe rebuke from Henry, who had +“both reported and promised to divers friends of Dame Elinor Carey that +the Prioress should not have it”<a name='fna_170' id='fna_170' href='#f_170'><small>[170]</small></a>. Without doubt pretty Mistress Anne +was sulking down at Hever.</p> + +<p>Not only did outside persons thus concern themselves in a conventual +election; the nuns themselves were not always unwilling to bribe, where +they desired advancement. A series of letters written by Margaret Vernon +to Cromwell, concerning the office of Prioress of St Helen’s, Bishopsgate, +throws a lurid light upon the methods which were sometimes employed:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“Sir,” she wrote to her powerful friend in 1529, “Pleaseth it you to +understand that there is a goldsmith in this town, named Lewys, and he +sheweth me that Mr. More hath made sure promise to parson Larke that +the subprioress of St. Helen’s shall be prioress there afore +Christmas-day. Sir, I most humbly beseech you to be so good master +unto me, as to know my lord’s grace’s [the king’s] pleasure in this +case and that I may have a determined answer whereto I shall trust, +that I may settle myself in quietness; the which I am far from at this +hour. And farthermore if it might like you to make the offer to my +said lord’s grace of such a sum of money as we were at a point for, my +friends thinketh that I should surely be at an end.”</p></div> + +<p>Soon afterwards she wrote again:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Sir, it is so that there is divers and many of my friends that hath +written to me that I should make labour for the said house unto your +mastership, showing you that the King’s grace hath given it to master +Harper, who saith that he is proffered for his favour two hundred +marks of the King’s saddler, for his sister; which proffer I will +never make unto him, nor no friend for me shall, for the coming in +after that fashion is neither godly nor worshipful. And beside all +this must come by my lady Orell’s favour, which is a woman I would +least meddle with. And thus I shall not only be burdened in conscience +for payment of this great sum, but also entangled and in great +cumbrance to satisfy the avidity of this gentlewoman. And though I +did, in my lord cardinal’s days, proffer a hundred pounds for the said +house, I beseech you consider for what purpose it was made. Your +mastership knoweth right well that there was by my enemies so many +high and slanderous words, and your mastership had made so great +instant labour for me, that I shamed so much the fall thereof that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">[Pg 56]</a></span> I +foresaw little what proffer was made; but now, I thank our Lord, that +blast is ceased, and I have no such singular love unto it; for now I +have two eyes to see in this matter clearly, the one is the eye of my +soul, that I may come without burthen of conscience and by the right +door, and, laying away all pomp and vanity of the world, looking +warily upon the maintenance and supportation of the house, which I +should take in charge, and cannot be performed, master Harper’s +pleasure and my lady Orell’s accomplished. In consideration whereof I +intend not willingly, nor no friend of mine shall not, trouble your +mastership in this case.</p></div> + +<p>In another letter she mentions a saying of Master Harper, that from the +good report he has heard of her, he would rather admit her without a groat +than others who offer money; but her conscientious scruples were not +rewarded with St Helen’s, though she almost immediately obtained an +appointment as prioress at Little Marlow, and on the dissolution of that +house among the lesser monasteries, received and held for a brief space +the great Abbey of Malling<a name='fna_171' id='fna_171' href='#f_171'><small>[171]</small></a>. It is true that these instances of simony +and of the use of influence belong to the last degenerate years of the +monasteries in England. But cases hardly less serious undoubtedly occurred +at an early date. The gross venality of the papal <i>curia</i><a name='fna_172' id='fna_172' href='#f_172'><small>[172]</small></a>, even in +the early thirteenth century, is not a very happy omen for the behaviour +of private patrons; smaller folk than the Pope could summon a wretched +abbot “Amice, ut offeras”; nor was it only abbots who thus bought +themselves into favour. The thirteenth century jurist Pierre Du Bois, +whose enlightened plans for the better education of women included the +suppression of the nunneries and the utilisation of their wealth to form +schools or colleges for girls, mentioned the reception of nuns for money +and rents, by means of compacts (i.e. the dowry system) and the election +of abbesses and prioresses by the same illicit bargains, as among the +abuses practised in nunneries<a name='fna_173' id='fna_173' href='#f_173'><small>[173]</small></a>.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">[Pg 57]</a></span>Once having been installed, the head of a house held office until she +died, resigned or was deprived for incompetence or for ill behaviour. +Sometimes prioresses continued to hold office until a very great age, as +did Matilda de Flamstead, Prioress of Sopwell, who died in 1430 aged +eighty-one, having lived in the rules of religion for over sixty +years<a name='fna_174' id='fna_174' href='#f_174'><small>[174]</small></a>. But the cases (quoted below) of the prioresses of St Michael’s +Stamford and of Gracedieu prove that an aged and impotent head was bad for +the discipline of the house, and it appears that a prioress who was too +old or in too weak health to fulfil her arduous duties, was often allowed +to resign or was relieved of her office<a name='fna_175' id='fna_175' href='#f_175'><small>[175]</small></a>. Sometimes an ex-superior +continued to live a communal life as an ordinary nun, under her successor, +but sometimes she was granted a special room and a special allowance of +food and attendance. In some houses certain apartments were reserved for +the occupation of a retired superior. Sir Thomas Willoughby, writing to +Cromwell on behalf of his sister-in-law, who had resigned her office as +Abbess of Malling, begs that she may</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>have your letter to my lady abbess of Malling (her successor), that +she at your contemplation will be so good to her as to appoint her +that room and lodging within the said monastery that she and other of +her predecessors that hath likewise resigned hath used to have, and as +she had herself a little space, or else some other meet and convenient +lodging in the same house<a name='fna_176' id='fna_176' href='#f_176'><small>[176]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>When Katherine Pilly, Prioress of Flixton, “who had laudably ruled the +house for eighteen years,” resigned in 1432 because of old age and +blindness, the Bishop of Norwich made special arrangements for her +sustenance:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>she was to have suitable rooms for herself and her maid; each week she +and the maid were to be provided with two white loaves, eight loaves +of “hool” bread and eight gallons of convent beer, with a daily dish +for both from the kitchen, the same as for two nuns in the refectory, +and with two hundred faggots and a hundred logs and eight pounds of +candles a year. Cecilia Crayke, one of the nuns, was to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">[Pg 58]</a></span> read divine +service to her daily and to sit with her at meals, having her portion +from the refectory<a name='fna_177' id='fna_177' href='#f_177'><small>[177]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>These aged ladies probably ended their days peacefully, withdrawn from the +common life of the house. But sometimes a prioress resigned while still +young enough to miss her erstwhile autocracy and to torment her unlucky +successor. Then indeed the new head could do nothing right and feuds and +factions tore the sisterhood. Such a case occurred at Nunkeeling early in +the fourteenth century. Avice de la More resigned in 1316, and the +Archbishop wrote to the nuns making the usual provision for her; she had +“for a long period laudably and usefully superintended the house”; she was +to have a chamber to herself and one of the nuns assigned to her by the +Prioress as a companion; and daily she was to receive the portion of two +nuns in bread, ale and victuals and her associate that of one nun; an end, +one might suppose, of Avice de la More. But the Yorkshire nuns were +quarrelsome ladies; and two years later the Archbishop addressed a severe +letter to Avice, threatening to remove the provision made for her if she +persisted in her “conspiracies, rebellions and disobedience to the +prioress” and imposing a severe penance upon her. But seven penitential +psalms with the litany upon Fridays, a discipline in chapter and fasting +diet could not calm the temper of Avice de la More; she stirred up the +nuns to rebellion and spread the tale of her grievances “to seculars and +adversaries outside.” There was some family feud perhaps between her +relatives and the St Quintins to whose house the unhappy Prioress +belonged; at any rate “clamorous<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">[Pg 59]</a></span> information” reached the Archbishop +concerning the intrigues of certain of the nuns. Once more he wrote to +Avice “with a bitter heart.” She had broken her vow of obedience in +arrogancy and elation of heart towards her prioress, “who was placed in +charge of her soul and body and without whom she had no free will”; let +her desist at once and study to live according to the rule; and a +commission was sent to inquire into the misdeeds of the rebellious nuns of +Keeling. But alas, the finding of that commission has long since powdered +into dust and we hear no further news of Avice de la More<a name='fna_178' id='fna_178' href='#f_178'><small>[178]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>The head of a house was an important person and enjoyed a considerable +amount of freedom, in relation both to her convent and to the outside +world. In relation to her convent her position laid her open to various +temptations: she was, for instance, beset by three which must be faced by +all who rule over communities. The first was the temptation to live with +too great luxury and independence, escaping from the daily routine of +communal life, to which her vows bound her. The second was the temptation +to rule like an autocrat, instead of consulting her sisters. The third was +the temptation to let human predilections have their way and to show +favouritism. To begin with the first of these temptations, it is obvious +that the fact that the superior nearly always had a separate room, or +suite of rooms<a name='fna_179' id='fna_179' href='#f_179'><small>[179]</small></a>, and servants, and had the duty of entertaining +important<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">[Pg 60]</a></span> guests, gave her much freedom within her house, especially if +she were the head of one of the great abbeys. The Abbess of St Mary’s +Winchester, at the Dissolution, had her own house and a staff consisting +of a cook, an undercook, a woman servant and a laundress, and she had also +a gentlewoman to wait upon her, like any great lady in the world<a name='fna_180' id='fna_180' href='#f_180'><small>[180]</small></a>. The +Abbess of Barking had her gentlewoman, too, and her private kitchen; she +dined in state with her nuns five times a year, and “the under celeresse +must remember,” says the <i>Charthe longynge to the Office of Celeresse</i>,</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>at eche principall fest, that my lady sytteth in the fraytour; that is +to wyt five times in the yere, at eche tyme schall aske the clerke of +the kychyn soper eggs for the covent, and that is Estir, Wytsontyd, +the Assumption of our Lady, seynt Alburgh and Cristynmasse, at eche +tyme to every lady two eggs, and eche double two egges, that is the +priorisse, the celeresse and the kychener<a name='fna_181' id='fna_181' href='#f_181'><small>[181]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>The stern reformer Peckham was forced to take in hand the conduct of the +Abbesses of Barking, Wherwell and Romsey, who were abusing their +independence of ordinary routine. The Abbess of Barking was forbidden to +remain in her private room after sunset, at which hour all doors were to +be locked and all strangers excluded; she might do so only very rarely, in +order to entertain distinguished guests or to transact important business; +and he ordered her to eat with the convent as often as possible, +“especially on solemn days” (i.e. great feasts)<a name='fna_182' id='fna_182' href='#f_182'><small>[182]</small></a>. The Abbess of +Wherwell had apparently stinted her nuns in food and drink, but caused +magnificent feasts to be prepared for her in her own room, and Peckham +ordered that whenever there was a shortage of food in the convent, she was +to dine with the nuns, and no meal was to be laid in her chamber for +servants or strangers, but all visitors were to be entertained in the +exterior guest-hall; if at such times she were in ill health, and unable +to use the common diet, she might remain in her room, in the company of +one or two of the nuns. At times when there was no lack of food in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">[Pg 61]</a></span> the +convent and when she was entertaining guests in her own room, all +potations were to cease and all servants and visitors to depart at the +hour of compline<a name='fna_183' id='fna_183' href='#f_183'><small>[183]</small></a>. About the same time (1284) Peckham wrote two +letters to the Abbess of Romsey, who had evidently been guilty of the same +behaviour. She was not to keep “a number of” dogs or monkeys, or more than +two maid servants, and she was not to fare splendidly in her own rooms +while the nuns went short; his injunctions to her are couched in almost +precisely the same language as those which he addressed to the Abbess of +Wherwell<a name='fna_184' id='fna_184' href='#f_184'><small>[184]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>According to the Benedictine rule the superior, when not entertaining +guests, was permitted to invite the nuns in turn to dine with her in her +own room, for their recreation, and notices of this custom sometimes occur +in visitation reports; at Thicket (1309) the Prioress was enjoined to have +them one by one when she dined in her room<a name='fna_185' id='fna_185' href='#f_185'><small>[185]</small></a>; at Elstow (1421-2) the +Abbess was to invite those nuns whom she knew to be specially in need of +refreshment<a name='fna_186' id='fna_186' href='#f_186'><small>[186]</small></a>; at Gracedieu (1440-1) the Prioress was ordered</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>that ye do the fraytour be keppede daylye ... item that no mo of your +susters entende up on yowe, save onely your chapeleyn, and otherwhile, +as your rule wylle, ye calle to your refeccyone oon or two of your +susters to thair recreacyone<a name='fna_187' id='fna_187' href='#f_187'><small>[187]</small></a>;</p></div> + +<p>at Greenfield (1519) there was a complaint that the Prioress did not +invite the nuns to her table in due order, and at Stainfield it was said +that she frequently invited three young nuns to her table and showed +partiality to them and she was ordered to invite all the senior sisters in +order<a name='fna_188' id='fna_188' href='#f_188'><small>[188]</small></a>. In Cistercian and Cluniac houses the superior was supposed to +dine in the frater and to sleep in the dorter with the other nuns, and +even in Benedictine houses it was considered desirable that she should do +so. But the temptation to live a more private life was irresistible, and +visitation records contain many complaints that the head of the house is +lax in her attendance at dorter and frater and even in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">[Pg 62]</a></span> following the +divine services in the choir<a name='fna_189' id='fna_189' href='#f_189'><small>[189]</small></a>. Bishops frequently made injunctions +like that given by Alnwick to the Prioress of Ankerwyke in 1441:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>that nyghtly ye lygge in the dormytorye to ouersee your susters how +thai are there gouernede after your rewle, and that often tyme ye come +to matynes, messe and other houres ... also that oftentymes ye come to +the chapitere for to correcte the defautes of your susters ... also +that aftere your rewle ye kepe the fraytour but if resonable cause +excuse yowe there fro<a name='fna_190' id='fna_190' href='#f_190'><small>[190]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Sometimes a minimum number of attendances was demanded. At St Michael’s +Stamford Alnwick ordered the old Prioress</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>that nyghtly ye lyg in the dormytorye emong your susters and that +euery principale double fest and festes of xij or ix lessouns ye be at +matynes, but if grete sekenes lette yowe; and that often tymes ye be +at other howres and messes in the qwere, and also that ye be present +in chapitres helpyng the supprioresse in correctyng and punisshyng of +defautes<a name='fna_191' id='fna_191' href='#f_191'><small>[191]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>It was further attempted to restrict the dangerous freedom of a superior’s +life, by ordering her always to have with her one of the nuns as a +companion and as witness to her behaviour. So Peckham ordered the Abbess + +of Romsey to “elect a suitable companion for herself and to change her +companions yearly, to the end that her honesty should be attested by many +witnesses”<a name='fna_192' id='fna_192' href='#f_192'><small>[192]</small></a>. Usually the nun whose duty it was to accompany the +superior acted as her chaplain. It will be remembered that Chaucer says of +his Prioress “another Nonne with hir hadde she, That was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">[Pg 63]</a></span> hir +chapeleyne”<a name='fna_193' id='fna_193' href='#f_193'><small>[193]</small></a>, and episcopal registers contain frequent allusions to +the office. William of Wykeham gave a comprehensive account of its purpose +when he wrote to the Abbess of Romsey in 1387,</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>since, according to the constitutions of the holy fathers, younger +members must take a pattern from their rulers (<i>prelati</i>) and those +prelates ought to have a number of witnesses to their own behaviour, +we strictly order you (lady abbess) in virtue of obedience, that you +annually commit the office of chaplain to one of your nuns ... and +thus the nuns themselves, who shall have been with you in the +aforesaid office, shall (by means of laudable instruction) be the +better enabled to excel in religion, while you will be able +immediately to invoke their testimony to your innocence, if (which God +forbid) any crime or scandal should be imputed to you by the malice of +any person<a name='fna_194' id='fna_194' href='#f_194'><small>[194]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>So at Easebourne in 1478 the Prioress was ordered</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>that every week, beginning with the eldest ... she should select for +herself in due course and in turns, one of her nuns as chaplain for +divine services and to wait upon herself<a name='fna_195' id='fna_195' href='#f_195'><small>[195]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>The Norwich visitations of Bishop Nykke afford further information; at +Flixton discontented Dame Margaret Punder complained that the Prioress had +no sister as chaplain, but slept alone as she pleased, in a chamber +(<i>cubiculo</i>) outside the dorter, “without the continual testimony of her +sisters,” and the visitors enjoined<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">[Pg 64]</a></span> that henceforth she should have with +her one sister in the office of chaplain for a witness, and especially +when she slept outside the dorter<a name='fna_196' id='fna_196' href='#f_196'><small>[196]</small></a>. At Blackborough one of the nuns +complained that the Prioress had kept the same chaplain for three +years<a name='fna_197' id='fna_197' href='#f_197'><small>[197]</small></a> and at Redlingfield it was said that she never changed her +chaplain<a name='fna_198' id='fna_198' href='#f_198'><small>[198]</small></a>; the Abbess of Elstow in 1421-2<a name='fna_199' id='fna_199' href='#f_199'><small>[199]</small></a> and the Prioress of +Markyate in 1442<a name='fna_200' id='fna_200' href='#f_200'><small>[200]</small></a> were ordered to change their chaplains every year, +and this seems to have been the customary arrangement. The title of +“chaplain” is sometimes found after the name of a nun in lists of the +inmates of nunneries<a name='fna_201' id='fna_201' href='#f_201'><small>[201]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Besides the temptation to live too independent an existence the head of a +house had also the temptation to abuse the considerable power given to her +by the monastic rule. She was apt to govern autocratically, keeping the +business of the house entirely in her own hands, instead of consulting her +sisters (assembled in chapter) before making any important decision. There +were constant complaints by the nuns that the Prioress kept the common +seal in her own custody and performed all business without consulting +them. Peckham’s letter to the Abbess of Romsey illustrates the variety of +matters which might thus be settled without any reference to the nuns; she +had evidently been misusing her power, for he wrote sternly:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Know that thou art not mistress of the common goods, but rather the +dispenser and mother of thy community, according to the meaning of the +word abbess.... We strictly command thee that thou study to transact +all the more important business of the house with the convent. And by +the more important business we intend those things which may entail +notable expenditure in temporalities or in spiritualities, with which +we wish to be included the provision of a steward; we order for the +peace of the community, that H. de Chalfhunte, whom thou hast for long +kept in the office of steward contrary to the will<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">[Pg 65]</a></span> of the convent, no +longer intermeddle in any way with this or with any other bailiff’s +office (<i>bajulatu</i>) of the monastery. Moreover we make the same order +concerning John le Frikiere. Let each of them, having accounted for +his office before Master Philip our official ... look out for an abode +elsewhere. Besides this thou shalt transact all minor business of the +church according to the rule with at least twelve of the senior +ladies. And because thou hast been wont to do much according to the +prompting of thine own will, we adjoin to thee three coadjutresses of +laudable testimony, to wit dames Margery de Verdun, Philippa de Stokes +and Johanna de Revedoune, without whose counsel and attempt thou shalt +not dare attempt anything pertaining to the rule of the convent in +temporalities or in spiritualities. And whensoever thou shalt +wittingly do the contrary in any important matter, thou shalt know +thyself to be on that account suspended from the office of +administration. And we mean by an important matter the provision of +bailiffs of the manors and internal obedientiaries, the punishment of +delinquents, all alienation of goods in gifts or presents, or in any +other ways, the sending forth of nuns and the assignment of companions +to those going forth, the beginning of lawsuits and all manner of +church business. And if it befall that any of the aforesaid three be +ill or absent, do thou receive in her stead Dame Leticia de +Montegomery or Dame Agnes de Lidyerd, having called into consultation +the others according to the number fixed above. And whenever thou +shalt happen to fare forth upon the business of the church, thou shalt +always take with thee the aforesaid three ladies, whom we have joined +with thee as coadjutresses in the rule of the monastery both within +and without; and if ever thou goest forth for recreation thou shalt +always have with thee two; in such wise that thou shalt in no manner +concern thyself to pursue any business without the three<a name='fna_202' id='fna_202' href='#f_202'><small>[202]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>The danger of autocratic government to the convent is obvious; and it is +significant that a really bad prioress is nearly always charged with +having failed to communicate with her sisters in matters of business, +turning all the revenues to any use that she pleased. Moreover the head of +a house not only sometimes failed to consult her convent; she constantly +also omitted to render an annual account of her expenditure, and by far +the most common complaint at visitations was the complaint that the +Prioress <i>non reddidit compotum</i>. At Bishop Nykke’s Norwich visitations +the charge was made against the heads of Flixton, Crabhouse, Blackborough +and Redlingfield<a name='fna_203' id='fna_203' href='#f_203'><small>[203]</small></a>. At Bishop<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">[Pg 66]</a></span> Alnwick’s Lincoln visitations it was +made against the heads of Ankerwyke, Catesby, Gracedieu, Harrold, +Heynings, St Michael’s Stamford, Stixwould, Studley; at Ankerwyke Dame +Clemence Medforde had not accounted since her arrival at the house; at St +Michael’s Stamford the Prioress had held office for twelve years and had +never done so; at Studley it was said that the last Prioress who ruled for +58 years never once rendered an account during the whole of that period, +nor had the present Prioress yet done so, though she had been in office +for a year<a name='fna_204' id='fna_204' href='#f_204'><small>[204]</small></a>. Sometimes the delinquent gave some excuse to the Bishop; +the Prioress of Catesby said she had no clerk to write the account<a name='fna_205' id='fna_205' href='#f_205'><small>[205]</small></a>; +at Blackborough one of the nuns said that her object had been to avoid the +expense of an auditor and another that she gave the convent a verbal +report of the state of the house<a name='fna_206' id='fna_206' href='#f_206'><small>[206]</small></a>. Sometimes she flatly refused, and +the bishop’s repeated injunctions on the subject seem to have been of +little avail; the Prioress of Flixton had not rendered account since her +installation <i>et dicit quod non vult reddere</i>; she was superseded, but six +years later the same complaint was made against her successor and the +visitors ordered the latter to amend her ways, <i>sub poena privationis, +quia dixit se nolle talem reddere compotum</i><a name='fna_207' id='fna_207' href='#f_207'><small>[207]</small></a>. The bishops always +inquired very carefully into the administration of the conventual income +and possessions by the head of each house, and invented a variety of +devices for controlling her actions<a name='fna_208' id='fna_208' href='#f_208'><small>[208]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>There remains to be considered the third pitfall into which the head of a +house was liable to fall. The wise Benedictine rule contained a special +warning against favouritism, for indeed human nature cannot avoid +preferences and it is the hardest task of a ruler to subdue personal +predilections to perfect fairness. The charge of favouritism is a fairly +common one in medieval visitations. Alnwick met with an amusing case when +he visited Gracedieu in 1440-1. The elder nuns complained that the old +prioress did not treat all equally; some of them she favoured and others +she treated very rigorously; Dame Philippa Jecke even said that +corrections were made so harshly and so fussily<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">[Pg 67]</a></span> that all charity and all +happiness had gone from the house. Moreover there were two young nuns whom +she called her disciples and who were always with her; these nuns had many +unsuitable conversations, so their sisters thought, with the Prioress’ +secular visitors; worse than this, they acted as spies upon the other nuns +and told the Prioress about everything that was said and done in the +convent, and then the Prioress scolded more severely than ever<a name='fna_209' id='fna_209' href='#f_209'><small>[209]</small></a>; but +her disciples could do no wrong. These nuns, indeed, were among the most +voluble that Alnwick visited, and he must have remarked with a smile that +the two disciples were the only ones who answered “Omnia bene”; but he did +not intend to let them off without a rebuke.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“Agnes Poutrelle and Isabel Jurdane” runs the note in his Register, +“who style themselves the Prioress’s disciples, are thereby the cause +of quarrel between her and her sisters, forasmuch as what they hear +and see among the nuns they straightway retail to the prioress. They +both appeared, and, the article having been laid to their charge, +expressly deny it and all things that are contained therein; wherefore +they cleared themselves without compurgators; howbeit, that they may +not be held suspect hereafter touching these matters or offend herein, +they both sware upon the holy gospels of God that henceforth they will +discover to the prioress concerning their sisters nothing whereby +cause of quarrel or incentive to hatred may be furnished among them, +unless they be such matters as may tend to the damage of the prioress’ +body or honour”<a name='fna_210' id='fna_210' href='#f_210'><small>[210]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>At two other houses there were complaints against the head; at Legbourne +Dame Sibil Papelwyk said that the Prioress was not indifferent in making +corrections, but treated some too hardly and others too favourably; and at +Heynings Dame Alice Porter said that the Prioress was an accepter of +persons in making corrections,</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>for those whom she loves she passes over lightly, and those whom she +holds not in favour she harshly punishes ... and she encourages her +secular serving-women, whom she believes more than her sisters,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">[Pg 68]</a></span> in +their words, to scold the same her sisters, and for this cause +quarrels do spring up between her and her sisters<a name='fna_211' id='fna_211' href='#f_211'><small>[211]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>In neither of these cases, however, was the charge corroborated by the +evidence of the other nuns. Probably the two malcontents considered +themselves to have a grievance against their ruler; at Legbourne Dame +Sibil’s complaint that the Prioress would not let her visit a dying parent +gives a clue to her annoyance. Another charge sometimes made was that the +Prioress gave more credence to the young nuns than to those who were older +and wiser<a name='fna_212' id='fna_212' href='#f_212'><small>[212]</small></a>. Injunctions that the head of a house was to show no +favouritism were often made by visitors. One of Alnwick’s injunctions may +stand as representative:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Also we charge yow, prioress, vnder payn of contempte and vndere the +peynes writen here benethe, that in your correccions ye be sad, sowbre +and indifferent, not cruelle to some and to some fauoryng agayn your +rule, but that ye procede and treet your susters moderly, the qualytee +and the quantitee of the persons and defautes wythe owten accepcyone +of any persone euenly considerede and weyed (Legbourne)<a name='fna_213' id='fna_213' href='#f_213'><small>[213]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>So far the position of a superior has been considered solely from the +point of view of internal government, of her power over the convent and of +the peculiar temptations by which she was assailed. But the head of a +house was an important person, not only in her own community, but also in +the circumscribed little world without her gates; though here the degree +of importance which she enjoyed naturally varied with the size and wealth +of her house. In the middle ages fame and power were largely local +matters; roads were bad and news moved slowly and a man might live no +further away than the neighbouring town and be a foreigner. The country +gentry were not great travellers; occasionally they jaunted up to London, +to court, or to parliament or to the law-courts; sometimes they followed +the King and his lords to battles over sea or on the Scottish border; but +for the most part they stayed at home and died in the bed wherein their +mother bore them. The comfortable burgesses of the town travelled<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">[Pg 69]</a></span> still +less; perhaps they betook themselves upon a pilgrimage, “clothed in a +liveree of a solempne and greet fraternitee,” and bearing a cook with +them, lest they should lack the “chiknes with the marybones,” the +“poudre-marchant tart,” the “galingale,” the “mortreux,” the “blankmanger” +of their luxurious daily life; but they seldom had the Wife of Bath’s +acquaintance with strange streams. And the lesser folk—peasants and +artisans—looked across the chequered expanse of the common fields at a +horizon, which was in truth a barrier, an impassable line drawn round the +edge of the world. The fact that life was lived by the majority of men +within such narrow limits gave a preeminent importance to the local +magnate; and among the most local of local magnates (since a corporation +never moved and never expired and never relaxed the grip of its dead +fingers) must be reckoned the heads of the monastic houses. Socially in +all cases, and politically when their houses were large and rich, abbots +and abbesses, priors and prioresses, ranked among the great folk of the +country side. They enjoyed the same prestige as the lords of the +neighbouring manors and some extra deference on account of their religion. +It was natural that the Prioress of a nunnery should be “holden digne of +reverence.” The gentlemen whose estates adjoined her own sent their +daughters to her as novices, or (if her house were poor and the Bishop not +too strict) as school girls to receive their “nortelrye”; and they did not +themselves scorn the discreet entertainment of her guest-chamber and a +dinner of capons and wine and gossip at her hospitable board. The artisans +and labourers on her land lived by her patronage. All along the muddy +highroads the beggars coming to town passed word to each other that there +stood a nunnery in the meadows, where they might have scraps left over +from the convent meals and perhaps beer and a pair of shoes. The head of a +house, indeed, was an important person from many points of view, as a +neighbour, as a landlord and as a philanthropist.</p> + +<p>The journeys which a prioress was sometimes obliged to take upon the +business of the convent offered many occasions of social intercourse with +her neighbours. It is, indeed, striking how great a freedom of movement +was enjoyed by these cloistered women. There are constant references to +journeys in account rolls. When Dame Christian Bassett, Prioress of St +Mary de Pré, rode to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">[Pg 70]</a></span> London for the suit against her predecessor in the +Common Pleas, she was accompanied on one occasion by her priest, a woman +and two men; on two other occasions she took four men; and during the +whole time that the suit dragged on, she was continually riding about to +take counsel with great men or with lawyers and journeying to and fro +between St Albans and London. On another occasion the account notes a +payment</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>in expenses for the prioresse and the steward with their servants and +for hors hyre and for the wages of them that wente to kepe the courte +wyth the prioresse atte Wynge atte two tymes xvj<i>s</i> v<i>d</i>, whereof the +stewards fee was that of vj<i>s</i> viij<i>d</i>; item paid to the fermour of +Wynge for his expenss ix<i>d</i><a name='fna_214' id='fna_214' href='#f_214'><small>[214]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>The accounts of St Michael’s Stamford are full of items such as “in the +expenses of the Prioress on divers occasions going to the Bishop, with +hire of horses 3<i>s.</i>” “in the expenses of the Prioress going to Rockingham +about our woods 1<i>s.</i> 2½<i>d.</i>,” “paid for the hire of two horses for the +prioress and her expenses going to Liddington to the Bishop for a +certificate 2<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i>,” “paid for the expenses of the Prioress at Burgh +(i.e. Peterborough) for two days 5<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i>”; twice the Prioress went +very far afield, as usual (it would appear) on legal business, for in +1377-8 there is an entry, “Item for the expenses of the Prioress and her +companions at London for a month and more, in all expenses £5. 13<i>s.</i> +4<i>d.</i>” (a large sum, a long distance and a lengthy stay), and in 1409-10 +there is another payment “to the Prioress for expenses in London +15<i>s.</i>”<a name='fna_215' id='fna_215' href='#f_215'><small>[215]</small></a></p> + +<p>In spite of repeated efforts to enforce stricter enclosure upon nuns, it +is evident that the head of the house rode about on the business of the +convent and overlooked its husbandry in person, even where (as at St +Michael’s Stamford) there was a male prior or <i>custos</i> charged with the +ordering of its temporal affairs. The general injunction that an abbess +was never to leave her house save “for the obvious utility of the +monastery or for urgent<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">[Pg 71]</a></span> necessity”<a name='fna_216' id='fna_216' href='#f_216'><small>[216]</small></a> was capable of a very wide +interpretation, and it is clear from the evidence of visitations and +accounts that it was interpreted to include a great deal of temporal +business outside the walls. If a house possessed a male <i>custos</i> the +Prioress would have less occasion and less excuse for journeys, though for +important affairs her presence was probably always necessary; Bishop +Drokensford, appointing a <i>custos</i> to Minchin Barrow, warns the Prioress +no longer “to intermeddle with rural business (<i>negociis campestribus</i>) +and other secular affairs” but to leave these to the <i>custos</i> and to devote +herself to the service of God and to the stricter enforcement of the +rule<a name='fna_217' id='fna_217' href='#f_217'><small>[217]</small></a>. But in houses where no such official existed the prioress +doubtless undertook a certain amount of general estate management. One of +Alnwick’s orders to the Prioress of Legbourne in 1440 was “that ye bysylly +ouersee your baylly, that your husbandry be sufficyently gouernede to the +avayle of your house”<a name='fna_218' id='fna_218' href='#f_218'><small>[218]</small></a>; and in the intervals of their long struggle to +keep nuns within their cloisters, the Bishops seem to have recognised the +necessity for some travel on the part of the heads of houses, and to have +facilitated such travel by granting them dispensations to have divine +service celebrated wherever they might be. Thus in 1400 the Prioress of +Haliwell obtained a licence to hear divine service in her oratory within +her mansion of Camberwell, or elsewhere in the diocese, during the next +two years<a name='fna_219' id='fna_219' href='#f_219'><small>[219]</small></a>, and in 1406 the Abbess of Tarrant Keynes was similarly +allowed to have the service celebrated for herself and her household +anywhere within the city and diocese of Salisbury<a name='fna_220' id='fna_220' href='#f_220'><small>[220]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>It is significant that among the arguments used to oppose Henry VIII’s +injunction that monks and nuns should be strictly enclosed (which was, for +the nuns, only a repetition of Pope Boniface’s decree of three centuries +earlier) was that of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">[Pg 72]</a></span> difficulty of supervising the husbandry of a +house, if its head were confined to cloistral precincts.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“Please it you to be advertised,” wrote Cecily Bodenham, the last +Abbess of Wilton, to Cromwell in 1535, “that master doctor Leigh, the +King’s grace’s special visitor and your deputy in this behalf, +visiting of late my house, hath given injunction that not only all my +sisters, but I also, should continually keep and abide within the +precincts of my house: which commandment I am right well content with +in regard of my own person, if your mastership shall think it so +expedient; but in consideration of the administration of mine office +and specially of this poor house which is in great debt and requireth +much reparation and also which without good husbandry is not like, in +long season, to come forward, and in consideration that the said +husbandry cannot be, by my poor judgment, so well by an other overseen +as by mine own person, it may please your mastership of your goodness +to license me, being associate with one or two of the sad and discreet +sisters of my house, to supervise abroad such things as shall be for +the profit and commodity of my house. Which thing though, +peradventure, might be done by other, yet I ensure you that none will +do it so faithfully for my house’s profit as mine own self. Assuring +your mastership that it is not, nor shall be at any time hereafter, my +mind to lie forth of my monastery any night, except by inevitable +necessity I cannot then return home”<a name='fna_221' id='fna_221' href='#f_221'><small>[221]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>It is, however, very plain that the journeys taken by abbesses and +prioresses were not always strictly concerned with the business of their +convents, or at least they combined business most adroitly with pleasure. +These ladies were of good kin and they took their place naturally in local +society, when they left their houses to oversee their husbandry, to +interview a bishop or a lawyer about their tithes, or quite openly to +visit friends and relatives. They emerged to attend the funerals of great +folk; the Prioress of Carrow attended the funeral of John Paston in +1466<a name='fna_222' id='fna_222' href='#f_222'><small>[222]</small></a>, and Sir Thomas Cumberworth in his will (1451) left the +injunction:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>I will that Ilke prior and priores that comes to my beryall at y<sup>t</sup> +day hafe iii<i>s</i> iiij<i>d</i> and ilke chanon and Nune xij<i>d</i> ... and Ilke +prior and priores that comes to the xxx day (the month’s-mind) hafe +vj<i>s</i> viij<i>d</i> and Ilke chanon or none that comes to the said xxx day +haf xx<i>d</i><a name='fna_223' id='fna_223' href='#f_223'><small>[223]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">[Pg 73]</a></span>Sometimes they attended the deathbeds of relatives; among witnesses to the +codicil to the will of Walter Skirlaw, Bishop of Durham, in 1404 was +“religiosa femina Domina Johanna Priorissa de Swyna, soror dicti domini +episcopi”<a name='fna_224' id='fna_224' href='#f_224'><small>[224]</small></a>; and it was not unusual for an abbess or prioress to be +made supervisor or executrix of a will<a name='fna_225' id='fna_225' href='#f_225'><small>[225]</small></a>. Nor was the sad business of +deathbeds the only share taken by these prioresses in public life. +Clemence Medforde, Prioress of Ankerwyke, went to a wedding at Bromhale; +and unfortunately a sheepfold, a dairy and a good timber granary chose +that moment to catch fire and burn down, setting fire also to the +smouldering indignation of her nuns; whence many recriminations when the +Bishop came on his rounds<a name='fna_226' id='fna_226' href='#f_226'><small>[226]</small></a>. Stranger still at times were the matters +for which their friends sought their good offices. The aristocratic Isabel +de Montfort, Prioress of Easebourne, was one of the ladies by whose oath +Margaret de Camoys purged herself on a charge of adultery in 1295<a name='fna_227' id='fna_227' href='#f_227'><small>[227]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>The fact that these ladies were drawn from the wealthy classes and +constantly associated on terms of equality with their friends and +relatives, sometimes led them to impart a most unmonastic luxury into +their own lives. They came from the homes of lords like Sir John Arundel, +who lost not only his life but “two and fiftie new sutes of apparell of +cloth of gold or tissue,”<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">[Pg 74]</a></span> when he was drowned off the Irish coast; or +Lord Berkeley who travelled with a retinue of twelve knights, twenty-four +esquires “of noble family and descent” and a hundred and fifty +men-at-arms, in coats of white frieze lined with crimson and embroidered +with his badge; or else of country squires and franklins, like the +white-bearded gentleman of whom Chaucer says that</p> + +<p class="poem">To liven in delyt was ever his wone,<br /> +For he was Epicurus owne sone,<br /> +<span class="spacer">·</span><span class="spacer">·</span><span class="spacer">·</span><span class="spacer">·</span><span class="spacer">·</span><span class="spacer">·</span><br /> +Withoute bake mete was never his hous,<br /> +Of fish and flesh, and that so plentevous<br /> +It snewed in his hous of mete and drinke,<br /> +Of alle deyntees that men coude thinke;</p> + +<p>or else their fathers were wealthy merchants, living in great mansions +hung with arras and lighted with glass windows, rich enough to provoke +sumptuary laws and to entertain kings. It is perhaps not surprising that +abbesses and prioresses should have found it hard to change the way of +life, which they had led before they took the veil and which they saw all +around them, when they rode about in the world. Carousings, gay garments, +pet animals, frivolous amusements, many guests, superfluous servants and +frequent escapes to the freedom of the road, are found not only at the +greater houses but even at those which were small and poor. The diverting +history of the flea and the gout shows that the luxurious abbess was +already a byword early in the thirteenth century.</p> + +<p>The tale runs as follows:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>The lopp (flea) and the gout on a time spake together, and among other +talking either of them asked [the] other of their lodging and how they +were harboured and where, the night next before. And the flea made a +great plaint and said, “I was harboured in the bed of an abbess, +betwixt the white sheets upon a soft mattress and there I trowed to +have had good harbourage, for her flesh was fat and tender, and +thereof I trowed to have had my fill. And first, when I began for to +bite her, she began to cry and call on her maidens and when they came, +anon they lighted candles and sought me, but I hid me till they were +gone. And then I bit her again and she came again and sought me with a +light, so that I was fain to leap out of the bed; and all this night I +had no rest, but was chased and chevied [‘charrid’] and scarce gat +away with my life.” Then answered the gout and said, “I was harboured +in a poor woman’s house and anon as I pricked her in her great toe she +rose and wetted a great bowl full of clothes and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">[Pg 75]</a></span> went with them unto +the water and stood therein with me up to her knees; so that, what for +cold and for holding in the water, I was nearhand slain.” And then the +flea said, “This night will we change our harbourage”; and so they +did. And on the morn they met again and then the flea said unto the +gout, “This night have I had good harbourage, for the woman that was +thine host yesternight was so weary and so irked, that I was sickerly +harboured with her and ate of her blood as mickle as I would.” And +then answered the gout and said unto the flea: “Thou gavest me good +counsel yestereven, for the abbess underneath a gay coverlet, and a +soft sheet and a delicate, covered me and nourished me all night. And +as soon as I pricked her in her great toe, she wrapped me in furs, and +if I hurt her never so ill she let me alone and laid me in the softest +part of the bed and troubled me nothing. And therefore as long as she +lives I will be harboured with her, for she makes mickle of me.” And +then said the flea, “I will be harboured with poor folk as long as I +live, for there may I be in good rest and eat my full and nobody let +[hinder] me”<a name='fna_228' id='fna_228' href='#f_228'><small>[228]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>The Durham man, William of Stanton, who went down St Patrick’s hole on +September 20th, 1409, and was shown the souls in torment there, has much +the same tale to tell. He witnessed the trial of a prioress, whose soul +had come there for judgment, and</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>the fendis accusid hir and said that she come to religion for pompe +and pride and for to have habundaunce of the worldes riches, and for +ese of hir bodi and not for deuocion, mekenesse and lowenesse, as +religious men and women owte to do; and the fendes said, “It is wel +knowen to god and to al his angels of heven and to men dwellyng in +that contree where she dwellid ynne, and all the fendes of hell, that +she was more cosluer (<i>sic</i>) in puler [fur] weryng, as of girdelles of +siluer and overgilt and ringes on hir fingers, and siluer bokeles and +ouergilt on hir shone, esy lieng in nyghtes as it were [a quene] or an +emprise in the world, not daynyng hir for to arise to goddis +servis<a name='fna_229' id='fna_229' href='#f_229'><small>[229]</small></a>; and with all delicate metes and drinkes she was fedde ... +and then the bisshop [her judge] enioyned hir to payne enduryng +evermore til the day of dome”<a name='fna_230' id='fna_230' href='#f_230'><small>[230]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Our visitation documents show us many abbesses and prioresses like the +gout’s hostess or the tormented lady in St Patrick’s<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">[Pg 76]</a></span> Purgatory. In the +matter of dress the accusations brought against Clemence Medforde, +Prioress of Ankerwyke, in 1441, will suffice for an example:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>The Prioress wears golden rings exceeding costly with divers precious +stones and also girdles silvered and gilded over and silken veils, and +she carries her veil too high above her forehead, so that her +forehead, being entirely uncovered, can be seen of all, and she wears +furs of vair.... Also she wears shifts of cloth of Reynes which costs +sixteen pence the ell.... Also she wears kirtles laced with silk and +tiring pins of silver and silver gilt and has made all the nuns wear +the like.... Also she wears above her veil a cap of estate furred with +budge. Item she has round her neck a long cord of silk, hanging below +her breast and on it a gold ring with one diamond.</p></div> + +<p>She confessed all except the cloth of Rennes, which she totally denied, +but pleaded that she wore fur caps “because of divers infirmities in the +head.” Alnwick made an injunction carefully particularising all these +sins:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>And also that none of yow, the prioresse ne none of the couente, were +no vayles of sylke ne no syluere pynnes ne no gyrdles herneysed with +syluere or golde, ne no mo rynges on your fyngres then oon, ye that be +professed by a bysshope, ne that none of yow vse no lased kyrtels, but +butoned or hole be fore, ne that ye vse no lases a bowte your nekkes +wythe crucyfixes or rynges hangyng by thame, ne cappes of astate abowe +your vayles ... and that ye so atyre your hedes that your vayles come +down nyghe to your yene<a name='fna_231' id='fna_231' href='#f_231'><small>[231]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>If anyone doubts the truth of Chaucer’s portrait of a prioress, or its +satirical intent, he has only to read that incomparable observer’s words +side by side with this injunction of Alnwick:</p> + +<p class="poem">But sikerly she hadde a fair forheed;<br /> +It was almost a spanne brood, I trowe;<br /> +For, hardily, she was nat undergrowe.<br /> +Ful fetis was her cloke, as I was war.<br /> +Of smale coral aboute hir arm she bar<br /> +A peire of bedes, gauded al with grene;<br /> +And ther-on heng a broche of gold ful shene,<br /> +On which ther was first write a crowned A<br /> +And after, <i>Amor vincit omnia</i>.</p> + +<p>Margaret Fairfax of Nunmonkton (1397) and the lady (her name is unknown) +who ruled Easebourne in 1441 are other<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">[Pg 77]</a></span> examples of worldly prioresses; +they clearly regarded themselves as the great ladies they were by birth, +and behaved like all the other great ladies of the neighbourhood. Margaret +Fairfax used divers furs, including even the costly grey fur (gris)—the +same with which the sleeves of Chaucer’s monk were “purfiled at the hond”; +she wore silken veils and “she frequently kept company with John Munkton +and invited him to feasts in her room ... and John Munkton (by whom the +convent had for long been scandalised) frequently played at tables” (the +fashionable game for ladies, a kind of backgammon) “with the Prioress in +her room and served her with drink.” No wonder she had to sell timber in +order to procure money<a name='fna_232' id='fna_232' href='#f_232'><small>[232]</small></a>. The Prioress of Easebourne was even more +frivolous; the nuns complained that the house was in debt to the amount of +£40 and this principally owing to her costly expenses:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>because she frequently rides abroad and pretends that she does so on +the common business of the house, although it is not so, with a train +of attendants much too large, and tarries long abroad, and she feasts +sumptuously both when abroad and at home, and she is very choice in +her dress, so that the fur trimmings of her mantle are worth a hundred +shillings,</p></div> + +<p>as great a scandal as Clemence Medforde’s cloth of Rennes at sixteen pence +the ell. The Bishop took strong measures to deal with this worldly lady; +she was deposed from all administration of the temporal goods of the +priory, which administration was committed to “Master Thomas Boleyn and +John Lylis, Esquire, until and so long as when the aforesaid house or +priory shall be freed from debt.” It was also ordered</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>that the Prioress with all possible speed shall diminish her excessive +household and shall only retain, by the advice and with the assent of +the said John and Thomas, a household such as is merely necessary and +not more. Also that the Prioress shall convert the fur trimmings, +superfluous to her condition and very costly, to the discharge of the +debts of the house. Also that if eventually it shall seem expedient to +the said Masters Thomas and John at any time, that the Prioress should +ride in person for the common business of the house, on such occasions +she shall not make a lengthened stay abroad, nor shall she in the +interval incur expenses in any way costly beyond what is needful, and +thus when despatched to go abroad she must and ought rightly to +content herself with four horses only;</p></div> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">[Pg 78]</a></span>and those perhaps “bothe foul and lene,” like the jade ridden by the +Nonnes Preeste when Chaucer met him on the Canterbury road<a name='fna_233' id='fna_233' href='#f_233'><small>[233]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>The charge of gadding about the country side, sometimes (as in the +Prioress of Easebourne’s case) with a retinue which better beseemed the +worldly rank they had abjured, was one not infrequently made against the +heads of nunneries<a name='fna_234' id='fna_234' href='#f_234'><small>[234]</small></a>. The Prioress of Stixwould was accused, in 1519, +of spending the night too often outside the cloister with her secular +friends and the Bishop ordered that in future she should sleep within the +monastery, but might keep a private house in the precincts, for her +greater refreshment and for receiving visitors<a name='fna_235' id='fna_235' href='#f_235'><small>[235]</small></a>. The Prioress of +Wroxall was ordered to stay more at home in 1323<a name='fna_236' id='fna_236' href='#f_236'><small>[236]</small></a>, and in 1303 Bishop +Dalderby even found that the Prioress of Greenfield had been absent from +her house for two years<a name='fna_237' id='fna_237' href='#f_237'><small>[237]</small></a>. Even more frequent was the charge that +abbesses and prioresses repaid too lavishly the hospitality which they +doubtless received at neighbouring manors. Many abbesses gave that +“dyscrete enterteynement,” which Henry VIII’s commissioners so much +admired at Catesby<a name='fna_238' id='fna_238' href='#f_238'><small>[238]</small></a>; but others entertained too often and too well, in +the opinion of their nuns; moreover family affection sometimes led them to +make provision for their kinsfolk at the cost of the house. In 1441 one of +the nuns of Legbourne deposed that many kinsmen of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">[Pg 79]</a></span> the prioress had +frequent access to the house, though she did not know whether it was +financially burdened by their visits; Alnwick ordered</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>that ye susteyn none of your kynne or allyaunce wythe the commune +godes of the house, wythe owten the hole assent of the more hole parte +of the couent, ne that ye suffre your saide kynne or allyaunce hafe +suche accesse to your place, where thurghe the howse shall be +chargeede<a name='fna_239' id='fna_239' href='#f_239'><small>[239]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>A similar injunction had been made at Chatteris in 1345, where the abbess +was warned not to bestow the convent rents and goods unlawfully upon any +of her relatives<a name='fna_240' id='fna_240' href='#f_240'><small>[240]</small></a>. The charge was, however, most common in later +times, when discipline was in all ways relaxed. At Easebourne in 1478 one +of the nuns complained “that kinsmen of the prioress very often and for +weeks at a time frequent the priory and have many banquets of the best +food, while the sisters have them of the worst”<a name='fna_241' id='fna_241' href='#f_241'><small>[241]</small></a>. The neighbouring +nunnery of Rusper was said in 1521 to be ruinous and “greatly burdened by +reason of friends and kinsmen of the lady prioress who continually +received hospitality there”<a name='fna_242' id='fna_242' href='#f_242'><small>[242]</small></a>; at Studley in 1520 there were complaints +that the brother of the prioress and his wife stayed within the monastery, +and ten years later it was ordered that no corrody should be given to the +prioress’ mother, until more was known of her way of life<a name='fna_243' id='fna_243' href='#f_243'><small>[243]</small></a>. At Flixton +in the same year one of the nuns asserted that the mother of the prioress +had her food at the expense of the house, but whether she paid anything or +not was unknown; it appears, however, that she was in charge of the dairy, +so that she may have been boarded in return for her services. A +characteristic instance is preserved in Bishop Longland’s letter to the +Prioress of Nuncoton in 1531, charging her</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>that frome hensforth ye do nomore burden ne chardge your house with +suche a nombre of your kinnesfolks as ye haue in tymes past used. Your +good mother it is meate ye haue aboute yow for your comforte and hirs +bothe. And oon or ij moo of suche your saddest kynnes folke, whome ye +shall thynk mooste conuenyent but passe not.... And that ye give +nomore soo lyberally the goods of your monastery as ye haue doon to +your brother george thomson and your brodres children, with grasing of +catell, occupying your lands,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">[Pg 80]</a></span> making of Irneworke to pleugh, and +carte, and other like of your stuff and in your forge<a name='fna_244' id='fna_244' href='#f_244'><small>[244]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Much information about the conduct of abbesses and prioresses may be +obtained from a study of episcopal registers, and in particular of +visitation documents. An analysis of Bishop Alnwick’s visitations of the +diocese of Lincoln (1436-49) gives interesting results. In all but four +houses there were few or no complaints against the head. Sometimes it was +said that she failed to dine in the frater or to sleep in the dorter, +sometimes that she was a poor financier, and in two cases the charge of +favouritism was made; but the complaints at these sixteen houses were, on +the whole, insignificant. The four remaining heads were unsatisfactory. +The Prioress of St Michael’s Stamford was so incompetent (owing to bodily +weakness) that she took little part in the common life of the house and +regularly stayed away from the choir, dined and slept by herself, though +the Bishop refused to give her a dispensation to do so. The administration +of the temporalities of the house was committed by Alnwick to two of the +nuns, but when he came back two years later one of these had had a child +and the other was unpopular on account of her autocratic behaviour. The +moral condition of the house (one nun was in apostasy with a man in 1440, +and in 1442 and 1445 two nuns were found to have borne children) must in +part be set down to the lack of a competent head<a name='fna_245' id='fna_245' href='#f_245'><small>[245]</small></a>. The Prioress of +Gracedieu was also old and incompetent; her subprioress deposed that</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>by reason of old age and incapacity the prioress has renounced for +herself all governance of matters temporal, nor does she take part in +divine service, so that she is of no use; but if she makes any +corrections, she makes them with words of chiding and abuse.... She +makes the secrets of their religious life common among the secular +folk that sit at table with her ... and under her religious discipline +almost altogether is at an end.</p></div> + +<p>Other nuns gave similar evidence and all complained of her favouritism for +two young nuns, whom she called her disciples. Here, as at St Michael’s +Stamford, the autocratic behaviour of the nun who was in charge of the +temporalities had aroused the resentment of her sisters and the whole +convent was evidently seething with quarrels<a name='fna_246' id='fna_246' href='#f_246'><small>[246]</small></a>. The Prioress of +Ankerwyke, Clemence<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">[Pg 81]</a></span> Medforde, was equally unpopular with her nuns. The +ringleader against her was a certain Dame Margery Kirkby, who poured out a +flood of complaints when Alnwick came to the house. The chief charge +against her was that of financial mismanagement. She was obliged to admit +that she received, paid and administered everything without consulting the +convent, keeping the common seal in her own custody all the year round and +never rendering account. She was also said to have allowed the sheepfold, +dairy and granary to be burned down owing to her carelessness, one result +of which was that all the grain had to stand in the church. She had +alienated the plate and psalters of the house, having lent three of the +latter and pawned a chalice; another chalice and a thurible had been +broken up to make a drinking cup, but, as she had been unable to pay the +sum demanded, the pieces remained in the hands of a monk, who had +undertaken to get the work done. She was charged with having alienated +timber in large quantities and with having cut down trees at the wrong +time of year, so that no new wood grew again; but she denied this +accusation. Another charge made against her by Margery Kirkby, that of +wearing jewels and rich clothes, has already been described; she admitted +it and the fault was the more grave in that she omitted to provide +suitable clothes for the nuns, who went about in rags. It was also +complained that she behaved with undue severity to her sisters; she made +difficulties about giving them licence to see their friends; and she had a +most trying habit of coming late to the services, and then making the nuns +begin all over again. It is obvious that she was greatly disliked by the +convent, perhaps because she was a stranger in their midst, having been +imported from Bromhale to be Prioress; she evidently sought relief from +the black looks of her sisters by visiting her old home, for she was away +at a wedding in Bromhale when the farm buildings caught fire, and one of +the missing psalters had been lent to the prioress of that place. Her +<i>régime</i> at Ankerwyke had been fraught with ill results to the convent, +for no less than six nuns had (without her knowledge, so she said) gone +into apostasy; perhaps to escape from her too rigorous sway. Nevertheless +one cannot help feeling that Margery Kirkby may have been a difficult +person to live with; the Prioress complained<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">[Pg 82]</a></span> that the nuns were often +very easily moved against her and that Dame Margery had called her a thief +to her face; and though it may have been conducive to economy that the +triumphant accuser (elected by the convent) should share with the Prioress +the custody of the common seal, it can hardly have been conducive to +harmony<a name='fna_247' id='fna_247' href='#f_247'><small>[247]</small></a>. At any rate poor luxury-loving Clemence died in the +following year and Margery Kirkby ruled in her stead<a name='fna_248' id='fna_248' href='#f_248'><small>[248]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>But the most serious misdemeanours of all were brought to light when +Alnwick visited Catesby in 1442<a name='fna_249' id='fna_249' href='#f_249'><small>[249]</small></a>. Here the bad example of the +Prioress, Margaret Wavere, seems to have contaminated the nuns, for all of +them were in constant communication with seculars and one of them had +given birth to a child. The Prioress’ complaint that she dared not punish +this offender is easily intelligible in the light of her own evil life. +The most serious charge against her was that she was unduly intimate with +a priest named William Taylour, who constantly visited the nunnery and +with whom she had been accustomed to go into the gardens in the village of +Catesby; and one of the younger nuns had surprised the two <i>in flagrante +delicto</i>. She was a woman of violent temper; two nuns deposed that when +she was moved to anger against any of them she would tear off their veils +and drag them about by the hair, calling them beggars and harlots<a name='fna_250' id='fna_250' href='#f_250'><small>[250]</small></a>, +and this in the very choir of the church; if they committed any fault she +scolded and upbraided them and would not cease before seculars or during +divine service; “she is very cruel and severe to the nuns and loves them +not,” said one; “she is so harsh and impetuous that there is no pleasing +her,” sighed another; “she sows discord among the sisters,” complained a +third, “saying so-and-so said such-and-such a thing about thee, if the one +to whom she speaks has transgressed.” More serious still, from the +visitor’s point of view, were the threats by which she sought to prevent +the nuns from revealing <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">[Pg 83]</a></span>anything at the visitation; two of them declared +that she had beaten and imprisoned those who gave evidence when Bishop +Gray came to the house, and sister Isabel Benet whispered that the +Prioress had boasted of having bribed the bishop’s clerk with a purse of +money, to reveal everything that the nuns had said on that occasion. Her +practice of compelling the nuns to perform manual labour was greatly +resented—why should they</p> + +<p class="poem"><span style="margin-left: 2em;">Swinken with hir handes and laboure</span><br /> +As Austin bit? How shal the world be served?<br /> +Lat Austin have his swink to him reserved.</p> + +<p>It appeared, however, that they were anxious to</p> + +<p class="poem"><span style="margin-left: 2em;">studie and make hemselven wood</span><br /> +Upon a book in cloistre alwey to poure,</p> + +<p>or so they informed Alnwick. One Agnes Halewey complained that, though she +was young and wished to be instructed in her religion and such matters, +the Prioress set her to make beds and to sew and spin; another sister +declared that when guests came the Prioress sent the young nuns to make up +their beds, which was “full of danger and a scandal to the house”<a name='fna_251' id='fna_251' href='#f_251'><small>[251]</small></a>; +another deposed that the choir was not properly observed, because the +Prioress was wont to employ the younger nuns upon her own business. There +were also the usual charges of financial mismanagement and of wasting the +goods of the convent; she had let buildings fall to ruin for want of +repair and two sheepfolds had stood roofless for two whole years, so that +the wood rotted and the lambs died of the damp. Whereas thirteen years +ago, when she became prioress, the house was worth £60 a year, now it was +worth a bare £50 and was in debt, owing to the bad rule<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">[Pg 84]</a></span> of the Prioress +and of William Taylour, and this in spite of the fact that she had on her +entry received from Joan Catesby a sack and a half of wool and twelve +marks, with which to pay debts and make repairs. She had cut down woods. +She had pawned a sacramental cup and other silver pieces; the tablecloths +“fit for a king” (<i>mappalia conueniencia pro seruiendo regi</i>), and the set +of a dozen silver spoons which she had found at the priory, all had +vanished away. She had not provided the nuns with clothes and money for +their food for three quarters of the year, and she never rendered an +account to them. Moreover all things in the house were ordered by her +mother and by a certain Joan Coleworthe, who kept the keys of all the +offices; and both the Prioress and her mother revealed the secrets of the +chapter to people in the village. Examined upon these separate counts, the +Prioress denied the majority of them; she said that she had not been cruel +to the nuns or laid violent hands upon them, or called them liars and +harlots or sowed discord among them; that she had not set them to make +beds or to do other work; that she had never punished the nuns for giving +evidence at the last visitation or bribed the Bishop’s clerk; that she had +never allowed her mother and Joan to rule everything; and that she had +never revealed the secrets of the chapter; on the contrary those secrets +were spread abroad by the secular visitors of the nuns. She admitted her +failure to render account, and gave as a reason that she had no clerk to +write it for her; she said that she had pawned the cup with the consent of +the convent, in order to pay tithes, and that she had cut down trees for +the use of the house, partly with and partly without the consent of the +house; as to the ruinous buildings, she said that some had been repaired +and some not, and as to the outside debts she professed herself ready to +render an account. The most serious charge of all, concerning William +Taylour, she entirely denied. The Bishop thereupon gave her the next day +to purge herself with four of her sisters for the things which she denied; +but she was unable to produce any compurgatresses<a name='fna_252' id='fna_252' href='#f_252'><small>[252]</small></a> and Alnwick +accordingly found her guilty and obliged her to abjure all intercourse +with Taylour in the future.</p> + +<p>It might be imagined that such a case as that of Margaret<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">[Pg 85]</a></span> Wavere was in +the highest degree exceptional, likely to occur but once in a century. +Unfortunately it appears to have occurred far more often. In the fifty +years, between 1395 and 1445, Margaret Wavere can be matched, in different +parts of the country, by no less than six other prioresses guilty of +immorality and bad government; and it must be realised that this is +probably an understatement, because so much evidence has been destroyed, +or is as yet unexplored in episcopal registries. Of these cases two belong +to the diocese of York, one (besides the case of Margaret Wavere) to the +diocese of Lincoln, one to the diocese of Salisbury, one to the diocese of +Winchester and one to the diocese of Norwich. Fully as bad a woman as +Margaret Wavere was Eleanor, prioress of Arden, a little Yorkshire house +which contained seven nuns, when it was visited by Master John de Suthwell +in 1396 (during the vacancy of the see of York)<a name='fna_253' id='fna_253' href='#f_253'><small>[253]</small></a>. The nuns were +unanimous and bitter in their complaints. The Prioress kept the convent +seal in her possession, sometimes for a year at a time, and did everything +according to her own will without consulting her sisters. She sold woods +and trees and disposed of the money as she would, and all rents were +similarly received and expended by her. When she assumed office the house +was in good condition, owing some five marks only, but now it owed great +sums to divers people, amounting to over £16 in the detailed list given by +the nuns<a name='fna_254' id='fna_254' href='#f_254'><small>[254]</small></a>, and this in spite of the fact that she had received many +alms and gifts during her year of office—£18. 13<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i> in all; indeed +the two marks which had been given her by Henry Arden’s executors that the +convent might pray for his soul, had been concealed by her from the nuns, +“to the deception of the said Henry’s soul, as it appeared to them.” She +had pawned the goods of the house, at one time a piece of silver with a +cover and a maser worth 40<i>s.</i>, at another time a second maser and the +Prioress’ seal of office itself, for which she got 5<i>s.</i>; even the sacred +vestments were not safe in her rapacious hands and a new suit was pawned, +with the result<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">[Pg 86]</a></span> that it was soiled and worn and not yet consecrated. The +walls and roof of the church and dorter and the rest of the house were in +ruins; there were no waxen candles round the altar, no lights for matins +or for the other canonical hours, no Paschal candles; when she first took +office she found ten pairs of sheets of good linen cloth (cloth of “lake” +and “inglyschclath,” to wit) and now they were worn out and in all her +time not one new pair had been made; the nuns had only two sacred albs and +one of them had been turned to secular uses, viz. to “bultyng mele,” and +on several occasions had been found on the beds of laymen in the stable. +The allowances of bread and beer due to the nuns were inadequately and +unpunctually paid; sometimes she would withdraw them altogether and the +sisters would be reduced to drinking water<a name='fna_255' id='fna_255' href='#f_255'><small>[255]</small></a>. She was not even a good +bargainer, for by her negligence a bushel of corn was bought by an +agreement for 11<i>d.</i>, when it could have been had in the public market for +9<i>d.</i>, 8<i>d.</i> or 7<i>d.</i> Domineering she was, too, and sent three young nuns +out haymaking, so that they did not get back before nightfall and divine +service could not be said until then; and she provoked secular boys and +laymen to chatter in the cloister and church in contempt of the nuns. +There were graver charges against her in connection with a certain married +man, John Bever, with whom she was wont to go abroad, resting in the same +house by night; and once they lay alone within the priory, in the +Prioress’ chamber by night; and during the whole summer she slept alone in +her principal room outside the dorter and was much suspected on account of +John Bever. It will be noticed that this case presents many points of +similarity with that of Margaret Wavere, the chief difference being that +at Arden the Prioress alone seems to have been in grave fault; she made no +accusation against her nuns, save that they talked in the choir and in the +offices and that the sacrist was negligent about ringing the bell for +divine service. Nor had they anything to say against each other. The other +Yorkshire case came to light in 1444, when Archbishop Kemp stated that at +his visitation of the Priory of Wykeham very grave defaults and crimes had +been detected against the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">[Pg 87]</a></span> Prioress, Isabella Westirdale, “who after she +had been raised to that office had been guilty of incontinence with many +men, both within and outside the monastery”; she was deprived and sent to +do penance at Nunappleton.</p> + +<p>After the case of Eleanor of Arden the next scandal concerning a prioress +was discovered in 1404 at Bromhale in Berkshire. The nuns complained in +that year to the Archbishop of Canterbury that the Prioress Juliana had +for twenty years led an exceedingly dissolute life and of her own temerity +and without their consent had usurped the rule of Prioress, in which +position she had wasted, alienated, consumed and turned to her own +nefarious uses the chalices, books, jewels, rents and other property of +the house<a name='fna_256' id='fna_256' href='#f_256'><small>[256]</small></a>. The next year an even more serious case occurred at +Wintney in Hampshire, if the charges contained in a papal commission of +1405 were true<a name='fna_257' id='fna_257' href='#f_257'><small>[257]</small></a>. The Archdeacon of Taunton and a canon of Wells were +empowered to visit the house:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>the Pope having heard that Alice, who has been Prioress for about +twenty years, has so dilapidated its goods, from which the Prioress +for the time being is wont to administer to the nuns their food and +clothing, that it is 200 marks in debt; that she specially cherishes +two immodest nuns one of whom, her own (<i>suam</i>) sister, had +apostatized and left the monastery and, remaining in the world, had +had children, the other like the first in evil life and lewdness but +not an apostate, and feeds and clothes them splendidly, whilst she +feeds the other honest nuns meanly and for several years past has not +provided them with clothing; that she has long kept and keeps Thomas +Ferring, a secular priest, as companion at board and in bed (<i>in +commensalem et sibi contubernalem</i>), who has long slept and still +sleeps, contrary to the institutes of the order, within the monastery, +beneath the dorter, in a certain chamber (<i>domo</i>), in which formerly +no secular had ever been wont to sleep and in which the said priest +and Alice meet together at will by day and night, to satisfy their +lust (<i>pro explenda libidine</i>), on account of which and other enormous +and scandalous crimes, which Alice has committed and still commits, +there is grave and public scandal against her in those parts, to the +great detriment of the monastery.</p></div> + +<p>If these things were found to be true the commissioners were ordered to +deprive the Prioress. In 1427 there occurred another very serious case of +misconduct in a Prioress, which (as at Catesby) seems to have tainted the +whole flock and is a still further illustration of the fact that a bad +prioress often meant<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">[Pg 88]</a></span> an ill-conducted house. By her own admission Isabel +Hermyte, Prioress of Redlingfield in Suffolk, had never been to confession +nor observed Sundays and principal double feasts since the last +visitation, two years before. She and Joan Tates, a novice, had not slept +in the dorter with the other nuns, but in a private chamber. She had laid +violent hands on Agnes Brakle on St Luke’s day; and she had been alone +with Thomas Langeland, bailiff, in private and suspicious places, to wit +in a small hall with closed windows “and sub heggerowes.” Nor was the +material condition of the house safer in her hands. There were only nine +nuns instead of the statutory number of thirteen and only one chaplain +instead of three; no annual account had been rendered, obits had been +neglected, goods alienated and trees cut down without the knowledge and +consent of the convent. Altogether she confessed that she was neither +religious nor honest in conversation and the effect of her conduct upon +her charges was only too apparent, for the novice Joan Tates confessed to +incontinence and asserted that it had been provoked by the bad example of +the Prioress. The result of this exposure was the voluntary resignation of +the guilty woman, in order to save a scandal, and her banishment to the +priory of Wix; the whole convent was ordered to fast on bread and beer on +Fridays, and Joan Tates was to go in front of the solemn procession of the +convent on the following Sunday, wearing no veil and clad in white +flannel<a name='fna_258' id='fna_258' href='#f_258'><small>[258]</small></a>.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">[Pg 89]</a></span>It is the darker side of convent life that these ancient scandals call up +before our eyes. The system produced its saints as well as its sinners; we +have only to remember the German nunnery of Helfta to be sure of that. The +English nunneries of the later middle ages produced no great mystics, but +there have come down to us word-pictures of at least two heads of houses +worthy to rank with the best abbesses of any age; not women of genius, but +good, competent housewives, careful in all things of the welfare of their +nuns, practical as well as pious. The famous description of the Abbess +Euphemia of Wherwell (1226-57) is too well-known to be quoted here in +full<a name='fna_259' id='fna_259' href='#f_259'><small>[259]</small></a>:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“It is most fitting,” says her convent chartulary, “that we should +always perpetuate the memory, in our special prayers and suffrages, of +one who ever worked for the glory of God, and for the weal of both our +souls and bodies. For she increased the number of the Lord’s handmaids +in this monastery from forty to eighty, to the exaltation of the +worship of God. To her sisters, both in health and sickness, she +administered the necessaries of life with piety, prudence, care and +honesty. She also increased the sum allowed for garments by 12<i>d.</i> +each. The example of her holy conversation and charity, in conjunction +with her pious exhortations and regular discipline, caused each one to +know how, in the words of the Apostle, to possess her vessel in +sanctification and honour. She also, with maternal piety and careful +forethought, built, for the use of both sick and sound, a new and +large farmery away from the main buildings and in conjunction with it +a dorter and other necessary offices. Beneath the farmery she +constructed a watercourse, through which a stream flowed with +sufficient force to carry off all refuse that might corrupt the air. +Moreover she built there a place set apart for the refreshment of the +soul, namely a chapel of the Blessed Virgin, which was erected outside +the cloister behind the farmery. With the chapel she enclosed a large +place, which was adorned on the north side with pleasant vines and +trees. On the other side, by the river bank, she built offices for +various uses, a space being left in the centre, where the nuns are +able from time to time to enjoy the pure air. In these and in other +numberless ways, the blessed mother Euphemia provided for the worship +of God and the welfare of her sisters.”</p></div> + +<p>Nor was she less prudent in ruling secular business: “she also so +conducted herself with regard to exterior affairs,” says the admiring +chronicler, “that she seemed to have the spirit of a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">[Pg 90]</a></span> man rather than of a +woman.” She levelled the court of the abbey manor and built a new hall, +and round the walled court “she made gardens and vineyards and shrubberies +in places that were formerly useless and barren and which now became both +serviceable and pleasant”; she repaired the manor-houses at Tufton and at +Middleton; when the bell tower of the dorter fell down, she built a new +one “of commanding height and of exquisite workmanship”; and one of the +last acts of her life was to take down the unsteady old presbytery and to +lay with her own hands, “having invoked the grace of the Holy Spirit, with +prayers and tears,” the foundation stone of a new building, which she +lived to see completed:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>These and other innumerable works our good superior Euphemia performed +for the advantage of the house, but she was none the less zealous in +works of charity, gladly and freely exercising hospitality, so that +she and her daughters might find favour with One Whom Lot and Abraham +and others have pleased by the grace of hospitality. Moreover, because +she greatly loved to honour duly the House of God and the place where +His glory dwells, she adorned the church with crosses, reliquaries, +precious stones, vestments and books.</p></div> + +<p>Finally, she “who had devoted herself when amongst us to the service of +His house and the habitation of His glory, found the due reward for her +merits with our Lord Jesus Christ,” and died amid the blessings of her +sisters.</p> + +<p>Less famous is the name of another mighty builder, who ruled, some two +centuries later, the little Augustinian nunnery of Crabhouse in +Norfolk<a name='fna_260' id='fna_260' href='#f_260'><small>[260]</small></a>. Joan Wiggenhall was (as has already been pointed out) a lady +of good family and had influential friends; she was installed as Prioress +in 1420, and began to build at once. In her first year she demolished a +tumble-down old barn and caused it to be remade; this cost £45. 9<i>s.</i> +6<i>d.</i>, irrespective of the timber cut upon the estate and of the tiles +from the old barn, but the friends of the house helped and Sir John +Ingoldesthorpe gave £20 “to his dyinge,” and the Archdeacon of Lincoln 10 +marks. Cheered by this, the Prioress continued her operations; in her +second year she persuaded the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">[Pg 91]</a></span> Prior of Shouldham to co-operate with her +in roofing the chancel of Wiggenhall St Peter’s, towards which she paid 20 +marks, and she also made the north end of her own chamber for 10 marks, +and in her third year she walled the chancel of St Peter’s and completed +the south end of her chamber. Then she began the great work of her life, +the church of the nunnery itself, and for three years this was the chief +topic of conversation in all the villages round, and the favourite charity +of all her neighbours:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“Also in the iiij yere of the same Jone Prioresse,” runs the account +in Crabhouse Register, “Ffor myschefe that was on the chyrche whiche +myght not be reparid but if it were newe maid, with the counseyle of +here frendys dide it take downe, trostynge to the helpe of oure Lorde +and to the grete charite of goode cristen men and so with helpe of the +persone before seyde (her cousin, Edmund Perys, the parson of +Watlington) and other goode frendes as schal be shewyd aftyrward, be +the steringe of oure Lorde and procuringe of the person forseyde sche +wrowght there upon iij yere and more contynuali and made it, blessyd +be God, whiche chirche cost cccc mark, whereof William Harald that +lithe in the chapel of Our Lady payde for the ledynge of the chirch +vij skore mark. And xl li. payede we for the roofe, the whiche xl li. +we hadde of Richard Steynour, Cytesen of Norwiche, and more hadde we +nought of the good whiche he bequeathe us on his ded-bedde in the same +Cyte, a worthly place clepyd Tomlonde whiche was with holde fro us be +untrewe man his seketoures. God for his mekyl mercy of the wronge make +the ryghte.”</p></div> + +<p>The indignant complaint of the nuns, balked of their “worthly place clepyd +Tomlonde,” is very typical; there was always an executor in hell as the +middle ages pictured it, and a popular proverb affirmed that “too secuturs +and an overseere make thre theves”<a name='fna_261' id='fna_261' href='#f_261'><small>[261]</small></a>. In this case, however, other +friends were ready to make up for the deficiencies of those untrue men:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>And the stallis with the reredose, the person beforeseyde payde fore +xx pounde of his owne goode. And xxvi mark for ij antiphoneres whiche +liggen in the queer. And xx li. Jon Lawson gaf to the chirche. And xx +mark we hadde for the soule of Jon Watson. And xx mark for the soule +of Stevyn York to the werkys of the chirche and to other<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">[Pg 92]</a></span> werkys doon +before. And xxi mark of the gylde of the Trinite which Neybores helde +in this same chirche. The glasynge of the chirche, the scripture +maketh mencyon; onli God be worshipped and rewarde to all cristen +soules.</p></div> + +<p>After the death of the good parson of Watlington, another cousin of the +Prioress, Dr John Wiggenhall, came to her aid, and in her ninth year, she +set to work once more upon the church, and she</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>arayed up the chirche and the quere, that is for to seye, set up the +ymagis and pathed the chirche and the quere, and stolid it and made +doris, which cost x pownde, the veyl of the chirche with the +auterclothis in sute cost xl<i>s.</i><a name='fna_262' id='fna_262' href='#f_262'><small>[262]</small></a></p></div> + +<p>During the building of the church the Prioress had not neglected other +smaller works and a long chamber on the east side of the hall was built; +but it was not until her tenth year, when the building and “arraying” of +the church was finished, that she had time and money to do much; then she +made some necessary repairs to the barn at St Peter’s and built a new +malt-house, which cost ten marks. In her twelfth year “for mischeef that +was on the halle she toke it downe and made it agen”; but alas, on the +Tuesday next after Hallowmas 1432, a fire broke<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">[Pg 93]</a></span> out and burned down the +new malt-house, and another malt-house with a solar above, full of malt. +This misfortune (so common in the middle ages) only put new heart into +Joan Wiggenhall:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>thanne the same prioresse in here xiij yere with the grace of owre +Lord God and with the helpe of mayster Johnne Wygenale beforseyd, and +with helpe of good cristen men which us relevid made a malthouse with +a Doffcote, that now ovyr the Kylne, whiche house is more than eyther +of thoo that brent. And was in the werkynge fulli ij yere tyl her +xiiij yere were passyd out, which cost l pounde. Also the same +prioresse in her xv yere, sche repared the bakhous an inheyned +[heightened] it and new lyngthde it, which cost x marc. And in the +same yere she heyned the stepul and new rofyd it and leyde therupon a +fodyr of led whiche led, freston, tymbur and werkmanshipe cost x +pounde. Also in the same yere sche made the cloystir on the Northe +syde and slattyd it, and the wal be the stepul, which cost viij li.</p></div> + +<p>Then she began her greatest work, after the building of the church:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Also in the xvj yere of the occupacion of the same prioresse (1435) +the dortoure that than was, as fer forthe as we knowe, the furste that +was set up on the place, was at so grete mischeef and at the +gate-downe [falling down], the Prioresse dredyinge perisschyng of her +sistres whiche lay thereinne took it downe for drede of more harmys +and no more was doon thereto that yere, but a mason he wande<a name='fna_263' id='fna_263' href='#f_263'><small>[263]</small></a> with +hise prentise, and in that same yere the same prioresse made the litil +soler on the sowthe ende of here chaumber stondyng in to the paradise, +and the wal stondinge on the weste syde of the halle, with the lityl +chaumber stondynge on the southe syde, and the Myllehouse with alle +the small houses dependynge there upon, the Carthouse, and the +Torfehouse, and ij of stabulys and a Beerne stondynge at a tenauntry +of oure on the Southe syde of Nycolas Martyn. Alle these werkys of +this yere with the repare drewe iiij skore mark. In the xvij yere of +the same Prioresse, be the help of God and of goode cristen men sche +began the grounde of the same dortoure that now stondith, and wrought +thereupon fulli vij yere betymes as God wolde sende hir good.</p></div> + +<p>In the twenty-fourth year of her reign Joan Wiggenhall saw the last stone +laid in its place and the last plank nailed. The future was hid from her +happy eyes; she could not foresee the day, scarcely a century later, when +the walls she had reared so carefully should stand empty and forlorn, and +the molten lead of the roof should be sold by impious men. She must have +said<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">[Pg 94]</a></span> with Solomon, as she looked upon her great church, “I have surely +built thee an house to dwell in, a settled place for thee to abide in for +ever”; and no flash of tragic prescience showed her the sheep feeding +peacefully over the spot where its “heyned stepul” pointed to the sky. In +1451 she departed to the heaven she knew best, a house of many mansions; +and her nuns, who for four and twenty years had lived a proud but +uncomfortable life in clouds of sawdust and unending noise, buried her +(one hopes) under a seemly brass in her church.</p> + +<p>The mind preserves a pleasant picture of Euphemia of Wherwell and of Joan +Wiggenhall, when Margaret Wavere, Eleanor of Arden, Isabel Hermyte and the +rest are only dark memories, not willingly recalled. Which is as it should +be. The typical prioress of the middle ages, however, was neither Euphemia +nor Margaret. As one sees her, after wading through some hundred and fifty +visitation reports or injunctions, she was a well-meaning lady, doing her +best to make two ends of an inadequate income meet, but not always +provident; ready for a round sum in hand to make leases, sell corrodies, +cut down woods and to burden her successor as her predecessor had burdened +her. She found it difficult to carry out the democratic ideal of convent +life in consulting her sisters upon matters of business; she knew, like +all rulers, the temptation to be an autocrat; it was so much quicker and +easier to do things herself: “What, shulde the yong nunnes gyfe voices? +Tushe, they shulde not gyfe voices!” So she kept the common seal and +hardly ever rendered an account. She found that her position gave her the +opportunity to escape sometimes from that common life, which is so trying +to the temper; and she did not always keep the dorter and the frater as +she should. She was rarely vicious, but nearly always worldly; she could +not resist silks and furs, little dogs such as the ladies who came to stay +in her guest-room cherished, and frequent visits to her friends. When she +was a strong character the condition of her house bore witness, for good +or evil, to her strength; when she was weak disorder was sure to follow. +Very often she won a contented “omnia bene” from her nuns, when the Bishop +came; at other times, she said that they were disobedient and they said +that she was harsh, or impotent, or addicted to favourites. In the end it +is to Chaucer<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">[Pg 95]</a></span> that we turn for her picture; as the Bishops found her, so +he saw her, aristocratic, tender-hearted, worldly, taking pains to +“countrefete chere of court,” smiling “ful simple and coy” above her +well-pinched wimple; a lady of importance, attended by a nun and three +priests, spoken to with respect and reverence by the not too mealy-mouthed +host (no “by Corpus Dominus,” or “cokkes bones,” or “tel on a devel wey!” +for her, but “cometh neer my lady prioresse,” and “my lady prioresse, by +your leve”); clearly enjoying a night at the Tabard and some unseemly +stories on the road (though her own tale was exquisite and fitting to her +state). Religious? perhaps; but save for her singing the divine service +“entuned in her nose ful semely” and for her lovely address to the Virgin, +Chaucer can find but little to say on the point:</p> + +<p class="poem">But for to speken of hir conscience<br /> +She was so charitable and so pitous—</p> + +<p>that she would weep over a mouse in a trap or a beaten puppy! For charity +and pity we must go to the poor Parson, not to friar or monk or nun. A +good ruler of her house? doubtless; but when Chaucer met her the house was +ruling itself somewhere at the “shires ende.” The world was full of fish +out of water in the fourteenth century, and, by sëynt Loy, Madame +Eglentyne (like Dan Piers) held a certain famous text “nat worth an +oistre.” So we take our leave of her—characteristically, on the road to +Canterbury.</p> + + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<hr style="width: 50%;" /> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">[Pg 96]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_III" id="CHAPTER_III"></a>CHAPTER III</h2> +<p class="title">WORLDLY GOODS</p> + +<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary="table"> +<tr><td>Tomorrows shall be as yesterdays;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">And so for ever! saints enough</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Has Holy Church for priests to praise;</span><br /> +But the chief of saints for workday stuff<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Afield or at board is good Saint Use,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Withal his service is rank and rough;</span><br /> +Nor hath he altar nor altar-dues,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Nor boy with bell, nor psalmodies,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Nor folk on benches, nor family pews.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 4em;"><span class="smcap">Maurice Hewlett</span>, <i>The Song of the Plow</i>.</span></td></tr></table> + +<p> </p> +<p>In many ways the most valuable general account of monastic property at the +close of the middle ages is to be found in the great <i>Valor +Ecclesiasticus</i>, a survey of all the property of the church, compiled in +1535 for the assessment of the tenth lately appropriated by the King<a name='fna_264' id='fna_264' href='#f_264'><small>[264]</small></a>. +It is true that only 100 out of the 126 nunneries then in existence are +described with any detail and that the amount of detail given varies very +much for different localities. Nevertheless the record is of the highest +importance, for in order to assess the tax the gross income of each house +is given (often with the sources from which it is drawn,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">[Pg 97]</a></span> classified as +temporalities and spiritualities) and the net income, on which the tenth +was assessed, is obtained by subtracting from the gross income all the +necessary charges upon the house, payments of synodals and procurations, +rents due to superior lords, alms and obits which had to be maintained +under the will of benefactors, and the fees of the regular receivers, +bailiffs, auditors and stewards.</p> + +<p>Such a survey as the <i>Valor Ecclesiasticus</i>, though valuable, could not by +its nature give more than the most general indication of the main classes +of receipts and expenditure of the nunneries. The accounts kept by the +nuns themselves, on the other hand, are a mine of detailed information on +these subjects. Every convent was supposed to draw up an annual balance +sheet, to be read before the nuns assembled in chapter, and though it was +a constant source of complaint against the head of a house that she failed +to do so, nevertheless enough rolls have survived to make it clear that +the practice was common. Indeed it would have been impossible to run a +community for long without keeping accounts. The finest set of these rolls +which has survived from a medieval nunnery is that of St Michael’s +Stamford, in Northamptonshire<a name='fna_265' id='fna_265' href='#f_265'><small>[265]</small></a>. There are twenty-four rolls, beginning +with one for the year 32-3 Edward I, and ranging over the greater part of +the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. A study of them enables the +material life of the convent for two centuries to be reconstructed and +gives a vivid picture of its difficulties, for though the nuns only once +ended the year without a deficit and a list of debts, yet the debts owed +by various creditors to them were often larger than those which they owed.</p> + +<p>A very good series also exists for St Mary de Pré, near St Albans, kept by +the wardens 1341-57 and by the Prioress 1461-93<a name='fna_266' id='fna_266' href='#f_266'><small>[266]</small></a>; and there is in the +Record Office a valuable little book of accounts kept by the treasuresses +of Gracedieu (Belton) during the years 1414-18, which has been made +familiar to many readers by the use made of it by Cardinal Gasquet in +<i>English Monastic<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">[Pg 98]</a></span> +Life</i><a name='fna_267' id='fna_267' href='#f_267'><small>[267]</small></a>. Very full and interesting accounts have +also survived from St Radegund’s Cambridge (1449-51, 1481-2)<a name='fna_268' id='fna_268' href='#f_268'><small>[268]</small></a>, +Catesby (1414-45)<a name='fna_269' id='fna_269' href='#f_269'><small>[269]</small></a> and Swaffham Bulbeck +(1483-4)<a name='fna_270' id='fna_270' href='#f_270'><small>[270]</small></a>. These are all +prioresses’ or treasuresses’ accounts of the total expenditure of the +different houses; but there are in existence also a few obedientiaries’ +accounts, chambresses’ accounts from St Michael’s Stamford and Syon and +cellaresses’ accounts from Syon<a name='fna_271' id='fna_271' href='#f_271'><small>[271]</small></a>. An analysis of these accounts shows, +better than any other means of information, the various sources from which +a medieval nunnery drew its income, and the chief classes of expenditure +which it had to meet. It will therefore be illuminating to consider in +turn the credit and debit side of a monastic balance sheet.</p> + +<p>It is perhaps unnecessary to postulate that since monastic houses differed +greatly in size and wealth, the sources of their income would differ +accordingly. A very poor house might be dependent upon the rents and +produce of one small manor; a large house sometimes had estates all over +England. The entire income of Rothwell in Northamptonshire was derived +from one appropriated rectory, valued in the <i>Valor</i> at £10. 10<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i> +gross and at £5. 19<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i> net per annum<a name='fna_272' id='fna_272' href='#f_272'><small>[272]</small></a>. The Black Ladies of +Brewood (Staffs.) had an income of £11. 1<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i> derived from demesne +in hand, rents and alms<a name='fna_273' id='fna_273' href='#f_273'><small>[273]</small></a>. On the other hand Dartford in Kent held +lands in Kent, Surrey, Norfolk, Suffolk, Wiltshire, Wales and London<a name='fna_274' id='fna_274' href='#f_274'><small>[274]</small></a>, +the Minoresses without Aldgate held property in London, Hertfordshire, +Kent, Berkshire, Staffordshire, Derbyshire, Bedfordshire, Buckinghamshire, +Norfolk and the Isle of Wight<a name='fna_275' id='fna_275' href='#f_275'><small>[275]</small></a>. The splendid Abbey of Syon held land +as far afield as Lancashire and Cornwall, scattered over twelve +counties<a name='fna_276' id='fna_276' href='#f_276'><small>[276]</small></a>. Similarly the proportionate income derived from house-rents +and land-rents would differ with the geographical situation of the +nunnery. London convents, for instance, would draw a large<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">[Pg 99]</a></span> income from +streets of houses, whereas a house in the distant dales of Yorkshire would +be dependent upon agriculture. At the time of the <i>Valor</i> twenty-two +nunneries were holding urban tenements in fifteen towns, amounting in +total value to £1076. 0<i>s.</i> 7<i>d.</i>, but of this sum £969. 11<i>s.</i> 10<i>d.</i> was +held by the seven houses in London<a name='fna_277' id='fna_277' href='#f_277'><small>[277]</small></a>. With this proviso the conclusion +may be laid down that the money derived from the possession of +agricultural land, and in particular the rents paid by tenants in +freehold, copyhold, customary and leasehold land, was the mainstay of the +income paid into the hands of the treasuress.</p> + +<p>A word may perhaps be said as to the method by which the nuns administered +their estates. Miss Jacka distinguishes two main types of administration, +discernible in the <i>Valor</i>:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>The London houses, except Syon and a number, chiefly, of the smaller +nunneries scattered throughout the country, had a single staff of +officials, steward, bailiff, auditor, receiver; their revenues were +drawn from scattered rents and other profits rather than from entire +manors. There seem to have been about forty houses of this type in +addition to the London houses. The second group comprises the great +country nunneries in the south of England, including Syon and a number +of smaller houses whose revenues were reckoned under the headings of +various manors each managed by its own bailiff.... The staff of Syon +may be taken as an unusually complete and elaborate example of the +usual system, whose principle appears worked out on a smaller scale, +in the case of smaller nunneries. The nuns had in the first place what +may be called a central staff, a steward at £3. 6<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i>, a steward +of the hospice at £23. 15<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i>, a general receiver at £19. 13<i>s.</i> +4<i>d.</i> and an auditor at £8. 3<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i> Their lands in Middlesex were +managed by their steward of Isleworth, Lord Wyndesore, whose fee was +£3, a steward of courts at £1 and a bailiff at £2. 13<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i>, who +had a separate fee of 13<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i> as bailiff of the chapel of the +Angels at Brentford. Their extensive possessions in Sussex were +managed by a receiver and a steward of courts for the whole county, +whose fees were £3 and £2 respectively, by four stewards for various +districts with fees from £1. 6<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i> down to 13<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i> and by +13 bailiffs arranged under the stewards, of whom one received £2. +3<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i> and the rest from £1 to 6<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i> Their one manor in +Cambridgeshire was managed by a steward at 13<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i> and a bailiff +at £1. With the central staff was reckoned a receiver for Somerset, +Dorset and Devon, whose fee was £6. 13<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i>; the ladies held no +temporalities in Somerset; in Dorset they had a chief steward, £1. +6<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i>, a steward of courts, 6<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i>, and a bailiff, 11<i>s.</i>, +and their large possessions in Devon were managed by two stewards (£2. +13<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i>), two stewards of courts (13<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i>, 6<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i>), +six<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">[Pg 100]</a></span> bailiffs, with fees ranging from 4<i>s.</i> to £2 and an auditor, +3<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i> They received £100 a year from unspecified holdings in +Lancashire and had there a steward of courts at £1. Their possessions +in Lincolnshire were mainly spiritual, but they employed a receiver, +whose fee was 13<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i> In Gloucestershire they had large +possessions. The two chief stewards of Cheltenham received each £3. +6<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i> and the chief steward of Minchinhampton £2. Two stewards +of courts each received £1. 6<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i> and the two stewards at +Slaughter £1. Three bailiffs received £2. 13<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i>, £2 and 13<i>s.</i> +4<i>d.</i>, with livery. A bailiff and receiver of profits arising from the +sale of woods was paid £4 and the steward of the abbot of Cirencester +was paid 6<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i> for holding the abbess’ view of frankpledge. In +Wiltshire the nuns held a manor and a rectory and paid £1 to a steward +for both: they seem to have been leased. In counties where all their +possessions were spiritual they had no local officials; in Somerset +both the rectories they held were leased and in Kent, although that is +not stated, it is suggested by the round sums which were received +(£26. 13<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i>, £10, £20). The leasing of property for a fixed sum +of course made the administration of it very much simpler. All the +temporalities of the Minoresses without Aldgate were leased and their +staff consisted of a chief steward, Lord Wyndesore, whose fee was £2. +13<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i>, a receiver at £4. 5<i>s.</i> 10<i>d.</i> and an auditor at 13<i>s.</i> +4<i>d.</i><a name='fna_278' id='fna_278' href='#f_278'><small>[278]</small></a></p></div> + +<p>A closer analysis of the chief sources of income of a medieval nunnery, as +they may be distinguished in the <i>Valor</i> and in various account rolls, is +now possible. They may be classified as follows: <i>Temporalities</i>, +comprising: (1) rents from lands and houses, (2) perquisites of courts, +fairs, mills, woods and other manorial perquisites, (3) issues of the +manor, i.e. sale of farm produce, (4) miscellaneous payments from +boarders, gifts, etc.; and <i>Spiritualities</i>, comprising (5) tithes from +appropriated benefices, alms, mortuaries, etc. The distinction between +temporalities and spiritualities is a technical one and there was +sometimes little difference between the sources of the two kinds of +income, but the temporal revenues were usually larger<a name='fna_279' id='fna_279' href='#f_279'><small>[279]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>(1) <i>Rents from lands and houses.</i> A house which possessed several manors +besides its home farm would either lease them to tenants (“farm out the +manor” as it was called), or put in bailiffs, who were responsible for +working the estates and handing over to the convent the profits of their +agriculture, and who may also have collected rents where no separate rent +collector was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">[Pg 101]</a></span> employed. For besides the profits arising from the demesne +land (of which some account will be given below), the convent derived a +much more considerable income from the rents of all tenants (whatever the +legal tenure by which they held) who held their land at a money rent. The +number of such tenants was likely to increase by the commutation of +customary services for money payments; since, except in the particular +manor or manors wherein the produce of the demesne was reserved for the +actual consumption of the community, it was to the interest of a convent +to lease a great part of the demesne land to tenants at a money rent and +so save itself the trouble of farming the land under a bailiff<a name='fna_280' id='fna_280' href='#f_280'><small>[280]</small></a>. In +addition to these rents from agricultural land an income was sometimes +derived, as has already been pointed out, from the rent of tenements in +towns.</p> + +<p>In most account rolls a careful distinction was drawn between “rents of +assize” and “farms.” The former were the payments due from the tenants +(whether freehold or customary) who held their holdings at a money rent; +these rents were collected by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">[Pg 102]</a></span> the different collectors of the nunnery or +brought to the treasurers by the tenants themselves. “Farms” were leases, +i.e. payments for land or houses which were held directly in demesne by +the nunnery, but instead of being worked by a bailiff, or occupied by the +household, were “farmed out” at an annual rent. A “farmer” might thus hold +in farm an entire manor, and, for the payment of an annual sum to the +nuns, he would have the right to the produce of the demesne and to the +rents of rent-paying tenants. He might be quite a small person and hold in +farm only a few acres of the demesne (in addition perhaps to an ordinary +tenant’s holding on the manor). He might hold the farm of a mill, or a +stable, or a single house<a name='fna_281' id='fna_281' href='#f_281'><small>[281]</small></a>. In any case he paid a rent to the nuns and +made what he could out of his “farm”; while they much preferred these +regular payments to the trouble of superintending the cultivation of +distant lands, in an age when communication was difficult and slow.</p> + +<p>Nevertheless the rents were not always easy to collect, for all the +diligence of the bailiff and of the various rent-collectors<a name='fna_282' id='fna_282' href='#f_282'><small>[282]</small></a>.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">[Pg 103]</a></span> There +are some illuminating entries in the accounts of St Radegund’s Cambridge. +In 1449-50 the indignant treasuress debits herself with “one tenement in +Walleslane lately held by John Walsheman for 6<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i> a year, the which +John fled out of this town within the first half of this year, leaving +nought behind him whereby he could be distrained save 7<i>d.</i>, collected +therefrom”; and in the following year she again debits herself “for part +of a tenement lately held by John Webster for 12<i>s.</i> a year, whence was +collected only 7<i>s.</i> for that the aforesaid John Webster did flit +[literally, <i>devolavit</i>] by night, leaving naught behind him whereby he +could be distrained.” Yet these nuns seem to have been indulgent +landlords; in this year the treasuress debits herself “for a tenement +lately held by Richard Pyghtesley, because it was too heavily charged +before, 2<i>s.</i> 3<i>d.</i>, ... and for a portion of the rent owed by Stephen +Brasyer on account of the poverty and need of the said Stephen, by grace +of the lady Prioress this time only, 15<i>d.</i>” and there are other instances +of lowered rents in these accounts<a name='fna_283' id='fna_283' href='#f_283'><small>[283]</small></a>. Other account rolls sometimes +make mention of meals and small presents of money given to tenants +bringing in their rents.</p> + +<p>(2) <i>Various manorial perquisites and grants.</i> Besides the rents from land +and houses the position of a religious community as lord of a manor gave +it the right to various other financial payments. Of these the most +important were the perquisites of the manorial courts. These varied very +much according to the extent and number of the liberties which had been +granted to any particular house. To Syon, beloved of kings, vast liberties +had been granted (notably in 1447), so that the tenants upon its estates +were almost entirely exempt from royal justice. The abbess and convent had</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>view of frankpledge, leets, lawe-days and wapentakes for all people, +tenants resiant and other resiants aforesaid, in whatsoever places, by +the same abbess or her successors to be limited, where to them it +shall seem most expedient within the lordships, lands, rents, fees and +possessions aforesaid, to be holden by the steward or other officers.</p></div> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">[Pg 104]</a></span>They had the assizes of bread and ale and wine and victuals and weights +and measures. They had all the old traditional emoluments of justice, +which lords had striven to obtain since the days before the conquest,</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>soc, sac, infangentheof, outfangentheof, waif, estray, treasure-trove, +wreck of the sea, deodands, chattels of felons and fugitives, of +outlaws, of waive, of persons condemned, of felons of themselves +[suicides], escapes of felons, year day waste and estrepement and all +other commodities, forfeitures and profits whatsoever.</p></div> + +<p>They had the right to erect gallows, pillory and tumbrel for the +punishment of malefactors. They even had</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>all issues and amercements, redemptions and forfeitures as well before +our [the king’s] heirs and successors, as before the chancellor, +treasurer and barons of our exchequer, the justices and commissioners +of us, our heirs or successors whomsoever, made, forfeited or adjudged +... of all the people ... in the lordships, lands, tenements, fees and +possessions aforesaid<a name='fna_284' id='fna_284' href='#f_284'><small>[284]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>In the eyes of the middle ages justice had one outstanding characteristic: +it filled the pocket of whoever administered it. “Justitia magnum +emolumentum est,” as the phrase went. All the manifold perquisites of +justice, whether administered in her own or in the royal courts, went to +the abbess of Syon if any of her own tenants were concerned. It is no +wonder that out of a total income of £1944. 11<i>s.</i> 5¼<i>d.</i> the +substantial sum of £133. 0<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i> was derived from perquisites of +courts<a name='fna_285' id='fna_285' href='#f_285'><small>[285]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Few houses possessed such wholesale exemption from royal justice, but all +possessed their manorial courts, at which tenants paid their heriots in +money or in kind as a death-duty to the lord, or their fines on entering +upon land, and at which justice was done and offenders amerced (or fined +as we should now call it). Most houses possessed the right to hold the +assize of bread and ale and to fine alewives who overcharged or gave short +measure. Some possessed the right to seize the chattels of fugitives, and +the abbess of Wherwell was once involved in a law suit over<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">[Pg 105]</a></span> this liberty, +which she held in the hundred of Mestowe and which was disputed by the +crown officials. One Henry Harold of Wherwell had killed his wife Isabel +and fled to the church of Wherwell and the Abbess had seized his chattels +to the value of £35. 4<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i> by the hands of her reeve<a name='fna_286' id='fna_286' href='#f_286'><small>[286]</small></a>. A less +usual privilege was that of the Abbess of Marham, who possessed the right +of proving the wills of those who died within the precincts or +jurisdiction of the house<a name='fna_287' id='fna_287' href='#f_287'><small>[287]</small></a>. The courts at which these liberties were +exercised were held by the steward of the nunnery, who went from manor to +manor to preside at their sittings; but sometimes the head of the house +herself would accompany him. Christian Bassett, the energetic Prioress of +Delapré (St Albans), not content with journeying up to London for a +lawsuit, went twice to preside at her court at Wing<a name='fna_288' id='fna_288' href='#f_288'><small>[288]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>In rather a different class from grants of jurisdictional liberties were +special grants of free warren, felling of wood and fairs. Monasteries +which possessed lands within the bounds of a royal forest were not allowed +to take game or to cut down wood there without a special licence from the +crown; but such grants to exercise “free warren” (i.e. take game) and to +fell wood were often granted in perpetuity, as an act of piety by the +king, or for special purposes. The Abbess of Syon had free warren in all +her possessions, and in 1489 it was recorded that the Abbess of Barking +had free chase within the bailiwick of Hainault to hunt all beasts of the +forest in season, except deer, and free chase within the forest and +without to hunt hares and rabbits and fox, badger, cat and other +vermin<a name='fna_289' id='fna_289' href='#f_289'><small>[289]</small></a>. Grants of wood were more often made on special occasions; +thus in 1277 the keeper of the forest of Essex was ordered to permit the +Abbess of Barking and her men to fell oak-trees and oak-trunks in her +demesne woods within the forest to the value of £40<a name='fna_290' id='fna_290' href='#f_290'><small>[290]</small></a>, while in 1299 +the Abbess of Wilton was given leave to fell sixty oaks in her own wood +within the bounds of the forest of Savernake, in order to rebuild<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">[Pg 106]</a></span> some of +her houses, which had been burnt down<a name='fna_291' id='fna_291' href='#f_291'><small>[291]</small></a>. The grant of fairs and markets +was even more common and more lucrative, for the convent profited not only +from the rents of booths and from the entrance-tolls, but not infrequently +from setting up a stall of its own, for the sale of spices and other +produce<a name='fna_292' id='fna_292' href='#f_292'><small>[292]</small></a>. Henry III granted the nuns of Catesby a weekly market every +Monday within their manor of Catesby and a yearly fair for three days in +the same place; and almost any monastic chartulary will provide other +instances of such rights<a name='fna_293' id='fna_293' href='#f_293'><small>[293]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>The majority of the special perquisites which have been described would +originate in special grants from the Crown; but it must be remembered that +every manorial lord could count on certain perquisites <i>ex officio</i>, for +which no specific grant was required. For his manor provided him with more +than agricultural produce on the one hand and rents and farms on the +other. Through the manor court he also received certain payments due to +him from all free and unfree tenants, in particular those connected with +the transfer of land, the heriot and the fines already mentioned. From +unfree tenants he could also claim various other dues, the mark of their +status; merchet, when their daughters married off the estate, leyrwite, +when they enjoyed themselves without the intermediary of that important +ceremony, a fine when they wished to send their sons to school<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">[Pg 107]</a></span> and a +number of other customary payments, exacted at the manor court and varying +slightly from manor to manor. Moreover the tolls from the water- or +wind-mill at which villeins had to grind their corn all went to swell the +purse of the lord<a name='fna_294' id='fna_294' href='#f_294'><small>[294]</small></a>. This is not the place for a detailed description +of manorial rights, which can be studied in any text-book of economic +history<a name='fna_295' id='fna_295' href='#f_295'><small>[295]</small></a>; a word must, however, be said about the mortuary system, +which did not a little to enrich the medieval church.</p> + +<p>When a peasant died the lord of the manor had often the right to claim his +best animal or garment as a mortuary or heriot, and by degrees there grew +up a similar claim to his second best possession on the part of the parish +priest.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“It was presumed,” says Mr Coulton, “that the dead man must have +failed to some extent in due payment of tithes during his lifetime and +that a gift of his second best possession to the Church would +therefore be most salutary to his soul”<a name='fna_296' id='fna_296' href='#f_296'><small>[296]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>From these claims, partly manorial and partly ecclesiastical, religious +houses benefited very greatly, and their accounts sometimes mention +mortuary payments. The Prioress of Catesby in the year 1414-15 records how +her live stock was enriched by one horse, one mare and two cows coming as +heriots, while she received a payment of 20<i>s.</i> for two oxen coming as +heriot of Richard Sheperd<a name='fna_297' id='fna_297' href='#f_297'><small>[297]</small></a>. In the chartulary of Marham is recorded a +mortuary list of sixteen people, who died within the jurisdiction of the +house, and the mortuaries vary from a sorrel horse and a book to numerous +gowns and mantles<a name='fna_298' id='fna_298' href='#f_298'><small>[298]</small></a>. The system was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">[Pg 108]</a></span> obviously capable of great abuse, +and Mr Coulton considers that it did much to precipitate the Reformation, +for the unhappy peasant resented more and more bitterly the greed of the +church, which chose his hour of sorrow to wrest from him the best of his +poor possessions; it must have seemed hard to him that his horse or his ox +should be driven away, if he could not buy it back, to the well-stocked +farm of a community which was vowed to poverty, far harder than if his +lord were a layman, as free as he was himself to accumulate possessions +without soiling the soul. When the parish priest followed the convent with +a claim upon what was best, his despair must have grown deeper and his +resentment more bitter. It was often difficult to collect these payments, +just as it was often difficult to collect tithes, even when a priest was +less loth to curse for them than Chaucer’s poor parson. Vicars were +obliged to sue their wretched parishioners in the ecclesiastical courts, +and monasteries were sometimes fain to commute such payments for an annual +rent, collected by the tenants<a name='fna_299' id='fna_299' href='#f_299'><small>[299]</small></a>. But the best ecclesiastics recognised +that the system was somewhat out of keeping with Christian charity. +Caesarius of Heisterbach has a story of Ulrich, the good head of the +monastery of Steinfeld, who one day</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>came to one of his granges, wherein, seeing a comely foal, he enquired +of the [lay] brother whose it was or whence it came. To whom the +brother answered, “such and such a man, our good and faithful friend, +left it to us at his death.” “By pure devotion,” asked the provost, +“or by legal compulsion?” “It came through his death,” answered the +other, “for his wife, since he was one of our serfs, offered it as a +heriot.” Then the provost shook his head and piously answered: +“Because he was a good man and our faithful friend, therefore hast +thou despoiled his wife. Render therefore her horse to this forlorn +woman; for it is robbery to seize or detain other men’s goods, since +the horse was not thine before [the man’s death]”<a name='fna_300' id='fna_300' href='#f_300'><small>[300]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">[Pg 109]</a></span>(3) <i>Issues of the manor.</i> Before passing on to sources of income of a +more specifically ecclesiastical character, some account must be given of +the third great class of receipts which came to a convent in its capacity +of landowner, to wit the “issues of the manor.” Attached to almost every +nunnery was its home farm, which provided the nuns with the greater part +of their food<a name='fna_301' id='fna_301' href='#f_301'><small>[301]</small></a>. A large nunnery would thus reserve for its own use +several manors and granges, but usually other manors in its possession +would be farmed by bailiffs, who sold the produce at market and paid in +the profits to the treasuress or to one of the obedientiaries; or else a +manor would be leased to a tenant. The surplus produce of the home farm, +which could not be used by the nuns, was also sold. The treasuress usually +entered the receipts and expenditure of the home farm in her household +account and she had to keep two sets of records, the one a careful account +of all the animals and agricultural produce on the farm, with details as +to the use made of them; and the other (under the heading of “issues of +the manor”) a money record of the sums obtained from sales of live stock, +wool or grain. An analysis of the produce of the home farm of Catesby +(1414-5)<a name='fna_302' id='fna_302' href='#f_302'><small>[302]</small></a> shows that the chief crops grown were wheat and barley. Of +these a certain proportion was kept for seed to sow the new crops; almost +all the rest of the wheat was paid in food allowances to the servants and +1 qr. 3 bushels in alms “to friars of the four orders and other poor”; +most of the barley was malted, except 6 qrs. delivered to the swineherd to +feed hogs; and what remained was stored in the granaries of the convent. +Oats and peas were also grown and part of the crop used for seed, part for +food-allowances to the servants and oatmeal for the nuns. The Prioress +also kept a most meticulous account of the livestock on her farm. All were +numbered and classified, cart-horses, brood-mares, colts, foals, oxen, +bulls, cows, stirks (three-year old), two-year old,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">[Pg 110]</a></span> yearlings, calves, +sheep, wethers, hogerells, lambs, hogs, boars, sows, hilts, hogsters and +pigs. In each class it was carefully set down how many animals remained in +stock at the end of the year and what had been done with the others. We +know something of the consumption of meat by the nuns of Catesby and their +servants in this year of grace 1414-5, when the old rule against the +eating of meat was relaxed; and we see something of the cares of a +medieval housewife in those days before root-crops were known, when the +number of animals which could be kept alive during the winter was strictly +limited by the amount of hay produced on the valuable meadow land. Only in +summer could the convent have fresh meat; and on St Martin’s day (Nov. 11) +the business of killing and salting the rest of the stock for winter food +began<a name='fna_303' id='fna_303' href='#f_303'><small>[303]</small></a>. From good Dame Elizabeth Swynford’s account it appears that +five oxen, one stirk, thirty hogs and one boar were delivered to the +larderer to be salted; in summer time, when the convent could enjoy fresh +meat, five calves, fourteen sheep, ten hogs and twelve pigs were sent in +to the kitchen; and twenty cows were divided between the larder and the +kitchen, to provide salt and fresh beef. There is unfortunately no record +of the produce of the dairy, which supplied the convent with milk, cheese, +eggs and occasional chickens.</p> + +<p>But the home-farm served the purpose of providing money as well as food. +The hides of the oxen and the “wool pells” of the sheep, which had been +killed for food or had fallen victim to that curse of medieval farming, +the murrain, were by no means wasted. Five hides belonging to animals +which had died of murrain were tanned and used for collars and other cart +gear on the farm; but all the rest were sold, thirty-six of them in all. +Most lucrative of all, however, was the sale of wool pells and wool, and +Dame Elizabeth Swynford is very exact; eighteen wool pells, from sheep +which the convent had eaten as mutton, sold before shearing for 35<i>s.</i> +10<i>d.</i>, thirty-eight sold after shearing for 9<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i>, thirty-six lamb +skins for 1<i>s.</i>; and 6<i>d.</i> was received “for wynter lokes sold.” Moreover +the convent also sold one sack and eight weight of wool at £5. 4<i>s.</i> the +sack, for a total of £6. 16<i>s.</i><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">[Pg 111]</a></span> Altogether the “issues of the manor” +amounted to the substantial sum of £24. 8<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i>, chiefly derived from +these sales of wool and wool pells and from the sale of some timber for +£6. 13<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i><a name='fna_304' id='fna_304' href='#f_304'><small>[304]</small></a> These details about wool are interesting, for it is +well known that the monastic houses of England, especially in the northern +counties, were great sheep farmers. Most accounts mention this important +source of revenue and in the series of rolls kept by the treasuresses of +St Michael’s Stamford, it is regularly entered under the heading “Fermes, +dismes, leynes et pensions,” a somewhat miscellaneous classification<a name='fna_305' id='fna_305' href='#f_305'><small>[305]</small></a>. +In the thirteenth-century <i>Pratica della Mercatura</i> of Francesco +Pergolotti there is incorporated a list of monasteries which sell wool, +compiled for the use of Italian wool merchants and giving the prices per +sack of the different qualities of wool at each house. The list contains a +section specially devoted to nunneries, in which twenty houses are +mentioned, all but two of them in Lincolnshire or Yorkshire<a name='fna_306' id='fna_306' href='#f_306'><small>[306]</small></a>. Armed +with this information the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">[Pg 112]</a></span> Italians would journey from nunnery to nunnery +and bargain with the nuns for their wool: the whole crop would sometimes +be commissioned by them in advance, sold on the backs of the sheep. The +English distrusted these dark smooth-spoken foreigners; many years later +the author of the <i>Libel of English Policie</i> charged them with dishonest +practices and complained of the freedom with which they were allowed to +buy in England:</p> + +<p class="poem">In Cotteswold also they ride about,<br /> +And all England, and buy withouten doubte<br /> +What them list with freedome and franchise,<br /> +More than we English may gitten many wise<a name='fna_307' id='fna_307' href='#f_307'><small>[307]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>But it must have been a great day for the impoverished nuns of Yorkshire +when slim Italian or stout Fleming came riding down the dales under a +spring sun to bargain for their wool crop. What a bustling hither and +thither there would be, and what a confabulation in the parlour between my +lady Prioress and her steward and her chaplain and the stranger sitting +opposite to them and speaking his reasons “ful solempnely.” What a careful +distinguishing of the best and the medium and the worst kind of wool, +which the Italian calls <i>buona lana</i> and <i>mojano lana</i> and <i>locchi</i>. What +a haggling over the price, which varies from nunnery to nunnery, but +always allows the merchant to sell at a good profit in the markets of +Flanders and Italy. What sighs of relief when the stranger trots off +again, sitting high on his horse and taking with him a silken purse, or a +blood-band or a pair of gloves in “courtesy” from the nuns. What blessings +on the black-faced sheep, when the sorely-needed silver is locked up in +the treasury chest and debts begin to look less terrible, leaking roofs +less incurable, pittances less few and far between.</p> + +<p>(4) <i>Miscellaneous payments.</i> A last source of temporal revenue consisted +in the sums paid for board and lodging by visitors, regular boarders and +schoolchildren. Though such visitors were frowned at by bishops as +subversive of discipline, the nuns welcomed their contributions to the +lean income of the convent,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">[Pg 113]</a></span> and in most nunnery accounts payments by +boarders will be found among other miscellaneous receipts.</p> + +<p>(5) <i>Spiritualities.</i> In the revenues which have hitherto been considered, +the monastic rent-rolls differed in no way from those of any lay owner of +land. The source of revenue now to be distinguished was more specifically +ecclesiastical. All monasteries derived a more or less large income from +certain grants made to them in their capacity as religious houses. Most +important of these was the appropriation of benefices to their use. When a +church was appropriated to a monastery, the monastery was usually supposed +to put in a vicar at a fixed stipend to serve the parish, and the great +tithes (which would otherwise have supported a rector) were taken by the +corporation. Sometimes half a church was so appropriated and half the +tithes were taken. The practice of appropriating churches was widespread; +not only the king and other lay patrons, but also the bishops used this +means of enriching religious bodies and the favourite petition of an +impecunious convent was for permission to appropriate a church<a name='fna_308' id='fna_308' href='#f_308'><small>[308]</small></a>. Over +and over again the gift of the advowson of a church to a monastery is +followed by appropriation<a name='fna_309' id='fna_309' href='#f_309'><small>[309]</small></a>. The <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">[Pg 114]</a></span>permission of the bishop of the +diocese and of the pope was necessary for the transaction, but it seems +rarely to have been refused; and</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>it has been calculated that at least a third part of the tithes of the +richest benefices in England were appropriated either in part or +wholly to religious and secular bodies, such as colleges, military +orders, lay hospitals, guilds, convents; even deans, cantors, +treasurers and chancellors of cathedral bodies were also largely +endowed with rectorial tithes<a name='fna_310' id='fna_310' href='#f_310'><small>[310]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>The practice of appropriation became a very serious abuse, for not all +monasteries were conscientious in performing their duties to the parishes +from which they derived such a large income, and ignorant and underpaid +vicars often enough left their sheep encumbered in the mire, or swelled +with their misery and discontent the democratic revolution known by the +too narrow name of the Peasants’ Revolt<a name='fna_311' id='fna_311' href='#f_311'><small>[311]</small></a>. Moreover there is no doubt +that sometimes the monks and nuns neglected even the obvious duty of +putting in a vicar, and the hungry sheep looked up and were not fed. The +<i>Valor Ecclesiasticus</i> throws an interesting light on this subject. The +nuns of Elstow Abbey held no less than eleven rectories, from which they +derived £157. 6<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i>, but they paid stipends to four vicars only, and +the total of the four was £6. 6<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i><a name='fna_312' id='fna_312' href='#f_312'><small>[312]</small></a> The nuns of Westwood +received £12. 12<i>s.</i> 10<i>d.</i> from two rectories and paid to a deacon in one +of them 11<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i><a name='fna_313' id='fna_313' href='#f_313'><small>[313]</small></a> The Minoresses without Aldgate held four +rectories; from that of Potton (Beds.) they received £16. 6<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i> and +paid the vicar £2; from that of Kessingland, Suffolk, £9 and paid the +vicar £2. 4<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i><a name='fna_314' id='fna_314' href='#f_314'><small>[314]</small></a> Another very common practice which cannot have +conduced to the welfare of the parishioners was that of farming out the +proceeds of appropriated churches, just as manors were farmed out. The +farmer paid the nuns a lump sum annually and took the proceeds of the +tithes. The purpose of such an arrangement was convenience, since it saved +the convent the trouble of collecting the revenues and tithes. It was open +to objection from all points of view; for on the one hand the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">[Pg 115]</a></span> nuns might, +and often did, make bad bargains, and on the other they were still less +likely to care for the spiritual welfare of the unfortunate parishioners, +whose souls were to all intents and purposes farmed out with their tithes; +though the payment of a vicar was sometimes made by the nuns or stipulated +for in the agreement with the farmer. The <i>Valor Ecclesiasticus</i> gives the +total spiritual revenue of the 84 nunneries holding spiritualities as +£2705. 17<i>s.</i> 5<i>d.</i> and of this sum spiritualities to the value of £1075. +0<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i>, belonging to 33 houses were entered as being at farm<a name='fna_315' id='fna_315' href='#f_315'><small>[315]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Account rolls often throw a flood of light upon the income derived from +appropriated churches. To the nuns of St Michael’s Stamford had been +assigned by various abbots of Peterborough the churches of St Martin, St +Clement, All Souls, St Andrew and Thurlby, and in the reign of Henry II +two pious ladies gave them the moieties of the church of Corby and chapel +of Upton<a name='fna_316' id='fna_316' href='#f_316'><small>[316]</small></a>. Moreover in 1354, after the little nunnery of Wothorpe had +been ruined by the Black Death, all its possessions were handed over to St +Michael’s and included the appropriation of the church of Wothorpe; the +bishop stipulated that the proceeds of the priory with the rectory should +be applied to the support of the infirmary and kitchen of St Michael’s and +that the nuns should keep a chaplain to serve the parish church of +Wothorpe<a name='fna_317' id='fna_317' href='#f_317'><small>[317]</small></a>. Corby and Thurlby were afterwards farmed out by the +nuns<a name='fna_318' id='fna_318' href='#f_318'><small>[318]</small></a> and in 1377-8 they brought in £19 and £20 respectively, while +the nuns got £26. 0<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i> from “the church of All Saints beyond the +water,” £1. 13<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i> from the parson of Cottesmore and a pension of +6<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i> from the church of St Martin. They paid the vicar of Wothorpe +a stipend of £2 a year<a name='fna_319' id='fna_319' href='#f_319'><small>[319]</small></a>. Over half their income was usually derived +from “farms, tithes and pensions,” i.e. from ecclesiastical sources of +revenue.</p> + +<p>It was also very common to make grants of tithes out of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">[Pg 116]</a></span> piety to a +monastery, even when a grant of the advowson of the church was not made. A +lord would make over to it the tithes of wheat, or a portion of the +tithes, in certain parishes, or perhaps the tithes of his own demesne +land. Sometimes the rector of a parish would pay the monks or nuns an +annual rent in commutation of their tithes; sometimes he would dispute +their claim and the tedious altercation would drag on for years, ending +perhaps in the expense of a law-suit<a name='fna_320' id='fna_320' href='#f_320'><small>[320]</small></a>. Besides advowsons and tithes +various other pensions and payments were bestowed upon religious houses by +benefactors, who would leave an annual pension to a monastery as a charge +upon a particular piece of land, or church, or upon another +monastery<a name='fna_321' id='fna_321' href='#f_321'><small>[321]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Another “spiritual” source of revenue consisted in alms and gifts given to +the nuns as a work of piety. Sometimes a nunnery possessed a famous relic, +and the faithful who visited it showed their devotion by leaving a gift at +the shrine. The <i>Valor</i> sometimes gives very interesting information about +these cherished possessions, described under the unkind heading +<i>Superstitio</i>. The Yorkshire nuns possessed among them a great variety of +relics, some of them having the most incongruous virtues. At +Sinningthwaite was to be found the arm of St Margaret and the tunic of St +Bernard “believed to be good for women lying in”<a name='fna_322' id='fna_322' href='#f_322'><small>[322]</small></a>, at Arden was an +image of St Bride, to which women made offerings<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">[Pg 117]</a></span> for cows that had +strayed or were ill. The nuns of Arthington had a girdle of the Virgin and +the nuns of St Clement’s York and Basedale both had some of her milk; at +St Clement’s pilgrimages were made to the obscure but popular St +Syth<a name='fna_323' id='fna_323' href='#f_323'><small>[323]</small></a>. In other parts of the country it was the same. St Edmund’s +altar in the conventual church of Catesby was a place of pilgrimage, for +he had bequeathed his pall and a silver tablet to his sister Margaret +Rich, prioress there<a name='fna_324' id='fna_324' href='#f_324'><small>[324]</small></a>; and in 1400 Boniface IX granted an indult to +the Abbess of Barking to have mass and the other divine offices celebrated +in an oratory called “Rodlofte” (rood-loft), in which was preserved a +cross to which many people resorted<a name='fna_325' id='fna_325' href='#f_325'><small>[325]</small></a>. The nuns of St Michael’s +Stamford not infrequently record sums received from a pardon held at one +of their churches, and almost every year they received sums of money in +exchange for their prayers for the souls of the dead. “Almes et +aventures,” souls and chance payments, was a regular heading in their +account roll, and the name of the person for whose soul they were to pray +was entered opposite the money received. Miscellaneous alms from the +faithful were always a source of revenue, though necessarily a fluctuating +source<a name='fna_326' id='fna_326' href='#f_326'><small>[326]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Such were the chief sources from which a medieval nunnery derived its +income. We must now consider the chief expenses which the nuns had to meet +out of that income. It has already been shown that the total income of a +nunnery was paid into the hands of the treasuress or treasuresses, save +when the office of treasuress was filled by the head of the house, or when +a male <i>custos</i> was appointed by the bishop to undertake the business. It +has also been shown that the treasuress paid out certain sums to the chief +obedientiaries (notably to the cellaress), to whose use certain sources of +income were indeed sometimes<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">[Pg 118]</a></span> earmarked, and that these obedientiaries +kept their separate accounts. The majority of nunnery accounts which have +survived are, however, treasuresses’ accounts; that is to say they +represent the general balance sheet at the end of the year, including all +the chief items of income and expenditure. The different houses adopt, as +is natural, different methods of classifying their expenses<a name='fna_327' id='fna_327' href='#f_327'><small>[327]</small></a>. The +great abbey of Romsey classifies thus: (1) <i>The Convent</i>, including sums +for clothing, for the kitchen expenses and for pittances, amounting in all +to £105. 17<i>s.</i> 10<i>d.</i> (2) <i>The Abbess</i>, who kept her separate household +in state; this includes provisions for herself and for her household and +divers of their expenses, a sum of £8. 12<i>s.</i> in gifts, a sum in liveries +for the household and spices for the guest-house and a sum in servants’ +wages, amounting to £108. 17<i>s.</i> in all. (3) <i>Divers outside expenses</i>, +including repairs of houses belonging to the Romsey mills, a sum for legal +pleas, another for annuities to the convent and to the king’s clerks, who +had stalls in the abbey, over £40 in royal taxes and £1. 14<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i> in +procurations, amounting to £108 in all. (4) <i>Miscellaneous expenses</i> +include £8. 19<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i> in alms to the poor, £6. 13<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i> in wine for +nobles visiting the abbess, a sum for mending broken crockery, a sum for +shoeing the horses of the Abbess’ household, and in horse-hire and +expenses of men riding on her business, 14<i>s.</i> in oblations of the Abbess +and her household and £10 in gift to Henry Bishop of Winchester on his +return from the Holy Land. (5) <i>Repairs</i> and other expenses at six manors +belonging to this wealthy house, amounting to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">[Pg 119]</a></span> £77. 2<i>s.</i> 6½<i>d.</i> The +total expenses of the abbey this year (1412) came to £431. 18<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i>, +against a revenue of £404. 6<i>s.</i> 1<i>d.</i>, drawn from six manors and +including rents, the commutation fees for villein services, the sale of +wool, corn and other stores and the perquisites of the courts. The deficit +is characteristic of nunneries<a name='fna_328' id='fna_328' href='#f_328'><small>[328]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>An interesting picture of many sides of monastic life is given by a +general analysis of the chief classes of expenditure usually mentioned in +account rolls. They may be classified as follows: (1) internal +expenses of the convent, (2) divers miscellaneous expenses connected with +external business, (3) repairs, (4) the expenses of the home farm and (5) +the wage-sheet.</p> + +<p>(1) <i>The internal expenses of the convent.</i> The details of this +expenditure are sometimes not given very fully, because they were set +forth at length in the accounts of the cellaress and chambress; but a +certain amount of food and of household goods and clothes was bought +directly by the treasuress and occasionally the office of cellaress and +treasuress was doubled by the same nun, whose account gives more detail. +Expenditure on clothing appears in one of two forms, either as +dress-allowances paid annually to the nuns<a name='fna_329' id='fna_329' href='#f_329'><small>[329]</small></a>, or as payments for the +purchase of linen and cloth and for the hiring of work-people to spin and +weave and make up the clothes<a name='fna_330' id='fna_330' href='#f_330'><small>[330]</small></a>. Expenditure on food is usually +concerned with the purchase of fish and of spices, the only important +foods which could not be produced by the home farm.</p> + +<p>Among other internal expenses are the costs of the guest-house and the +alms, in money and in kind, which were given to the poor. Account rolls +sometimes throw a side light on the fare provided for visitors: for +instance the treasuress of St Radegund’s, Cambridge, enters upon her roll +in 1449-50 the following items under the heading <i>Providencia Hospicii</i>:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>And paid to William Rogger, for beef, pork, mutton and veal bought for +the guest house, by the hand of John Grauntyer, 24<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i> And for +bread, beer, beef, pork, mutton, veal, sucking pigs, capons, chickens, +eggs, butter and fresh and salt fish, bought from day to day for the +guest house during the period of the account, as appears more fully +set out in detail, in a paper book examined for this account,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">[Pg 120]</a></span> £11. +7<i>s.</i> 4½<i>d.</i> And for one cow bought of Thomas Carrawey for the +guest house vj s viij d. Total: £13. 8<i>s.</i> 8½<i>d.</i><a name='fna_331' id='fna_331' href='#f_331'><small>[331]</small></a></p></div> + +<p>In this year the total receipts were £77. 8<i>s.</i> 6½<i>d.</i> and the +expenditure £72. 6<i>s.</i> 4¾<i>d.</i>, so that quite a large proportion of the +nuns’ income was spent on hospitality. On the other hand the food was no +doubt partly consumed by these “divers noble persons,” who paid the +convent £8. 14<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i> this year for their board and lodging. It is a +great pity that the separate guest-house account book referred to has not +survived. At St Michael’s Stamford the roll for 15-16 Richard II contains +a payment of 26<i>s.</i> 10<i>d.</i> “for the expenses of guests for the whole +year,” and 6<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i> “for wine for the guests throughout the year”<a name='fna_332' id='fna_332' href='#f_332'><small>[332]</small></a>; +this is a very small amount out of a total expenditure of £116. 15<i>s.</i> +4½<i>d.</i> and it seems likely that the greater part of the food used for +guests was not accounted for apart from the convent food.</p> + +<p>The expenditure of nuns on alms is interesting, since almsgiving to the +poor was one of the functions enjoined upon them by their rule; and many +houses held a part of their property on condition that they should +distribute certain alms. Some information as to these compulsory alms, +though not of course as to the voluntary almsgiving of the nuns, is given +in the <i>Valor Ecclesiasticus</i>. A few entries may be taken at random. St +Sepulchre’s, Canterbury, paid 6<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i> for one quarter of wheat to be +given for the soul of William Calwell, their founder, the Thursday next +before Easter<a name='fna_333' id='fna_333' href='#f_333'><small>[333]</small></a>. Dartford was allowed £5. 12<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i> for alms given +twice a week to thirteen poor people<a name='fna_334' id='fna_334' href='#f_334'><small>[334]</small></a>; Haliwell distributed 12<i>s.</i> +8<i>d.</i> in alms to poor folk every Christmas day in memory of a Bishop of +Lincoln<a name='fna_335' id='fna_335' href='#f_335'><small>[335]</small></a>. Nuneaton was allowed “for certain quarters of corn given +weekly to the poor and sick at the gate of the monastery at 12<i>d.</i> a week, +by order of the foundress, £2. 12<i>s.</i> 0<i>d.</i>; for certain alms on Maundy +Thursday in money, bread, wine, beer and eels by the foundation, to poor +and sick within the monastery, £2. 5<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i>”<a name='fna_336' id='fna_336' href='#f_336'><small>[336]</small></a> Polesworth gave “on +Maundy Thursday at the washing of the feet of poor persons, in drink and +victuals, by the foundation £1. 6<i>s.</i> 0<i>d.</i>”<a name='fna_337' id='fna_337' href='#f_337'><small>[337]</small></a> A chartulary<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">[Pg 121]</a></span> of the +great Abbey of Lacock, drawn up at the close of the thirteenth century, +contains an interesting list of alms payable to the poor and pittances to +the nuns themselves on certain feasts and anniversaries. It runs:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>We ought to feed on All Souls’ day as many poor as there are ladies, +to each poor person a dry loaf and as a relish two herrings or a slice +of cheese, and the convent the same day shall have two courses. On the +anniversary of the foundress (24 Aug. 1261) 100 poor each shall have a +wheaten loaf and two herrings, be it a flesh-day or not, and the +convent shall have to eat simnels and wine and three courses and two +at supper. On the anniversary of her father (17 April 1196) each year +thirteen poor shall be fed. On the anniversary of her husband thirteen +poor shall be fed, and the convent shall have half a mark for a +pittance. On the anniversary of Sir Nicholas Hedinton they should +distribute to the poor 8<i>s.</i> and 4<i>d.</i>, or corn amounting to as much +money, i.e. wheat, barley and beans, and the convent half a mark for a +pittance. The day of the burial of a lady of the convent 100 poor, to +each a mite or a dry loaf.... The day of the Last Supper, after the +Maundy, they shall give to each poor person a loaf of the weight of +the convent loaf, and of the dough of full bread, and half a gallon of +beer and two herrings, and half a bushel of beans for soup<a name='fna_338' id='fna_338' href='#f_338'><small>[338]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Account rolls sometimes contain references to food or money distributed to +the poor on the great almsgiving day of Maundy Thursday, or on special +feast days. The nuns of St Michael’s Stamford regularly bought herrings to +be given to the poor on Ash Wednesday, Maundy Thursday, St Laurence’s day, +St Michael’s day and St Andrew’s day. The nuns of St Radegund’s, +Cambridge, in 1450-1 distributed 2<i>s.</i> 1<i>d.</i> among the poor on Maundy +Thursday and gave 10<i>d.</i> “to certain poor persons lately labouring in the +wars of the lord king”<a name='fna_339' id='fna_339' href='#f_339'><small>[339]</small></a>. The Prioress of St Mary de Pré, St Albans, +has an item “paid in expenses for straungers, pore men lasours, tennents +and fermours for brede and ale and other vitaills xxxvj<i>s</i> viij<i>d</i>”<a name='fna_340' id='fna_340' href='#f_340'><small>[340]</small></a>. +It is interesting to note that nunneries are not infrequently found giving +alms in money or kind to the mendicant friars. The Prioress of Catesby +gave away 1 qr. 3 bushels of wheat “to brethren of the four orders and +other poor” in 1414-5<a name='fna_341' id='fna_341' href='#f_341'><small>[341]</small></a>. The Oxford friary received from Godstow in +memory of the soul of one Roger Whittell fourteen<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">[Pg 122]</a></span> loaves every fortnight +and 3<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i> in money and one peck of oatmeal and one of peas in Lent. +The Friars Minor of Cambridge were sometimes sent a pig by the Abbess of +Denny<a name='fna_342' id='fna_342' href='#f_342'><small>[342]</small></a>. It will be seen in a later chapter that the poor Yorkshire +nunneries of St Clement’s York and Moxby were considerably burdened by the +obligation to pay 14 loaves weekly to the friars of York<a name='fna_343' id='fna_343' href='#f_343'><small>[343]</small></a>. In general, +however, it is difficult to form any just estimate as to how much +almsgiving was really done by the nuns. There is no evidence as to whether +they daily gave away to the poor, as their rule demanded, the fragments +left over from their own meals; for such almsgiving would be entered +neither in account rolls nor in chartularies and surveys dealing with +endowments earmarked for charity.</p> + +<p>Another class of gifts which deserves some notice consists of gratuities +to friends, well-wishers or dependents of the house, for benefits +solicited or received. No one in the middle ages was too dignified to +receive a tip. The nuns of St Michael’s, Stamford, regularly give what +they euphemistically term “gifts” or “courtesies” to a large number of +persons, ranging from their own servants at Christmas to men of law, +engaged in the various suits in which they were involved. To the high and +mighty they present wine, or a capon, or money discreetly jingling in the +depths of a silken purse. To the lowly they present a plain unvarnished +tip. The nuns of St Radegund’s, Cambridge, pay 12<i>d.</i> “for a crane bought +and given to the chancellor of the university of Cambridge, for his good +friendship in divers of my lady’s affairs in the interest of the convent”; +and “the four waits of the Mayor of Cambridge” receive a Christmas box of +2<i>s.</i> 3<i>d.</i> “for their services to the lady Prioress and convent.” <i>Dono +Data</i> is a regular heading in their accounts, and in 1450-1 there is a +long list of small gifts to dependents, ranging from 1<i>d.</i> to 10<i>d.</i>, and +a sum of 2<i>s.</i> for linen garments bought for gifts at Christmas<a name='fna_344' id='fna_344' href='#f_344'><small>[344]</small></a>. +Similarly the cellaress of Syon in 1536-7 gave her servants at Christmas a +reward of 20<i>s.</i> “with their aprons”<a name='fna_345' id='fna_345' href='#f_345'><small>[345]</small></a>. Whether to ensure that a +lawsuit should go in favour of the convent, or merely to reward faithful +service or to celebrate a feast, such<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">[Pg 123]</a></span> payments were well laid out and no +careful housekeeper could afford to neglect them.</p> + +<p>(2) <i>Divers expenses</i> include payments for various fines, amercements and +legal expenses and also for the numerous journeys undertaken by the +prioress or by their servants on convent business. The legal expenses +which fell upon the nuns of St Michael’s, Stamford, ranged from a big suit +in London and various cases over disputed tithes at the court of the +bishop of Lincoln, to divers small amercements, when the convent pigs +“trespassed in Castle meadow”<a name='fna_346' id='fna_346' href='#f_346'><small>[346]</small></a>. The payments for journeys often give a +vivid picture of nuns inspecting their manors and visiting their +bishop<a name='fna_347' id='fna_347' href='#f_347'><small>[347]</small></a>. Under this heading is also included a payment for ink and +parchment and for the fee of the clerk who wrote out the account.</p> + +<p>(3) <i>Repairs</i> were a very serious item in the balance sheet of every +monastic house, and in spite of the amount of money, which account rolls +show to have been spent upon them, visitation reports have much to say +about crumbling walls and leaking roofs. It was seldom that a year passed +without several visits from the plumbers, the slaters and the thatchers, +to the precincts of a nunnery; and once arrived they were not easy to +dislodge. If perchance the nunnery buildings themselves stood firm, then +the houses of the tenants would be falling about their ears; and once more +the distracted treasuress must summon workmen. Usually the nuns purchased +the materials used for repairs and hired the labour separately, and the +workers were sometimes fed in the nunnery kitchen; for it was customary at +this time to include board with the wages of many hired workmen.</p> + +<p>The accounts of St Radegund’s, Cambridge, in 1449-50 will serve as an +example of the expenditure under this heading<a name='fna_348' id='fna_348' href='#f_348'><small>[348]</small></a>. It was a heavy year, +for the nuns were having two tenements built in “Nunneslane” adjoining +their house, and the accounts give an interesting picture of the building +of a little medieval house of clay and wattle, with stone foundations, +whitewashed walls and thatched roof. First of all Henry Denesson, +carpenter, a most important person, was hired to set up all the woodwork<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">[Pg 124]</a></span> +at a wage of 23<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i> for the whole piece of work; he had an assistant +John Cokke, who was paid 14<i>d.</i> for ten days’ work; Simon Maydewell was +kept hard at work sawing timber for his use for ten days at 14<i>d.</i> and +over a cart load and a half of “splentes” (small pieces of wood laid +horizontally in a stud wall) were purchased at a cost of 6<i>s.</i> 2<i>d.</i> Henry +and John spent ten days setting up the framework of the two cottages, but +they were not the only workers. The “gruncill” (or beam laid along the +ground for the rest to stand on) had to be laid firmly on a stone +foundation; the walls had to be filled between the beams with clay, +strengthened with a mixture of reeds and sedge and bound with hemp nailed +firmly to the beams. The account tells us all about these operations:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>and in hemp with nails bought for binding the walls 16<i>d.</i>, and in +stone bought from Thomas Janes of Hynton to support the gruncill 6<i>s.</i> +8<i>d.</i>, and in one measure of quicklime bought for the same work 3<i>s.</i>, +and in six cartloads of clay bought of Richard Poket of Barnwell +18<i>d.</i>, and in the hire of Geoffrey Sconyng and William Brann, to lay +the gruncill of the aforesaid tenements and to daub the walls thereof +(i.e. to make them of clay), for the whole work 17<i>s.</i> 3<i>d.</i> And in +reeds bought of John Bere, “reder,” for the aforesaid tenements 2<i>s.</i> +4<i>d.</i>, and in “1000 de les segh” (sedge) for the same work 5<i>s.</i> And +in 22 bunches of wattles 22<i>d.</i>, and in boards bought at the fair of +St John the Baptist to make the door and windows 2<i>s.</i> 10<i>d.</i>, and in +1000 nails for the said work, together with 1000 more nails bought +afterwards 2<i>s.</i> 8½<i>d.</i></p></div> + +<p>Finally the houses had to be roofed with a thatch of straw and a fresh set +of workmen were called in:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>and for the hire of John Scot, thatcher, hired to roof with straw the +two aforesaid tenements, for 12 days, taking 4<i>d.</i> a day, at the board +of the Lady (Prioress) 4<i>s.</i> And for the hire of Thomas Clerk for +8½ days and of Nicholaus Burnefygge for 10 days, carrying straw and +serving the said thatcher 3<i>s.</i> 1<i>d.</i>; and in the hire of Katherine +Rolf for the same work (women often acted as thatchers’ assistants) +for 12 days at 1½<i>d.</i> a day, 18<i>d.</i></p></div> + +<p>And behold two very nice little cottages.</p> + +<p>But let not the ignorant suppose that this completed the expenditure of +the nuns on building and repairs. Henry Denesson, the indispensable, soon +had to be hired again to set up some woodwork in a tenement in Precherch +Street, and to build a gable there. A kitchen had to be built next to +these tenements,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">[Pg 125]</a></span> and the business of hiring carpenters, daubers and +thatchers was repeated; John Scot and John Cokke once more scaled the +roofs. Then a house in Nun’s Lane was burnt and sedge had to be bought to +thatch it. Then three labourers had to be hired for four days to mend the +roofs of the hall, kitchen and other parts of the nunnery itself, taking +5<i>d.</i> a day and their board. Then the roofs of the frater and the granary +began to leak and the same labourers had to be hired for four more days. +Then, just as the treasuress thought that she had got rid of the +ubiquitous Henry Denesson for good, back he had to be called with a +servant to help him, to set up the falling granary again. Then a lock had +to be made for the guests’ kitchen and for three other rooms in the +nunnery; and when John Egate, tiler, and John Tommesson, tenants of the +nuns, got wind that locks were being made, they must needs have some for +their tenements. Then a defect in the church had to be repaired by John +Corry and a cover made for the font. There was more purchase of reeds and +sedge, boards and “300 nails (12<i>d.</i>) and 100 nails (2<i>d.</i>) bought at +Stourbridge Fair” for 14<i>d.</i> Last came the inevitable plumber:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>And for a certain plumber hired to mend a gutter between the tenement +wherein Walter Ferror dwells and a tenement of the Prior of Barnwell, +with lead found by the said Prior, together with the mending of a +defect in the church of St Radegund 14<i>d.</i> And in the hire of the +aforesaid plumber to mend a lead pipe extending from the font to the +copper in the brewhouse, together with the solder of the said plumber +8<i>d.</i></p></div> + +<p>In all the cost of repairs and buildings came to £8. 3<i>s.</i> 7<i>d.</i> out of a +total expenditure of £72. 6<i>s.</i> 4¾<i>d.</i></p> + +<p>(4) <i>Expenses of the home farm.</i> The home farm was an essential feature of +manorial economy and particularly so when the lord of the manor was a +community. The nuns expected to draw the greater part of their food from +the farm; livestock, grain and dairy all had to be superintended. A +student of these account rolls may see unrolled before him all the +different operations of the year, the autumn ploughing and sowing, the +spring ploughing and sowing, the hay crop mown in June and the strenuous +labours of the harvest. He may, if he will, know how many sheep the +shepherd led to pasture and how many oxen the oxherd drove home in the +evening, for the inventory on the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">[Pg 126]</a></span> back of an account roll enumerates +minutely all the stock. There is something homely and familiar in lists +such as the tale of cattle owned by the nuns of Sheppey at the +Dissolution:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>v contre oxen and iij western oxen fatt, ... xviij leane contre oxen +workers, xij leane contre sterys of ij or iij yere age, xxviij +yeryngs, xxxviii kene and heifors ... xxvi cattle of thys yere, an +horse, j olde baye, a dunne, a whyte and an amblelyng grey, vj +geldings and horse for the plow and harowe, with v mares, xliij hogges +of dyvers sorts, in wethers and lammys cccc<sup>xxx</sup>, ... and in beryng +ewes vij<sup>c</sup>, ... in twelvemonthyngs, ewes and wethers vi<sup>c</sup>xxxv ... in +lambys at this present daye v<sup>c</sup>lx<a name='fna_349' id='fna_349' href='#f_349'><small>[349]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>How these lean country oxen, the “one old bay, a dun, a white and an +ambling grey,” bring the quiet English landscape before the reader’s eyes. +Time is as nothing; and the ploughman trudging over the brown furrows, the +slow, warm beasts, breathing heavily in the darkness of their byre, are +little changed from what they were five hundred years ago—save that our +beasts to-day are larger and fatter, thanks to turnips and Mr Bakewell. +Kingdoms rise and fall, but the seasons never alter, and the farm servant, +conning these old accounts, would find nothing in them but the life he +knew:</p> + +<p class="poem">This is the year’s round he must go<br /> +To make and then to win the seed:<br /> +In winter to sow and in March to hoe<br /> +Michaelmas plowing, Epiphany sheep;<br /> +Come June there is the grass to mow,<br /> +At Lammas all the vill must reap.<br /> +From dawn till dusk, from Easter till Lent<br /> +Here are the laws that he must keep:<br /> +Out and home goes he, back-bent,<br /> +Heavy, patient, slow as of old<br /> +Father, granfer, ancestor went<br /> +O’er Sussex weald and Yorkshire wold.<br /> +O what see you from your gray hill?<br /> +The sun is low, the air all gold,<br /> +Warm lies the slumbrous land and still.<br /> +I see the river with deep and shallow,<br /> +I see the ford, I hear the mill;<br /> +I see the cattle upon the fallow;<br /> +And there the manor half in trees,<br /> +And there the church and the acre hallow<br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">[Pg 127]</a></span>Where lie your dead in their feretories....<br /> +I see the yews and the thatch between<br /> +The smoke that tells of cottage and hearth,<br /> +And all as it has ever been<br /> +From the beginning of this old earth<a name='fna_350' id='fna_350' href='#f_350'><small>[350]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>The farm labourer to-day would well understand all these items of +expenditure, which the monastic treasuress laboriously enters in her +account. He would understand that heavy section headed “Repair of Carts +and Ploughs.” He would understand the purchases of grain for seed, or for +the food of livestock, of a cow here, a couple of oxen there, of whip-cord +and horse-collars, traces and sack-cloth and bran for a sick horse. Farm +expenses are always the same. The items which throw light on sheep-farming +are very interesting, in view of the good income which monastic houses in +pastoral districts made by the sale of their wool. The Prioress of +Catesby’s account for 1414-5 notes:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>In expences about washing and shearing of sheep v s vj d. In ale +bought for caudles ij s. In pitchers viij d. In ale about the carriage +of peas to the sheepcote iv d ob. In a tressel bought for new milk +viij d. In nails for a door there iv d ob. In thatching the sheepcote +viij d. In amending walls about the sheepcote ix d;</p></div> + +<p>and in her inventory of stock she accounts for</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>118 sheep received of stock, whereof there was delivered to the +kitchen after shearing by tally 14, in murrain before shearing 12, and +there remains 101; and for 5 wethers of stock and 2 purchased, whereof +in murrain before shearing 3, and there remains 4; and for 144 lambs +of issues of all ewes, whereof in murrain 23; and there remains +121<a name='fna_351' id='fna_351' href='#f_351'><small>[351]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>The nuns of Gracedieu in the same spring had a flock of 103 ewes and 52 +lambs; and there is mention in their accounts of the sale of 30 stone of +wool to a neighbour<a href='#f_351'><small>[351]</small></a>; and the nuns of Sheppey, as the inventory quoted +above bears witness, had a very large flock indeed.</p> + +<p>Some of the most interesting entries in the accounts are the payments for +extra labour at busy seasons, to weed corn, make hay, shear sheep, thresh +and winnow. The busiest season of all,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">[Pg 128]</a></span> the climax of the farmer’s year, +was harvest time; and most monastic accounts give it a separate heading. +The nuns of St Michael’s, Stamford, year after year record the date “when +we began to reap” and the payments to reapers and cockers for the first +four or five weeks and to carters for the fortnight afterwards. Extra +workers, both men and women, came in from among the cottagers of the manor +and of neighbouring manors; in some parts of the country migrant +harvesters came, as they do to-day, from distant uplands to help on the +farms of the rich cornland. To oversee them a special reap-reeve was hired +at a higher rate (the nuns of St Michael’s paid him 13<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i> in 1378); +gloves were given to the reapers to protect them from thistles<a name='fna_352' id='fna_352' href='#f_352'><small>[352]</small></a>; +special tithers were hired to set aside the sheaves due to the convent as +tithes (the convent paid “to one tither of Wothorpe,” an appropriated +church, “10<i>s.</i>, and to two of our tithers 13<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i>”). The honest +Tusser sets out the usage in jingling rhyme:</p> + +<p class="poem">Grant haruest lord more by a penie or twoo<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">to call on his fellowes the better to doo:</span><br /> +Giue gloues to thy reapers, a larges to crie,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">and dailie to loiterers haue a good eie.</span><br /> +<br /> +Reape wel, scatter not, gather cleane that is shorne,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">binde faste, shock apace, haue an eie to thy corne.</span><br /> +Lode safe, carrie home, follow time being faire,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">goue iust in the barne, it is out of despaire.</span><br /> +<br /> +Tithe dulie and trulie, with hartie good will<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">that God and his blessing may dwell with thee still:</span><br /> +Though Parson neglecteth his dutie for this,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">thank thou thy Lord God, and giue erie man his<a name='fna_353' id='fna_353' href='#f_353'><small>[353]</small></a>.</span></p> + +<p>Usually the workers got their board during harvest and very well they +fared. The careful treasuresses of St Michael’s get in beef and mutton and +fish for them, to say nothing of eggs and bread and oatmeal and foaming +jugs of beer. Porringers and platters have to be laid in for them to feed +from; and since they work until the sun goes down, candles must be bought +to light<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">[Pg 129]</a></span> the board in the summer dusk. At the end of all, when the last +sheaf was carried to the barn and the last gleaner had left the fields, +the nuns entertained their harvesters to a mighty feast.</p> + +<p>It was a time for hard work and for good fellowship. Says Tusser:</p> + +<p class="poem">In haruest time, haruest folke, seruants and all,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">should make all togither good cheere in the hall:</span><br /> +And fill out the black boule of bleith to their song,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">and let them be merie all haruest time long.</span><br /> +<br /> +Once ended thy haruest let none be begilde,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">please such as did helpe thee, man, woman and childe.</span><br /> +Thus dooing, with alway such helpe as they can,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">those winnest the praise of the labouring man<a name='fna_354' id='fna_354' href='#f_354'><small>[354]</small></a>.</span></p> + +<p>The final feast was associated with the custom of giving a goose to all +who had not overturned a load in carrying during harvest, and the nuns of +St Michael’s always enter it in their accounts as “the expenses of the +sickle goose” or harvest goose.</p> + +<p class="poem">For all this good feasting, yet art thou not loose<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">till ploughman thou giuest his haruest home goose.</span><br /> +Though goose go in stubble, I passe not for that,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">let goose haue a goose, be she leane, be she fat<a name='fna_355' id='fna_355' href='#f_355'><small>[355]</small></a>.</span></p> + +<p>An echo of old English gaiety sounds very pleasantly through these harvest +expenses.</p> + +<p>(5) <i>The wages sheet.</i> The last set of expenses which the monastic +housewife entered upon her roll was the wages sheet of the household, the +payments for the year, or for a shorter period, of all her male and female +dependents, together with the cost of their livery and of their allowance +of “mixture,” when the convent gave them these. We saw in the last chapter +that the nuns were the centre of a small community of farm and household +servants, ranging from the reverend chaplains and dignified bailiff +through all grades of standing and usefulness, down to the smallest +kitchen-maid and the gardener’s boy.</p> + +<p>Such is the tale of the account rolls. It may be objected by some that +this talk of tenement-building, and livestock, ploughshares and +harvest-home has little to do with monastic life, since it is but the +common routine of every manor. But this is the very reason for describing +it. The nunneries of England<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">[Pg 130]</a></span> were firmly founded on the soil and the nuns +were housewives and ladies of the manor, as were their sisters in the +world. This homely business was half their lives; they knew the kine in +the byre and the corn in the granary, as well as the service-books upon +their stalls. The sound of their singing went up to heaven mingled with +the shout of the ploughmen in the field and the clatter of churns in the +dairy. When a prioress’ negligence lets the sheepfold fall into disrepair, +so that the young lambs die of the damp, it is made a charge against her +to the bishop, together with more spiritual crimes. The routine of the +farm goes on side by side with the routine of the chapel. These account +rolls give us the material basis for the complicated structure of monastic +life. This is how nuns won their livelihood; this is how they spent it.</p> + + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<hr style="width: 50%;" /> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">[Pg 131]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_IV" id="CHAPTER_IV"></a>CHAPTER IV</h2> +<p class="title">MONASTIC HOUSEWIVES</p> + +<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary="table"> +<tr><td>Some respit to husbands the weather may send,<br /> +But huswiues affaires haue neuer an end.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;"><span class="smcap">Tusser</span>, <i>Fiue Hundred Pointes of Good Husbandrie</i> (1573).</span></td></tr></table> + +<p> </p> +<p>Every monastic house may be considered from two points of view, as a +religious and as a social unit. From the religious point of view it is a +house of prayer, its centre is the church, its <i>raison d’être</i> the daily +round of offices. From the social point of view it is a community of human +beings, who require to be fed and clothed; it is often a landowner on a +large scale; it maintains a more or less elaborate household of servants +and dependents; it runs a home farm; it buys and sells and keeps accounts. +The nun must perforce combine the functions of Martha and of Mary; she is +no less a housewife than is the lady of the manor, her neighbour. The +monastic routine of bed and board did not work without much careful +organisation; and it is worth while to study the method by which this +organisation was carried out.</p> + +<p>The daily business of a monastery was in the hands of a number of +officials, chosen from among the older and more experienced of the inmates +and known as <i>obedientiaries</i>. These obedientiaries, as Mr C. T. Flower +has pointed out in a useful article<a name='fna_356' id='fna_356' href='#f_356'><small>[356]</small></a>, fall into two classes: (1) +executive officials, charged with the general government of a house, such +as the abbess, prioress, subprioress and treasuress, and (2) nuns charged +with particular functions, such as the chantress, sacrist, fratress, +infirmaress,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">[Pg 132]</a></span> mistress of the novices, chambress and cellaress. The number +of obedientiaries differed with the size of the house. In large houses the +work had naturally to be divided among a large number of officials and +those whose offices were heaviest had assistants to help them. A list of +the twenty-six nuns of Romsey in 1502, for instance, distinguishes besides +the abbess, a prioress, subprioress, four chantresses, an almoness, +cellaress, sacrist and four subsacrists, kitcheness, fratress, infirmaress +and mistress of the school of novices<a name='fna_357' id='fna_357' href='#f_357'><small>[357]</small></a>. But in a small house there was +less need of differentiation, and though complaint is sometimes made of +the doubling of offices (perhaps from jealousy or a desire to participate +in the doubtful sweets of office), one nun must often have performed many +functions. It is common, for instance, to find the head of the house +acting as treasuress, a practice which undoubtedly had its dangers.</p> + +<p>The following were the most important obedientiaries, whose duties are +distinguished in the larger convents. (1) The <i>Treasuress</i>, or more often +two treasuresses. Her duty was to receive all the money paid, from +whatever source, to the house and to superintend disbursements; she had +the general management of business and held the same position as a college +bursar to-day. (2) The <i>Chantress</i> or <i>Precentrix</i> had the management of +the church services, trained the novices in singing and usually looked +after the library. (3) The <i>Sacrist</i> had the care of the church fabric, +with the plate, vestments and altar cloths and of the lighting of the +whole house, for which she had to buy the wax and tallow and wicks and +hire the candle-makers. (4) The <i>Fratress</i> had charge of the frater or +refectory, kept the chairs and tables in repair, purchased the cloths and +dishes, superintended the laying of meals and kept the lavatory clean. (5) +The <i>Almoness</i> had charge of the almsgiving. (6) The <i>Chambress</i> ordained +everything to do with the wardrobe of the nuns; the <i>Additions to the +Rules of Syon</i> thus describe her work:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>The Chaumbress schal haue al the clothes in her warde, that perteyne +to the bodyly araymente of sustres and brethern, nyghte and day, in +ther celles and fermery, as wel of lynnen as of wollen; schapynge, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">[Pg 133]</a></span>sewynge, makyng, repayryng and kepyng them from wormes, schakyng them +by the help of certayne sustres depute to her, that they be not +deuoured and consumed of moughtes. So that sche schal puruey for +canuas for bedyng, fryses, blankettes, schetes, bolsters, pelowes, +couerlites, cuschens, basens, stamens, rewle cotes, cowles, mantelles, +wymples, veyles, crounes, pynnes, cappes, nyght kerchyfes, pylches, +mantel furres, cuffes, gloues, hoses, schoes, botes, soles, sokkes, +mugdors, gyrdelles, purses, knyues, laces, poyntes, nedelles, threde, +wasching bolles and sope and for al suche other necessaryes after the +disposicion of the abbes, whiche in no wyse schal be ouer curyous, but +playne and homly, witheoute weuynge of any straunge colours of sylke, +golde, or syluer, hauynge al thynge of honeste and profyte, and +nothyng of vanyte, after the rewle; ther knyues unpoynted and purses +beyng double of lynnen clothe and not of sylke<a name='fna_358' id='fna_358' href='#f_358'><small>[358]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>(7) The <i>Cellaress</i> looked after the food of the house and the domestic +servants, and usually superintended the management of the home farm. It +was her business to lay in all stores, obtaining some from the home farm +and some by purchase in the village market, or at periodical fairs. She +had to order the meals, to engage and dismiss servants and to see to all +repairs. As one writer very well says, her “manifold duties appear to have +been a combination of those belonging to the offices of steward, butler +and farmer’s wife”<a name='fna_359' id='fna_359' href='#f_359'><small>[359]</small></a>. The <i>Rules</i> of Syon again deserves quotation:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>The Celeres schal puruey for mete and drynke for seke and hole, and +for mete and drynke, clothe and wages, for seruantes of householde +outwarde, and sche shall haue all the vessel and stuffe of housholde +under her kepynge and rewle, kepynge it klene, hole and honeste. So +that whan sche receyueth newe, sche moste restore the olde to the +abbes. Ordenyng for alle necessaryes longynge to al houses of offices +concernyng the bodyly fode of man, in the bakhows, brewhows, kychen, +buttry, pantry, celer, freytour, fermery, parlour and suche other, +bothe outewarde and inwarde, for straungers and dwellers, attendyng +diligently that the napery and al other thynge in her office be +honest, profitable and plesaunte to al, after her power, as sche is +commaunded by her souereyne<a name='fna_360' id='fna_360' href='#f_360'><small>[360]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>A very detailed set of instructions how to cater for a large abbey is to +be found in a Barking document called the <i>Charthe longynge to the office +of the Celeresse of the Monasterye of Barkinge</i><a name='fna_361' id='fna_361' href='#f_361'><small>[361]</small></a>. (8) The <i>Kitcheness</i> +superintended the kitchen, under the direction<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">[Pg 134]</a></span> of the cellaress. (9) The +<i>Infirmaress</i> had charge of the sick in the infirmary; the author of the +<i>Additions to the Rules</i> of Syon, a person of all too vivid imagination, +charges her often to</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>chaunge ther beddes and clothes, geue them medycynes, ley to ther +plastres and mynyster to them mete and drynke, fyre and water and al +other necessaryes, nyghte and day, as nede requyrethe, after counsel +of the phisicians, ... not squames to wasche them, and wype them, nor +auoyde them, not angry nor hasty, or unpacient thof one haue the +vomet, another the fluxe, another the frensy, which nowe syngethe, now +wel apayde, ffor ther be some sekenesses vexynge the seke so gretly +and prouokynge them to ire, that the mater drawen up to the brayne +alyenthe the mendes<a name='fna_362' id='fna_362' href='#f_362'><small>[362]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>(10) The <i>Mistress of the Novices</i> acted as schoolmistress to the novices, +teaching them all that they had to learn and superintending their general +behaviour.</p> + +<p>Certain of these obedientiaries, more especially the cellaress, chambress +and sacrist, had the control and expenditure of part of the convent’s +income, because their departments involved a certain number of purchases; +indeed while the treasuress acted as bursar, the housekeeping of the +convent was in the hands of the cellaress and chambress. Every well +organised nunnery therefore divided up its revenues, allocating so much to +the church, so much to clothing, so much to food, etc. Rules for the +disposition of the income of a house were sometimes drawn up by a more +than usually thrifty treasuress for the guidance of her successors, and +kept in the register or chartulary of the nunnery. The Register of +Crabhouse Priory contains one such document written (in the oddest French +of Stratford-atte-Bowe) during the second half of the fourteenth century:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“The wise men of religion who have possessions,” says this careful +dame, “consider according to the amount of their goods how much they +can spend each year and according to the sum of their income they +ordain to divers necessities their portions in due measure. And in +order that when the time comes the convent should not fail to have +what is necessary according to the sum of our goods, we have ordained +their portions to divers necessary things. To wit, for bread and beer, +all the produce of our lands and tenements in Tilney and all the +produce of our half church of St Peter in Wiggenhall, and, if it be +necessary, all the produce of our land in Gyldenegore. For meat and +fish and for herrings and for <i>feri</i> and <i>asser</i><a name='fna_363' id='fna_363' href='#f_363'><small>[363]</small></a> and for cloves +is set <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">[Pg 135]</a></span>aside all the produce of our houses and rents in Lynn and in +North Lynn and in Gaywood. For clothing and shoes all the produce of +our meadow in Setchy, ... and the remnant of the land in Setchy and in +West Winch is ordained for the purchase of salt. For the prioress’ +chamber, for tablecloths and towels and <i>tabites</i><a name='fna_364' id='fna_364' href='#f_364'><small>[364]</small></a> in linen and +saye, and for other things which are needed for guests and for the +household, is set aside all the produce of our land and tenements in +Thorpland and in Wallington. For the repair of our houses and of our +church in Crabhouse and for sea dykes and marsh dykes and for the +wages of our household and for other petty expenses is ordained all +the produce of our lands, tenements and rents in Wiggenhall, with the +exception of the pasture for our beasts and of our fuel. Similarly the +breeding of stock, and all the profits which may be drawn from our +beasts in Tilney, in Wiggenhall and in Thorpland, and in all other +places (saving the stock for our larder, and draught-beasts for carts +and ploughs and saving four-and-twenty cows and a bull) are assigned +and ordained for the repair of new houses and new dykes, to the common +profit of the house<a name='fna_365' id='fna_365' href='#f_365'><small>[365]</small></a>.”</p></div> + +<p>This practice of earmarking certain sources of income may be illustrated +from almost any monastic chartulary, for it was common for benefactors to +earmark donations of land and rent to certain special purposes, more +especially for the clothing of the nuns, for the support of the infirmary, +or for a special pittance from the kitchen<a name='fna_366' id='fna_366' href='#f_366'><small>[366]</small></a>. Similarly bishops +appropriating churches to monastic houses sometimes set aside the proceeds +for special purposes<a name='fna_367' id='fna_367' href='#f_367'><small>[367]</small></a>. The result of the practice was that the +obedientiaries of certain departments, more especially the cellaress, +chambress and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">[Pg 136]</a></span> sacrist, had to keep careful accounts of their receipts and +expenditure, which were submitted annually to the treasuress, when she was +making up her big account. Very few separate obedientiaries’ accounts +survive for nunneries, partly because the majority were small and the +treasuress not infrequently acted as cellaress and did the general +catering herself. Cellaresses’ accounts, however, survive for Syon and +Barking, chambresses’ accounts for Syon and St Michael’s Stamford (the +latter merely recording the payment to the nuns of their allowances) and +sacrists’ accounts for Syon and Elstow<a name='fna_368' id='fna_368' href='#f_368'><small>[368]</small></a>. In one column these accounts +set out the sources from which the office derives its income. This might +come to the obedientiary in one of two ways, either directly from the +churches, manors or rents appropriated to her, or by the hands of the +treasuress, who received and paid her the rents due to her office, or if +no revenues were appropriated to it, allocated her a lump sum out of the +general revenues of the house. Thus at Syon the cellaress drew her income +from the sale of hides, oxhides and fleeces (from slaughtered animals and +sheep at the farm), the sale of wood, and the profits of a dairy farm at +Isleworth, while the chambress simply answered for a sum of £10 paid to +her by the treasuresses. In another column the obedientiary would enter +her expenditure. This might take two forms. According to the Benedictine +rule and to the rule of the newly founded and strict Brigittine house of +Syon, all clothes and food were provided for the nuns by the chambress and +cellaress; and accordingly their accounts contain a complete picture of +the communal housekeeping. In the later middle ages, however, it became +the almost universal custom to pay the nuns a money allowance instead of +clothing, a practice which deprived the office of chambress of nearly all +its duties and possibly accounts for the rarity of chambresses’ account +rolls. The Syon chambress’ account is an example of the first or regular +method; the St Michael’s, Stamford, account of the second. More rarely the +nuns received money allowances for a portion of their food. The growth of +this custom of paying money allowances<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">[Pg 137]</a></span> will be described in a later +chapter<a name='fna_369' id='fna_369' href='#f_369'><small>[369]</small></a>; here it will suffice to consider the housekeeping of a +nunnery in which that business was entirely in the hands of the chambress +and cellaress.</p> + +<p>The accounts throw an interesting light on the provision of clothes for a +convent and its servants. An account of Dame Bridget Belgrave, chambress +of Syon (who had to look after the brothers as well as the sisters of the +house) has survived for the year 1536-7. It shows her buying “russettes,” +“white clothe,” “kerseys,” “gryce,” “Holand cloth and other lynen cloth,” +paying for the spinning of hemp and flax, for the weaving of cloth, for +the dressing of calves’ skins and currying of leather, and for 3000 +“pynnes of dyuerse sortes.” She pays wages to “the yoman of the +warderobe,” “the grome,” the skinner and the shoemakers and she tips the +“sealer” of leather in the market place<a name='fna_370' id='fna_370' href='#f_370'><small>[370]</small></a>. Treasuresses’ accounts also +often give interesting information about the purchase and making up of +various kinds of material. At St Radegund’s, Cambridge, the nuns were in +receipt of an annual dress allowance, but the house made many purchases of +stuff for the livery of its household and in 1449-50 the account records +payments</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>to a certain woman hired to spin 21 lbs. of wool, 22<i>d.</i>; and to Alice +Pavyer hired for the same work, containing in the gross 36 lbs. of +woollen thread 6<i>s.</i>; and paid to Roger Rede of Hinton for warping +certain woollen thread 1½<i>d.</i>; and to the same hired to weave 77 +ells of woollen cloth for the livery of the servants 3<i>s.</i> 5<i>d.</i>; and +paid to the wife of John Howdelowe for fulling the said cloth 3<i>s.</i> +6<i>d.</i>; and paid to a certain shearman for shearing (i.e. finishing the +surface of) the said cloth 14½<i>d.</i></p></div> + +<p>The next year the nuns make similar payments for cleaning, spinning, +weaving, warping, fulling and shearing wool (an interesting illustration +of the subdivision of the cloth industry) and disburse 9<i>s.</i> 9<i>d.</i> to +William Judde of St Ives for dyeing and making up this cloth into green +and blue liveries for the servants of the house<a name='fna_371' id='fna_371' href='#f_371'><small>[371]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>The cellaresses’ accounts, which show us how the nun-housekeeper catered +for the community, are even more interesting than the chambresses’ +accounts. The convent food was derived from two main sources, from the +home farm and from purchase. The home farm was usually under the +management of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">[Pg 138]</a></span> cellaress and provided the house with the greater part +of its meat, bread, beer and vegetables, and with a certain amount of +dairy produce (butter, cheese, eggs, chickens). Anything which the farm +could not produce had to be bought, and in particular three important +articles of consumption, to wit the salt and dried fish eaten during the +winter and in Lent, the salt for the great annual meat-salting on St +Martin’s day, and the spices and similar condiments used so freely in +medieval cooking and eaten by convents more especially in Lent, to relieve +the monotony of their fasting fare. The nuns of St Radegund’s, Cambridge, +used to get most of their salt fish at Lynn, whence it was brought up by +river to Cambridge. From the accounts of 1449-51 it appears that the +senior ladies made the occasion one for a pleasant excursion. There is a +jovial entry in 1450-1 concerning the carriage by water from Lynn to +Cambridge of one barrel<a name='fna_372' id='fna_372' href='#f_372'><small>[372]</small></a> and a half of white herrings, two cades<a name='fna_373' id='fna_373' href='#f_373'><small>[373]</small></a> +of red herrings, two cades of smelts, one quarter of stockfish and one +piece of timber called “a Maste” out of which a ladder was to be made +(2<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i>), together with the fares and food of Dame Joan Lancaster, +Dame Margaret Metham, Thomas Key (the bailiff) and Elene Herward of Lynn +to Cambridge (2<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i>). Another entry displays to us Dame Joan +Lancaster bargaining for the smelts and the stockfish at Lynn. Fish was +usually bought from one John Ball of Lynn, who seems to have been a +general merchant of considerable custom, for the nuns also purchased from +him all the linen which they needed for towels and tablecloths, and some +trenchers. Occasionally, also, however, they purchased some of their fish +at one or other of the fairs held in the district; in 1449-50 they thus +bought 8 warp<a name='fna_374' id='fna_374' href='#f_374'><small>[374]</small></a> of ling and 6 warp of cod from one John Antyll at Ely +fair and 14 warp of ling from the same man at Stourbridge fair, an +interesting illustration of how tradesmen travelled from fair to fair. At +St John Baptist’s fair in the same year they bought a horse for 9<i>s.</i> +6<i>d.</i>, 2 qrs. 5 bushels of salt, some timber boards and three “pitcheforke +staves.” In the following year they bought timber, pewter pots, a churn, +10 lbs. of soap and 3 lbs. of pepper at the famous fair of Stourbridge,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">[Pg 139]</a></span> +and salt and timber at the fair of St John Baptist. In 1481-2 they bought +salt fish, salt, iron nails, paper, parchment and “other necessities” at +the fairs of Stourbridge and of St Etheldreda the Virgin<a name='fna_375' id='fna_375' href='#f_375'><small>[375]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>The fish-stores illustrate a side of medieval housekeeping, which is +unfamiliar to-day. Fresh fish was eaten on fish-days whenever it could be +got. Most monastic houses had fishing rights attached to their demesnes, +or kept their own fish-pond or stew. The nuns of St Radegund’s had fishing +rights in a certain part of the Cam known as late as 1505 as +“Nunneslake”<a name='fna_376' id='fna_376' href='#f_376'><small>[376]</small></a>. But a great deal of dried and salted fish was also +eaten. In their storehouse the nuns always kept a supply of the dried cod +known as stockfish for their guest-house and for the frater during the +winter. It was kept in layers on canvas and was so dry that it had to be +beaten before it could be used; it is supposed to have derived its name +from the <i>stock</i> on which it was beaten, or, as Erasmus preferred to say, +“because it nourisheth no more than a dried stock”<a name='fna_377' id='fna_377' href='#f_377'><small>[377]</small></a>. For Lent the +chief articles of food were herrings and salt salmon, but the list of +<i>salt store</i> purchased by the cellaress of Syon in 1536-7 shows a great +variety of fish, to wit 200 dry lings, 700 dry haberden (salted cod), 100 +“Iceland fish,” 1 barrel of salt salmon, 1 barrel of [white] herring, 1 +cade of red herring and 420 lbs. of “stub” eels<a name='fna_378' id='fna_378' href='#f_378'><small>[378]</small></a>. The chief food +during Lent, besides bread and salt fish, was dried peas, which could be +boiled or made into pottage. Thus Skelton complains of the monks of his +day:</p> + +<p class="poem">Saltfysshe, stocfysshe, nor heryng,<br /> +It is not for your werynge;<br /> +Nor in holy Lenton season<br /> +Ye wyll nethyr benes ne peason<a name='fna_379' id='fna_379' href='#f_379'><small>[379]</small></a>.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">[Pg 140]</a></span>In Lent also were eaten dried fruits, in particular almonds and raisins +and figs, the latter being sometimes made into little pies called +<i>risschewes</i><a name='fna_380' id='fna_380' href='#f_380'><small>[380]</small></a>. The nuns of Syon purchased olive oil and honey with +their other Lenten stores. The list of condiments which they bought during +the year, for ordinary cooking purposes, or for consumption as a relief to +their palates in Lent, or as a pittance on high days and holidays, +includes, in 1536-7, sugar (749¾ lb.), nutmegs (18 lb.), almonds (500 +lb.), currants (4 lb.), ginger (6 lb.), isinglass (100 lb.), pepper (6 +lb.), cinnamon (1 lb.), cloves (1 lb.), mace (1 lb.), saffron (2 lb.), +rice (3 qrs.), together with figs, raisins and prunes<a name='fna_381' id='fna_381' href='#f_381'><small>[381]</small></a>. Surely the +poor clown, whom Autolycus relieved so easily of his purse, was sent to +stock a convent storehouse, not to furnish forth a sheep-shearing feast +and the sister who sent him was a sister in Christ:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Let me see, what am I to buy...? Three pound of sugar; five pound of +currants; rice,—what will this sister of mine do with rice?... I must +have saffron, to colour the warden pies; mace, dates,—none; that’s +out of my note; nutmegs seven; a race or two of ginger,—but that I +may beg;—four pound of prunes and as many of raisins of the sun<a name='fna_382' id='fna_382' href='#f_382'><small>[382]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Lent fare was naturally not very pleasant, for all the mitigations of +almonds and figs. At other times of the year the convent ate on fish-days +fresh fish, when they could get it, otherwise dried or salt fish, and on +meat-days either beef or some form of pig’s flesh, eaten fresh as pork, +cured and salted as bacon, or pickled as <i>sowce</i><a name='fna_383' id='fna_383' href='#f_383'><small>[383]</small></a>. Mutton was also +eaten, though much more seldom, for the sheep in the middle ages was +valued for its wool, rather than for its meat, and was indeed a scraggy +little animal, until the discovery of winter crops and the experiments of +Bakewell revolutionised stock-breeding and the English food-supply in the +eighteenth century. The nuns also had fowls on festive occasions, eggs, +cheese and butter from the dairy and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">[Pg 141]</a></span> vegetables from the garden. The +staple allowance of bread and beer made on the premises was always +provided by the convent, even when the nuns had a money allowance to cater +for themselves in other articles of food<a name='fna_384' id='fna_384' href='#f_384'><small>[384]</small></a>. Some idea of the menu of an +average house is given in the Syon rule:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>For the sustres and brethren sche [the cellaress] shal euery day for +the more parte ordeyne for two maner of potages, or els at leste for +one gode and that is best of alle. If ther be two, that one be sewe +[broth] of flesche and fische, after [according to what] the day is; +and that other of wortes or herbes, or of any other thing that groweth +in the yerthe, holsom to the body, as whete, ryse, otemele, peson and +suche other. Also sche schal ordeyne for two sundry metes, of flesche +and of fysche, one fresche, another powdred [salted], boyled, or +rosted, or other wyse dyghte, after her discrecion, and after the day, +tyme and nede requyreth, as the market and purse wylle stretche. And +thys schal stonde for the prebende, which is a pounde of brede, welle +weyed, with a potel of ale and a messe of mete.... On fysche dayes +sche schal ordeyn for whyte metes, yf any may be hadde after the +rewle, be syde fysche metes, as it is before seyd. Also, ones a wyke +at the leste, sche schal ordeyn that the sustres and brethren be +serued withe newe brede, namely on water dayes, but neuer withe newe +ale, nor palled or ouer sowre, as moche as sche may. For supper sche +schal ordeyn for some lytel sowpyng, and for fysche and whyte mete, or +for any other thynge suffred by the rewle, lyghte of dygestyon +equyualente, and as gode to the bodyly helthe.... On water dayes sche +schal ordeyne for bonnes or newe brede, water grewel, albreys and for +two maner of froytes at leste yf it may be, that is to say, apples, +peres or nuttes, plummes, chiryes, benes, peson, or any suche other, +and thys in competent mesure, rosten or sothen, or other wyse dyghte +to the bodyly helthe, and sche must se that the water be sothen with +browne brede in maner of a tysan, or withe barley brede, for coldenes +and feblenes of nature, more thys dayes, than in dayes passed +regnynge<a name='fna_385' id='fna_385' href='#f_385'><small>[385]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">[Pg 142]</a></span>On certain special days the nuns received a pittance, or extra allowance +of food, sometimes taking the shape of some special delicacy consecrated +to the day. On Shrove Tuesday they often had the traditional pancakes, or +fritters, called <i>crisps</i> at Barking<a name='fna_386' id='fna_386' href='#f_386'><small>[386]</small></a> and <i>flawnes</i> at St Michael’s, +Stamford<a name='fna_387' id='fna_387' href='#f_387'><small>[387]</small></a>. Maundy Thursday, otherwise called Shere Thursday (the +Thursday before Easter) was the great almsgiving day of the year. On this +day the kings and queens of England, as well as the greatest dignitaries +of the church and of the nobility, were accustomed to give gowns, food and +money to the poor, who clustered round their gates in expectance of the +event, and ceremonially to wash the feet of a certain number of poor men +and women, to commemorate Christ’s washing of His disciples’ feet. +Benefactors who left land to monastic houses for purposes of almsgiving +often specified Maundy Thursday as the day on which the alms were to be +distributed. It was customary also for monks and nuns to receive a +pittance on this day; and welcome it must have been after the long Lenten +fast. The nuns of Barking had baked eels, with rice and almonds and wine. +The nuns of St Mary de Pré (St Albans) had “Maundy ale” and “Maundy money” +given to them. The nuns of St Michael’s, Stamford, had beer and wafers and +spices<a name='fna_388' id='fna_388' href='#f_388'><small>[388]</small></a>. There was always a feast on Christmas<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">[Pg 143]</a></span> day and on most of the +great feasts of the church and the various feasts connected with the +Virgin. There was a pittance on the dedication day of the convent and +sometimes on other saints’ days. There were also pittances on the +anniversaries of benefactors who had left money for this purpose to the +convent, and sometimes also on profession-days, which were “the official +birthdays of the nuns”<a name='fna_389' id='fna_389' href='#f_389'><small>[389]</small></a>. In the monotonous round of convent life these +little festivities formed a pleasant change and were looked forward to +with ardour; in some of the larger houses a special obedientiary known as +the <i>Pittancer</i> had charge over them.</p> + +<p>Food is one of the housekeeper’s cares; servants are another; and between +them they must have wrinkled many a cellaress’ brow, though the servant +problem at least was a less complicated one in the middle ages than it is +to-day. The persons to whom regular yearly wages were paid by a convent +fall into four classes: (1) the chaplains, (2) the administrative +officials, steward, rent-collectors, bailiff, (3) the household staff and +(4) the hinds and farm-servants.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">[Pg 144]</a></span>(1) <i>The chaplains.</i> The account rolls of a nunnery of average size +usually contain payments to more than one priest. The nuns had to pay the +stipend of their own chaplain or mass-priest, of any chaplains or vicars +whom they were bound to provide for appropriated churches, and sometimes +of a confessor. The number of chaplains naturally varied with the size of +the house and with the number of appropriated churches. Great houses such +as Barking, Shaftesbury and Wilton had a body of resident chaplains +attached to the nunnery church and paid the stipends of priests +ministering to appropriated parishes. Poor and small nunneries, such as +Rusper, paid the fee of one resident chaplain. It is worthy of note that +certain important and old established abbeys in Wessex had canons’ +prebends attached to their churches. At each of the abbey churches of +Shaftesbury, St Mary’s Winchester, Wherwell and Wilton there were four +prebendary canons, at Romsey there were two (one of whom was known as +sacrist). Moreover at Malling in Kent there were two secular prebends, +known as the prebends of <i>magna missa maioris altaris</i> and <i>alta missa</i>. +These prebends were doubtless originally intended for the maintenance of +resident chaplains, but as early as the thirteenth century the prebends +were almost invariably held by non-residents and pluralists as sinecures, +the reason being, as Mr Hamilton Thompson points out, “the rise in value +of individual endowments and the consequent readiness of the Crown, as +patron of the monasteries, to discover in them sources of income for +clerks in high office.” Thus these great abbeys also followed the usual +custom of hiring chaplains to celebrate in their churches, though some of +the wealthier prebends were taxed with stipendiary payments towards the +cost of these<a name='fna_390' id='fna_390' href='#f_390'><small>[390]</small></a>.</p> + +<p> </p> +<p class="center">PLATE III</p> +<div class="figcenter"><img src="images/img04tmb.jpg" alt="" /><br /> +<a href="images/img04.jpg"><small>Larger Image</small></a></div> +<p class="center">PAGE FROM <i>LA SAINTE ABBAYE</i></p> + +<p class="descrip">(In the top left hand corner is a nun at confession; in the other corners +are visions appearing to a nun at prayer.)</p> +<p> </p> + +<p>The chaplain of a house usually resided on the premises, sometimes +receiving his board from the nuns; occasionally inventories mention his +lodgings, which were outside the nuns’ cloister. Thus the Kilburn +Dissolution inventory, after describing all the household offices, goes on +to describe the three chambers for the chaplain and the hinds, the +“confessor’s chamber” and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145">[Pg 145]</a></span> the church<a name='fna_391' id='fna_391' href='#f_391'><small>[391]</small></a>. At Sheppey the chamber over +the gatehouse was called “the confessor’s chamber” and was furnished forth +with</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>a hangyng of rede clothe, a paynted square sparver of lynen, with iij +corteyns of lynyn clothe, a good fetherbed, a good bolster, a pece of +blanketts and a good counterpeynt of small verder, in the lowe bed a +fetherbed, a bolster, a pece of blanketts olde, and an image coverled, +a greate joynyd chayer of waynscot, an olde forme, and a cressar of +iron for the chymneye<a name='fna_392' id='fna_392' href='#f_392'><small>[392]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>The relations between the nuns and their priest were doubtless very +friendly; he would be their guide, philosopher and friend, sometimes +acting as <i>custos</i> of their temporal affairs and always ready with advice.</p> + +<p>Madame Eglentyne, it will be remembered, took three priests with her upon +her eventful pilgrimage to Canterbury, and one was the +never-to-be-forgotten Sir John, whom she mounted worse than his inimitable +skill as a <i>raconteur</i> deserved:</p> + +<p class="poem">Than spak our host, with rude speche and bold<br /> +And seyde un-to the Nonnes Preest anon,<br /> +“Com neer, thou preest, com hider thou sir John,<br /> +Tel us swich thing as may our hertes glade,<br /> +Be blythe, though thou ryde up-on a jade.<br /> +What though thyn hors be bothe foule and lene,<br /> +If he wol serve thee, rekke not a bene;<br /> +Look that thyn herte be mery evermo.”<br /> +“Yis, sir” quod he, “yis, host, so mote I go,<br /> +But I be mery, y-wis I wol be blamed”:—<br /> +And right anon his tale he hath attamed,<br /> +And thus he seyde unto us everichon,<br /> +This swete preest, this goodly man, sir John<a name='fna_393' id='fna_393' href='#f_393'><small>[393]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Certainly the convent never went to sleep in a sermon which had the tale +of Chauntecleer and Pertelote for its <i>exemplum</i>.</p> + +<p>Yet the nuns were not always happy in their priests. There is the case +(not, it must be admitted, without its humour) of Sir Henry, the chaplain +of Gracedieu in 1440-41. Sir Henry was an uncouth fellow, it seems, who +was more at home in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">[Pg 146]</a></span> stable than at the altar. He went out haymaking +alone with the cellaress, and in the evening brought her back behind him, +riding on the same lean jade. Furthermore “Sir Henry the chaplain busies +himself with unseemly tasks, cleansing the stables, and goes to the altar +without washing, staining his vestments. He is without devotion and +irreverent at the altar and is of ill reputation at Loughborough and +elsewhere where he has dwelt.” Poor Sir Henry,—</p> + +<p class="poem">See, whiche braunes hath this gentil Preest,<br /> +So greet a nekke, and swich a large breest!<br /> +He loketh as a sperhauk with his yën;<br /> +Him nedeth nat his colour for to dyen<br /> +With brasil, ne with greyn of Portingale.</p> + +<p>The bishop swore him to “behave himself devoutly and reverently +henceforward at the altar in making his bow after and before his +masses”<a name='fna_394' id='fna_394' href='#f_394'><small>[394]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>(2) <i>The administrative officials.</i> These varied in number with the size +of the house and the extent of its possessions. The chief administrative +official was the <i>steward</i>, who is not, however, found at all houses. +Sometimes the office of steward was complimentary and the fee attached was +nominal. The <i>Valor Ecclesiasticus</i> shows that great men did not disdain +the post; Andrew Lord Windsor was steward of the Minoresses without +Aldgate, of Burnham and of Ankerwyke<a name='fna_395' id='fna_395' href='#f_395'><small>[395]</small></a>. Henry Lord Daubeney was steward +of Shaftesbury<a name='fna_396' id='fna_396' href='#f_396'><small>[396]</small></a>, George Earl of Shrewsbury of Wilton<a name='fna_397' id='fna_397' href='#f_397'><small>[397]</small></a>, Henry +Marquess of Dorset of Nuneaton<a name='fna_398' id='fna_398' href='#f_398'><small>[398]</small></a>, Sir Thomas Wyatt of Malling<a name='fna_399' id='fna_399' href='#f_399'><small>[399]</small></a>, Sir +W. Percy of Hampole, Handale and Thicket<a name='fna_400' id='fna_400' href='#f_400'><small>[400]</small></a>, Lord Darcy of Swine<a name='fna_401' id='fna_401' href='#f_401'><small>[401]</small></a>, +the Earl of Derby of St Mary’s Chester<a name='fna_402' id='fna_402' href='#f_402'><small>[402]</small></a>, and Mr Thomas Cromwell +himself of Syon and Catesby<a name='fna_403' id='fna_403' href='#f_403'><small>[403]</small></a>. Some houses, such as Wilton, had more +than one steward, and Syon maintained stewards as well as bailiffs in most +of the counties in which it had land. Some of these great men were +obviously not working officials; but many of the houses maintained +stewards at a good salary, who superintended their business affairs, kept +the courts of their manors, and were sometimes lodged<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">[Pg 147]</a></span> on the +premises<a name='fna_404' id='fna_404' href='#f_404'><small>[404]</small></a>. The larger houses also paid one or more receivers and +rent-collectors and sometimes an auditor, but in the average house the +most important administrative official was the bailiff.</p> + +<p>While large landowners kept bailiffs at each of the different manors which +they held, most nunneries employed a single bailiff, an invaluable +factotum who performed a great variety of business for them, besides +collecting rents from their tenants and superintending the home farm. +Thomas Key, the bailiff of St Radegund’s Cambridge, 1449-51, is an active +person; he receives a stipend of 13<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i> per annum and an occasional +gift from the nuns; he rides about collecting their rents in +Cambridgeshire; he accompanies them to Lynn on the annual journey to buy +the winter stock of salt fish, or sometimes goes alone; he can turn his +hand to mending rakes and ladders (for which he gets 8<i>d.</i> for four days’ +work), or to making the barley mows at harvest time, taking 3<i>d.</i> a day +for his pains; and indeed he is regularly hired to work during harvest, at +a fee of 6<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i> and two bushels of malt<a name='fna_405' id='fna_405' href='#f_405'><small>[405]</small></a>. Often the bailiff’s +wife was also employed by the nuns; the nuns of Sheppey paid their +bailiff, his wife and his servant all substantial salaries<a name='fna_406' id='fna_406' href='#f_406'><small>[406]</small></a>. Some +nunneries had a lodging set apart for him in the convent buildings, +outside the nuns’ cloister<a name='fna_407' id='fna_407' href='#f_407'><small>[407]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Evidence often crops up from a variety of sources concerning the relations +between the nuns and this important official. That these might be very +pleasant can well be imagined. Sometimes a bailiff of substance and +standing will place his daughter in the nunnery which he serves<a name='fna_408' id='fna_408' href='#f_408'><small>[408]</small></a>; +sometimes when he dies he will remember it in his will<a name='fna_409' id='fna_409' href='#f_409'><small>[409]</small></a>. But all +bailiffs were not good and faithful<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">[Pg 148]</a></span> servants. Mr Hamilton Thompson +considers that male stewards and bailiffs were often “responsible for the +financial straits to which the nunneries of the fifteenth century were +reduced, and ... certainly did much to waste the goods of the monasteries, +generally in their own interests”<a name='fna_410' id='fna_410' href='#f_410'><small>[410]</small></a>. Such a man was Chaucer’s Reeve, +though he did not waste land, for the reason that one does not kill the +goose that lays the golden eggs:</p> + +<p class="poem">His lordes sheep, his neet, his dayerye,<br /> +His swyn, his hors, his stoor and his pultrye,<br /> +Was hoolly in this reves governing,<br /> +And by his covenaunt yaf the rekening....<br /> +His woning was ful fair upon an heeth,<br /> +With grene treës shadwed was his place.<br /> +He coude bettre than his lord purchace.<br /> +Ful riche he was astored prively,<br /> +His lord wel coude he plesen subtilly,<br /> +To yeve and lene him of his owne good,<br /> +And have a thank, and yet a cote and hood<a name='fna_411' id='fna_411' href='#f_411'><small>[411]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Several records of law-suits are extant, in which prioresses are obliged +to sue their bailiffs in the court of King’s Bench for an account of their +periods of service<a name='fna_412' id='fna_412' href='#f_412'><small>[412]</small></a>, and visitation documents sometimes give a sorry +picture of the convent bailiff. The bailiff of Godstow (1432) went about +saying that there was no good woman in the nunnery<a name='fna_413' id='fna_413' href='#f_413'><small>[413]</small></a>; the bailiff of +Legbourne (1440) persuaded the prioress to sell him a corrody in the house +and yet he “is not reckoned profitable to the house in that office, for +several of his kinsfolk are serving folk in the house, who look out for<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">[Pg 149]</a></span> +themselves more than for the house”<a name='fna_414' id='fna_414' href='#f_414'><small>[414]</small></a>; the bailiff of Redlingfield +(1427) was the prioress’s lover<a name='fna_415' id='fna_415' href='#f_415'><small>[415]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Romsey Abbey seems at various times to have been peculiarly unfortunate in +its administrative officials. In 1284 Archbishop Peckham had to write to +the abbess Agnes Walerand and bid her remove two stewards, whom she had +appointed in defiance of the wishes of the convent and who were to give an +account of their offices to his official<a name='fna_416' id='fna_416' href='#f_416'><small>[416]</small></a>. At the close of the +fifteenth century, when the abbey was in a very disorderly state under +Elizabeth Broke, there was serious trouble again. In 1492 this Abbess was +found to have fallen under the influence of one Terbock, whom she had made +steward. She herself confessed that she owed him the huge sum of 80<i>l.</i> +and the nuns declared that in part payment of it she had persuaded them to +make over to him for three years a manor valued at 40<i>l.</i> and had given +him a cross and many other things. His friends haunted her house, +especially one John Write, who begged money from her for Terbock. The nuns +suspected him of dishonesty, asked that the rolls of account for the years +of his stewardship might be seen and declared that the house was brought +to ill-fame by him<a name='fna_417' id='fna_417' href='#f_417'><small>[417]</small></a>. In 1501 Elizabeth Broke had fallen under the +influence of another man, this time a priest called Master Bryce, but she +died the next year. Her successor Joyce Rowse was equally unsatisfactory +and equally unable to control her servants. Bishop Foxe’s vicar-general in +1507 enjoined that a nun should be sought out and corrected for having +frequent access, suspiciously and beyond the proper time, to the house of +the bailiff of the monastery, and others who went with her were to be +warned and corrected too; moreover he summoned before him Thomas Langton, +Christopher George and Thomas Leycrofte, bailiffs, and Nicholas Newman, +<i>villicum agricultorem</i>,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150">[Pg 150]</a></span> and admonished them to behave better in their +offices on pain of removal<a name='fna_418' id='fna_418' href='#f_418'><small>[418]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>(3) The <i>household staff</i> naturally varied in size with the size of the +nunnery. The Rule of St Benedict contemplated the performance of a great +deal if not all of the necessary domestic and agricultural work of a +community by the monks themselves. But this tradition had been largely +discarded by the thirteenth century, and if the nuns of a small convent +are found doing their own cooking and housework, it is by reason of their +poverty and they not infrequently complain at the necessity. They were of +gentle birth and ill accustomed to menial tasks. The weekly service in the +kitchen would seem to have disappeared completely. The larger houses +employed a male cook, sometimes assisted by a page, or by his wife, and +supervised by the cellaress, or by the kitcheness, where this obedientiary +was appointed. There were also a maltster, to make malt, and a brewer and +baker, to prepare the weekly ration of bread and ale; sometimes these +offices were performed by men, sometimes by women. There was a <i>deye</i> or +dairy-woman, who milked the cows, looked after the poultry, and made the +cheeses. There was sometimes a <i>lavender</i> or laundress, and there were one +or more women servants, to help with the housework and the brewing. The +gate was kept by a male porter; and there was sometimes also a gardener. +In large houses there would be more than one servant for each of these +offices; in small houses the few servants were men or maids of all work +and extra assistance was hired when necessary for making malt or washing +clothes. In large houses it was not uncommon for each of the chief +obedientiaries to have her own servant attached to her <i>checker</i> (office) +and household, who prepared the meals for her mistress and for those nuns +who formed her <i>familia</i> and messed with her. The head of the house nearly +always had her private servant when its resources permitted her to do so, +and sometimes when they did not.</p> + +<p>(4) <i>The farm labourers.</i> Finally every house which had attached to it a +home farm had to pay a staff of farm labourers. These hinds, whose work +was superintended by the bailiff and cellaress, always included one or two +ploughmen, a cowherd and oxherd, a shepherd, probably a carter or two and +some general<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151">[Pg 151]</a></span> labourers. Again the number varied very considerably +according to the size of the house and was commonly augmented by hiring +extra labour at busy seasons. The farm was cultivated partly by the work +of these hired servants, partly by the services owed by the villeins.</p> + +<p>The nuns, with their domestic and farm servants, were the centre of a busy +and sometimes large community, and a very good idea of their social +function as employers may be gained from the lists of wage-earning +servants to be found in account rolls or in Dissolution inventories. We +may take in illustration the large and famous abbey of St Mary’s, +Winchester, and the little house of St Radegund’s, Cambridge. St Mary’s, +Winchester, had let out the whole of its demesne in 1537, and the +inventory drawn up by Henry VIII’s commissioners therefore contains no +list of farm labourers. The household consisted of the Abbess and +twenty-six nuns, thirteen “poor sisters,” twenty-six “chyldren of lordys +knyghttes and gentylmen browght vp yn the sayd monastery,” three +corrodians and five chaplains, one of whom was confessor to the house, and +twenty-nine officers and servants. The Abbess had her own household, +consisting of a gentlewoman, a woman servant and a laundress, and the +prioress, subprioress, sacrist and another of the senior nuns each had her +private woman servant “yn her howse.” There were also two laundresses for +the convent. The male officers and servants were Thomas Legh, <i>generall +Receyver</i> (who also held a corrody and had two little relatives at school +in the convent), Thomas Tycheborne <i>clerke</i> (who likewise had two little +girl relatives at school and a boy who will be mentioned), Lawrens Bakon, +<i>Curtyar</i> (officer in charge of the secular buildings of the nunnery), +George Sponder, <i>Cater</i> (caterer or manciple, who purchased the victuals +for the community), William Lime, <i>Botyler</i>, Rychard Bulbery, <i>Coke</i>, John +Clarke, <i>Vndercoke</i>, Richard Gefferey, <i>Baker</i>, May Wednall, <i>convent +Coke</i>, John Wener, <i>vndercovent Coke</i>, John Hatmaker, <i>Bruer</i>, Wylliam +Harrys, <i>Myller</i>, Wylliam Selwod, <i>porter</i>, Robert Clerke, <i>vnderporter</i>, +William Plattyng, <i>porter of Estgate</i>, John Corte and Hery Beale, +<i>Churchemen</i>, Peter Tycheborne, <i>Chyld of the hygh aulter</i>, Rychard +Harrold, <i>seruaunt to the receyver</i> and John Serle, <i>seruaunt to the +Clerke</i><a name='fna_419' id='fna_419' href='#f_419'><small>[419]</small></a>.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">[Pg 152]</a></span>St Radegund’s, Cambridge, in 1450 was a much smaller community, numbering +about a dozen nuns. In the treasurers’ accounts the wage-earning household +is given as follows, together with the annual wages paid by the nuns. The +confessor of the house came from outside and was a certain friar named +Robert Palmer, who received 6<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i> a year for his pains; they also +paid a salary of 5<i>l.</i> a year to their mass-priest, John Herryson, 2<i>s.</i> +4<i>d.</i> to John Peresson, the chaplain celebrating (but only <i>per vices</i>, +from time to time) at the appropriated church of St Andrew’s, and 13<i>s.</i> +4<i>d.</i> to the “clerk” of that church, a permanent official. Thomas Key, the +invaluable bailiff and rent-collector mentioned above, got the rather +small salary of 13<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i>, but added to it by exactly half as much +again during harvest. Richard Wester, baker and brewer to the house, +received 26<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i>, John Cokke, maltster (and probably also cook, as +his name suggests) received 13<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i> The women servants included one +of those domestic treasures, who effectively run the happy household which +possesses them, or which they possess: her name was Joan Grangyer and she +is described as dairy-woman and purveyor or housekeeper to the Prioress; +the nuns paid her 20<i>s.</i> in all, including 6<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i> for her livery and +2<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i> as a special fee for catering for the Prioress. Then there was +Elianore Richemond, who seems to have been an assistant dairy-maid, for in +the following year the nuns had replaced her by another woman, hired “for +all manner of work in milking cows, making cheese and butter,” etc.; her +wages were 8<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i>, including a “reward” or gift of 20<i>d.</i> The other +women servants were Elizabeth Charterys, who received 3<i>s.</i> 1<i>d.</i> for her +linen and woollen clothes and her shoes, but no further wages, and +Dionisia <i>yerdwomman</i>, who received 9<i>s.</i> and doubtless did the rough +work. This completed the domestic household of the nuns. Their hinds +included three ploughmen, John Everesdon (26<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i>), Robert Page +(16<i>s.</i>) and John Slibre (13<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i> and 2<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i> for livery); the +shepherd, John Wyllyamesson, who received 22<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i> and 8<i>d.</i> for a +pair of hose; the oxherd Robert Pykkell, who took 6<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i>; and Richard +Porter, husbandman, who was hired to work from Trinity Sunday to +Michaelmas for 13<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i><a name='fna_420' id='fna_420' href='#f_420'><small>[420]</small></a></p> + +<p>It will thus be seen that the size of a convent household might vary +considerably. The twenty-six nuns of St Mary’s<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153">[Pg 153]</a></span> Winchester had gathered +round themselves a large household of nine women servants, five male +chaplains and twenty male officers and servants; but they boarded and +educated twenty-six children, gave three corrodies and supported thirteen +poor sisters (who may however have done some of the work of the house). +The twelve nuns of St Radegund’s lived more economically, with three male +and four female servants and six hinds, besides the chaplains; but even +their household seems a sufficiently large one. The ten nuns of Whitney +Priory employed two priests, a waiting maid for the prioress, nine other +women servants and thirteen hinds<a name='fna_421' id='fna_421' href='#f_421'><small>[421]</small></a>. It is notable that the maintenance +of a larger household than the revenues of the house could support is not +infrequently censured in injunctions as responsible for its financial +straits. At Nuncoton in 1440 the Prioress said that the house employed +more women servants than was necessary<a name='fna_422' id='fna_422' href='#f_422'><small>[422]</small></a> and a century later Bishop +Longland spoke very sternly against the same fault:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>that ye streight upon sight herof dymynishe the nombre of your +seruants, as well men as women, which excessyve nombre that ye kepe of +them bothe is oon of the grette causes of your miserable pouertye and +that ye are nott hable to mayntene your houshold nouther reparacons of +the same, by reason whereof all falleth to ruyne and extreme decaye. +And therefore to kepe noo moo thenne shalbe urged necessarye for your +said house<a name='fna_423' id='fna_423' href='#f_423'><small>[423]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>On the other hand many nunneries could by no means be charged with keeping +up an excessive household. Rusper, which had leased all its demesnes, had +only two women servants in its employ at the Dissolution<a name='fna_424' id='fna_424' href='#f_424'><small>[424]</small></a>, and nuns +sometimes complained to their visitors that they were too poor to keep +servants and had to do the work of the house themselves, to the detriment +of their religious duties in the choir. At Ankerwyke one of the nuns +deposed that</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154">[Pg 154]</a></span>they had not serving folk in the brewhouse, bakehouse or kitchen from +the last festival of the Nativity of St John the Baptist last year to +the Michaelmas next following, in so much that this deponent, with the +aid of other her sisters, prepared the beer and victuals and served +the nuns with them in her own person.</p></div> + +<p>At Gracedieu there was no servant for the infirmary and the subcellaress +had to sleep there and look after the sick, so that she could not come to +matins. At Markyate and Harrold the nuns had no washerwoman; at the former +house it was said “that the nuns have no woman to wash their clothes and +to prepare their food, wherefore they are either obliged to be absent from +divine service or else to think the whole time about getting these things +ready”; at the latter a nun said “that they have no common washerwoman to +wash the clothes of the nuns, save four times a year, and at other times +the nuns are obliged to go to the bank of the public stream to wash their +clothes”<a name='fna_425' id='fna_425' href='#f_425'><small>[425]</small></a>. It was probably on account of the poverty of Sinningthwaite +that Archbishop Lee ordered “the susters and the nonys there [that] they +kepe no seculer women to serve them or doe any busynes for them, but yf +sekenes or oder necessitie doe require”<a name='fna_426' id='fna_426' href='#f_426'><small>[426]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>As to the relations between the servants and their mistresses both +visitation reports and account rolls sometimes give meagre scraps of +information, which only whet the appetite for more. The payment of the +servants was partly in money, partly in board or in allowances of food, +partly in livery; stock-inventories constantly make mention of allowances +of wheat, peas, oats or oatmeal and maslin (a mixture of wheat and rye) +paid to this or that servant, and account rolls as constantly mention a +livery, a pair of hose, a pair of shoes, or the money equivalent of these +things, as forming part of the wage. The more important agricultural +servants had also sometimes the right to graze a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155">[Pg 155]</a></span> cow, or a certain number +of sheep on the convent’s pastures. Some servants, however, received wages +without board, others wages without livery. Account rolls seem to bear +witness to pleasant relations; there is constant mention of small tips or +presents to the servants and of dinners made to them on great occasions. +This was Merry England, when the ploughman’s feasts enlivened his hard +work and comfortless existence; he must have his Shrovetide pancakes, his +sheep-shearing feast, his “sickle goose” or harvest-home, and his +Christmas dinner; and the household servants must as often as may be have +a share in the convent pittance. The very general custom of allowing the +female servants to sleep in the dorter (against which bishops were +continually having to make injunctions) must have made for free and easy +and close relations between the nuns and the secular women who served +them; and sometimes one of these would save up and buy herself a corrody +in the house to end her days<a name='fna_427' id='fna_427' href='#f_427'><small>[427]</small></a>. Occasionally these close relations led +to difficulties; a trusted maid would gain undue influence over the +prioress and the nuns would be jealous of her. Thus at Heynings in 1440 it +was complained that the prioress “encourages her secular serving women, +whom she believes more than her sisters in their words, to scold the same +her sisters”<a name='fna_428' id='fna_428' href='#f_428'><small>[428]</small></a>. Sometimes also a servant would act as a go-between +between the nuns and the outside world, smuggling in and out tokens and +messages and sundry <i>billets doux</i><a name='fna_429' id='fna_429' href='#f_429'><small>[429]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>On the other hand there were sometimes difficulties of a different nature. +The servants got out of hand; they brought discredit on the nuns by the +indiscretions of their lives; they gossiped about their mistresses in the +neighbourhood, or were quarrelsome and pert to their faces. At Gracedieu +in 1440-41 a nun complained “that a Frenchwoman of very unseemly +conversation is their maltstress, also that the secular serving folk hold +the nuns in despite; she prays that they may be restrained; and chiefly +are they rebellious in their words against<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156">[Pg 156]</a></span> the kitchener”<a name='fna_430' id='fna_430' href='#f_430'><small>[430]</small></a>; evidently +the author of the <i>Ancren Riwle</i> spake not utterly from his imagination +when he bade his ladies “be glad in your heart if ye suffer insolence from +Slurry, the cook’s boy, who washeth dishes in the kitchen”<a name='fna_431' id='fna_431' href='#f_431'><small>[431]</small></a>. At +Markyate also the servants had to be warned “that honestly and not +sturdyly ne rebukyngly thai hafe thaym in thaire langage to the +sustres”<a name='fna_432' id='fna_432' href='#f_432'><small>[432]</small></a> and at Studley a maidservant had boxed the ears of a novice +of tender age<a name='fna_433' id='fna_433' href='#f_433'><small>[433]</small></a>. At Sheppey in 1511 it was said that “the men servants +of the prioress do not behave properly to the prioress, but speak of the +convent contemptuously and dishonestly, thus ruining the convent”<a name='fna_434' id='fna_434' href='#f_434'><small>[434]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>The peculiar difficulties suffered in this respect by an important house, +which maintained a large body of servants, are best illustrated, however, +in the case of Romsey Abbey. At this house in 1302 Bishop John of Pontoise +ordained</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>that a useless, superfluous, quarrelsome and incontinent servant and +one using insolent language to the ladies shall be removed within a +month, ... and especially John Chark, who has often spoken ill and +contumaciously in speaking to and answering the ladies, unless he +correct himself so that no more complaints be made to the bishop<a name='fna_435' id='fna_435' href='#f_435'><small>[435]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>John Chark possibly learned to bridle his tongue, but the tone among the +Romsey servants was not good, for in 1311 Bishop Henry Woodlock ordered +that “no women servants shall remain unless of good conversation and +honest; pregnant, incontinent, quarrelsome women and those answering the +nuns contumaciously, all superfluous and useless servants, [are] to be +removed within a month”<a name='fna_436' id='fna_436' href='#f_436'><small>[436]</small></a>. In 1387 the difficulties were of another +order; writes William of Wykeham:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>the secular women servants of the nuns are wont too often to come into +the frater, at times when the nuns are eating there, and into<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157">[Pg 157]</a></span> the +cloister while the nuns are engaged there in chapter meetings, +contemplation, reading or praying, and there do make a noise and +behave otherwise ill, in a way which beseems not the honesty of +religion. And these secular women often keep up their chattering, +carolling (<i>cantalenas</i>) and other light behaviour, until the middle +of the night, and disturb the aforesaid nuns, so that they cannot +properly perform the regular services. Wherefore we ... command you +that you henceforth permit not the aforesaid things, nor any other +things which befit not the observances of your rule, to be done by the +said servants or by others, and that you permit not these servants to +serve you henceforth in the frater, and a servant or any other secular +person who does the contrary shall be expelled from the monastery. +Moreover we forbid on pain of the greater excommunication that any +servants defamed for any offence be henceforth admitted to dwell among +you, or having been admitted, be retained in your service, for from +such grave scandals may arise concerning you and your house<a name='fna_437' id='fna_437' href='#f_437'><small>[437]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>We have spoken hitherto about the regular hired servants of the house; but +it must not be forgotten that nuns normally had a larger community +dependent in part upon them. From time to time they were wont to hire such +additional labour as they required, whether servants in husbandry taken on +for the haymaking and harvest season, artificers hired to put up or repair +buildings, workers in various branches of the cloth industry to make the +liveries of the servants, itinerant candle-makers to prepare the winter +dips, or a variety of casual workers hired at one time or another for +specific purposes. The nuns of St Radegund’s, Cambridge, entered in their +accounts a large number of payments besides those to their regular +servants. In moments of stress they were wont to fall back upon a paragon +named Katherine Rolf. We first meet her in 1449-50 weeding the garden for +four days, for the modest sum of 4½<i>d.</i>; but soon afterwards behold her +on the roof, aiding the thatchers to thatch two tenements, at 1½<i>d.</i> a +day for twelve days. In the next year she is more active still; first of +all she is found helping the candle-makers to make up 14 lbs. of tallow +candles for the guest-house. Then she combs and cleans a pound of wool for +spinning. Then she appears in the granary helping the maltster to thresh +and winnow grain. In the midst of these activities she turns an honest +penny by selling fat chickens to the convent. The nuns also disburse small +sums of money to the man who<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">[Pg 158]</a></span> cleanses the convent privies, to the +<i>slawterman</i> for killing beasts for the kitchen, to Richard Gardyner for +beating stockfish, to Thomas Osborne for making malt, to Thomas the Smith +for providing a variety of iron implements and <i>cart-clowtes</i>, for shoeing +the horses and for mending the ploughshares, and for “blooding the horses +on St Stephen’s day” (Dec. 26), to Thomas Boltesham, <i>cowper</i>, for mending +wooden utensils, to Thomas Speed for helping in the kitchen on fair-day +and to John Speed for working in the garden. Besides these they hire +various day-labourers to work in the fields during the sowing season, +hay-making and harvest, or to lop trees round the convent and hew up +firewood, or to prune and tie up the vines (for there were English +vineyards in those days). Then there is a long list of carpenters, +builders, thatchers, and plumbers engaged in making and repairing the +buildings of the convent and its tenants. Finally there are the various +cloth workers, spinners, weaver, fuller, shearman, dyer and tailor hired +to make the servants’ clothes, concerning whom something has already been +said<a name='fna_438' id='fna_438' href='#f_438'><small>[438]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Thus many persons came to depend upon a nunnery for part of their +livelihood, who were not the permanent servants of the house, and this +goes further than any imagined reverence for the lives and calling of +their inmates to explain the anxiety shown in some places for the +preservation of nunneries when the day of dissolution came. The convents +were not only inns and boarding-houses for ladies of the upper class and +occasionally schools for their daughters; they were the great employers +and consumers of their districts, and though their places must sooner or +later be taken by other employers and consumers, yet at the moment many a +husbandman and artificer must have seen his livelihood about to slip away +from him. The nuns of Sheppey, in their distant and lonely flats, clearly +employed a whole village<a name='fna_439' id='fna_439' href='#f_439'><small>[439]</small></a>. They could<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159">[Pg 159]</a></span> not count on hiring carpenter +and thatcher for piece-work when they wanted them in that thinly populated +spot, so they must hire them all the year round. Twenty-six hinds and +seven women they had in all, working in their domestic offices or on the +wide demesne, most of which they farmed themselves, for food was far to +buy if they did not grow it. Three shepherds kept their large flock, a +cowherd drove their kine and hogs, a horse-keeper looked to their 17 +horses. All the other men and women were busy with the beasts and the +crops in the field, or with work in the brew house, the “bultyng howse,” +the bakehouse and the dairy. So also at the abbey of Polesworth, where +fifteen nuns employed in all thirty-eight persons, women servants, yeomen +about the household and hinds. “In the towne of Pollesworth,” said the +commissioners, who were gentlemen of the district and not minded to lose +the house:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>ar 44 tenementes and never a plough but one, the resydue be +artifycers, laborers and vitellers, and lyve in effect by the said +house.... And the towne and nonnery standith in a harde soile and +barren ground, and to our estymacions, yf the nonnery be suppressed +the towne will shortely after falle to ruyne and dekaye, and the +people therin, to the nombre of six or seven score persones, are nott +unlike to wander and to seke their lyvyng as our Lorde Gode best +knowith<a name='fna_440' id='fna_440' href='#f_440'><small>[440]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>So also at St Mary’s, Winchester, whose household we have described:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>the seid Monastery ... standith nigh the Middell of the Citye, of a +great and large Compasse, envyroned with many poore housholdes<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160">[Pg 160]</a></span> which +haue theyr oonly lyuynge of the seid Monastery, And have no demaynes +whereby they may make any prouysion, butt lyue oonly by theyr landes, +making theyr prouysion in the markettes<a name='fna_441' id='fna_441' href='#f_441'><small>[441]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>The old order changeth, yielding place to new, and a livelihood fulfils +itself in many ways; yet many labouring folk as well as gentlemen must +have felt like the commissioners at Polesworth and St Mary’s, Winchester, +when the busy monastic housewives were dispersed and the grain and cattle +sold out of barn and byre. There is no-one so conservative as your +bread-winner, and for the best of reasons.</p> + + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<hr style="width: 50%;" /> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161">[Pg 161]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_V" id="CHAPTER_V"></a>CHAPTER V</h2> +<p class="title">FINANCIAL DIFFICULTIES</p> + +<div class="note"><p>Annual income twenty pounds, annual expenditure nineteen, nineteen, +six; result, happiness. Annual income twenty pounds, annual +expenditure twenty pounds, ought and six; result, misery.</p> + +<p class="right"><i>Mr Micawber.</i></p></div> + +<p> </p> +<p>In the history of the medieval nunneries of England there is nothing more +striking than the constant financial straits to which they were reduced. +Professor Savine’s analysis of the <i>Valor Ecclesiasticus</i> has shown that +in 1535 the nunneries were on an average only half as rich as the men’s +houses, while the average number of religious persons in them was +larger<a name='fna_442' id='fna_442' href='#f_442'><small>[442]</small></a>; and yet it is clear from the evidence of visitation documents +that even the men’s houses were continually in debt. It is therefore not +to be wondered at that there was hardly a nunnery in England, which did +not at one time or another complain of poverty. These financial +difficulties had already begun before the end of the thirteenth century +and they grew steadily worse until the moment of the Dissolution. The +worst sufferers of all were the nunneries of Yorkshire and the North, a +prey to the inroads of the Scots, who time after time pillaged their lands +and sometimes dispersed their inmates; Yorkshire was full of nunneries and +almost all of them were miserably poor. But in other parts of the country, +without any such special cause, the position was little better. When +Bishop Alnwick visited the diocese of Lincoln in the first half of the +fifteenth century, fourteen out of the twenty-five houses which he +examined were in financial difficulties. Moreover not only is this true of +small houses, inadequately endowed from their foundation and less likely +to weather bad times, but the largest and richest houses frequently +complained of insufficient means. It is easy to understand the distress of +the poor nuns of Rothwell; their founder Richard, Earl of Gloucester,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162">[Pg 162]</a></span> had +died before properly endowing the house, and the prioress and convent +could expend for their food and clothing only four marks and the produce +of four fields of land, in one of which the house was situated<a name='fna_443' id='fna_443' href='#f_443'><small>[443]</small></a>. But +it is less easy to account for the constant straits of the great Abbey of +Shaftesbury, which had such vast endowments that a popular saying had +arisen: “If the Abbot of Glastonbury could marry the Abbess of +Shaftesbury, their heir would hold more land than the King of +England”<a name='fna_444' id='fna_444' href='#f_444'><small>[444]</small></a>. It is comprehensible that the small houses of Lincolnshire +and the dangerously situated houses of Yorkshire should be in +difficulties; but their complaints are not more piteous than those of +Romsey, Godstow and Barking, richly endowed nunneries, to which the +greatest ladies of the land did not disdain to retire.</p> + +<p>The poverty of the nunneries was manifested in many ways. One of these was +the extreme prevalence of debt. On the occasion of Bishop Alnwick’s +visitations, to which reference has been made above, no less than eleven +houses were found to be in debt<a name='fna_445' id='fna_445' href='#f_445'><small>[445]</small></a>. At Ankerwyke the debts amounted to +£40, at Langley to £50, at Stixwould to 80 marks, at Harrold to 20 marks, +at Rothwell to 6 marks. Markyate was “indebted to divers creditors for a +great sum.” Heynings was in debt owing to costly repairs and to several +bad harvests, and about the same time a petition from the nuns stated that +they had “mortgaged for no short time their possessions and rents and thus +remain irrecoverably pledged, have incurred various very heavy debts and +are much depressed and brought to great and manifest poverty”<a name='fna_446' id='fna_446' href='#f_446'><small>[446]</small></a>. In +some cases the prioresses claimed to have reduced an initial debt; the +Prioress of St Michael’s, Stamford, said that on her installation twelve +years previously the debts stood at £20 and that they were now only 20 +marks; the Prioress of Gracedieu said that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">[Pg 163]</a></span> she had reduced debts from £48 +to £38; the Prioress of Legbourne said that the debts were now only £14 +instead of £63<a name='fna_447' id='fna_447' href='#f_447'><small>[447]</small></a>. But from the miserable poverty of some of these +houses (for instance Gokewell, where the income in rents was said to be +£10 yearly and Langley, where it was £20, less than half the amount of the +debts) it may be inferred that the struggle to repay creditors out of an +already insufficient income was a hopeless one; and the effort to do so +out of capital was often more disastrous still. Nothing is more striking +than the lists of debts which figure in the account rolls of medieval +nunneries. In thirteen out of seventeen account rolls belonging to St +Michael’s Stamford<a name='fna_448' id='fna_448' href='#f_448'><small>[448]</small></a> and ranging between 1304 and 1410, the nuns end +the year with a deficit; and in fourteen cases there is a schedule of +debts added to the account. Sometimes the amount owed is small, but +occasionally it is very large. In the first roll which has survived +(1304-5) the deficit on the account is some £5 odd; the debts are entered +as £23. 1<i>s.</i> 11<i>d.</i> on the present year (which were apparently afterwards +paid, because the items were marked “vacat pour ceo ke le deners sount +paye”) and fifteen items amounting to £52. 3<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i> and described as +“nos auncienes dettes estre cest aan”; in fact the debts amount to +considerably more than the income entered in the roll<a name='fna_449' id='fna_449' href='#f_449'><small>[449]</small></a>. Similarly in +1346-47 the debts amount to £51 odd and in 1376-77 to £53 odd, and in +other years to smaller sums. In some cases a list of debts due to the +convent is also entered in the account, but in only four of these does the +money owed to the house exceed the amount owing by it; and “argent +aprompté” or “money borrowed” is a regular item in the credit account. +Similarly the treasuresses’ accounts of Gracedieu end with long schedules +of debts due by the house<a name='fna_450' id='fna_450' href='#f_450'><small>[450]</small></a>. Nor was it only the small houses which got +into<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164">[Pg 164]</a></span> debt. Tarrant Keynes was quite well off, but as early as 1292 the +nuns asked the royal leave to sell forty oaks to pay their debts<a name='fna_451' id='fna_451' href='#f_451'><small>[451]</small></a>. +Godstow was rich, but in 1316 the King had to take it under his protection +and appoint keepers to discharge its debts, “on account of its poverty and +miserable state,” and in 1335 the profits during vacancy were remitted to +the convent by the King “because of its poverty and misfortunes”<a name='fna_452' id='fna_452' href='#f_452'><small>[452]</small></a>. St +Mary’s, Winchester, was a famous house, but it also was in debt early in +the fourteenth century<a name='fna_453' id='fna_453' href='#f_453'><small>[453]</small></a>. It should be noticed that the last cases (and +that of St Michael’s Stamford, 1304-5) are anterior to the Black Death, to +whose account it has been customary to lay all the financial misfortunes +of the religious houses. It is undeniable that the Black Death completed +the ruin of many of the smaller houses, and that matters grew steadily +worse during the last half of the fourteenth and throughout the fifteenth +century; but there is ample evidence that the finances of many religious +houses, both of men and of women, had been in an unsatisfactory condition +at an earlier date; and even the golden thirteenth century can show cases +of heavy debt<a name='fna_454' id='fna_454' href='#f_454'><small>[454]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>In the smaller houses the constant struggle with poverty must have +entailed no little degree of discomfort and discouragement. Sometimes the +nuns seem actually to have lacked food and clothes, and it seems clear +that in many cases the revenues of these convents were insufficient for +their support and that they were dependent upon the charity of friends. A +typical case is that of Legbourne, where one of the nuns informed Bishop +Alnwick (1440) that since the revenues of the house did not exceed £40 and +since there were thirteen nuns and one novice, it was impossible for so +many of them to have sufficient food and clothing from such inadequate +rents, unless they <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165">[Pg 165]</a></span>received assistance from secular friends<a name='fna_455' id='fna_455' href='#f_455'><small>[455]</small></a>. Fosse +in 1341 was said to be so slenderly endowed that the nuns had not enough +to live on without external aid<a name='fna_456' id='fna_456' href='#f_456'><small>[456]</small></a>; and in 1440 Alnwick noted “all the +nuns complain ever of the poverty of the house and they receive nothing +from it save only food and drink”<a name='fna_457' id='fna_457' href='#f_457'><small>[457]</small></a>. Of Buckland it was stated that +“its possessions cannot suffice for the sustenance of the said sisters +with their household, for the emendation of their building, for their +clothes and for their other necessities without the help of friends and +the offering of alms”<a name='fna_458' id='fna_458' href='#f_458'><small>[458]</small></a>. Cokehill in 1336 was excused a tax because it +was so inadequately endowed that the nuns had not enough to live upon +without outside aid<a name='fna_459' id='fna_459' href='#f_459'><small>[459]</small></a>. Davington in 1344 was in the same position; +although the nuns were reduced to half their former number, they could not +live upon their revenues without the charity of friends<a name='fna_460' id='fna_460' href='#f_460'><small>[460]</small></a>. Alnwick’s +visitations, indeed, show quite clearly that in poor houses the nuns were +often expected to provide either clothes or (on certain days) food for +themselves, out of the gift of their friends<a name='fna_461' id='fna_461' href='#f_461'><small>[461]</small></a>. At Sinningthwaite, in +the diocese of York, the position appears even more clearly; in 1319 it +was declared that the nuns who had no elders, relatives or friends, lacked +the necessary clothes and were therefore afflicted with cold, whereupon +the Archbishop ordered them to have clothes provided out of the means of +the house<a name='fna_462' id='fna_462' href='#f_462'><small>[462]</small></a>. The clause of the Council of Oxford which permitted poor +houses to receive a sum sufficient for the vesture of a new member was +evidently stretched to include the perpetual provision of clothing by +external friends, and this is sometimes indicated in the wording of +legacies. Thus Roger de Noreton, citizen and mercer of York, left the +following bequest in 1390:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>I bequeath to Isabel, my daughter, a nun of St Clement’s, York, to buy +her black flannels (<i>pro flannelis suis nigris emendis</i>), according to +the arrangement of my wife Agnes and of my other executors, at fitting +times, according to her needs, four marks of silver<a name='fna_463' id='fna_463' href='#f_463'><small>[463]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166">[Pg 166]</a></span>Sir Thomas Cumberworth, dying in 1451, specifically directed that “ye blak +Curteyne of lawne be cut in vailes and gyfyn to pore nones”<a name='fna_464' id='fna_464' href='#f_464'><small>[464]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>The nuns were not always able to obtain adequate help from external +friends in the matter of food and clothes; and evidence given at episcopal +visitations shows that they sometimes went cold and hungry. Complaints are +common that the allowance paid to the nuns (in defiance of canon law) for +the provision of food and of garments had been reduced or withdrawn; and +so also are complaints that the quality of beer provided by the convent +was poor, though here the propensity of all communities to grumble at +their food has to be taken into account<a name='fna_465' id='fna_465' href='#f_465'><small>[465]</small></a>. But more specific +information is often given; and though it is clear that financial +mismanagement was often as much to blame as poverty, the sufferings of the +nuns were not for that reason any less real. The Yorkshire nunnery of +Swine is a case in point. It was never rich, but at Archbishop Giffard’s +visitation in 1268 the nuns complained that the maladministration of their +fellow canons<a name='fna_466' id='fna_466' href='#f_466'><small>[466]</small></a> had made their position intolerable. Although the means +of the house, if discreetly managed, sufficed to maintain them, they +nevertheless had nothing but bread and cheese and ale for meals and were +even served with water instead of ale twice a week, while the canons and +their friends were provided for “abundantly and sumptuously enough”; the +nuns were moreover insufficiently provided with shoes and clothes; they +had only one pair of shoes each year<a name='fna_467' id='fna_467' href='#f_467'><small>[467]</small></a> and barely a tunic in every +three and a cloak in every six years, unless they managed to beg more from +relatives and secular friends<a name='fna_468' id='fna_468' href='#f_468'><small>[468]</small></a>. Fifty years later there was still +scarcity at Swine, for the Prioress was ordered to see that the house was +reasonably served with bread, ale and other necessities<a name='fna_469' id='fna_469' href='#f_469'><small>[469]</small></a>. At Ankerwyke +(1441) the frivolous and incompetent Prioress, Clemence Medforde, reduced +her nuns to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">[Pg 167]</a></span> similar discomfort. Margery Kirkby, whose tongue nothing +could stop, announced that “she furnishes not nor for three years’ space +has furnished fitting habits to the nuns, insomuch that the nuns go about +in patched clothes. The threadbareness of the nuns” added the bishop’s +clerk “was apparent to my lord. (<i>Patebat domino nuditas monialium.</i>)” +Three of the younger nuns also made complaints; Thomasine Talbot had no +bedclothes “insomuch that she lies in the straw,” Agnes Dychere “asks that +sufficient provision be made to her in clothing for her bed and body, that +she may be covered from the cold, and also in eatables, that she may have +strength to undergo the burden of religious observance and divine service, +for these hitherto had not been supplied to her”; and Margaret Smith also +complained of insufficient bedclothes. Poor little sister Thomasine also +remarked sadly that she had no kirtle provided for her use<a name='fna_470' id='fna_470' href='#f_470'><small>[470]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>The history of Romsey shows that even the rich houses suffered from +similar inconveniences. In 1284 Peckham speaks of a scarcity of food in +the house and forbids the Abbess to fare sumptuously in her chamber, while +the convent went short<a name='fna_471' id='fna_471' href='#f_471'><small>[471]</small></a>; in 1311 it was ordered that the bread should +be brought back to the weight, quantity and quality hitherto used<a name='fna_472' id='fna_472' href='#f_472'><small>[472]</small></a>; +and in 1387 William of Wykeham rather severely commanded the Abbess and +officiaries to provide for the nuns bread, beer and other fit and proper +victuals, according to ancient custom and to the means of the house<a name='fna_473' id='fna_473' href='#f_473'><small>[473]</small></a>. +Campsey was another flourishing house, but in 1532 a chorus of complaint +greeted the ears of the visitor,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168">[Pg 168]</a></span> and (as in so many cases) the ills were +all put down to the mismanagement of the Prioress, Ela Buttry. She was not +too luxurious, but too stingy; Katherine Symon said that noble guests, +coming to the priory, complained of the very great parsimony of the +Prioress; Margaret Harmer said that the sisters were sometimes served with +very unwholesome food; Isabel Norwich said that the friends of the nuns, +coming to the house, were not properly provided for; Margaret Bacton said +that dinner was late through the fault of the cook and that the meat was +burnt to a cinder; Katherine Grome said that the beef and mutton with +which the nuns were served were sometimes bad and unwholesome and that +within the past month a sick ox, which would otherwise have died, had been +killed for food, and that the Prioress was very sparing both in her own +meals and in those with which she provided the nuns; and four other +sisters gave evidence to the same effect<a name='fna_474' id='fna_474' href='#f_474'><small>[474]</small></a>. One has the impression that +the nuns were elderly and fussy, but there was evidently a basis for their +unanimous complaint, and it is easy to imagine that food may sometimes +have been very bad in convents which (unlike Campsey) were burdened with +real poverty<a name='fna_475' id='fna_475' href='#f_475'><small>[475]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Another sign of the financial distress of the nunneries was the ruinous +condition of their buildings. The remark written by a shivering monk in a +set of nonsense verses may well stand as the plaint of half the nunneries +of England:</p> + +<p class="poem">Haec abbathia ruit, hoc notum sit tibi, Christe,<br /> +Intus et extra pluit, terribilis est locus iste.</p> + +<p>(“This abbey falleth in ruins, Christ mark this well! It raineth within +and without; how fearful is this place!”)<a name='fna_476' id='fna_476' href='#f_476'><small>[476]</small></a>. Time after time<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169">[Pg 169]</a></span> +visitations revealed houses badly in need of repair and roofs letting in +rain or even tumbling about the ears of the nuns; time after time +indulgences were granted to Christians who would help the poor nuns to +rebuild church or frater or infirmary. The thatched roofs especially were +continually needing repairs. It will be remembered how the Abbess Euphemia +of Wherwell rebuilt the bell tower above the dorter,</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>which fell down through decay one night, about the hour of mattins, +when by an obvious miracle from heaven, though the nuns were in the +dorter, some in bed and some in prayer before their beds, all escaped +not only death but any bodily injury<a name='fna_477' id='fna_477' href='#f_477'><small>[477]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p> </p> +<p class="center">PLATE IV</p> +<div class="figcenter"><img src="images/img05.jpg" alt="" /></div> +<p class="descrip">Brass of Ela Buttry, the stingy Prioress of Campsey († 1546), in St +Stephen’s Church, Norwich. Stingy even in death, she has appropriated to +her own use the brass of a 14th century laywoman.</p> +<p> </p> + +<p>At Crabhouse in the time of Joan Wiggenhall</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>the dortour that than was, as fer forthe as we knowe, the furste that +was set up on the place, was at so grete mischeef and, at the +gate-downe, the Prioresse dredyinge perisschyng of her sistres whiche +lay thereinne took it doune for drede of more hermys,</p></div> + +<p>and next year “sche began the grounde of the same dortoure that now +stondith and wrought thereupon fulli vij yere betymes as God wolde sende +hir good<a name='fna_478' id='fna_478' href='#f_478'><small>[478]</small></a>.” The Prioress of Swine was ordered in 1318 to have the +dorter covered without delay, so that the nuns might quietly and in +silence enter it, without annoyance from storms, and to have the roofs of +the other buildings repaired as soon as might be<a name='fna_479' id='fna_479' href='#f_479'><small>[479]</small></a>. At St Radegund’s +Cambridge, in 1373, the Prioress was charged with suffering the frater to +remain unroofed, so that in rainy weather the sisters were unable to take +their meals there, to which she replied that the nunnery was so burdened +with debts, subsidies and contributions, that she had so far been unable +to carry out repairs, but would do so as quickly as possible<a name='fna_480' id='fna_480' href='#f_480'><small>[480]</small></a>. At +Littlemore in 1445 the nuns did not sleep in the dorter for fear it should +fall<a name='fna_481' id='fna_481' href='#f_481'><small>[481]</small></a>. At Romsey in 1502 the wicked Abbess Elizabeth Broke had allowed +the roofs of the chancel and dorter to become defective, “so that if it +happened to rain the nuns were unable<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170">[Pg 170]</a></span> to remain either in the quire in +time of divine service or in their beds and the funds that the abbess +ought to have expended on these matters were being squandered on Master +Bryce”; the fabric of the monastery in stone walls was also going to decay +through her neglect, and so were various tenements belonging to the house +in the town of Romsey<a name='fna_482' id='fna_482' href='#f_482'><small>[482]</small></a>. Over a hundred and twenty years before, +William of Wykeham had found Romsey hardly less dilapidated, with its +church, infirmary and nuns’ rooms “full of many enormous and notable +defects,” and the buildings of the monastery itself and of its different +manors in need of repair<a name='fna_483' id='fna_483' href='#f_483'><small>[483]</small></a>. Of the unfortunate houses within the area +of Scottish inroads, Arden, Thicket, Keldholme, Rosedale, Swine, Wykeham, +Arthington and Moxby were all ruinous at the beginning of the fourteenth +century; the monotonous list includes the church, frater and chapter house +of Arden, the cloister of Rosedale, the bakehouse and brewhouse of Moxby, +the dorter and frater of Arthington<a name='fna_484' id='fna_484' href='#f_484'><small>[484]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>In the sixteenth century the distress was, as usual, at its worst. At the +visitation of the Chichester diocese by Bishop Sherburn in 1521 the +cloister of Easebourne needed roofing and Rusper was “in magno decasu”; +six years later Rusper was still “aliqualiter ruinosa”<a name='fna_485' id='fna_485' href='#f_485'><small>[485]</small></a>. At the +Norwich visitations of Bishop Nykke the church of Blackborough was in +ruins, and the roofs of cloister and frater at Flixton were defective; +while at Crabhouse buildings were in need of repair and the roof of the +Lady chapel was ruinous<a name='fna_486' id='fna_486' href='#f_486'><small>[486]</small></a>; Joan Wiggenhall must have turned in her +grave. Bishop Longland’s visitations of the diocese of Lincoln show a +similar state of affairs. In 1531 he commanded the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171">[Pg 171]</a></span> Abbess of Elstow “that +suche reparacons as be necessarye in and upon the buildinges within the +said monasterye, and other houses, tenements and fearmes thereto +belonging, be suffycyently doon and made within the space of oon yere,” +and the Prioress of Nuncoton, “that ye cause your firmary, your chirche +and all other your houses that be in ruyne and dekaye within your +monastery to be suffycyently repayred within this yere if itt possible +may”; and reminded the nuns of Studley that they “muste bestowe lardge +money upon suche reparacons as are to be doon upon your churche, quere, +dortor and other places whiche ar in grete decaye”<a name='fna_487' id='fna_487' href='#f_487'><small>[487]</small></a>. At Goring, also, +the nuns all complained that the buildings were utterly out of repair, +especially the choir, cloister and dorter<a name='fna_488' id='fna_488' href='#f_488'><small>[488]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>The frequency of fires in the middle ages was probably often to blame for +the ruin of buildings. There were then no contrivances for extinguishing +flames, and the thatched and wooden houses must have burned like stubble. +Thus it was that “thorow the negligens of woman<a name='fna_489' id='fna_489' href='#f_489'><small>[489]</small></a> with fyre brent up a +good malt-house with a soler and alle her malt there” at Crabhouse,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_172" id="Page_172">[Pg 172]</a></span> and +Joan Wiggenhall had to repair it at a cost of five pounds<a name='fna_490' id='fna_490' href='#f_490'><small>[490]</small></a>. There is a +piteous appeal to Edward I from the nuns of Cheshunt, who had been +impoverished by a fire and sought “help from the King of his special grace +and for God’s sake”; but “<i>Nihil fiat hac vice</i>,” replied red tape<a name='fna_491' id='fna_491' href='#f_491'><small>[491]</small></a>; +an undated petition in the Record Office says that the house, church and +goods of the nuns had twice been burned and their charters destroyed<a name='fna_492' id='fna_492' href='#f_492'><small>[492]</small></a>. +In 1299 the Abbess of Wilton received permission to fell fifty oaks in the +forest of Savernake “in order to rebuild therewith certain houses in the +abbey lately burnt by mischance”<a name='fna_493' id='fna_493' href='#f_493'><small>[493]</small></a>. At Wykeham, in Edward III’s reign, +the priory church, cloisters and twenty-four other buildings were +accidentally burned down and all the books, vestments and chalices of the +nuns were destroyed<a name='fna_494' id='fna_494' href='#f_494'><small>[494]</small></a>. Similarly the nuns of St Radegund’s, Cambridge, +lost their house and all their substance by fire at the beginning of the +fourteenth century, and in 1376 their buildings were again said to have +been burned; either they had never recovered from their first disaster or +a second fire had broken out<a name='fna_495' id='fna_495' href='#f_495'><small>[495]</small></a>. The nuns of St Leonard’s, Grimsby, +apparently lost their granaries in 1311, for they sought licence to beg on +the ground that their houses and corn had been consumed by fire, and in +1459 they asked for a similar licence, because their buildings had been +burnt, and their land inundated<a name='fna_496' id='fna_496' href='#f_496'><small>[496]</small></a>. The convent of St Bartholomew’s, +Newcastle, gave misfortune by fire as one reason for wishing to +appropriate the hospital or chapel of St Edmund the King in +Gateshead<a name='fna_497' id='fna_497' href='#f_497'><small>[497]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Sometimes poverty, misfortune and mismanagement reduced the nuns to +begging alms. About 1253 the convent of St Mary of Chester wrote to Queen +Eleanor, begging her to confirm the election of a prioress “to our +miserable convent amidst its multiplied desolations; for so greatly are we +reduced that we are compelled every day to beg abroad our food, slight as +it is”<a name='fna_498' id='fna_498' href='#f_498'><small>[498]</small></a>. Similarly the starving nuns of Whitehall, Ilchester, were +reduced to “begging miserably,” after the <i>régime</i> of a wicked<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173">[Pg 173]</a></span> prioress +at the beginning of the fourteenth century<a name='fna_499' id='fna_499' href='#f_499'><small>[499]</small></a>. In 1308 the subprioress +and convent of Whiston mentioned, in asking for permission to elect Alice +de la Flagge, that the smallness of their possessions had compelled the +nuns formerly to beg, “to the scandal of womanhood and the discredit of +religion”<a name='fna_500' id='fna_500' href='#f_500'><small>[500]</small></a>. In 1351 Bishop Edyndon of Winchester “counted it a +merciful thing,” to come to the assistance of the great Abbeys of Romsey +and St Mary’s Winchester, “when overwhelmed with poverty, and when in +these days of increasing illdoing and social deterioration they were +brought to the necessity of secret begging”<a name='fna_501' id='fna_501' href='#f_501'><small>[501]</small></a>. At Cheshunt in 1367 the +nuns declared that they often had to beg in the highways<a name='fna_502' id='fna_502' href='#f_502'><small>[502]</small></a>. At Rothwell +in 1392 the extreme poverty of the nuns compelled some of them “to incur +the opprobrium of mendicity and beg alms after the fashion of the +mendicant friars”<a name='fna_503' id='fna_503' href='#f_503'><small>[503]</small></a>. In all these cases it is evident that objection +was taken to personal begging by the nuns, and it is clear that such a +practice, which took the nuns out into the streets and into private +houses, was likely to be subversive of discipline. The custom of begging +through a proctor was open to no such objection; and it was common for +bishops to give to the poorer houses licences, allowing them to collect +alms in this manner. Early in the fifteenth century the nuns of Rowney in +Hertfordshire petitioned the Chancellor for letters patent for a proctor +to go about the country and collect alms for them, and their request was +granted<a name='fna_504' id='fna_504' href='#f_504'><small>[504]</small></a>. Many such licences to beg occur in episcopal registers; +Bishop Dalderby of Lincoln granted them to Little<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_174" id="Page_174">[Pg 174]</a></span> Marlow (1300 and +1311)<a name='fna_505' id='fna_505' href='#f_505'><small>[505]</small></a>, St Leonard’s Grimsby (1311)<a name='fna_506' id='fna_506' href='#f_506'><small>[506]</small></a>, and Rothwell (1318)<a name='fna_507' id='fna_507' href='#f_507'><small>[507]</small></a>; +and St Michael’s Stamford (1359) and Sewardsley (1366) received similar +licences from his successors<a name='fna_508' id='fna_508' href='#f_508'><small>[508]</small></a>. The distinction between begging by the +nuns and begging by a proctor is clearly drawn in the licence granted by +Bishop Dalderby to Rothwell. Addressing the clergy in the Archidiaconates +of Northampton and Buckingham he writes:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Pitying, with paternal affection, the want of the poor nuns of +Rothwell in our diocese, who are oppressed by such scarcity that they +are obliged to beg the necessities of life, we command and straitly +enjoin you, that when there shall come to you suitable and honest +secular proctors or messengers of the same nuns (not the nuns +themselves, that they may have no occasion for wandering thereby), to +seek and receive the alms of the faithful for their necessities, ye +shall receive them kindly and expound the cause of the said nuns to +the people in your churches, on Sundays, and feast days during the +solemnisation of mass, and promote the same by precept and by example +once every year for the next three years, delivering the whole of +whatever shall be collected to these proctors and messengers<a name='fna_509' id='fna_509' href='#f_509'><small>[509]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>The Bishops sought to relieve necessitous convents by offering particular +inducements to the faithful to give alms, when they were thus requested. +Along with mending roads and bridges, ransoming captives, dowering poor +maidens, building churches and endowing hospitals, the assistance of +impecunious nunneries was generally recognised as a work of Christian +charity, and indulgences were often offered to those who would aid a +particular house<a name='fna_510' id='fna_510' href='#f_510'><small>[510]</small></a>. The same Bishop Dalderby, for instance, granted +indulgences for the assistance of Cheshunt, Flamstead<a name='fna_511' id='fna_511' href='#f_511'><small>[511]</small></a>, Sewardsley,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175">[Pg 175]</a></span> +Catesby, Delapré<a name='fna_512' id='fna_512' href='#f_512'><small>[512]</small></a>, Ivinghoe<a name='fna_513' id='fna_513' href='#f_513'><small>[513]</small></a>, Fosse<a name='fna_514' id='fna_514' href='#f_514'><small>[514]</small></a>, St James’ outside +Huntingdon and St Radegund’s, Cambridge<a name='fna_515' id='fna_515' href='#f_515'><small>[515]</small></a>. Archbishop Kemp of York +granted an indulgence of a hundred days valid for two years to all who +should assist towards the repair of Arden (1440) and of Esholt (1445), and +Archbishop William Booth (1456) granted an indulgence of forty days to +penitents contributing to the repair of Yedingham<a name='fna_516' id='fna_516' href='#f_516'><small>[516]</small></a>; indeed it is +probable that the money for the much needed work of roofing a building +could be collected only by means of such special appeals. The Popes also +sometimes granted indulgences; Boniface IX did so to penitents who on the +feasts of dedication visited and gave alms towards the conservation of the +churches and priories of Wilberfoss, St Clement’s, York, and Handale<a name='fna_517' id='fna_517' href='#f_517'><small>[517]</small></a>. +The history of St Radegund’s, Cambridge, will serve to illustrate the +method by which the Church thus organised the work of poor-relief in the +middle ages; and it will be noticed that this nunnery was an object of +care to Bishops of other dioceses beside that of Ely<a name='fna_518' id='fna_518' href='#f_518'><small>[518]</small></a>. In 1254 Walter +de Suffield, Bishop of Norwich, granted a relaxation of penance for +twenty-five days to persons contributing to the aid of the nuns; in 1268 +Richard de Gravesend, Bishop of Lincoln, ordered collections to be made in +the churches of the Archidiaconates of Northampton and Huntingdon on their +behalf; in 1277 Roger de Skerning, Bishop of Norwich, ordered collections +to be made in his diocese for the repair of the church; in 1313 the +Official of the Archdeacon of Ely wrote to the parochial clergy of the +diocese recommending the nuns to them as objects of charity, having lost +their house and goods by fire, and in the same year Bishop Dalderby +granted an indulgence on their behalf for this reason<a name='fna_519' id='fna_519' href='#f_519'><small>[519]</small></a>; while in 1314 +John de Ketene, Bishop of Ely, confirmed the grants of indulgence made by +his brother bishops to persons contributing to their relief and to the +rebuilding of the house. The next indulgence mentioned is one of forty +days granted by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_176" id="Page_176">[Pg 176]</a></span> Thomas Arundel, Bishop of Ely, in 1376, also on the +occasion of a fire; in 1389 Bishop Fordham of Ely granted another forty +days indulgence for the repair of the church and cloister and for the +relief of the nuns<a name='fna_520' id='fna_520' href='#f_520'><small>[520]</small></a>, and in 1390 William Courtenay, Archbishop of +Canterbury, made a similar grant, mentioning that the buildings had been +ruined by violent storms; finally in 1457 Bishop Grey of Ely granted a +forty days indulgence for the repair of the bell-tower and for the +maintenance of books, vestments and other church ornaments<a name='fna_521' id='fna_521' href='#f_521'><small>[521]</small></a>. There is +no need to suppose that St Radegund’s was in any way a particularly +favoured house; and such a list of grants shows that the Church fulfilled +conscientiously the duty of organising poor-relief and that the objects +for which indulgences were granted were not always as unworthy as has +sometimes been supposed<a name='fna_522' id='fna_522' href='#f_522'><small>[522]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>The financial straits to which the smaller convents were continually and +the greater convents sometimes reduced grew out of a number of causes; and +it is interesting to inquire what brought the nuns to debt or to begging +and why they were so often in difficulties. A study of monastic documents +makes it clear that a great deal of this poverty was in no sense the fault +of the nuns. Apart from obvious cases of insufficient endowment, the +medieval monasteries suffered from natural disasters, which were the lot +of all men, and from certain exactions at the hands of men, which fell +exclusively upon themselves. Of natural disasters the frequency of fires +has already been mentioned. Another danger, from which houses situated in +low lying land near a river or the sea were never free, was that of +floods. The inundation of their lands was declared one of the reasons for +appropriating the church of Bradford-on-Avon to Shaftesbury in 1343; and +in 1380 the nuns were allowed to appropriate another church, in +consideration of damage done to their lands by encroachments of the sea +and losses of sheep and cattle<a name='fna_523' id='fna_523' href='#f_523'><small>[523]</small></a>. In 1377 Barking suffered the +devastation by flood of a large part of its possessions along the Thames +and never recovered its former<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_177" id="Page_177">[Pg 177]</a></span> prosperity<a name='fna_524' id='fna_524' href='#f_524'><small>[524]</small></a>; and in 1394 Bishop +Fordham of Ely granted an indulgence for the nuns of Ankerwyke, whose +goods had been destroyed by floods<a name='fna_525' id='fna_525' href='#f_525'><small>[525]</small></a>. In the north the lands of St +Leonard’s, Grimsby, were flooded in 1459<a name='fna_526' id='fna_526' href='#f_526'><small>[526]</small></a>; in 1445 the nuns of Esholt +suffered heavy losses from the flooding of their lands near the river +Aire, which had been cultivated at great cost and from which they derived +their maintenance<a name='fna_527' id='fna_527' href='#f_527'><small>[527]</small></a>; and in 1434 Archbishop Rotherham appealed for help +for the nuns of Thicket, whose fields and pasturages had been inundated +and who had suffered much loss by the death of their cattle<a name='fna_528' id='fna_528' href='#f_528'><small>[528]</small></a>. Heavy +storms are mentioned as contributing to the distress of Shaftesbury in +1365<a name='fna_529' id='fna_529' href='#f_529'><small>[529]</small></a> and of St Radegund’s, Cambridge, in 1390<a name='fna_530' id='fna_530' href='#f_530'><small>[530]</small></a>. Moreover some +houses suffered by their situation in barren and unproductive lands. +Easebourne in 1411 complained of “the sterility of the lands, meadows and +other property of the priory, which is situated in a solitary, waste and +thorny place”<a name='fna_531' id='fna_531' href='#f_531'><small>[531]</small></a>; Heynings put forward the same plea in 1401<a name='fna_532' id='fna_532' href='#f_532'><small>[532]</small></a>; and +Flamstead in 1380<a name='fna_533' id='fna_533' href='#f_533'><small>[533]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>But far more terrible than fire and flood were those two other scourges, +with which nature afflicted the men of the middle ages, famine and +pestilence. The Black Death of 1348-9 was only one among the pestilences +of the fourteenth century; it had the result of “domesticating the bubonic +plague upon the soil of England”; for more than three centuries afterwards +it continued to break out at short intervals, first in one part of the +country and then in another<a name='fna_534' id='fna_534' href='#f_534'><small>[534]</small></a>. The epidemics of the fourteenth<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_178" id="Page_178">[Pg 178]</a></span> century +were so violent that in forty years the chroniclers count up five great +plagues, beginning with the Black Death, and Langland, in a metaphor of +terrible vividness, describes the pestilence as “the rain that raineth +where we rest should.” The Black Death was preceded by a famine pestilence +in 1317-8, when there was “a grievous mortalitie of people so that the +sicke might vnneath burie the dead.” It was followed in 1361 by the Second +Plague, which was especially fatal among the upper classes and among the +young. The Third Plague in 1368-9 was probably primarily a famine +sickness, mixed with plague. The Fourth plague broke out in 1375; and the +Fifth, in 1390-1 was so prolonged and so severe as to be considered +comparable with the Black Death itself. Moreover these are only the great +landmarks, and scattered between them were smaller outbreaks of sickness, +due to scarcity or to spoiled grain and fruit. The pestilences continued +in the fifteenth century (more than twenty-one are recorded in the +chronicles), but, except perhaps for the great plague of 1439, they were +seldom universal and came by degrees to be confined to the towns, so that +all who could used to flee to the country when the summer heat brought out +the disease in crowded and insanitary streets. But if country convents +escaped the worst disease, those situated in borough towns ran a heavy +risk.</p> + +<p>Often enough these plagues were preceded and accompanied by famines, +sometimes local and sometimes general. The English famines had long been +notorious and were enshrined in a popular proverb: “Tres plagae tribus +regionibus appropriari solent, Anglorum fames, Gallorum ignis, Normannorum +lepra”<a name='fna_535' id='fna_535' href='#f_535'><small>[535]</small></a>. The three greatest outbreaks took place in 1194-6, in 1257-9 +and in 1315-6 (before the plague of 1318-9). The dearth which culminated +in the last of these famines had begun as early as 1289; and the misery in +1315 was acute:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“The beastes and cattell also,” says Stow, translating from Trokelowe, +“by the corrupt grane whereof they fed, dyed, whereby it came to passe +that the eating of flesh was suspected of all men, for flesh of beasts +not corrupted was hard to finde. Horse-flesh was counted great +delicates the poore stole fatte dogges to eate; some (as it was sayde) +compelled through famine, in hidden places did eate the flesh of their +owne children, and some stole others, which they devoured.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_179" id="Page_179">[Pg 179]</a></span> Theeves +that were in prisons did plucke in peeces those that were newly +brought among them and greedily devoured them halfe alive.”</p></div> + +<p>There was another severe famine in 1322, and in 1325 a great drought, so +that the cattle died for lack of water. Famine accompanied the pestilences +of 1361, 1369, 1391 and 1439; and these are only the more outstanding +instances. Here again, however, the fourteenth century was on the whole +worse off than the fifteenth; almost every year was a year of scarcity and +the average price of wheat during the period 1261 to 1400 was nearly six +shillings (i.e. nearly six pounds of modern money)<a name='fna_536' id='fna_536' href='#f_536'><small>[536]</small></a>. Moreover the +ravages of murrain among cattle and sheep were hardly intermittent from +the end of the thirteenth to the middle of the fifteenth century<a name='fna_537' id='fna_537' href='#f_537'><small>[537]</small></a>. The +fatal years 1315-9 included not only a famine and a plague but also +(1318-9) a murrain among the cattle, which was so bad that dogs and +ravens, eating the dead bodies, were poisoned and died, and no man dared +eat any beef. In the year of the Black Death also there was “a great +plague of sheep in the realm, so that in one place there died in pasturage +more than five thousand sheep and so rotted that neither beast nor bird +would touch them”; and murrains accompanied the four other great plagues +of the century. Indeed dearth, murrain and pestilence went hand in hand, +in that unhappy time we call the “good old days.”</p> + +<p>These natural disasters could not but have an adverse effect upon the +fortunes of the monastic houses; and many charters and petitions contain +clauses which specifically attribute the distress of this or that nunnery +to one of the three causes described above. During the famine years of +1314-5 Walter Reynolds, Archbishop of Canterbury, wrote to the Bishop of +Winchester, urging him to take some steps for the relief of the nuns of +Wintney, who were dispersing themselves in the world, because no proper +provision was made for their food<a name='fna_538' id='fna_538' href='#f_538'><small>[538]</small></a>, and about the same time the +convent of Clerkenwell addressed a petition to Queen Isabel, stating that +they were “moet enpouerees par les durs annez” and begging her to procure +for them the King’s leave to accept certain lands and rents to the value +of twenty<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_180" id="Page_180">[Pg 180]</a></span> pounds<a name='fna_539' id='fna_539' href='#f_539'><small>[539]</small></a>. In 1326 (after the great drought) the nuns of +King’s Mead, Derby, begged the King to take them under his special +protection, granting the custody of the house to two <i>custodes</i>, on the +ground that, owing to the badness of past years and the unusually heavy +mortality among cattle their revenues were reduced and they were unable to +meet the claims made by guests upon their hospitality<a name='fna_540' id='fna_540' href='#f_540'><small>[540]</small></a>. The ravages of +the Black Death were most severe of all and many houses never recovered +from it<a name='fna_541' id='fna_541' href='#f_541'><small>[541]</small></a>. In the diocese of Lincoln the nunnery of Wothorpe lost all +its members save one, whom the Bishop made Prioress; and in 1354 it was +annexed to St Michael’s Stamford<a name='fna_542' id='fna_542' href='#f_542'><small>[542]</small></a>. Greenfield Priory, when he visited +it in 1350, “per tres menses stetit et stat priorisse solacio +destituta”<a name='fna_543' id='fna_543' href='#f_543'><small>[543]</small></a>; and other houses in this large diocese which lost their +heads were Fosse, Markyate, Hinchinbrooke, Gracedieu, Rothwell, Delapré, +Catesby, Sewardsley, Littlemore and Godstow<a name='fna_544' id='fna_544' href='#f_544'><small>[544]</small></a>. In the diocese of York +the prioresses of Arthington, Kirklees, Wallingwells and St Stephen’s +Foukeholm died; the latter house, like Wothorpe, failed to recover and is +never heard of again<a name='fna_545' id='fna_545' href='#f_545'><small>[545]</small></a>. Other parts of the country suffered in the same +way. At Malling Abbey in Kent the Bishop made two abbesses in succession, +but both died and only four professed nuns and four novices remained, to +one of whom the Bishop committed the custody of the temporalities and to +another that of the spiritualities, because there was no fit person to be +made Abbess<a name='fna_546' id='fna_546' href='#f_546'><small>[546]</small></a>. At Henwood, in August 1349, there was no Prioress, “and +of the fifteen nuns who were lately there, three only remain”<a name='fna_547' id='fna_547' href='#f_547'><small>[547]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>The death of the nuns themselves was, moreover, the least disastrous +effect of the pestilence; it left a legacy of neglected lands, poverty and +labour troubles which lasted for long after<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_181" id="Page_181">[Pg 181]</a></span> a new generation of sisters +had forgotten the fate of their predecessors. The value of Flixton +dwindled after the Black Death to half its former income, and the house +was never prosperous again<a name='fna_548' id='fna_548' href='#f_548'><small>[548]</small></a>. In 1351 the nuns of Romsey petitioned for +leave to annex certain lands and advowsons and gave as one of the reasons +for their impoverishment “the diminution or loss of due and appointed +rents, because of the death of tenants, carried off by the unheard of and +unwonted pestilence”<a name='fna_549' id='fna_549' href='#f_549'><small>[549]</small></a>, and in 1352 the house of St Mary’s Winchester +made special mention, in petitioning for the appropriation of a church, of +the reduction of its rents and of the cattle plague<a name='fna_550' id='fna_550' href='#f_550'><small>[550]</small></a>. The other great +plagues of the century aggravated the distress. St Mary’s Winchester and +Shaftesbury mentioned the pestilence (of 1361) in petitions to the King +three years later<a name='fna_551' id='fna_551' href='#f_551'><small>[551]</small></a>. Four of the sixteen nuns of Carrow died in the +year of the third pestilence (1369)<a name='fna_552' id='fna_552' href='#f_552'><small>[552]</small></a>, and in 1378, three years after +the fourth pestilence, the licence allowing Sewardsley to appropriate the +church of Easton Neston, recites that the value of its lands had been so +diminished by the pestilence that they no longer sufficed to maintain the +statutory numbers<a name='fna_553' id='fna_553' href='#f_553'><small>[553]</small></a>. In 1381 (mentioned as a plague and famine year in +some of the chronicles) a bull of Urban IV, appropriating a church to +Flamstead, after recapitulating the slender endowments of the house, +repeats the complaint that</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>the servants of the said priory are for the most part dead, and its +houses and tenants and beasts are so destroyed that its lands and +possessions remain as it were sterile, waste and uncultivated, +wherefore, unless the said Prioress and Convent be by some remedy +succoured, they will be obliged to beg for the necessities of life +from door to door<a name='fna_554' id='fna_554' href='#f_554'><small>[554]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>In 1395, four years after the “Fifth” pestilence and itself a year of bad +plague and famine, the nuns of Legbourne complained that their lands and +tenements were uncultivated, “on account of the dearth of cultivators and +rarity of men, arising out of unwonted pestilences and epidemics”<a name='fna_555' id='fna_555' href='#f_555'><small>[555]</small></a>. +The outbreak of 1405-7 was followed by a petition from Easebourne<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_182" id="Page_182">[Pg 182]</a></span> for +licence to appropriate two churches, on the ground of “epidemics, death of +men and of servants,” and because</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>the lands and tenements of the Prioress and Convent notoriously suffer +so great ruin that few tenants can be found willing to occupy the +lands in these days, and the said lands, ever falling into a worse +state, are so poor that they cannot supply the religious women with +sufficient support for themselves or for the repair of their ruinous +buildings.<a name='fna_556' id='fna_556' href='#f_556'><small>[556]</small></a></p></div> + +<p>The worst of these natural disasters was not the actual damage done by +each outbreak, but the fact that famine, murrain and pestilence followed +upon pestilence, murrain and famine with such rapidity, that the poorer +houses had no chance of recovery from the initial blow dealt them by the +Black Death. The nuns of Thetford, for instance, were excused from the +taxation of religious houses under Henry VI, on the ground that their +revenues in Norfolk and in Suffolk were much decreased by the recent +mortality and had so continued since 1349<a name='fna_557' id='fna_557' href='#f_557'><small>[557]</small></a>. Even the well-endowed +houses found recovery difficult, and the history of the great abbey of +Shaftesbury illustrates the situation very clearly. In 1365, shortly after +the <i>pestis secunda</i>, the nuns received a grant of the custody of their +temporalities on the next voidance, and losses by pestilence were +mentioned as one reason for the decline in their fortunes. In 1380 their +lands were flooded and they suffered heavy losses in sheep and cattle. In +1382 (the year of the fifth plague) they were obliged to petition once +again for help, representing that although their house was well-endowed,</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>toutes voies voz dites oratrices sont einsi arreriz a jour de huy, +quoy par les pestilences en queles lours tenantz sont trez toutz a poy +mortz, et par murryne de lour bestaille a grant nombre et value, +<i>nemye tant seulement a une place et a une foitz, einz a diverses +foitz en toutes leurs places</i>, quoy par autres grandes charges quelles +lour convient a fine force de jour en autre porter et sustenir, q’eles +ne purront, sinoun qe a moelt grant peine, sanz lour endangerer al +diverses bones gentz lours Creditours, mesner l’an a bon fyn<a name='fna_558' id='fna_558' href='#f_558'><small>[558]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Again towards the middle of the fifteenth century Bishop Ayscough +sanctioned the appropriation of a church to the abbey, which had pleaded +its great impoverishment through pestilence, failure of crops, want of +labourers, and through the excessive<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_183" id="Page_183">[Pg 183]</a></span> demands of such labourers as could +be obtained<a name='fna_559' id='fna_559' href='#f_559'><small>[559]</small></a>. If Shaftesbury found recovery so difficult, it may +easily be imagined what was the effect of the natural disasters of the +fourteenth century upon smaller and less wealthy houses.</p> + +<p>The revenues of the nunneries, often scant to begin with and liable to +constant diminution from the ravages of nature, were still more heavily +burdened by a variety of exactions on the part of the authorities of +Church and State. The procurations payable to the Bishop on his visitation +fell heavily upon the smaller houses; hence such a notice as that which +occurs in Bishop Nykke’s Register under the year 1520: “Item the reverend +father with his colleagues came down to the house of nuns that afternoon, +and having seen the priory he dissolved his visitation there, on account +of the poverty of the house”<a name='fna_560' id='fna_560' href='#f_560'><small>[560]</small></a>. St Mary Magdalen’s, Bristol, was on +account of its poverty exempt from the payment of such procurations<a name='fna_561' id='fna_561' href='#f_561'><small>[561]</small></a> +and the Bishops doubtless often exercised their charity upon such +occasions<a name='fna_562' id='fna_562' href='#f_562'><small>[562]</small></a>. Papal exactions were even more oppressive; John of +Pontoise, Bishop of Winchester, pleaded with the papal nuncio in 1285 that +he would forbear to exact procurations from the poor nuns of Wintney, whom +the Bishop himself excused from all charges in view of their deep +poverty<a name='fna_563' id='fna_563' href='#f_563'><small>[563]</small></a>; and in 1300 Bishop Swinfield of Hereford made a similar +appeal to the commissary of the nuncio, and secured the remission of +procurations due from the nuns of Lingbrook and the relaxation of the +sentence of excommunication, which they had incurred through +non-payment<a name='fna_564' id='fna_564' href='#f_564'><small>[564]</small></a>.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_184" id="Page_184">[Pg 184]</a></span> The obligation to pay tithes also fell heavily upon the +poorer houses; it was for this reason that Archbishop John le Romeyn +appealed to the Prior of Newburgh in 1286 not to exact tithes from the +food of animals in Nether Sutton, belonging to the poor nuns of +Arden<a name='fna_565' id='fna_565' href='#f_565'><small>[565]</small></a>; and in 1301 the Prior of Worcester desired his commissary to +spare the poverty of the nuns of Westwood and not to exact tithes or any +other things due to him from them or from their churches<a name='fna_566' id='fna_566' href='#f_566'><small>[566]</small></a>. Added to +ecclesiastical exactions were the taxes due to the Crown. In 1344 the nuns +of Davington addressed a petition to Edward III, representing that, owing +to their great poverty, they were unable to satisfy the King’s public aids +without depriving themselves of their necessary subsistence, a plea which +was found to be true<a name='fna_567' id='fna_567' href='#f_567'><small>[567]</small></a>. The frequency with which such petitions for +exemption from the payment of taxes were made and granted, is in itself a +proof that the burden of taxation was a real one, for the Crown would not +have excused its dues, unless the need for such an act of charity had been +great<a name='fna_568' id='fna_568' href='#f_568'><small>[568]</small></a>; and it is obvious that the sheer impossibility of collecting +the money from a poverty-stricken house must often have left little +alternative. The houses that did contribute were not slow to complain. +“The unwonted exactions and tallages with which their house and the whole +of the English Church has been burdened” were pleaded by the nuns of +Heynings as in part responsible for their poverty in 1401<a name='fna_569' id='fna_569' href='#f_569'><small>[569]</small></a>; similarly +“the necessary and very costly <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_185" id="Page_185">[Pg 185]</a></span>exactions of tenths and other taxes and +unsupportable burdens” occurs in a complaint by Romsey in 1351; and the +Abbess and Convent of St Mary’s, Winchester, stated in 1468, that they +were so burdened with the repair of their buildings and with the payment +of imposts, that they could not fulfil the obligations of their order as +to hospitality<a name='fna_570' id='fna_570' href='#f_570'><small>[570]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Nor was taxation for public purposes the only demand made upon the +religious houses. Abbeys holding of the King in chief had to perform many +services appertaining to tenants in chief, which seem oddly incongruous in +the case of nunneries. The Abbesses of Shaftesbury, St Mary’s Winchester, +Wilton and Barking, were baronesses in their own right; the privilege of +being summoned to parliament was omitted on account of their sex; but the +duty of sending a quota of knights and soldiers to serve the King in his +wars was regularly exacted<a name='fna_571' id='fna_571' href='#f_571'><small>[571]</small></a>. In 1257 Agnes Ferrar, Abbess of +Shaftesbury, was summoned to Chester to attend the expedition against +Llewelyn ap Griffith, and her successor, Juliana Bauceyn, was also +summoned in 1277 to attack that intrepid prince<a name='fna_572' id='fna_572' href='#f_572'><small>[572]</small></a>. The Abbess of Romsey +had to find a certain number of men-at-arms with their armour for the +custody of the maritime land in the county of Southampton; she resisted +when an attempt was made to exact an archer as well and successfully +showed the King “that she has only two marks’ rent in Pudele Bardolveston +in that county”<a name='fna_573' id='fna_573' href='#f_573'><small>[573]</small></a>. Less lawful exactions were even more burdensome, and +the nunneries suffered with the rest of the nation under the demand for +loans and the burden of purveyance<a name='fna_574' id='fna_574' href='#f_574'><small>[574]</small></a>. In December 1307 the Abbess of +Barking, in common with the heads of ten other religious houses, was +requested to lend the King</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>two carts and horses to be at Westminster early on the day of St +Stephen to carry vessels and equipments of the King’s household to +Dover, the King having sent a great part of his carts and sumpter +horses to sea, so that he may find them ready when he arrives<a name='fna_575' id='fna_575' href='#f_575'><small>[575]</small></a>;</p></div> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_186" id="Page_186">[Pg 186]</a></span>it is true that he engaged to pay out of his wardrobe the costs of the men +leading the carts and of the horses going and returning, but meanwhile the +Abbey lost their services, and carts and horses were very necessary on a +manor; moreover it was common complaint that the tallies given by the +King’s servants for what they took were sometimes of no more value than +the wood whereof they were made:</p> + +<p class="poem">I had catell, now have I none;<br /> +They take my beasts and done them slon,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">And payen but a stick of tree.</span></p> + +<p>Similarly in June 1310 the King sent out a number of letters to the heads +of religious houses, requesting the “loan” of various amounts of victuals +for his Scottish expedition, and among the houses upon whom this call was +made were the nunneries of Catesby, Elstow, St Mary’s Winchester, Romsey, +Wherwell, Barking, Nuneaton, Shaftesbury and Wilton<a name='fna_576' id='fna_576' href='#f_576'><small>[576]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>The nunneries also suffered considerable pecuniary loss by the right +possessed in certain cases by the patron of a house, to take the profits +of its temporalities during voidance through the death or resignation of +its superior, sometimes enjoying them himself and sometimes granting the +custody of the house to someone else<a name='fna_577' id='fna_577' href='#f_577'><small>[577]</small></a>. It is obvious that serious loss +might be entailed upon the community, if the patron refrained for some +time from granting his <i>congé d’élire</i>. It was for this reason that the +Convent of Whiston wrote in 1308 to the Bishop-elect of Worcester, their +patron, praying that “considering the smallness of the possessions of the +nuns of Whiston, in his patronage, which compelled the nuns formerly to +beg, and for the honour of religion and the frailness of the female sex” +he would grant them licence to elect a new prioress and would confirm the +same election; and the Prior of Worcester also addressed a letter to the +commissary-general on their behalf<a name='fna_578' id='fna_578' href='#f_578'><small>[578]</small></a>. The King exercised with great +regularity his rights of patronage, and the direct pecuniary loss, +sustained by a house in being deprived of the profits of its +temporalities, seems to have been the least of the evils which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_187" id="Page_187">[Pg 187]</a></span> resulted, +if the state of affairs described in the petition addressed to the crown +by the Abbess and Convent of Shaftesbury in 1382 was at all common. After +a moving description of the straits to which they were reduced<a name='fna_579' id='fna_579' href='#f_579'><small>[579]</small></a>, they +begged that the King would, on future occasions of voidance, allow the +community to retain the administration of the Abbey and of its +temporalities, rendering the value thereof to the King while the voidance +lasted, so that no escheator, sheriff or other officer should have power +to meddle with them:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>understanding, most redoubtable lord, that by means of your grace in +this matter great relief and amendment, please God, shall come to your +same house, and no damage can ensue to you or to your heirs, nor to +any other, save only to your officers, who in such times of voidance +are wont to make great destructions and wastes and to take therefrom +great and divers profits to their own use, whence nothing cometh to +your use, as long as the said voidance endures, if only for a short +time<a name='fna_580' id='fna_580' href='#f_580'><small>[580]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>St Mary’s, Winchester, also pleaded the royal administration of its +temporalities as one reason for its impoverishment, when petitioning the +Pope for leave to appropriate the church of Froyle in 1343 and 1346<a name='fna_581' id='fna_581' href='#f_581'><small>[581]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Sometimes the abbeys found it cheaper to compound with the King for a +certain sum of money and thus to purchase the right of administering their +own temporalities, saving to the King, as a rule, knights’ fees, +advowsons, escheats and sometimes wards and marriages. Romsey Abbey +secured this privilege, after the escheator had already entered, in 1315, +for a fine of forty marks; but in 1333, when there was another voidance, +the convent had to agree to pay £40 for the first two months and <i>pro +rata</i> for such time as the voidance continued, saving to the King knights’ +fees, advowsons and escheats<a name='fna_582' id='fna_582' href='#f_582'><small>[582]</small></a>. In 1340 the royal escheator was ordered +to let the Prioress and Convent of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_188" id="Page_188">[Pg 188]</a></span> Wherwell have the custody of their +temporalities, in accordance with a grant made some years previously, by +which the house was to render £230 for a year and <i>pro rata</i><a name='fna_583' id='fna_583' href='#f_583'><small>[583]</small></a>. In 1344 +a similar order was made in the case of Wilton, whose late Abbess (prudent +woman) had seized the opportunity to purchase the right for £60 from the +King, when he lay at Orwell before crossing the sea<a name='fna_584' id='fna_584' href='#f_584'><small>[584]</small></a>. Similarly, the +next year, Shaftesbury received the custody of its temporalities in +consideration of a fine of £100, made with the King by its Abbess, in the +second year of his reign<a name='fna_585' id='fna_585' href='#f_585'><small>[585]</small></a>. With four great abbeys falling vacant in +little over ten years, the royal exchequer reaped a good harvest; and +though the payment of a lump sum was better than falling into the hands of +the escheator, and though the nuns would make haste to elect a new abbess +as soon as possible, a voidance was always a costly matter.</p> + +<p>But perhaps the most serious tax upon the resources of the nunneries was +the right, possessed by some dignitaries (notably the King and the Bishop +of the diocese), to nominate to houses in their patronage persons whom the +nuns were obliged to receive as members of their community or to support +as corrodians, pensioners or boarders. The right of nominating a nun might +be exercised upon a variety of occasions. The Archbishop might do so to +certain houses in his province on the occasion of his consecration, and +this right was energetically enforced by Peckham, who nominated girls to +Wherwell, Castle Hedingham, Burnham, Stratford, Easebourne and +Catesby<a name='fna_586' id='fna_586' href='#f_586'><small>[586]</small></a>. A Bishop possessed, in some cases, a similar right on the +occasion of his consecration. Rigaud d’Assier, Bishop of Winchester, sent +nuns to Romsey, St Mary’s Winchester and Wherwell<a name='fna_587' id='fna_587' href='#f_587'><small>[587]</small></a>; Ralph of +Shrewsbury, Bishop of Bath and Wells, nominated to Minchin Barrow and to +Cannington<a name='fna_588' id='fna_588' href='#f_588'><small>[588]</small></a>; Stephen Gravesend, Bishop of London, sent a girl<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_189" id="Page_189">[Pg 189]</a></span> to +Barking<a name='fna_589' id='fna_589' href='#f_589'><small>[589]</small></a>; and the successive bishops of Salisbury exercised the +prerogative of placing an inmate in Shaftesbury Abbey and of appointing +one of the nuns to act as her instructor<a name='fna_590' id='fna_590' href='#f_590'><small>[590]</small></a>. The existence of this right +seems to have varied with different dioceses and its exaction with +different bishops, if it is possible to judge from the absence of +commendatory letters in some registers and their presence in others. The +Bishop of a diocese also sometimes had the right of presenting a nun to a +house when a new superior was created there. This was the case at Romsey, +where nuns were thus nominated in 1307, 1333 and 1397<a name='fna_591' id='fna_591' href='#f_591'><small>[591]</small></a>, and at Romsey +also there occurs one instance (the only one of the kind which search has +yet yielded) of the nomination of a nun by the bishop, because of “a +profession of ladies of that house which he had lately made.” Bishop +Stratford thus appointed Jonette de Stretford (perhaps a poor relative) +“en regard de charite” in 1333, a month after having appointed Alice de +Hampton by reason of the Abbess’ creation<a name='fna_592' id='fna_592' href='#f_592'><small>[592]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>The King possessed in houses under his patronage rights of nomination +corresponding to those of the Bishop. That of presenting a nun on the +occasion of his coronation was frequently exercised. Edward II sent ladies +to Barking, Wherwell and St Mary’s Winchester<a name='fna_593' id='fna_593' href='#f_593'><small>[593]</small></a>; Barking received nuns +from Richard II, Henry IV and Henry VI<a name='fna_594' id='fna_594' href='#f_594'><small>[594]</small></a> and Shaftesbury from Richard +II, Henry V and Henry VI<a name='fna_595' id='fna_595' href='#f_595'><small>[595]</small></a>. He also possessed the right in certain +abbeys of presenting a nun on the occasion of a voidance and there are +many such letters of presentation enrolled upon the Close rolls; for +instance Joan de la Roche was sent to Wilton in 1322<a name='fna_596' id='fna_596' href='#f_596'><small>[596]</small></a>, Katherine de +Arderne to Romsey in 1333<a name='fna_597' id='fna_597' href='#f_597'><small>[597]</small></a> and Agnes Turberville to Shaftesbury in +1345<a name='fna_598' id='fna_598' href='#f_598'><small>[598]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Sometimes similar rights to these were exercised by private persons, who +held the patronage of a house or with whom it was connected by special +ties; the family of le Rous of Imber, for<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_190" id="Page_190">[Pg 190]</a></span> example, had the right +(resigned in 1313) of presenting two nuns, with a valet, to Romsey +Abbey<a name='fna_599' id='fna_599' href='#f_599'><small>[599]</small></a>. But the royal rights were always the most burdensome and, +though such privileges as those described above, and the even more +burdensome right to demand corrodies and pensions, normally affected only +great abbeys such as Barking, Romsey, St Mary’s Winchester, and +Shaftesbury, the smaller houses (not under royal patronage) were not +always exempt from sudden demands—witness the case of Polsloe below—and +a wide range of nunneries was affected by archiepiscopal and episcopal +rights. Moreover even the great houses, in spite of their large +endowments, were crippled by the system, as may be gathered from their +constant complaints of poverty and of overcrowding. The obligation to +receive fresh inmates by nomination was especially burdensome when it was +incurred on more than one occasion by the same house and coincided with +other exactions. The case of Shaftesbury is noticeable in this connection; +the King claimed the right to administer its temporalities during +voidance, to nominate a nun on his own coronation and on the election of +an Abbess, to demand a pension for one of the royal clerks on the latter +occasion, and to send boarders or corrodians for maintenance; and the +Bishop of Salisbury could nominate a nun on his own promotion to the see +and could demand a benefice for one of his clerks on the election of an +Abbess. It is, of course, possible that all these prerogatives were not +invariably exercised and that a new inmate was not sent to Shaftesbury +every time a King was crowned, a Bishop consecrated or an Abbess elected; +but it was exercised sufficiently often to be a strain upon the house.</p> + +<p>Even when the right of nomination was confined to one occasion, it seems +to have been generally resented and frequently resisted. The reason for +resistance lay in the fact that the house was forced to support another +inmate without the hope of receiving the donation of land or rents, which +medieval fathers gave to the convents in which their daughters took the +veil; and as the dowry system became more and more common, the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_191" id="Page_191">[Pg 191]</a></span> hardship +of having to receive a nun for nothing would soon appear intolerable. In +some cases a sturdy resistance against this “dumping” of nuns finds an +echo in the bishops’ Registers. Four houses out of the six to which +Peckham nominated new inmates attempted a refusal, and the excuses which +they offered are interesting. Two years after his consecration the nuns of +Burnham were still refusing to receive his protégée, Matilda de Weston; +they had begun by trying to question his right to nominate and he seems to +have taken legal action against them, after which they pleaded poverty +(resulting from an unsuccessful lawsuit) and also an obligation to receive +no novice without the consent of Edmund Earl of Cornwall, son of their +founder. The Archbishop directed a stern letter to them, rejecting both +their excuses and announcing his intention of pursuing his right, but the +end of the matter is not known<a name='fna_600' id='fna_600' href='#f_600'><small>[600]</small></a>. An equally determined resistance was +offered by the Prioress of Stratford, who had been ordered to receive +Isabel Bret. In 1282 Peckham wrote to her for the third time, declaring +that her excuses were frivolous; she had apparently objected that the girl +was too young and that her house was too heavily burdened with nuns, lay +sisters and debts for another inmate to be received, but the Archbishop +declared the youth of the candidate to be rather a merit than a defect and +pointed out that, so far from being a burden to their house, she would +bring it honour, for by receiving her they would multiply distinguished +friends and benefactors and would be able to rely on his own special +protection in their affairs<a name='fna_601' id='fna_601' href='#f_601'><small>[601]</small></a>. A further letter to the Bishop of London +is interesting, because it mentions a third objection made by the +recalcitrant nunnery.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“We have received your letter,” writes Peckham, “in favour of the +Prioress and Convent of Stratford, urgently begging us to moderate our +purpose concerning a certain burden which is alleged to be threatening +them from us, on account of the insupportable weight and the poverty +of the house and the deformity of the person, whom we have presented +to them for admission. Concerning which we would have you know that +already in the lifetime of your predecessor of good memory, we had +ordered them to receive that same person and for two years we +continued to believe that they would yield to our<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_192" id="Page_192">[Pg 192]</a></span> wishes in the +matter, yet without burden to themselves, by the provision of the +parents of the said little maid; especially seeing that never yet have +we been burdensome to any monastery making a truthful plea of +indigence. We believe that what they allege about deformity would be +an argument in favour of our proposal; would that not only these women +of Stratford, concerning whom so many scandals abound, but also all +who so immodestly expose themselves to human conversation and company, +were or at least appeared notable for such deformity that they should +tempt no one to crime! We have moreover heard that the greater part of +the convent would willingly consent to the reception of the girl, were +they not hindered by the malice of the prioress; nevertheless, lest we +should seem deaf to your entreaties, we suspend the whole business +until we come to London, to ascertain how our purpose may be carried +out without notable damage to them<a name='fna_602' id='fna_602' href='#f_602'><small>[602]</small></a>.”</p></div> + +<p>The Archbishop had his way however; for eleven years later the will of +Robert le Bret was enrolled in the Court of Husting and contained a legacy +of rents on Cornhill “to Isabella his daughter, a nun of Stratford”<a name='fna_603' id='fna_603' href='#f_603'><small>[603]</small></a>. +Peckham also wrote in a tone of strained patience to the nuns of Castle +Hedingham, who had refused to receive Agnes de Beauchamp, warning them +that besides incurring severe punishment at his own hands, further +obstinacy would offend the Queen of England, at whose instance he had +undertaken the promotion of the said Agnes<a name='fna_604' id='fna_604' href='#f_604'><small>[604]</small></a>. The Prioress of Catesby +was equally troublesome and as late as 1284 the Archbishop wrote +reprimanding her for her inconstancy and feigned excuses, because, after +promising to receive the daughter of Sir Robert de Caynes and after +repeated requests on his part that they should admit the girl, she and her +nuns had written asking to be allowed to admit another person in her +stead<a name='fna_605' id='fna_605' href='#f_605'><small>[605]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Real poverty often nerved the nuns to such bold resistance. In the +Register of Bishop Grandisson of Exeter there is a letter from Polsloe +Priory, written in 1329 and addressed to Queen Philippa, on the subject of +a certain Johanete de Tourbevyle<a name='fna_606' id='fna_606' href='#f_606'><small>[606]</small></a>,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_193" id="Page_193">[Pg 193]</a></span> whom she had requested the nuns to +receive as a lay sister. Written in the French of their daily speech, with +no attempt at formal phraseology, their naive plea still rings with the +agitation of the “poor and humble maids,” torn between anxiety not to +burden their impecunious house, and fear of offending the new-made Queen +of England:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>To their very honourable and very powerful and redoubtable lady, my +lady Dame Philippa, by the grace of God queen of England, etc., her +poor and humble maids, the nuns of Polsloe, in all that they may of +reverence and honour; beseeching your sweet pity to have mercy on our +great poverty. Our very noble dame, we have received your letters, by +the which we understand that it is your will that we receive Johanete +de Tourbevyle among us as sister of the house, to take the dress of a +nun in secular habit. Concerning the which matter, most debonair lady, +take pity upon us, if it please you, for the love of God and of His +mother. For certainly never did any queen demand such a thing before +from our little house; though mayhap they be accustomed to do so from +other houses, founded by the kings and holding of them in chief; but +this do not we, wherefore it falls heavily upon us. And if it please +your debonair highness to know our simple estate, we are so poor (God +knows it and all the country) that what we have suffices not to our +small sustenance, who must by day and night do the service of God, +were it not for the aid of friends; nor can we be charged with +seculars without reducing the number of us religious women, to the +diminution of God’s service and the perpetual prejudice of our poor +house. And we have firm hope in God and in your great bounty that you +will not take it ill that this thing be not done to the peril of our +souls; for to entertain and to begin such a new charge in such a small +place, a charge which would endure and would be demanded for ever +afterwards, would be too great a danger to your soul, my Lady, in the +sight of God, wherefrom God by His grace defend you! Our most blessed +Lady, may God give you a long and happy life, to His pleasure and to +the aid and solace of ourselves and of other poor servants of God on +earth; and we should have great joy to do your behests, if God had +given us the power<a name='fna_607' id='fna_607' href='#f_607'><small>[607]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>The nuns evidently asked the support of the Bishop (which accounts for the +presence of their letter in his Register) for about the same time +Grandisson also wrote an informal letter in French to the King, begging +him to give up his design to place his cousin Johanete de Tourbevyle at +Polsloe, on the ground that the nuns held all that they possessed in frank +almoign and were so poor that it would be unpardonable to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_194" id="Page_194">[Pg 194]</a></span> entail upon +them a charge, which would become a precedent for ever:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“Wherefore, dear Sire,” he continued, “If it please you, hold us +excused of this thing and put this thought from you. And for love of +you, to whom we are much beholden aforetime, and to show you that we +make no feigned pretence, ordain, if it please you, elsewhere for her +estate, and we will very willingly give somewhat reasonable out of our +own goods towards it; for this we may safely do<a name='fna_608' id='fna_608' href='#f_608'><small>[608]</small></a>.”</p></div> + +<p>It is not impossible that the disinclination of the nunneries to receive +royal and episcopal nominees was in part due to dislike of taking an +entirely unknown person into the close life of the community, in which so +much depended upon the character and disposition of the individual. The +right seems nearly always to have been exercised in favour of well-born +girls, but though the bishops endeavoured to send only suitable novices, +their knowledge of the character of their protégées would sometimes appear +to have rested upon hearsay rather than upon personal acquaintance—“<i>ut +credimus</i>,” “<i>come nous sumez enformez</i>.” On at least one occasion the +nuns who resisted a bishop’s nominee were to our knowledge justified by +later events. In 1329 Ralph of Shrewsbury, the new Bishop of Bath and +Wells, wrote to the Prioress and Convent of Cannington, desiring them to +receive Alice, daughter of John de Northlode, to whom he had granted the +right, “par resoun de nostre premiere creacion,” on the request of Sir +John Mautravers; four years later he was obliged to repeat the order, +because the convent “had not yet been willing to receive the said Alice.” +The end of the story is to be found in the visitation report of 1351<a name='fna_609' id='fna_609' href='#f_609'><small>[609]</small></a>. +It is impossible to say whether the convent corrupted Alice or Alice the +convent; but it is unfortunate that the Bishop’s nominee should have been +implicated.</p> + +<p>The obligation to receive a nun on the nomination of the king or the +bishop was not the only burden upon the finances of the nunneries. Abbeys +in the patronage of the Crown were upon occasion obliged also to find +maintenance for other persons, men as well as women, who never became +members of their community. The right to demand a pension for one of the +royal<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_195" id="Page_195">[Pg 195]</a></span> clerks was sometimes exercised on the occasion of a voidance, and +the money had in most cases to be paid until such time as the young man +was provided with a suitable benefice by the Abbey. The Abbess of Romsey +was ordered to give a pension to William de Dereham in 1315 by reason of +her new election<a name='fna_610' id='fna_610' href='#f_610'><small>[610]</small></a>; John de St Paul was sent to the same house in +1333<a name='fna_611' id='fna_611' href='#f_611'><small>[611]</small></a>, William de Tydeswell in 1349<a name='fna_612' id='fna_612' href='#f_612'><small>[612]</small></a>. The right is also found in +exercise at Wherwell<a name='fna_613' id='fna_613' href='#f_613'><small>[613]</small></a>, St Mary’s, Winchester<a name='fna_614' id='fna_614' href='#f_614'><small>[614]</small></a>, Shaftesbury<a name='fna_615' id='fna_615' href='#f_615'><small>[615]</small></a>, +Wilton<a name='fna_616' id='fna_616' href='#f_616'><small>[616]</small></a>, Delapré (Northampton)<a name='fna_617' id='fna_617' href='#f_617'><small>[617]</small></a>, Barking<a name='fna_618' id='fna_618' href='#f_618'><small>[618]</small></a> and Elstow<a name='fna_619' id='fna_619' href='#f_619'><small>[619]</small></a>. In +certain cases the Bishop possessed a similar right on the occasion of his +own consecration; for instance John of Pontoise, Bishop of Winchester, +wrote to the Abbess of St Mary’s, Winchester, in 1283, complaining</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>that whereas his predecessors had by a laudable custom presented their +own clerks to the first benefice in the patronage of a religious house +vacant after their establishment in the bishopric, they (the nuns) had +recently presented a nominee of their own to a benefice then vacant.</p></div> + +<p>Two years later the Abbess and Convent of Wherwell wrote to him, +voluntarily offering him the next vacant benefice in their patronage for +one of his clerks; and in 1293 he reminded the nuns of Romsey that they +were bound by agreement to do likewise<a name='fna_620' id='fna_620' href='#f_620'><small>[620]</small></a>. Similarly Simon of Ghent, +Bishop of Salisbury, directed the Abbess of Shaftesbury to provide for +Humphrey Wace in 1297<a name='fna_621' id='fna_621' href='#f_621'><small>[621]</small></a>. The demand to pension a clerk, like the demand +to receive a nun, was sometimes resisted by the convents. In the early +part of his reign Edward II ordered the Sheriff of Bedford</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>to distrain the Abbess of Elstow by all her lands and chattels in his +bailiwick and to answer to the King for the issues and to have her<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_196" id="Page_196">[Pg 196]</a></span> +body before the King at the octaves of Hilary next, to answer why, +whereas she and her convent, by reason of the new creation of an +Abbess, were bound to give a pension to a clerk, to be named by the +King and he had transferred the option to his sister Elizabeth +Countess of Hereford and had asked the Abbess to give it to her +nominee they had neglected to do so<a name='fna_622' id='fna_622' href='#f_622'><small>[622]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>The end of the story is contained in a petition printed in the <i>Rolls of +Parliament</i>, wherein the Abbess and Convent of “Dunestowe” (Elstow) +informed the King in 1320</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>que, come il les demaunde par son Brief devant Sire H. le Scrop et ses +compaignons une enpensione pur un de ses clerks par reson de la novele +Creacion la dite Abbesse et tiel enpensione unqs devant ces temps ne +fust demaunde ne donee de la dite meson, fors tant soulement que la +dereyn predecessere dona a la requeste nostre Seigneur le Roy a la +Dameysele la Countesse de Hereford, un enpension de c s. Par qi eles +prient que nostre Seigneur le Roy voet, si lui plest, comander de +soursere de execucion faire de la dite demaunde, que la dite Abbay est +foundee de Judit, jadis Countess de Huntingdon, et la dite enpension +unques autrement done<a name='fna_623' id='fna_623' href='#f_623'><small>[623]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>The reference to the Countess of Hereford’s “dameysele” shows that the +pension was not invariably given to a clerk, and it appears that the King +tried to substitute corrodies, pensions and reception as a nun for each +other according to the exigencies of the moment. In 1318 he sent Simon de +Tyrelton to the Abbess and Convent of Barking,</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>they being bound to grant a pension to one of the King’s clerks, by +reason of the new creation of an abbess, and the King having requested +them to grant in lieu of such pension the allowance of one of their +nuns to Ellen, daughter of Alice de Leygrave, to be received by her +for life, to which they replied that they could not do so, for certain +reasons<a name='fna_624' id='fna_624' href='#f_624'><small>[624]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>In 1313, in pursuance of his right to nominate a nun on the new creation +of an abbess, he had sent Juliana de Leygrave “niece of the King’s +foster-mother, who suckled him in his youth,” to St Mary’s, Winchester, in +order that she might be given a nun’s corrody for life (the value of which +was to be given her wherever she might be) and a suitable chamber within +the nunnery for her residence, whenever she might wish to stay +there<a name='fna_625' id='fna_625' href='#f_625'><small>[625]</small></a>.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_197" id="Page_197">[Pg 197]</a></span>The obligation to provide corrodies for royal nominees pressed more +heavily than the duty of pensioning royal clerks. A corrody was originally +a livery of food and drink given to monks and nuns, but the term was +extended to denote a daily livery of food given to some person not of the +community and frequently accompanied by suitable clothing and a room in +which to live. Hence corrodians were often completely kept in board and +lodging, having the right to everything that a nun of the house would have +(a “nun’s corrody”) and sometimes allowed to keep a private servant, who +had the right to the same provision as the regular domestics of the house +(a “servant’s corrody”). The King, indeed, looked upon the monastic houses +of his realm as a sort of vast Chelsea Hospital, in which his broken-down +servants, yeomen and officials and men-at-arms, might end their days. Thus +he obtained their grateful prayers without putting his hand into his +purse. There must have been hundreds of such old pensioners scattered up +and down the country, and judging from the number of cases in which one +man is sent to receive the maintenance lately given to another, deceased, +some houses had at least one of them permanently on the premises. Many a +hoary veteran found his way into the quiet precincts of a nunnery:</p> + +<p class="poem">His helmet now shall make a hive for bees;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">And, lovers’ sonnets turn’d to holy psalms,</span><br /> +A man-at-arms must now serve on his knees,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">And feed on prayers, which are Age his alms.</span></p> + +<p>In the intervals between feeding on prayers he must have been vastly +disturbing and enthralling to the minds of round-eyed novices, with his +tales of court and camp, of life in London town or long campaigns in +France, or of how John Copeland had the King of Scots prisoner and what +profit he got thereby.</p> + +<p>In the last three months of 1316 Edward II sent seventeen old servants to +various religious houses, and among them Henry de Oldyngton of the avenary +was sent to Barking, to receive such maintenance as William de Chygwell, +deceased, had in that house<a name='fna_626' id='fna_626' href='#f_626'><small>[626]</small></a>. In 1328 Roger atte Bedde, the King’s +yeoman, who served the King and his father, was sent to St Mary’s, +Winchester,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_198" id="Page_198">[Pg 198]</a></span> instead of James le Porter, deceased<a name='fna_627' id='fna_627' href='#f_627'><small>[627]</small></a>; and in 1329 the +Abbess and Convent of Shaftesbury were requested to admit to their house +Richard Knight, spigurnel of the King’s chancery, who had long served the +King and his father in that office, and to administer to him for his life +such maintenance in all things as Robert le Poleter, deceased, had in +their house<a name='fna_628' id='fna_628' href='#f_628'><small>[628]</small></a>. The unlucky convent of Wilton apparently had to support +two pensioners, for in 1328 Roger Liseway was sent there in place of Roger +Danne and the next year John de Odiham, yeoman of the chamber of Queen +Philippa, took the place of John de Asshe<a name='fna_629' id='fna_629' href='#f_629'><small>[629]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>It was doubtless even more common for the widows of the King’s dependents +to be sent to nunneries, and he must often have received such a petition +as was addressed by Agnes de Vylers to Edward III:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>A nostre Seigneur le Roi et a son Conseil, prie vostre poure veve +Agneys, qi fut la femme Fraunceys de Vylers, jaditz Bachiler vostre +piere, qe vous pleise de vostre grace avoir regard du graunt service +qe le dit Fraunceys ad fait a vostre dit piere et ed vostre ayel, en +la Terre Seinte, Gascoigne, Gales, Escoce, Flaundres et en Engleterre, +et graunter au dit Agneys une garisoun en l’Abbeye de Berkyng, c’est +assaver une mesoun & la droite de une Noneyme pour la sustinaunce de +lui et de sa file a terme de lour vie, en allegaunce de l’alme vostre +dit piere, qi promist al dit Fraunceys eide pour lui, sa femme et ses +enfaunz.</p></div> + +<p>“Il semble a conseil q’il est almoigne de lui mander ou aillours, s’il +plest a Roi,” was the reply; so Agnes and her daughter might end their +days in peace, and Barking be the poorer for their appetites<a name='fna_630' id='fna_630' href='#f_630'><small>[630]</small></a>. At +Barking the King had the right to claim a corrody at each new election of +an abbess, as Agnes de Vylers doubtless knew; as early as 1253 its Abbess +was exempted from being charged with <i>conversi</i> and others, because she +had granted food and vesture for life to Philippa de Rading and her +daughter<a name='fna_631' id='fna_631' href='#f_631'><small>[631]</small></a>. Other nunneries in the royal patronage were under a similar +obligation. In 1310 Juliana la Despenser was sent to Romsey, to be +provided with fitting maintenance for herself and for her maid during her +lifetime<a name='fna_632' id='fna_632' href='#f_632'><small>[632]</small></a> and in 1319 Mary Ridel was sent to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_199" id="Page_199">[Pg 199]</a></span> Stainfield to be +maintained for life<a name='fna_633' id='fna_633' href='#f_633'><small>[633]</small></a>. There were the usual attempts to escape from a +costly and burdensome obligation; Romsey seems to have been successful in +repelling Juliana la Despenser, for in the following month the King sent +her to Shaftesbury, requesting the nuns to “find her for life the +necessities of life according to the requirements of her estate, for +herself and for the damsel serving her, and to assign her a chamber to +dwell in, making letters patent of the grant”<a name='fna_634' id='fna_634' href='#f_634'><small>[634]</small></a>. Stainfield was less +successful in the matter of Mary Ridel; the usual plea of poverty was +considered insufficient and the convent was ordered to receive her, to +supply her with food, clothing and other necessities and to make letters +patent, specifying what was due to her<a name='fna_635' id='fna_635' href='#f_635'><small>[635]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Certain convents were in addition handicapped by the obligation to make +certain grants or liveries, in kind or in money, to other monastic houses. +The nunneries of St Clement’s, York, and Moxby seem to have involved +themselves—as a condition, perhaps, of some past benefaction—in a +curious obligation to the friars of their districts. At a visitation of +the former house in 1317, Archbishop Melton found that the Friars Minor of +York, every alternate week of the year, and the Friars Preachers of York +in the same manner, had for a long time been receiving fourteen conventual +loaves; the nuns were ordered to show the friars the Archbishop’s order +and to cease from supplying the loaves as long as their own house was +burdened with debt; and in no case was the grant to be made without +special leave from the Archbishop<a name='fna_636' id='fna_636' href='#f_636'><small>[636]</small></a>. The next year, on visiting Moxby, +Melton was obliged to make an injunction as to the bread and ale called +“levedemete,” which the Friars Minor were accustomed to receive from the +house; if it were owed to them it was to be given as due, if not it was +not to be given without the will of the head<a name='fna_637' id='fna_637' href='#f_637'><small>[637]</small></a>. At Alnwick’s first +visitation in 1440 the Prioress of St Michael’s, Stamford, declared that +the house was burdened with the payment of an annual pension of 60<i>s.</i> to +the monastery of St Mary’s, York, “and that for tithes not worth more than +forty pence annually; also it is in arrears for twenty years and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_200" id="Page_200">[Pg 200]</a></span> +more”<a name='fna_638' id='fna_638' href='#f_638'><small>[638]</small></a>. The nuns also had to pay various small sums to Peterborough +Abbey, by which they had been founded and to which they always remained +subordinated<a name='fna_639' id='fna_639' href='#f_639'><small>[639]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>The support of resident corrodians and the payment of pensions and +liveries were, however, less onerous than the duty of providing +hospitality for visitors, which the nunneries performed as one of their +religious obligations. <i>Date</i> and <i>Dabitur</i> did not always accompany each +other. The great folk who held the Pope’s indult to enter the houses of +Minoresses were probably generous donors; but the unenclosed orders had to +lodge and feed less wealthy guests and often enough they found the +obligation a strain upon their finances. When the nuns of King’s Mead, +Derby, in 1326, petitioned the King to take the house into his special +protection, they explained that great numbers of people came there to be +entertained, but that owing to the reduction in their revenue they were +unable to exercise their wonted hospitality<a name='fna_640' id='fna_640' href='#f_640'><small>[640]</small></a>; and the number of guests +was mentioned by the nuns of Heynings in 1401 as one reason for their +impoverishment<a name='fna_641' id='fna_641' href='#f_641'><small>[641]</small></a>. At Nunappleton in 1315 the Archbishop of York had to +forbid two sets of guests to be received at the same time, until the house +should be relieved of debt; and at Moxby (which was also in debt) he +ordained that relatives of the nuns were not to visit the house for a +longer period than two days; Nunappleton was evidently a favourite resort, +for in 1346 another archbishop speaks of guests flocking—<i>hospites +confluentes</i>—to the priory and orders them to be admitted to a hostelry +constructed for the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_201" id="Page_201">[Pg 201]</a></span> purpose. At Marrick in 1252 it was ordered that +guests were not to stay for more than one night, because the means of the +house barely sufficed for the maintenance of the nuns, sisters and +brethren<a name='fna_642' id='fna_642' href='#f_642'><small>[642]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Another charge which fell heavily upon the nunneries, sometimes not +entirely by their own fault, was that of litigation. This was only an +occasional expense, but when it occurred it was heavy, and a suit once +begun might drag on for years. Moreover the incidental expenses in +journeys and bribes, which all had to be paid out of the current income of +a house already (perhaps) charged with the payment of tithes and taxes and +badly in need of repair, were often almost as heavy as the costs of the +litigation. For instance an account of Christian Bassett, Prioress of St +Mary de Pré (near St Albans), contains the following list of expenses +incurred by her in the prosecution of a law suit in 1487, during the rule +of her predecessor Alice Wafer:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Item when I ryde to London for the suyt that was taken ayenst dame +Alice Wafer in the commen place, for myself and my preest and a woman +and ij men, their hyre and hors hyre and mete and drynke, in the terme +of Ester ye secunde yere of the regne of kyng Henry the vij<sup>th</sup> xx. s. +Item paid aboute the same suyt at Mydsomer tyme, for iiij men, a woman +and iiij horses xvi s. Item paid for the costs of a man to London at +Mighelmas terme to Master Lathell, to have knowledge whethir I shuld +have nede to come to London or not xij d<a name='fna_643' id='fna_643' href='#f_643'><small>[643]</small></a>. Item for the same suyt +of Dame Alice Wafer for herself and a suster wt. her, ij men, ij +horses, in costs at the same time xiiij s. Item for the same suyt when +I cam from London to have councell of Master More and men of lawe for +the same ple x s. Item whan I went to Master Fforster to the Welde to +speke wt. him, to have councell for the wele of the place, for a +kercher geven to hym, ij s. Item on other tyme for a couple of capons +geven to Master Fforster ij s. Item for a man rydyng to London at +Candilmas to speke wt. Master Lathell and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_202" id="Page_202">[Pg 202]</a></span> Master More and for iiij +hennys geven to them and for the costs of the same man and his hors +iij s. iiij d. Item whan I went to London to speke wt. Master Lathell +for to renewe our charter of the place and other maters of our place +xj s. Item in expenses made upon Master Ffortescue atte dyvers tymes, +whan I wente to hym to have his councell for the same suyt in the +common place xiij s. iiij d. Item paid to a man to ryde to Hertford to +speke wt. Norys, that he shuld speke to Master Ffortescue for the same +ple viij d. Item in costs for a man to go to Barkhamsted to Thomas +Cace viij d. Item whan I went to Master Ffortescue to his place, for +mens hire and hors hire for the same mater ij s. Item whan I went to +London at an other tyme for the same plee, for iiij men and iiij hors +hire xvj s.<a name='fna_644' id='fna_644' href='#f_644'><small>[644]</small></a></p></div> + +<p>After this one does not wonder that in 1517 the convent of Goring pleaded +that owing to lawsuits it was too poor to repair its buildings<a name='fna_645' id='fna_645' href='#f_645'><small>[645]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>The account rolls of the Priory of St Michael’s, Stamford, are full of +references to expenses incurred in legal business. On one occasion the +nuns bought a “bill” in the Marshalsea “to have a day of accord” and the +roll for 1375-6 contains items such as,</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Paid for a purse to the wife of the Seneschal of the Marshalsea xx d. +Paid for beer bought for the Marshalsea by the Prioress ij s. ij d. +Paid for capons and chickens for the seneschal of the Marshalsea xxiij +d. ob.<a name='fna_646' id='fna_646' href='#f_646'><small>[646]</small></a></p></div> + +<p>Poor Dames Margaret Redynges and Joan Ffychmere “del office del tresorie,” +ending the year £16. 8<i>s.</i> 8½<i>d.</i> in debt, must often have sighed with +Langland</p> + +<p class="poem">Lawe is so lordeliche. and loth to make ende,<br /> +Withoute presentz or pens. she pleseth wel fewe.</p> + +<p>Nor was it only the expenses of great lawsuits which bore heavily upon the +nunneries; a great deal of lesser legal business had to be transacted from +year to year. The treasuresses’ accounts of St Michael’s, Stamford, +contain many notices of such business; the expenses of Raulyn at the +sessions, expenses of the clerks at the Bishop’s court or at the last +session at Stamford, a suit<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_203" id="Page_203">[Pg 203]</a></span> against a neighbouring parson over tithes, +four shillings to Henry Oundyl for suing out writs; and innumerable +entries concerning the inevitable “presentz or pens,” a douceur to the +Bishop’s clerk, a courtesy to the king’s escheator, a present to the +clerks at the sessions, a gift “to divers men of law for their help on +divers occasions.” All nunneries had constantly to meet such petty +expenses as these; and if we add an occasional suit on a larger scale the +total amount of money devoured by the Law is considerable.</p> + +<p>So far mention has been made only of such reasons for their poverty as +cannot be considered the fault of the nuns. The inclemency of nature, the +rapacity of lay and ecclesiastical authorities and the law’s delays could +not be escaped, however wisely a Prioress husbanded her resources. +Nevertheless it cannot be doubted that the nuns themselves, by bad +management, contributed largely to their own misfortunes. Bad +administration, sometimes wilful, but far more often due to sheer +incompetence, was constantly given as a reason for undue poverty. It was +“negligence and bad administration” which nearly caused the dispersion of +the nuns of Wintney during the famine year of 1316<a name='fna_647' id='fna_647' href='#f_647'><small>[647]</small></a>; and those of +Hampole in 1353<a name='fna_648' id='fna_648' href='#f_648'><small>[648]</small></a>. At Davington in 1511 one of the nuns deposed that +“the rents and revenues of the house decrease owing to the guilt of the +officers”<a name='fna_649' id='fna_649' href='#f_649'><small>[649]</small></a>. The fault was often with the head of the house, who loved +to keep in her own hands the disposal of the convent’s income, omitted to +consult the chapter in her negotiations, retained the common seal and did +not render accounts. An illustration of the straits to which a house might +be reduced by the bad management of its superior is provided by the +history of Malling Abbey in the early part of the fourteenth century, as +told by William de Dene in his <i>Historia Roffensis</i>. In 1321 an abbess had +been deposed, ostensibly on the complaint of her nuns and because the +place had been ruined by her; but too much importance must not be assigned +to the charge, for she was a sister of Bartholomew de Badlesmere, at that +time a leader of the baronial party against<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_204" id="Page_204">[Pg 204]</a></span> Edward II, and it was by the +King’s command that Hamo of Hythe, Bishop of Rochester, visited Malling +and deprived her<a name='fna_650' id='fna_650' href='#f_650'><small>[650]</small></a>; her deposition was probably a political move. The +same cannot however be said of Lora de Retlyng, who became abbess in 1324.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“The Bishop,” says William de Dene, “although unwilling, knowing her +to be insufficient and ignorant, set Lora de Retlyng in command as +abbess, a woman who lacked all the capacity and wisdom of a leader and +ruler, the nuns enthusiastically applauding; and the next day he +blessed her, which benediction was rather a malediction for the +convent. Then the Bishop forbade the Abbess to give a corrody to her +maid-servant, as it had been the ill custom to do, and he sequestrated +the common seal, forbidding it to be used, save when his licence had +been asked and obtained”<a name='fna_651' id='fna_651' href='#f_651'><small>[651]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Twenty-five years passed and in 1349 the chronicler writes:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>The Bishop of Rochester visited the abbeys of Lesnes and Malling, and +he found them so ruined by longstanding mismanagement, that it is +thought they never can recover so long as this world lasts, even to +the day of judgment<a name='fna_652' id='fna_652' href='#f_652'><small>[652]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Malling had suffered severely from the Black Death in the previous year, +but our knowledge of the character of Lora de Retlyng and the plain +statement of William de Dene (“destructa per malam diutinam custodiam”), +make it clear that bad management and not the pestilence was to blame for +its poverty<a name='fna_653' id='fna_653' href='#f_653'><small>[653]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Financial mismanagement was, indeed, the most frequent of all charges +brought against superiors at the episcopal visitations. When Alnwick +visited his diocese of Lincoln several cases of such incompetence came to +light. At St Michael’s, Stamford (1440), it was found that the Prioress +had never rendered an account during the whole of her term of office, and +one of the nuns declared that she did not rule and supervise temporal +affairs to the benefit of the house; two years later the Bishop visited +the convent again and the Prioress herself pleaded bodily weakness, adding</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>that since she was impotent to rule the temporalities, nor had they +any industrious man to supervise these and to raise and receive the +produce of the house, and since the rents of the house remained unpaid +in the hands of the tenants, she begged that two nuns might be deputed +to rule the temporalities, and to be responsible for receipts and +payments.</p></div> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_205" id="Page_205">[Pg 205]</a></span>In 1445, however, one of the appointed treasuresses, Alice de Wyteryng, +admitted that she neither wrote down nor accounted for anything concerning +her administration, and another nun complained that, if Wyteryng were to +die, it would be impossible for any of them to say in what state their +finances stood<a name='fna_654' id='fna_654' href='#f_654'><small>[654]</small></a>. At the poor and heavily indebted house of Legbourne +(1440) the Prioress, unknown to the Bishop, but with the consent of the +Convent, had sold a corrody to the bailiff of the house, Robert Warde, who +was nevertheless not considered useful to the house in this post; the +tenements and leasehold houses belonging to the house were ruinous and +like to fall through the carelessness of the Prioress and bailiff, and one +aggrieved nun stated that “the prioress is not circumspect in ruling the +temporalities and cares not whether they prosper, but applies all the +common goods of the house to her own uses, as though they were her +own<a name='fna_655' id='fna_655' href='#f_655'><small>[655]</small></a>.” At Godstow also it was complained that the steward had an +annual fee of ten marks from the house and was useless<a name='fna_656' id='fna_656' href='#f_656'><small>[656]</small></a>. At Heynings +(1440) the Prioress was charged with never rendering accounts and with +cutting down timber unnecessarily, but she denied the last charge and said +she had done so only for necessary reasons and with the express consent of +the convent<a name='fna_657' id='fna_657' href='#f_657'><small>[657]</small></a>. At Nuncoton corrodies had been sold and bondmen +alienated without the knowledge of the nuns<a name='fna_658' id='fna_658' href='#f_658'><small>[658]</small></a>. At Harrold it was found +that no accounts were rendered, that a corrody had been sold for twenty +marks, and that when the Prioress bought anything for the convent, no +tallies or indentures were made between the contracting parties, so that +after a time the sellers came and demanded double the price agreed upon; +one nun also asked that the Bishop should prevent the selling or +alienation of woods<a name='fna_659' id='fna_659' href='#f_659'><small>[659]</small></a>. At Langley (which was miserably poor) there was +a similar complaint of the sale of timber<a name='fna_660' id='fna_660' href='#f_660'><small>[660]</small></a>. These are the less serious +cases of financial mismanagement; the cases of Gracedieu, Ankerwyke and +Catesby have already been considered. Sometimes the extravagance or +incompetence of a Prioress became so notorious as to necessitate her +suspension or removal; as at Basedale in 1307<a name='fna_661' id='fna_661' href='#f_661'><small>[661]</small></a>, Rosedale in 1310<a name='fna_662' id='fna_662' href='#f_662'><small>[662]</small></a>, +Hampole in 1353<a name='fna_663' id='fna_663' href='#f_663'><small>[663]</small></a>, Easebourne in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_206" id="Page_206">[Pg 206]</a></span> 1441<a name='fna_664' id='fna_664' href='#f_664'><small>[664]</small></a> and St Mary de Pré at the +end of the fifteenth century<a name='fna_665' id='fna_665' href='#f_665'><small>[665]</small></a>. But more frequently the bishops +endeavoured to hem in expenditure by elaborate safeguards, which will be +described below.</p> + +<p>Besides cases of incompetence and cases of misappropriation of revenues by +an unscrupulous prioress, the mismanagement of the nuns may usually be +traced to a desperate desire to obtain ready money. One means by which +they sought to augment their income was by the sale of corrodies in return +for a lump sum<a name='fna_666' id='fna_666' href='#f_666'><small>[666]</small></a>. A man (or woman) would pay down a certain sum of +money, and in return the convent would engage to keep him in board and +lodging for the rest of his natural life; at Arden for instance, in 1524, +Alice widow of William Berre paid twelve<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_207" id="Page_207">[Pg 207]</a></span> pounds and was granted “mett and +drynke as their convent hath” at their common table, or when sick in her +own room, and “on honest chamber with sufficient fyer att all tyme, with +sufficient apperell as shalbe nedful”<a name='fna_667' id='fna_667' href='#f_667'><small>[667]</small></a>. Obviously, however, such an +arrangement could only be profitable to the nuns, if the grantee died +before the original sum had been expended in boarding her. The convent, in +fact, acted as a kind of insurance agency and the whole arrangement was +simply a gamble in the life of the corrodian. The temptation to extricate +themselves from present difficulties by means of such gambles, was one +which the nuns could never resist. They would lightly make their grant of +board and lodging for life and take the badly needed money; but it would +be swallowed up only too soon by their creditors and often vanish like +fairy gold in a year. Not so the corrodian. Long-lived as Methusaleh and +lusty of appetite, she appeared year after year at their common table, +year after year consumed their food, wore their apparel, warmed herself +with their firewood. Alice Berre was still hale and hearty after twelve +years, when the commissioners came to Arden and would doubtless have +lasted for several more to come, if his Majesty’s quarrel with Rome had +not swept her and her harassed hostesses alike out of their ancient home; +but she must long before have eaten through her original twelve +pounds<a name='fna_668' id='fna_668' href='#f_668'><small>[668]</small></a>. There is an amusing complaint in the Register of Crabhouse; +early in the fourteenth century Aleyn Brid and his wife persuaded the nuns +to buy their lands for a sum down and a corrody for their joint and +separate lands. But the lands turned out barren and the corrodians went on +living and doubtless chuckling over their bargain, and “si cher terre de +cy petit value unkes ne fut achate,” wrote the exasperated chronicler of +the house<a name='fna_669' id='fna_669' href='#f_669'><small>[669]</small></a>. Bishop Alnwick found two striking instances of a bad +gamble during his visitations in 1440-1; at Langley the late Prioress had +sold a corrody to a certain John Fraunceys and his wife for the paltry sum +of twenty marks, and they had already held it for six years<a name='fna_670' id='fna_670' href='#f_670'><small>[670]</small></a>; worse +still, at Nuncoton there were two corrodians, each of whom had originally +paid<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_208" id="Page_208">[Pg 208]</a></span> twenty marks, and they had been there for twelve and for twenty +years respectively<a name='fna_671' id='fna_671' href='#f_671'><small>[671]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>In the face of cases like these it is difficult not to suspect that +unscrupulous persons took advantage of the temporary difficulties of the +nuns and of their lack of business acumen. There is comedy, though not for +the unhappy Convent, in the history of a corrody which, in 1526, was said +to have been granted by Thetford to “a certain Foster.” Six years later +there was a great to-do at the visitation. The nuns declared that John +Bixley of Thetford, “bocher,” had sold his corrody in the house to Thomas +Foster, gentleman, who was nourishing a large household on that pretext, +to wit six persons, himself, his wife, three children and a maid; but +Bixley said that he had never sold his corrody and there in public +displayed his indenture. What happened we do not know; Thomas Foster, +gentleman, must be the same man who had a corrody in 1526, and how John +Bixley came into it is not clear. It looks as though the Convent (which +was so poor that the Bishop had dissolved his visitation there some years +previously) was trying by fair means or foul to get rid of Thomas Foster +and his family; doubtless they had not bargained for a wife, three +children and a maid when they rashly granted him one poor corrody<a name='fna_672' id='fna_672' href='#f_672'><small>[672]</small></a>. It +is easy to understand why medieval bishops, at nearly every visitation, +forbade the granting of fees, corrodies or pensions for life or without +episcopal consent; “forasmoche as the graunting of corrodyes and lyveryes +hath bene chargious, bardynouse and greuouse unto your monastery” wrote +Longland to Studley in 1531:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>As itt apperithe by the graunte made to Agnes Mosse, Janet bynbrok, +Elizabeth todde and other whiche has right soore hyndrede your place, +In consideracon therof I charge you lady priores upon payne of +contempte and of the lawe, that ye give noo moo like graunts, and that +ye joutt away Elizabeth Todde her seruant ... and that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_209" id="Page_209">[Pg 209]</a></span> Elizabeth +Todde haue noo kowe going nor other bestes within eny of your +grounds<a name='fna_673' id='fna_673' href='#f_673'><small>[673]</small></a>;</p></div> + +<p>and Dean Kentwood, visiting St Helen’s Bishopsgate in 1432 found that +“diverce fees perpetuelle, corrodies and lyuers have been grauntyd befor +this tyme to diverce officers of your house and other persones, which have +hurt the house and be cause of delapidacyone of the godys of youre seyde +house”<a name='fna_674' id='fna_674' href='#f_674'><small>[674]</small></a>. Even the nuns themselves sometimes realised that the sale of +corrodies had brought them no good; they often complained at visitations +that the Prioress had made such grants without consulting them; and the +convent of Heynings gave “the multiplication of divers men who have +acquired corrodies in their house,” as one reason for their extreme +poverty, when they petitioned for the appropriation of the church of +Womersley<a name='fna_675' id='fna_675' href='#f_675'><small>[675]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>The nuns were wont to have recourse to other equally improvident +expedients for obtaining money without regard to future embarrassment. +They farmed their churches and alienated their lands and granges or let +them out on long leases. These practices were constantly forbidden in +episcopal injunctions<a name='fna_676' id='fna_676' href='#f_676'><small>[676]</small></a>; at the visitation of Easebourne in 1524 the +Prioress, Dame Margaret Sackfelde, being questioned as to what grants they +had made under their convent seal, said that they had made four, to wit, +one to William Salter to farm the rectory there, another of the proceeds +of the chapel of Farnhurst, another of the proceeds of the chapel of +Midhurst and another to William Toty for his corrody; this was +corroborated by the subprioress, who also mentioned a grant of the +proceeds of the church of Easebourne to a rather disreputable person +called Ralph Pratt; and this is only a typical case<a name='fna_677' id='fna_677' href='#f_677'><small>[677]</small></a>. The nunnery of +Wix was reduced to such penury in 1283 on account of various alienations +that Pope Martin IV granted the nuns a bull declaring all such grants +void:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>It has come to our ears that our beloved daughters in Christ, the +Prioress and convent of the monastery of Wix (who are under the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_210" id="Page_210">[Pg 210]</a></span> rule +of a prioress), of the order of St Benedict, in the diocese of London, +as well as their predecessors, have conceded tithes, rents, lands, +houses, vineyards, meadows, pastures, woods, mills, rights, +jurisdictions and certain other goods belonging to the said monastery +to several clerks and laymen, to some of them for life, to some for no +short time, to others in perpetuity at farm or under an annual +payment, and have to this effect given letters, taken oaths, made +renunciations, and drawn up public instruments, to the grave harm of +the said monastery; and some of the grantees are said to have sought +confirmatory letters in common form, concerning these grants, from the +apostolic see<a name='fna_678' id='fna_678' href='#f_678'><small>[678]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>This comprehensive catalogue gives some indication of the losses which a +house would suffer from reckless grants. The sale of timber and the +alienation or pawning of plate were other expedients to which the nuns +constantly resorted and which were as constantly prohibited by the +bishops<a name='fna_679' id='fna_679' href='#f_679'><small>[679]</small></a>. The Prioress of Nunmonkton in 1397, “alienated timber in +large quantities to the value of a hundred marks”<a name='fna_680' id='fna_680' href='#f_680'><small>[680]</small></a>; the cutting down +of woods was charged against the Prioresses of Heynings, Harrold, Langley, +Gracedieu, Catesby and Ankerwyke at Alnwick’s visitations; at Langley it +was moreover found that the woods were not properly fenced in after the +trees were felled and so the tree-stumps were damaged<a name='fna_681' id='fna_681' href='#f_681'><small>[681]</small></a>; the necessity +for raising the money was sometimes specifically pleaded, as at Markyate, +where a small wood had been sold “to satisfy the creditors of the +house”<a name='fna_682' id='fna_682' href='#f_682'><small>[682]</small></a>. These sales of timber were a favourite means of obtaining +ready money; but too often the loss to the house by the destruction of its +woods far outweighed the temporary gain and the Abbeys of St Mary’s +Winchester and Romsey made special mention of this cause of impoverishment +in the middle of the fourteenth century<a name='fna_683' id='fna_683' href='#f_683'><small>[683]</small></a>. The alienation or pawning of +plate and <i>jocalia</i> was often resorted to in an extremity. At Gracedieu in +1441 the jewels of the house had been pawned without the knowledge of the +convent, so that the nuns (as one of them complained) had not one bowl +from which to drink<a name='fna_684' id='fna_684' href='#f_684'><small>[684]</small></a>; the next year it was asserted that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_211" id="Page_211">[Pg 211]</a></span> the Prioress +of Catesby “pawned the jewels of the house for ten years, to wit one cup +for the sacrament, which still remained in pawn, and also other pieces of +silver”<a name='fna_685' id='fna_685' href='#f_685'><small>[685]</small></a>. When Bishop Longland visited Nuncoton in 1531 he found that +the Prioress had in times past sold various goods belonging to her house, +“viz. a bolle ungilte playn with a couer, oon nutt gilte with a couer, ij +bolles white without couers, oon Agnus of gold, oon bocle of gold, oon +chalice, oon maser and many other things”<a name='fna_686' id='fna_686' href='#f_686'><small>[686]</small></a>; and in 1436 it was ordered +that the chalices, jewels and ornaments of St Mary’s Neasham, which were +then in the hands of sundry creditors, were to be redeemed<a name='fna_687' id='fna_687' href='#f_687'><small>[687]</small></a>. In the +case of Sinningthwaite in 1534 the convent was in such a reduced state +that Archbishop Lee was actually obliged to give the nuns licence to +pledge jewels to the value of £15<a name='fna_688' id='fna_688' href='#f_688'><small>[688]</small></a>. The charge of pawning or selling +jewels for their own purposes was often made against prioresses whose +conduct in other ways was bad; for instance against Eleanor of Arden in +1396<a name='fna_689' id='fna_689' href='#f_689'><small>[689]</small></a>, Juliana of Bromhale in 1404<a name='fna_690' id='fna_690' href='#f_690'><small>[690]</small></a>, Agnes Tawke of Easebourne in +1478<a name='fna_691' id='fna_691' href='#f_691'><small>[691]</small></a> and Katherine Wells of Littlemore in 1517<a name='fna_692' id='fna_692' href='#f_692'><small>[692]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>To financial incompetence and to the employment of improvident methods of +raising money, the nuns occasionally added extravagance. The bishops +forbade them to wear gay clothes for reasons unconnected with finance; +nevertheless their silks and furs must have cost money which could ill be +spared, and it is amusing to notice that even at Studley, Rothwell and +Langley, which were among the smallest and poorest houses in the diocese +of Lincoln and in debt, the nuns had to confess to silken veils. The +maintenance of a greater number of servants than the revenues of the house +could support was another not uncommon form of extravagance<a name='fna_693' id='fna_693' href='#f_693'><small>[693]</small></a>. +Instances of luxurious living on the part of the heads of various houses +have been given elsewhere<a name='fna_694' id='fna_694' href='#f_694'><small>[694]</small></a>; it need only be remarked that a +self-indulgent prioress might cripple the resources of a house for many +years to come, whether by spending its revenues too lavishly, or by +raising money by the alienation of its goods.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_212" id="Page_212">[Pg 212]</a></span>One other cause of the poverty of nunneries must be noticed, before +turning to the attempts of bishops and other visitors to find a remedy. +Overcrowding was, throughout the earlier period under consideration, a +common cause of financial distress; and the admission of a greater number +of nuns than the revenues of the convent were able to support was +constantly forbidden in episcopal injunctions. Certainly this was not +invariably the fault of the nuns. They suffered (as we have seen) from the +formal right of bishop or of patron to place a nun in their house on +special occasions, and they suffered still more from the constant pressure +to which they were subjected by private persons, anxious to obtain +comfortable provision for daughters and nieces. It was sometimes +impossible and always difficult to resist the importunity of influential +gentlemen in the neighbourhood, whose ill-will might be a serious thing, +whether it showed itself in open violence or in closed purses. The +authorities of the church had sometimes to step in and rescue houses which +had thus been persuaded to burden themselves beyond their means. In 1273 +Gregory X issued a bull to the Priory of Carrow, with the intention of +putting a stop to the practice.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Your petition having been expounded to us, containing a complaint that +you have, at the instant requests of certain lords of England, whom +you are unable to resist on account of their power, received so many +nuns already into your monastery, that you may scarce be fitly +sustained by its rents, we therefore, by the authority of these +present letters, forbid you henceforth to receive any nun or sister to +the burden of your house<a name='fna_695' id='fna_695' href='#f_695'><small>[695]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Some nine years later Archbishop Wickwane wrote in the same strain to the +nuns of Nunkeeling and Wilberfoss:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Because we have learned from public rumour that your monastery is +sometimes burdened by the reception of nuns and by the visits of +secular women and girls, at the instance of great persons, to whom you +foolishly and unlawfully grant easy permission, we order you ... +henceforward, to receive no one as nun or sister of your house, or to +lodge for a time in your monastery, without our special licence<a name='fna_696' id='fna_696' href='#f_696'><small>[696]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Bishop Stratford, in his visitation of Romsey in 1311, forbade additions +to the nuns, the proper number having been exceeded, and again in 1327 he +wrote:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_213" id="Page_213">[Pg 213]</a></span>It is notorious that your house is burdened with ladies beyond the +established number which used to be kept; and I have heard that you +are being pressed to receive more young ladies (<i>damoyseles</i>) as nuns, +wherefore I order you strictly that no young lady received by you be +veiled, nor any other received, until the Bishop’s visitation, or +until they have special orders from him<a name='fna_697' id='fna_697' href='#f_697'><small>[697]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>The situation at the great Abbey of Shaftesbury was the same. As early as +1218 the Pope had forbidden the community to admit nuns beyond the number +of a hundred because they were unable to support more or to give alms to +the poor; in 1322 Bishop Mortival wrote remonstrating with them for their +neglect of the Pope’s order and repeating the prohibition to admit more +nuns until the state of the Abbey was relieved, on the ground that the +inmates of the house were far too many for its goods to support; and in +1326 (in response to a petition from the Abbess asking him to fix the +statutory number) the Bishop issued an order stating that the house was +capable of maintaining a hundred and twenty nuns and no more and that no +novices were to be received until the community was reduced to that +number<a name='fna_698' id='fna_698' href='#f_698'><small>[698]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Episcopal prohibitions to receive new inmates without special licence were +very common, especially in the late thirteenth and early fourteenth +centuries. Bishops realised that overcrowding only increased the growing +poverty of the nunneries. In the poor diocese of York, between 1250 and +1320, the nuns were over and over again forbidden to receive nuns, lay +sisters or lay brothers without the licence of the Archbishop. Injunctions +to this effect were issued to Marrick (1252), Swine (1268), Wilberfoss +(1282), Nunappleton (1282, 1290, 1346), Hampole (1267, 1308, 1312), Arden +(1306), Thicket (1309, 1314), Nunkeeling (1282, 1314), Nunburnholme +(1318), Esholt (1318), Arthington<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_214" id="Page_214">[Pg 214]</a></span> (1318) and Sinningthwaite (1319)<a name='fna_699' id='fna_699' href='#f_699'><small>[699]</small></a>. +At Swine, after the visitation by Archbishop Walter Giffard in 1267-8, it +was noted among the <i>comperta</i></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>that the house of Swine cannot sustain more nuns or sisters than now +are there, inasmuch as those at present there are ill provided with +food, as is said above, and that the house nevertheless remains at +least a hundred and forty marks in debt; wherefore the lord Archbishop +decreed that no nun or sister should thenceforward be received there, +save with his consent<a name='fna_700' id='fna_700' href='#f_700'><small>[700]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>A very severe punishment was decreed at Marrick, where the Archbishop +announced that any man or woman admitted without his licence would be +expelled without hope of mercy, the Prioress would be deposed and any +other nuns who agreed condemned to fast on bread and water for two months +(except on Sundays and festivals)<a name='fna_701' id='fna_701' href='#f_701'><small>[701]</small></a>. In other dioceses the bishops +pursued a similar policy. But it was not easy to enforce these +prohibitions. Four years after Archbishop Greenfield’s injunction to +Hampole (1308) he was obliged to address another letter to the convent, +having heard that the prioress had received</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>a little girl (<i>puellulam</i>), by name Maud de Dreffield, niece of the +Abbot of Roche, and another named Jonetta, her own niece, at the +instance of Sir Hugh de Cressy, her brother, that after a time they +might be admitted to the habit and profession of nuns<a name='fna_702' id='fna_702' href='#f_702'><small>[702]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>The predicament of the Prioress is easily understood; how was she to +refuse her noble brother and the Abbot of Roche? They could bring to bear +far more pressure than a distant archbishop, who came upon his visitations +at long intervals. Moreover the ever present need of ready money made the +resistance of nuns less determined than it might otherwise have been; for +a dowry in hand they were, as usual, willing to encumber themselves with a +new mouth to feed throughout long years to come.</p> + +<p>Prohibitions from increasing the number of nuns become more rare in the +second half of the fourteenth and during the fifteenth century. Even when +the population recovered from the havoc<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_215" id="Page_215">[Pg 215]</a></span> wrought by the Black Death, the +numbers in the nunneries continued steadily to decline. Perhaps fashion +had veered, conscious that the golden days of monasticism were over; more +likely the growing poverty of the houses rendered them a less tempting +retreat. A need for restricting the number of nuns still continued, +because the decline in the revenues of the nunneries was swifter than the +decline in the number of the nuns. Thus in 1440-1 Alnwick included in his +injunctions to seven houses a prohibition to receive more nuns than could +competently be sustained by their revenues<a name='fna_703' id='fna_703' href='#f_703'><small>[703]</small></a>, and the evidence given at +his visitations shows the necessity for such a restriction. The injunction +to Heynings is particularly interesting:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>For as mykelle as we fonde that agayn the entente and the forbedyng of +the commune lawe there are in your saide pryorye meo nunnes and +susters professed then may be competently susteyned of the revenews of +your sayde pryorye, the exilitee of the saide revenews and charitees +duly considered, we commaunde, ordeyn, charge and enioyne yowe vnder +payne etc. etc. that fro this day forthe ye receyve no mo in to nunnes +ne sustres in your saide pryory wyth owte the advyse and assent of hus +(and) of our successours bysshope of Lincolne, so that we or thai, +wele informed of the yerely valwe of your saide revenews may ordeyn +for the nombre competente of nunnes and susters<a name='fna_704' id='fna_704' href='#f_704'><small>[704]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Nevertheless even at Nuncoton, one of the houses to which a similar +injunction was sent, a nun gave evidence “that in her oun time there were +in the habit eighteen or twenty nuns and now there are only fourteen,” and +the Bishop himself remarked that “ther be but fewe in couent in regarde of +tymes here to fore”<a name='fna_705' id='fna_705' href='#f_705'><small>[705]</small></a>. Everywhere this decline in the number of nuns +went steadily on during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries<a name='fna_706' id='fna_706' href='#f_706'><small>[706]</small></a>. And +from the beginning of the fifteenth century there appear, here and there +among visitatorial injunctions, commands of a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_216" id="Page_216">[Pg 216]</a></span> very different nature; here +and there a Bishop is found trying, not to keep down, but to keep up the +number of nuns. Instead of the repeated prohibitions addressed to Romsey +at the beginning of the fourteenth century, there is an injunction from +William of Wykeham in 1387, ordering the Abbess to augment the number of +nuns, which had fallen far below the statutory number<a name='fna_707' id='fna_707' href='#f_707'><small>[707]</small></a>. Similarly in +1432 Bishop Gray wrote to Elstow,</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>since the accustomed number of nuns of the said monastery has so +lessened, that those who are now received scarcely suffice for the +chanting of divine service by night and day according to the +requirement of the rule, we will and enjoin upon you the abbess, in +virtue of obedience and under the penalties written above and beneath, +that, with what speed you can, you cause the number of nuns in the +said monastery to be increased in proportion to its resources<a name='fna_708' id='fna_708' href='#f_708'><small>[708]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>At Studley in 1531, although the house was badly in debt, the nuns were +ordered to live less luxuriously and “to augment your nombre of ladyes +within the yere”<a name='fna_709' id='fna_709' href='#f_709'><small>[709]</small></a>. In this connection Archbishop Warham’s visitation +of Sheppey in 1511 is significant. The Prioress, when questioned as to the +number of nuns in the house, said that “she had heard there were +seventeen; she knew of fourteen; she herself wished to increase the number +to fourteen if she could find any who wished to enter into religion”<a name='fna_710' id='fna_710' href='#f_710'><small>[710]</small></a>. +It is an interesting reflection that Henry VIII may simply have +accelerated, by his violent measure, a gradual dissolution of the +nunneries through poverty and through change of fashion.</p> + +<p>This account of the attempts of medieval bishops to prevent the nunneries +from burdening themselves with inmates, beyond the number which could be +supported by their revenues, leads to a consideration of the other methods +employed by them to remedy the financial distress in which the nuns so +often found themselves. These methods may be divided into three classes; +(1) arrangements to safeguard expenditure by the head of the house and to +impose a check upon autocracy, (2) arrangements to prevent rash +expenditure or improvident means of raising money, by requiring episcopal +consent before certain steps could be<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_217" id="Page_217">[Pg 217]</a></span> taken, and (3) if the incompetence +of the nuns were such that even these restrictions were insufficient, the +appointment of a male <i>custos</i>, master or guardian, to manage the finances +of the house.</p> + +<p>Arrangements for safeguarding expenditure by the head of the house were of +four kinds: (1) provision for the consultation of the whole convent in +important negotiations, (2) provision for the safe custody of the common +seal, (3) provision for the regular presentation of accounts, and (4) the +appointment of coadjutresses to the Prioress, or of two or three +treasuresses, to be jointly responsible for receipts and expenditure. It +was a common injunction that the whole convent, or at least “the more and +sounder part of it,” should be consulted in all important negotiations, +such as the alienation of property, the leasing of land and farms, the +cutting down of woods, the incurring of debts and the reception of +novices<a name='fna_711' id='fna_711' href='#f_711'><small>[711]</small></a>. It has already been shown that Prioresses acted +autocratically in performing such business on their own initiative, and +the injunction sent by Peckham to the Abbess of Romsey shows the lengths +to which this independence might lead them<a name='fna_712' id='fna_712' href='#f_712'><small>[712]</small></a>. Flemyng’s injunction to +Elstow in 1421-2 is typical:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>That the Abbess deliver not nor demise to farm appropriated churches, +pensions, portions, manors or granges belonging to the monastery, nor +do any other such weighty business, without the express consent of the +greater and sounder part of the convent<a name='fna_713' id='fna_713' href='#f_713'><small>[713]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>At Arthington in 1318 the Prioress was specially ordered to consult the +convent in sales of wool and other business matters<a name='fna_714' id='fna_714' href='#f_714'><small>[714]</small></a>; the Prioress of +Sinningthwaite the next year was told to take counsel with the older nuns +and in all writings under the common seal to employ a faithful clerk and +to have the deed read, discussed and sealed in the presence of the whole +convent, those who spoke against it on reasonable grounds being heard and +the deed if necessary corrected<a name='fna_715' id='fna_715' href='#f_715'><small>[715]</small></a>. Provision for the safe custody<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_218" id="Page_218">[Pg 218]</a></span> of +the common seal, and for the assent of the whole convent to all writings +which received its imprint, was a necessary corollary to the demand that +the Prioress should consult her nuns in matters of business. Medieval +superiors were constantly charged with keeping the common seal in their +own custody<a name='fna_716' id='fna_716' href='#f_716'><small>[716]</small></a> and nuns and bishops alike objected to a custom which +rendered the convent responsible for any rash agreement into which the +Prioress might enter. Elaborate arrangements for the custody of the seal +are therefore common in visitatorial injunctions. In 1302 Bishop John of +Pontoise wrote to Romsey that</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>whereas from the bad keeping of the common seal many evils to the +house have hitherto happened (as the Bishop has now learned from the +experience of fact), and also may happen unless wholesome remedy be +applied, three at least of the discreeter ladies shall be appointed by +the Abbess and by the larger and wiser part of the convent to keep the +seal; and when any letter shall be sealed with the common seal in the +chapter before the whole convent, it shall be read and explained in an +intelligible tongue to all the ladies, publicly, distinctly and openly +and afterwards sealed in the same chapter, (not in corners or +secretly, as has hitherto been the custom,) and signed as it is read, +so that what concerns all may be approved by all. Which done the seal +shall be replaced in the same place under the said custody<a name='fna_717' id='fna_717' href='#f_717'><small>[717]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>These injunctions were repeated by Bishop Woodlock nine years later, but +in 1387 William of Wykeham laid down much more stringent rules. The seal +was to be kept securely under seven, or at least five locks and keys, of +which one key was to be in the custody of the abbess and the others to +remain with some of the more prudent and mature nuns, nominated by the +convent; no letter was to be sealed without first being read before the +whole convent in the vulgar tongue and approved by all or by the greater +and wiser part of the nuns<a name='fna_718' id='fna_718' href='#f_718'><small>[718]</small></a>. Seven locks was an unusually large +number; usually three, or even two, were ordered. At Malling, where, as we +have seen, Bishop Hamo of Hythe unwillingly confirmed an “insufficient and +ignorant” woman as Abbess, he took the extreme step of sequestrating the +common seal and forbidding it to be used without his permission<a name='fna_719' id='fna_719' href='#f_719'><small>[719]</small></a>.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_219" id="Page_219">[Pg 219]</a></span>Another method of keeping some control over the expenditure not only of +the head or treasurers of the house, but also of the other obedientiaries, +was by ordering the regular presentation of accounts before the whole +convent; and in spite of the injunctions of councils and of bishops no +regulation was more often broken. Bishop Stapeldon’s rules, drawn up for +the guidance of Polsloe and Canonsleigh, afford a good example of these +injunctions, and deal with the presentation of accounts by the bailiffs +and officers of the house, as well as by the Prioress:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Item, let the accounts of all your bailiffs, reeves and receivers, +both foreign and denizen, be overlooked every year, between Easter and +Whitsuntide, and between the Feast of St Michael and Christmas, after +final account rendered in the Priory before the Prioress, or before +those whom she is pleased to put in her place, and before two or three +of the most ancient and wise ladies of the said religion and house, +assigned by the Convent for this purpose; and let the rolls of the +accounts thus rendered remain in the common treasury, so that they may +be consulted, if need shall arise by reason of the death of a +Prioress, or of the death or removal of bailiffs, receivers or reeves. +Item, let the Prioress each year, between Christmas and Easter, before +the whole convent, or six ladies assigned by the convent for this +purpose, show forth the state of the house, and its receipts and +expenses, not in detail but in gross (<i>ne mie par menue parceles mes +par grosses sommes</i>), and the debts and the names of the debtors and +creditors for any sum above forty shillings. And all these things are +to be put into writing and placed in the common treasury, to the +intent that it may be seen each year how your goods increase or +decrease<a name='fna_720' id='fna_720' href='#f_720'><small>[720]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Bishop Pontoise ordered that at Romsey an account should be rendered twice +a year and at the end thereof the state of the house should be declared by +the auditors of the convent, or at least by the seniors of the convent, +but finding the practice in abeyance in 1302 he ordered the account to be +rendered once a year<a name='fna_721' id='fna_721' href='#f_721'><small>[721]</small></a>; his ordinance was repeated by Bishop Woodlock +in 1311<a name='fna_722' id='fna_722' href='#f_722'><small>[722]</small></a> and by William of Wykeham in 1387<a name='fna_723' id='fna_723' href='#f_723'><small>[723]</small></a>, both of whom +specially refer to the rendering of accounts by officials and +obedientiaries<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_220" id="Page_220">[Pg 220]</a></span> as well as by the Abbess<a name='fna_724' id='fna_724' href='#f_724'><small>[724]</small></a>. More frequently, especially +in the smaller houses, the Bishops confined their efforts to extracting +the main account from the Prioress, with the double object, so +ungraciously expressed by Archbishop Lee, “that it may appere in whate +state the housse standith in, and also that it may be knowen, whethur she +be profitable to the house or not”<a name='fna_725' id='fna_725' href='#f_725'><small>[725]</small></a>. How far it was a common practice +that the accounts should be audited by some external person, it is +impossible to say. Our only evidence lies in occasional injunctions such +as those sent by Bishops Pontoise and Woodlock to Romsey, or by Bishop +Buckingham to Heynings; or an occasional remark, such as the Prioress of +Blackborough’s excuse that she did not render account in order “to save +the expenses of an auditor”<a name='fna_726' id='fna_726' href='#f_726'><small>[726]</small></a>; or an occasional order addressed by a +Bishop to some person bidding him go and examine the accounts of a house. +In 1314 William, rector of Londesborough, was made <i>custos</i> of +Nunburnholme on peculiar terms, being ordered to go there three times a +year and hear the accounts of the ministers and <i>prepositi</i> of the house; +his duties were thus, in effect, those of an unpaid auditor and no +more<a name='fna_727' id='fna_727' href='#f_727'><small>[727]</small></a>. It is probable that the accounts of bailiffs and other servants +were audited by the <i>custos</i>, in those houses to which such an official +was attached<a name='fna_728' id='fna_728' href='#f_728'><small>[728]</small></a>; whether his own accounts were scrutinised is another +matter. In 1309 Archbishop Greenfield wrote to his own receiver, William +de Jafford, to audit the accounts of Nunappleton<a name='fna_729' id='fna_729' href='#f_729'><small>[729]</small></a>, and after the +revelations of Margaret Wavere’s maladministration at Catesby in 1445, a +commission for the inspection of the accounts was granted to the Abbot of +St James, Northampton<a name='fna_730' id='fna_730' href='#f_730'><small>[730]</small></a>. In some cases the annual statement<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_221" id="Page_221">[Pg 221]</a></span> of +accounts was ordered to be made before the Bishop of the diocese, as well +as the nuns of the house, and in such cases he would act as auditor +himself<a name='fna_731' id='fna_731' href='#f_731'><small>[731]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>It was also a common practice for the Visitor to demand that the current +balance sheet and inventory (the <i>status domus</i>) of a monastic house +should be produced, together with its foundation charter and various other +documents, before he took the evidence of the inmates at a visitation. The +register of Bishop Alnwick’s visitations shows the procedure very clearly; +usually there is simply a note to the effect that the Prioress handed in +the <i>status domus</i>, but at some houses the Bishop encountered +difficulties. At St Michael’s Stamford, in 1440, the old Prioress (who, it +will be remembered, had rendered no account at all during her twelve years +of office) was unable to produce a balance sheet, or one of the required +certificates, and Alnwick was obliged to proceed with her examination +“hiis exhibendis non exhibitis.” He made shift however to extract some +verbal information from her; she said that the house was in debt £20 at +her installation and now only 20 marks, that it could expend £40, besides +10 marks appropriated to the office of pittancer and besides “the +perquisites of the stewardship”; she said also “that they plough with two +teams and they have eight oxen, seven horses, a bailiff, four +serving-folk, a carter for the teams, and a man who is their baker and +brewer, whose wife makes the malt”<a name='fna_732' id='fna_732' href='#f_732'><small>[732]</small></a>. At Legbourne also the Prioress</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>showed the state of the house, as it now stands, as they say, but not +annual charges, etc.... She says that the house owed £43 at the time +of her confirmation and installation and now only £14; nevertheless +because the state of the house is not fully shown, she has the next +day at Louth to show it more fully<a name='fna_733' id='fna_733' href='#f_733'><small>[733]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>At Ankerwyke also Clemence Medforde gave in an incomplete balance sheet:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>she shewed a roll containing the rents of the house, which, after +deducting rent-charges, reach the total of £22. 6. 7. Touching the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_222" id="Page_222">[Pg 222]</a></span> +stewardship of the temporalities and touching the other receipts, as +from alms and other like sources, she shews nothing, and says that at +the time of her preferment the house was 300 marks in debt, and now is +in debt only £40, and she declares some of the names of the creditors +of this sum<a name='fna_734' id='fna_734' href='#f_734'><small>[734]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>A special demand for a complete statement of accounts was sometimes made +in cases where gross maladministration was charged against a prioress. +Thus in 1310 Archbishop Greenfield ordered an investigation of certain +charges (unspecified, but clearly of this nature) made against the +Prioress of Rosedale; her accounts,</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>as well as those of all bailiffs and other officials and servants who +were bound to render accounts, were to be examined and the prioress +was ordered to render to the commissioners full and complete accounts +from the time of her promotion, as well as a statement of the then +position of the house,</p></div> + +<p>and a further letter from the Archbishop to the Subprioress and nuns +ordered them to display the <i>status domus</i> to the commissioners, as it was +when the Prioress took office and as it was at the time he wrote. She +resigned shortly afterwards, <i>sentiens se impotentem</i>; but in 1315 her +successor was enjoined to draw up a certified statement showing the credit +and debit accounts of the house and to send it to the Archbishop before a +certain date<a name='fna_735' id='fna_735' href='#f_735'><small>[735]</small></a>. Usually the Bishop demanded not only the account roll +of a house, but also an inventory, doubtless in order that he might see +whether anything had been alienated, and these inventories sometimes +remain attached to the account of the visitation preserved in the +episcopal register<a name='fna_736' id='fna_736' href='#f_736'><small>[736]</small></a>.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_223" id="Page_223">[Pg 223]</a></span>If a Prioress were found to be hopelessly incompetent or unscrupulous, but +not bad enough to be deprived of her position, Bishops sometimes took the +extreme measure of appointing one or more coadjutresses, to govern the +house in conjunction with her; and often (even when there was no complaint +against the Prioress) the nuns were ordered to elect treasuresses, to +receive and disburse the income of the house from all sources. One of the +<i>comperta</i> at the visitation of Swine in 1268 was to the effect that</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>the sums of money which are bestowed in charity upon the convent, for +pittances and garments and other necessary uses, are received by the +Prioress; which ought the rather to be in the custody of two honest +nuns and distributed to those in need of them, and in no wise +converted to other uses<a name='fna_737' id='fna_737' href='#f_737'><small>[737]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>At Nunkeeling in 1314 it was ordained that all money due to the house +should be received by two bursars, elected by the convent<a name='fna_738' id='fna_738' href='#f_738'><small>[738]</small></a>, and in +1323 Bishop Cobham of Worcester made a similar injunction at Wroxall, that +two sisters were to be chosen by the chapter, to do the business of the +convent in receiving rents, etc.<a name='fna_739' id='fna_739' href='#f_739'><small>[739]</small></a> Elaborate arrangements for the +appointment of treasuresses were made by Bishop Bokyngham at Elstow and at +Heynings, in 1388 and 1392 respectively, and by Bishop Flemyng at Elstow +in 1421-2<a name='fna_740' id='fna_740' href='#f_740'><small>[740]</small></a>. It will suffice here to quote the much earlier arrangement +made by Archbishop Peckham at Usk in 1284:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“Since,” he wrote, “lately visiting you by our metropolitan right, we +found you in a most desolate state (<i>multipliciter desolatas</i>), +desiring to avoid such desolation in future, we order, by the counsel +of discreet men, that henceforth two provident and discreet nuns be +elected by the consent of the prioress and community; into whose hands +all the money of the house shall be brought, whether from granges, or<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_224" id="Page_224">[Pg 224]</a></span> +from appropriated churches, or coming from any other offerings, to be +carefully looked after by their consent. And as well the Prioress as +the other nuns shall receive (money for) all necessary expenses from +their hands and in no manner otherwise. And we will that these nuns be +called Treasuresses, which Treasuresses thrice in the year, to wit in +Lent, Whitsuntide and on the Feast of St Michael, shall render account +before the Prioress for the time being and before five or six elders +of the chapter.”</p></div> + +<p>In addition they were to have a priest as <i>custos</i> or administrator of their +temporal and spiritual possessions<a name='fna_741' id='fna_741' href='#f_741'><small>[741]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>The appointment of a coadjutress to the head of a house in the +administration of its affairs is of the same nature. The appointment of +coadjutresses was a favourite device with Archbishop Peckham, to check an +extravagant or incapable head. At the great abbey of Romsey three +coadjutresses were appointed, without whose testimony and advice the +Abbess was to undertake no important business<a name='fna_742' id='fna_742' href='#f_742'><small>[742]</small></a>. At Wherwell one +coadjutress only, a certain J. de Ver, was appointed in 1284, and the same +year the Archbishop wrote to his commissary on the subject of the Priory +of the Holy Sepulchre, Canterbury:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Since by the carelessness and neglect of the Prioress the goods of the +house are said to be much wasted, we wish you to assign to her two +coadjutresses, to wit Dame Sara and another of the more honest and +wise ladies; but let neither be Benedicta, who is said to have greatly +offended the whole community by her discords.</p></div> + +<p>Here, as at Usk, Peckham appointed in addition a master to look after +their affairs<a name='fna_743' id='fna_743' href='#f_743'><small>[743]</small></a>. At the disorderly house of Arthington Isabella Couvel +was in 1312 associated with the Prioress Isabella de Berghby, but the +Prioress seems to have resented the appointment and promptly ran +away<a name='fna_744' id='fna_744' href='#f_744'><small>[744]</small></a>. In the Exeter diocese Bishop Stapeldon made Joan de Radyngton +coadjutress to Petronilla, Abbess of Canonsleigh in 1320<a name='fna_745' id='fna_745' href='#f_745'><small>[745]</small></a>; and in the +diocese of Bath and Wells Bishop Ralph of Shrewsbury in 1335 appointed two +coadjutresses to Cecilia de Draycote, Prioress of White Hall, Ilchester, +and in 1351, when his visitation had revealed many scandals at Cannington, +including the simoniacal admission of nuns and unauthorised sale of +corrodies by the Prioress, the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_225" id="Page_225">[Pg 225]</a></span> Bishop, instead of depriving her “tempered +the rigour of the law with clemency” and appointed two coadjutresses +without whose consent she was to do nothing<a name='fna_746' id='fna_746' href='#f_746'><small>[746]</small></a>. Bishop Alnwick made use +of this method of controlling a superior in several cases where serious +mismanagement had come to light at his visitation<a name='fna_747' id='fna_747' href='#f_747'><small>[747]</small></a>, and other +instances of this method of controlling the administration of a superior +might be multiplied from the episcopal registers.</p> + +<p>The appointment of treasuresses and of coadjutresses and the provision for +due consultation of the chapter, custody of the common seal and +presentment of accounts had the purpose of safeguarding the nuns against +reckless expenditure or maladministration by the head of the house, and, +where the injunctions of the Visitor were carried out, such precautions +doubtless proved of use. Some further check was, however, necessary, to +safeguard the nuns against themselves, and to prevent the whole convent +from rash sales of land, alienation of goods and from all those other +improvident devices for obtaining ready money, to which they were so much +addicted. The Bishop often attempted to impose such a check by forbidding +certain steps to be taken without his own consent. The business for which +an episcopal licence was necessary usually comprised the alienation of +land or its lease for life or for a long term of years, the sale of any +corrodies or payment of any fees or pensions, and (as has already been +pointed out) the reception of new inmates, who might overcrowd the house +and thus impose a strain upon its revenues<a name='fna_748' id='fna_748' href='#f_748'><small>[748]</small></a>. Other business, such as +the sale of woods, was sometimes included<a name='fna_749' id='fna_749' href='#f_749'><small>[749]</small></a>. The prohibition of +corrodies, fees and pensions was doubtless intended to protect the nuns +against the exactions of patrons and other persons, who claimed the right +to pension off relatives or old servants by this means, as well as against +their own improvidence in selling such doles for<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_226" id="Page_226">[Pg 226]</a></span> inadequate sums of ready +money. As typical of such prohibitions may be quoted Alnwick’s injunction +(given in two parts) to Harrold in 1442-3:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Also we enioyne yow, prioresse, and your sucessours vndere payne of +pry[v]acyone and perpetuelle amocyone fro your and thaire astate and +dygnyte that fro hense forthe ye ne thai selle, graunte ne gyfe to ony +persone what euer thai be any corrody, lyverye, pensyone or anuyte to +terme of lyve, certeyn tyme or perpetuelly, but if ye or thai fyrste +declare the cause to vs or our successours bysshoppes of Lincolne, and +in that case have our specyalle licence or of our saide successours +and also the fulle assent of the more hole parte of your couent. Also +we enioyne yow prioresse and your successours vndere the payne of +priuacyone afore saide that ye ne thai selle, gyfe, aleyne, ne felle +no grete wode or tymbere, saue to necessary reparacyone of your place +and your tenaundryes, but if ye and thai hafe specyalle licence ther +to, of vs or our successours bysshoppes of Lincolne and the cause +declared to vs or our successours<a name='fna_750' id='fna_750' href='#f_750'><small>[750]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>An exceptionally conscientious Bishop would sometimes send even more full +and elaborate instructions to a nunnery on the management of its property, +and examples of such minute regulations are to be found in the injunctions +sent to Elstow Abbey at different times by Bishop Bokyngham (1387)<a name='fna_751' id='fna_751' href='#f_751'><small>[751]</small></a>, +Archbishop Courtenay (1389)<a name='fna_752' id='fna_752' href='#f_752'><small>[752]</small></a> and Bishop Flemyng (1421-2)<a name='fna_753' id='fna_753' href='#f_753'><small>[753]</small></a>. Bishop +Bokyngham also sent very full injunctions to Heynings in 1392 and these +may be quoted to illustrate the care which the Visitors sometimes took to +set a house upon a firm financial footing, so far as it was possible to do +so by the mere giving of good advice:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>The Prioress, indeed, shall attempt to do nothing without the counsel +of two nuns, elected by the convent to assist her in the government<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_227" id="Page_227">[Pg 227]</a></span> +of the aforesaid priory, both within and without; and when any +important business has to be done concerning the state of the priory, +the same Prioress shall expound it to the convent in common, and shall +settle and accomplish it according to their counsel, to the advantage +of the aforesaid house. And each year the receiver shall display fully +in chapter to the convent in common the state of the house and an +account of the administration of its goods, clearly and openly +written.... Item we command and ordain that the common seal and +muniments of the house be faithfully kept under three locks, of which +one key shall be in the custody of the prioress, another of the +subprioress and the third of a nun elected for this purpose by the +convent.... Item we enjoin and command that two receivers be each year +elected by the chapter, who shall receive all money whatsoever, +forthcoming from the churches, manors or rents of the said priory, the +which two elected (receivers), together with the Prioress and with an +auditor deputed in the name of the convent, shall hear and receive in +writing the computation, account and reckoning of all bailiffs without +the precincts of the house, who receive any moneys, or any other goods +whatsoever in the name of the said convent, from churches, manors or +rents. And afterwards the same two elected receivers, before the +Prioress and two other of the greater, elder and more prudent nuns, +elected to this end by the convent, shall faithfully render at least +twice every year the account and computation of all the receipts and +expenses of the same (receivers) within the precincts of the aforesaid +house, to the said Prioress and two sisters elected and deputed in the +name of the convent. And when this has been done, we will and enjoin +that twice in every year the Prioress of the aforesaid house show the +whole state of the aforesaid house in chapter, the whole convent being +assembled on a certain day for this purpose. And we will that the roll +of the aforesaid balance sheet, or paper of account or reckoning, +remain altogether in the archives of the aforesaid house, that the +prioress and the elder and more prudent (nuns) of the aforesaid house +may be able easily to learn the state of the same in future years and +whenever any difficulty may arise. And let bailiffs be constituted of +sufficient faculties and of commendable discretion and fidelity, the +best that can be found, and let them similarly render due account +every year before the same prioress and convent.... Furthermore we +will that the Prioress and convent of the aforesaid house do not sell +or concede in perpetuity or grant for a term corrodies, stipends, +liveries or pensions to clerics or to laymen, save with our licence +first sought and obtained<a name='fna_754' id='fna_754' href='#f_754'><small>[754]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>At Elstow Bokyngham gave a more detailed injunction about the appointment +of bailiffs and other officers.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_228" id="Page_228">[Pg 228]</a></span>Let the Abbess for the government of the aforesaid monastery have +faithful servants, in especial for the government and supervision +without waste of the husbandry and the manors and stock and woods of +the aforesaid house; the which the Abbess herself is bound, if she +can, to supervise each year in person, or else let her cause them to +be industriously supervised by others; and to look after the external +and internal business of the house and to prosecute it outside let her +appoint also some man of proven experience and of mature age<a name='fna_755' id='fna_755' href='#f_755'><small>[755]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>The purpose of those regulations and restrictions which have hitherto been +described, was to assist the nuns in managing their own finances. But the +nuns were never very good business women, and they were moreover in theory +confined to the precincts of the cloister, so that it was difficult for +them to manage their own business, unless they imperilled their souls by +excursions into the world. During the thirteenth and early fourteenth +centuries, therefore, a common method of extricating them from their +difficulties was by appointing a male guardian, known in different places +as Custos, Prior, Warden or Master, to supervise the temporal affairs of a +house and to look after its finances. In the early history of Cistercian +nunneries each house was governed jointly by a Prior and Prioress and in +some cases a few canons are found holding the temporalities jointly with +the nuns. Of these Cistercian houses Mr Hamilton Thompson says:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>As in the case of the Gilbertine priories, such nunneries are rarely +found outside Lincolnshire and Yorkshire: they were under the bishop’s +supervision and their connexion with the order of Cîteaux was nominal. +Their geographical distribution, as well as the fact that St Gilbert +attempted to affiliate his nunneries to the Cistercian order and +modelled them upon its rule, provokes the suspicion that such houses +were a result of the growth of the Gilbertine order, and, if not +intended to become double houses, were at any rate imitations of the +corporations of nuns at Sempringham and elsewhere<a name='fna_756' id='fna_756' href='#f_756'><small>[756]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>References to canons occur in connection with the houses of Stixwould, +Heynings and Legbourne in Lincolnshire<a name='fna_757' id='fna_757' href='#f_757'><small>[757]</small></a>, Catesby in +Northamptonshire<a name='fna_758' id='fna_758' href='#f_758'><small>[758]</small></a> and Swine in Yorkshire<a name='fna_759' id='fna_759' href='#f_759'><small>[759]</small></a>. The <i>comperta</i><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_229" id="Page_229">[Pg 229]</a></span> of +Archbishop Giffard’s visitation of Swine in 1267-8 show that the house at +that time closely resembled the double houses belonging to the Gilbertine +order.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p><i>Item compertum est</i>, that the two windows, by which the food and +drink of the canons and lay brothers are conveyed (to them), are not +at all well guarded by the two nuns who are called janitresses, +inasmuch as suspicious conversations are frequently held there between +the canons and lay brothers on the one hand and the nuns and sisters +on the other. <i>Item compertum est</i> that the door which leads to the +church is not at all carefully kept by a certain secular boy, who +permits the canons and lay brothers to enter indiscriminately in the +twilight, that they may talk with the nuns and sisters, the which door +was wont to be guarded diligently by a trusty and energetic lay +brother.</p></div> + +<p>It has already been described how the ill-management of the canons and lay +brothers (“who dissipate and consume, under colour of guardianship, the +goods outside, which were wont to be committed to the guardianship of one +of the nuns”) caused the nuns to go short in clothes and food and even to +be reduced to drinking water instead of beer twice a week, though the +canons and their friends “did themselves very well” (<i>satis habundanter et +laute procurantur</i>)<a name='fna_760' id='fna_760' href='#f_760'><small>[760]</small></a>. In most cases this double constitution of nuns +and canons was in abeyance in Cistercian houses before the fourteenth +century, though a prior and canons are mentioned at Stixwould in 1308<a name='fna_761' id='fna_761' href='#f_761'><small>[761]</small></a> +and Richard de Staunton,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_230" id="Page_230">[Pg 230]</a></span> “canon of Catesby,” was made master of that +house as late as 1316<a name='fna_762' id='fna_762' href='#f_762'><small>[762]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>In other houses where no trace of canons has survived there are often +references to the resident Prior, especially in the dioceses of York and +Lincoln, and this official is sometimes found in Benedictine houses (e.g. +Godstow<a name='fna_763' id='fna_763' href='#f_763'><small>[763]</small></a>, St Michael’s Stamford<a name='fna_764' id='fna_764' href='#f_764'><small>[764]</small></a>, and King’s Mead, Derby<a name='fna_765' id='fna_765' href='#f_765'><small>[765]</small></a>). He +seems to have acted as senior chaplain and confessor to the nuns as well +as supervising their financial business. In cases where a nunnery was in +some sort of dependence upon an abbey or priory of monks, it is usual to +find a religious of that house acting as <i>custos</i> of the nuns. At St +Michael’s Stamford, for instance, the abbots of Peterborough had the right +of nominating a resident prior, subject to the approval of the Bishop of +Lincoln, and the office was often held by a monk of Peterborough<a name='fna_766' id='fna_766' href='#f_766'><small>[766]</small></a>. +Similarly a monk of St Albans acted as <i>custos</i> of Sopwell<a name='fna_767' id='fna_767' href='#f_767'><small>[767]</small></a> and a +canon of Newhouse dwelt at Brodholme “to say daily mass for the sisters +and to overlook their temporalities”<a name='fna_768' id='fna_768' href='#f_768'><small>[768]</small></a>. The joint rule of Cistercian +houses by a Prior and Prioress seems to have died out in most cases by the +end of the thirteenth century, but it was customary for some secular or +regular cleric to be appointed in most of the small and poor houses of +York and Lincoln to look after their business<a name='fna_769' id='fna_769' href='#f_769'><small>[769]</small></a>.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_231" id="Page_231">[Pg 231]</a></span> Usually the <i>custos</i> +appointed was the vicar or rector of some neighbouring parish. Archbishop +Romeyn, for instance, placed Sinningthwaite, Wilberfoss and Arthington +under the guardianship of the rectors of Kirk Deighton, Sutton-on-Derwent +and Kippax respectively, and he made the vicars of Thirkleby and Bossall +successively masters of Moxby<a name='fna_770' id='fna_770' href='#f_770'><small>[770]</small></a>. Bishop Dalderby of Lincoln appointed +neighbouring rectors and vicars to be masters of Legbourne, Godstow, +Rowney, Sewardsley, Fosse, Delapré, St Leonard’s Grimsby, and +Nuncoton<a name='fna_771' id='fna_771' href='#f_771'><small>[771]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Sometimes, on the other hand, canons or monks of religious houses in the +vicinity were charged with looking after the affairs of nunneries. Swine +was managed by Robert de Spalding, a canon of the Premonstratensian house +of Croxton, and in 1289-90 Archbishop Romeyn wrote remonstrating with the +Abbot of Croxton for recalling him, and begging that he might be allowed +to continue at Swine, “cum idem vester canonicus proficuos labores ibidem +impenderit ad relevacionem probabilem depressionis notorie dicte domus”; +but the capable Robert was not allowed to return and in 1290 John Bustard, +canon of St Robert’s Knaresborough, was appointed in his place. John was +not a success and the next year the Abbot removed him; in 1295 Robert of +Spalding became master again and in 1298 the rector of Londesborough was +appointed<a name='fna_772' id='fna_772' href='#f_772'><small>[772]</small></a>. At Catesby in 1293 the office of master was held by a +certain Robert de Wardon, a canon of Canons Ashby, who had apparently left +the nuns and gone back to his own house, to the great detriment of the +nunnery, for Bishop Sutton wrote in 1293 to the Prior of Canons Ashby, +bidding him send back the truant<a name='fna_773' id='fna_773' href='#f_773'><small>[773]</small></a>. Similarly a canon of Wellow is +found as warden of St Leonard’s Grimsby in 1232 and in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_232" id="Page_232">[Pg 232]</a></span> 1303<a name='fna_774' id='fna_774' href='#f_774'><small>[774]</small></a>, a monk +of Whitby as guardian of Handale and Basedale in 1268<a name='fna_775' id='fna_775' href='#f_775'><small>[775]</small></a>, a canon of +Newburgh at Arden in 1302<a name='fna_776' id='fna_776' href='#f_776'><small>[776]</small></a> and a canon of Lincoln at Heynings in 1291: +concerning the latter Bishop Sutton wrote to the nuns that since, “because +of private business and various other impediments he is prevented from +looking after your business as much as it requires, the vicar of Upton +your neighbour is to look after your affairs in his absence,” and in 1294 +he was definitely replaced by the rector of Blankney<a name='fna_777' id='fna_777' href='#f_777'><small>[777]</small></a>. It is clear +from this letter that the masters of nunneries could be non-resident and +this was no doubt usually the case when the office was held by the rector +of a neighbouring parish. Indeed sometimes the same man would be master of +more than one nunnery; as in the case of the monk of Whitby mentioned +above. It was probably rare after the beginning of the fourteenth century +for a <i>custos</i> to reside at a nunnery, as the early Cistercian priors had +done<a name='fna_778' id='fna_778' href='#f_778'><small>[778]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>The appointment of <i>custodes</i> to manage the finances of nunneries was a +favourite policy with Archbishop Peckham, doubtless because it facilitated +the enforcement of strict enclosure upon the nuns. At Godstow there was +already at the time a master, but Peckham also gave the custody of +Davington to the vicar of Faversham in 1279, and that of Holy Sepulchre, +Canterbury, to the vicar of Wickham in 1284, while at Usk in 1284 he +ordered the nuns to have “some senior priest circumspect in temporal and +in spiritual affairs to be, with the consent of the diocesan, master of +all your goods, internal and external, temporal and spiritual”<a name='fna_779' id='fna_779' href='#f_779'><small>[779]</small></a>. At +other times a <i>custos</i> would be appointed to meet a particular difficulty +when the financial state of a house had become specially weak. About 1303, +for<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_233" id="Page_233">[Pg 233]</a></span> instance, a monk of Peterborough was made for a season special warden +of St Michael’s, Stamford, “with full powers over the temporalities and of +adjudicating and ordering all temporal matters both within and without the +convent as he should think profitable”; the appointment is specially +interesting because there was at the time a resident prior at St Michael’s +and the “spiritual disposition of all things concerning the house” is +reserved to this prior and to the prioress<a name='fna_780' id='fna_780' href='#f_780'><small>[780]</small></a>. A more serious crisis +occurred at the Priory of White Hall, Ilchester, which was evidently in a +disorderly condition at the beginning of the fourteenth century. In 1323 +Bishop John of Drokensford wrote to Henry of Birlaunde, rector of Stoke +and to John de Herminal, announcing that the Prioress, Alice de Chilterne, +was defamed of incontinence with a chaplain and had so mismanaged and +turned to her own nefarious uses the revenues of the house that her +sisters were compelled to beg their bread; she had however submitted +herself to the Bishop, but as public affairs called him to London and as +he did not wish to leave the nunnery unprovided for, he committed the +custody to these two men, ordering them to administer the necessities of +life to the Prioress and sisters, according to the means of the house, +until his return<a name='fna_781' id='fna_781' href='#f_781'><small>[781]</small></a>. Some ten years later Bishop Ralph of Shrewsbury +similarly gave the custody of White Hall, Ilchester, to the rectors of +Limington and St John’s Ilchester<a name='fna_782' id='fna_782' href='#f_782'><small>[782]</small></a>. The nunnery of Barrow, near +Bristol, was also in a disorderly condition; in 1315 John of Drokensford +wrote to the Prioress ordering her to leave the management of secular +matters to a <i>custos</i> appointed by him, and the same day appointed William +de Sutton; and in 1324-5, when he had been obliged to remove the Prioress +Joanna Gurney, he committed the custody of the house to William, rector of +Backwell, ordering him to do the best he could with the advice of the +subprioress and one of the nuns<a name='fna_783' id='fna_783' href='#f_783'><small>[783]</small></a>. More often sheer financial distress, +rather than moral disorder, was the reason for which a <i>custos</i> was +appointed to a house. At St Sepulchre’s<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_234" id="Page_234">[Pg 234]</a></span> Canterbury, the rector of +Whitstable was made <i>custos</i>, “by reason of the miserable want and extreme +poverty of the said house” (1359) and for the same reason another secular +cleric received the “supervision, custody or administration” of the same +house in 1365<a name='fna_784' id='fna_784' href='#f_784'><small>[784]</small></a>. In 1366 Thomas Hatfield, Bishop of Durham,</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>pitying the miserable state of St Bartholomew’s at Newcastle-on-Tyne, +both as to spirituals and temporals, and dreading the immediate ruin +thereof, unless some speedy remedy should be applied, committed it to +the care of Hugh de Arnecliffe, priest in the church of St Nicholas in +Newcastle-upon-Tyne, strictly enjoining the prioress and nuns to be +obedient to him in every particular and trusting to his prudence to +find relief for the poor servants of Christ here, in their poverty and +distress.<a name='fna_785' id='fna_785' href='#f_785'><small>[785]</small></a></p></div> + +<p>Sometimes the nuns themselves begged for a <i>custos</i> to assist them, in +terms which show that they found the management of their own finances too +much for them. At Godstow in 1316 the King was obliged, at the request of +the Abbess and nuns, to take the Abbey into his special protection “on +account of its miserable state,” and he appointed the Abbot of Eynsham and +the Prior of Bicester as keepers, ordering them to pay the nuns a certain +allowance and to apply the residue to the discharging of their debts<a name='fna_786' id='fna_786' href='#f_786'><small>[786]</small></a>. +Similarly in 1327 the Prioress and nuns of King’s Mead, Derby, represented +themselves as much reduced, and begged the King to take the house into his +special protection, granting the custody of it to Robert of Alsop and +Simon of Little Chester, until it should be relieved. Three months later +Edward III granted it protection for three years and appointed Robert of +Alsop and Simon of Little Chester custodians, who, after due provision for +the sustenance of the prioress and nuns, were to apply the issues and +rents to the discharge of the liabilities of the house and to the +improvement of its condition<a name='fna_787' id='fna_787' href='#f_787'><small>[787]</small></a>. Some interesting evidence in this +connection was given during Alnwick’s visitations of the diocese of +Lincoln. When Clemence Medforde, the Prioress of Ankerwyke, was asked +whether she had observed the Bishop’s injunctions, she answered</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>that such injunctions were, and are, well observed as regards both her +and her sisters in effect and according to their power, except the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_235" id="Page_235">[Pg 235]</a></span> +injunction whereby she is bound to supply to her sisters sufficient +raiment for their habits, and as touching the non-observance of that +injunction she answers that she cannot observe it, because of the +poverty and insufficiency of the resources of the house, which have +been much lessened by reason of the want of a surveyor or steward +(<i>yconomus</i>). Wherefore she besought my lord’s good-will and +assistance that he would deign with charitable consideration to make +provision of such steward or director.... And when these nuns, all and +several, had been so examined and were gathered together again in the +chapter house, the said Depyng (the Visitor) gave consideration to two +grievances, wherein the priory and nuns alike suffer no small damage, +the which, as he affirmed, were worthy of reform above the rest of +those that stood most in need of reform, to wit the lack of raiment +for the habit, of bedclothes and of a steward or seneschal, but in +these matters, as he averred, he could not apply a remedy for the +nonce without riper deliberation and consultation with my lord<a name='fna_788' id='fna_788' href='#f_788'><small>[788]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Similarly the old Prioress of St Michael’s Stamford, when asking for the +appointment of two nuns as treasuresses, complained “that she herself is +impotent to rule temporalities, nor have they an industrious man to +supervise these and to raise and receive (external payments)”; another nun +said that “they have not a discreet layman to rule their temporalities,” +and a third also complained of the lack of a “receiver”<a name='fna_789' id='fna_789' href='#f_789'><small>[789]</small></a>. At Gokewell, +on the other hand, the Prioress said “that the rector of Flixborough is +their steward (<i>yconomus</i>) and he looks after the temporalities and not +she”; he was evidently a true friend to the nuns, for she said “that the +house does not exceed £10 in rents and is greatly in debt to the rector of +Flixborough”<a name='fna_790' id='fna_790' href='#f_790'><small>[790]</small></a>. The terms of appointment of <i>custodes</i> often specify +the inexpertness of the nuns, or their need for someone to supervise the +management of their estates<a name='fna_791' id='fna_791' href='#f_791'><small>[791]</small></a>. Perhaps the fullest set of instructions +to a <i>custos</i> which have survived are those given by Archbishop Melton to +Roger de Saxton, rector of Aberford, in making him <i>custos</i> of Kirklees in +1317:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Trusting in your industry, we by tenour of the present (letters) give +you power during our pleasure to look after, guard and administer the +temporal possessions of our beloved religious ladies, the Prioress and +convent of Kirklees in our diocese, throughout their manors and +buildings (<i>loca</i>) wherever these be, and to receive and hear the +account of all servants and ministers serving in the same, and to make +those<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_236" id="Page_236">[Pg 236]</a></span> payments (<i>allocandum</i>) which by reason ought to be made, as +well as to remove all useless ministers and servants and to appoint in +their place others of greater utility, and to do all other things +which shall seem to you to be to the advantage of the place, firmly +enjoining the said prioress and convent, as well as the sisters and +lay brothers of the house, in virtue of holy obedience, that they +permit you freely to administer in all and each of the aforesaid +matters<a name='fna_792' id='fna_792' href='#f_792'><small>[792]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>It must have been of great assistance to the worried and incompetent nuns +to have a reliable guardian thus to look after their temporal affairs, and +it is difficult to understand why the practice of having a resident prior +died out at the Cistercian houses and at Benedictine houses (e.g. St +Michael’s, Stamford) which had such an official in the thirteenth and +early fourteenth centuries. Even the appointment of neighbouring rectors +as <i>custodes</i> of nunneries in the York and Lincoln dioceses ceased, +apparently, to be common by the middle of the fourteenth century<a name='fna_793' id='fna_793' href='#f_793'><small>[793]</small></a>. It +is a curious anomaly that this remedy should have been applied less and +less often during the very centuries when the nunneries were becoming +increasingly poor, and stood daily in greater need of external assistance +in the management of their temporal affairs.</p> + + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<hr style="width: 50%;" /> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_237" id="Page_237">[Pg 237]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_VI" id="CHAPTER_VI"></a>CHAPTER VI</h2> +<p class="title">EDUCATION</p> + +<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary="table"> +<tr><td>Abstinence the abbesse myn a. b. c. me tauȝte.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 12em;"><i>Piers Plowman.</i></span></td></tr></table> + +<p> </p> +<p>The Benedictine ideal set study together with prayer and labour as the +three bases of monastic life and in the short golden age of English +monasticism women as well as men loved books and learning. The tale of the +Anglo-Saxon nuns who corresponded with St Boniface has often been told. +Eadburg, Abbess of Thanet, wrote the Epistles of St Peter for him in +letters of gold and sent books to him in the wilds of Germany. Bugga, +Abbess of a Kentish house, exchanged books with him. The charming Lioba, +educated by the nuns of Wimborne, sent him verses which she had composed +in Latin, which “divine art” the nun Eadburg had taught her, and begged +him to correct the rusticity of her style. Afterwards she came into +Germany to help him and became Abbess of Bischofsheim and her biographer +tells how</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>she was so bent on reading that she never laid aside her book except +to pray or to strengthen her slight frame with food and sleep. From +childhood upwards she had studied grammar and the other liberal arts, +and hoped by perseverance to attain a perfect knowledge of religion, +for she was well aware that the gifts of nature are doubled by study. +She zealously read the books of the Old and New Testaments and +committed their divine precepts to memory; but she further added to +the rich store of her knowledge by reading the writings of the holy +Fathers, the canonical decrees and the laws of the Church.</p></div> + +<p>So also an anonymous Anglo-Saxon nun of Heidenheim wrote the lives of +Willibald and Wunebald<a name='fna_794' id='fna_794' href='#f_794'><small>[794]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>The Anglo-Saxon period seems, however, to have been the only one during +which English nuns were at all conspicuous for learning. There is indeed +very scant material for writing their history between the Norman Conquest +and the last years of the thirteenth century, when Bishops’ Registers +begin. It is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_238" id="Page_238">[Pg 238]</a></span> never safe to argue from silence and some nuns may still +have busied themselves over books; but two facts are significant: we have +no trace of women occupying themselves with the copying and illumination +of manuscripts and no nunnery produced a chronicle. The chronicles are the +most notable contribution of the monastic houses to learning from the +eleventh to the fourteenth centuries; and some of the larger nunneries, +such as Romsey, Lacock, and Shaftesbury, received many visitors and must +have heard much that was worth recording, besides the humbler annals of +their own houses. But they recorded nothing. The whole trend of medieval +thought was against learned women and even in Benedictine nunneries, for +which a period of study was enjoined by the rule, it was evidently +considered altogether outside the scope of women to concern themselves +with writing. While the monks composed chronicles, the nuns embroidered +copes; and those who sought the gift of a manuscript from the monasteries, +sought only the gift of needlework from the nunneries.</p> + +<p>It is not, perhaps, surprising that the nuns should have written no +chronicles and copied few, if any, books. But it is surprising that +England should after the eighth century be able to show so little record +of gifted individuals. Even if the rule of a professedly learned order +were unlikely to prevail against the general trend of civilisation and to +produce learned women, still it might have been expected that here and +there a genius, or a woman of some talent for authorship, might have +flourished in that favourable soil; or even that a whole house might have +enjoyed for a brief halcyon period the zest for learning, when “alle was +buxomnesse there and bokes to rede and to lerne.” In Germany, at various +periods of the middle ages, this did happen. The Abbey of Gandersheim in +Saxony was renowned for learning in the tenth century and here lived and +flourished the nun Roswitha, who not only wrote religious legends in Latin +verse, but even composed seven dramas in the style of Terence, a poem on +the Emperor Otto the Great and a history of her own nunnery. From the +internal evidence of her works it has been thought that this nun was +directly familiar with the works of Virgil, Lucan, Horace, Ovid, Terence +and perhaps Plautus, Prudentius, Sedulius, Fortunatus, Martianus Capella +and Boethius; but apart from this evidence of learning, her plays<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_239" id="Page_239">[Pg 239]</a></span> show +her to have been a woman of originality and some genius; they are strange +productions to have emanated from a tenth century convent<a name='fna_795' id='fna_795' href='#f_795'><small>[795]</small></a>. It was in +Germany again, at Hohenburg in Alsace, that the Abbess Herrad in the +twelfth century compiled and decorated with exquisite illuminations the +great encyclopedia known as the <i>Hortus Deliciarum</i>. This book, one of the +finest manuscripts which had survived from the middle ages and a most +invaluable source of information for the manners and appearance of the +people of Herrad’s day, was destroyed in the German bombardment of +Strasburg in 1870<a name='fna_796' id='fna_796' href='#f_796'><small>[796]</small></a>. The same century saw the lives of the two great +nun-mystics, St Hildegard of Bingen and St Elisabeth of Schönau, who saw +visions, dreamed dreams and wrote them down<a name='fna_797' id='fna_797' href='#f_797'><small>[797]</small></a>. In the next century the +convent of Helfta in Saxony was the home of several literary nuns and +mystics and was distinguished for culture; its nuns collected books, +copied them, illuminated them, learned and wrote Latin, and three of them, +the béguine Mechthild, the nun Saint Mechthild von Hackeborn and the nun +Gertrud the Great, have won considerable fame by their mystic +writings<a name='fna_798' id='fna_798' href='#f_798'><small>[798]</small></a>. Even in the decadent fifteenth century examples are not +wanting of German nuns who were keenly interested in learning; and in the +early sixteenth century Charitas Pirckheimer, nun of St Clare at Nuremberg +and sister of the humanist Wilibald Pirckheimer, was in close relations +with her brother and with many of his friends and full of enthusiasm for +the new learning<a name='fna_799' id='fna_799' href='#f_799'><small>[799]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>It is strange that in England there is no record of any house which can +compare with Gandersheim, Hohenburg or Helfta; no record of any nun to +compare with the learned women and great mystics who have been mentioned. +The air of the English nunneries would seem to have been unfavourable to +learning. The sole works ascribed to monastic authoresses are a <i>Life of +St Catherine</i>, written in Norman-French by Clemence, a nun of Barking, in +the late twelfth century<a name='fna_800' id='fna_800' href='#f_800'><small>[800]</small></a>, and <i>The Boke of St Albans</i>,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_240" id="Page_240">[Pg 240]</a></span> a treatise on +hawking, hunting and coat armour, printed in 1486, by one Dame Juliana +Berners, whom a vague and unsubstantiated tradition declares to have been +Prioress of Sopwell. Nor do nuns seem to have been more active in copying +manuscripts. Several beautiful books, which have come down to our own day, +can be traced to nunneries, but there is no evidence that they were +written there and all other evidence makes it highly improbable that they +were. It is true that in 1335 we find this entry among the issues of the +Exchequer:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>To Isabella de Lancaster, a nun of Amesbury, in money paid to her by +the hands of John de Gynewell for payment of 100 marks, which the lord +the King commanded to be paid her for a book of romance purchased from +her for the King’s use, which remains in the chamber of the lord the +King, 66 l. 13 s. 4 d<a name='fna_801' id='fna_801' href='#f_801'><small>[801]</small></a>,</p></div> + +<p>but it is unlikely that the book thus purchased by the King from his noble +kinswoman was her own work.</p> + +<p>This period of the later ages was, indeed, unfavourable to learning among +monks as well as among nuns. As the universities grew, so the monasteries +declined in lustre; learning had no longer need to seek refuge behind +cloister walls, and the most promising monks now went to the universities, +instead of studying at home in their own houses. The standard of the +chronicles rapidly declined and the best chronicler of the fourteenth +century was not a monk like Matthew Paris, but a secular, a wanderer, a +hanger-on of princes, Froissart. As the fifteenth century passed learning +declined still further; and it is evident from the visitations of the time +that the monks, whatever else they might be, were not scholars. We should +expect the decline in learning to be more marked still among the nuns, +considering how little they had possessed in preceding centuries; and the +matter is worth some study, because it concerns not only the education of +the nuns themselves, but the education which they were qualified to give +to the children who were sent to school with them.</p> + +<p>A word may first be said on the subject of nunnery libraries. Concerning +these we have very little information; and, such as it is, it does not +leave the impression that nunneries were rich in books. No catalogue of a +nunnery library<a name='fna_802' id='fna_802' href='#f_802'><small>[802]</small></a> has come down to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_241" id="Page_241">[Pg 241]</a></span> us and such references to libraries +as occur in inventories show great poverty in this respect, the books +being few and chiefly service-books. An inventory of the small and poor +convent of Easebourne, taken in 1450, shows what was doubtless quite a +large library for a house of its size. It contained two missals, two +<i>portiforia</i> (breviaries), four antiphoners, one large <i>Legenda</i>, eight +psalters, one book of collects, one tropary, one French Bible, two +<i>ordinalia</i> in French, one book of the Gospels and one martyrology<a name='fna_803' id='fna_803' href='#f_803'><small>[803]</small></a>. +The inventories of Henry VIII’s commissioners give very little information +as to books and seem to have found few that were of any value. The books +found at Sheppey are thus described: “ij bokes with ij sylver clapses the +pece, and vj bokes with one sylver clasp a pec, l bokes good and bad” (in +the church), “vij bokes, whereof one goodly mase boke of parchement and +dyvers other good bokes” (in the vestry), and “an olde presse full of old +boks of no valew” (in a chapel in the churchyard) and “a boke of Saynts +lyfes” (in the parlour)<a name='fna_804' id='fna_804' href='#f_804'><small>[804]</small></a>. At Kilburn were found “two books of <i>Legenda +Aurea</i>, one in print, the other written, both English, 4<i>d.</i>”; the one in +print must have been Caxton’s edition, thus valued, together with a +manuscript, at something like 6<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i> in present money for the pair! +Also “two mass books, one old written, the other in print, 20<i>d.</i>, four +processions in parchment (3<i>s.</i>) and paper (10<i>d.</i>), two Legends in +parchment and paper, 8<i>d.</i>, and two chests, with divers books pertaining +to the church, of no value”<a name='fna_805' id='fna_805' href='#f_805'><small>[805]</small></a>. It will be noted that the books are +almost always connected with the church services. It is perhaps +significant that in only one list of the inmates of a house is a nun +specifically described as librarian<a name='fna_806' id='fna_806' href='#f_806'><small>[806]</small></a>.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_242" id="Page_242">[Pg 242]</a></span>Something may be gleaned also from the legacies of books left to nuns in +medieval wills. These again are nearly always psalters or service books of +one kind or another; and indeed the average layman was more likely to +possess these than other books, for all alike attended the services of the +church. Thus Sir Robert de Roos in 1392 leaves his daughter, a nun, “a +little psalter, that was her mother’s”<a name='fna_807' id='fna_807' href='#f_807'><small>[807]</small></a>; Sir William de Thorp in 1391 +leaves his sister-in-law, a nun of Greenfield, a psalter<a name='fna_808' id='fna_808' href='#f_808'><small>[808]</small></a>; William +Stow of Ripon in 1430 leaves the Prioress of Nunmonkton a small +psalter<a name='fna_809' id='fna_809' href='#f_809'><small>[809]</small></a>, William Overton of Helmsley in 1481 leaves his niece Elena, +a nun of Arden, “one great Primer with a cover of red damask”<a name='fna_810' id='fna_810' href='#f_810'><small>[810]</small></a>, and so +on. There may be some significance in the fact that John Burn, chaplain at +York Cathedral, leaves the Prioress and Convent of Nunmonkton “an English +book of Pater Noster”<a name='fna_811' id='fna_811' href='#f_811'><small>[811]</small></a>. It strikes a strange and pleasant note when +Thomas Reymound in 1418 leaves the Prioress and Convent of Polsloe 20<i>s.</i> +and the <i>Liber Gestorum Karoli, Regis Francie</i><a name='fna_812' id='fna_812' href='#f_812'><small>[812]</small></a>, and when Eleanor Roos +of York in 1438 leaves Dame Joan Courtenay “unum librum vocatum +Mauldebuke,” whatever that mysterious tome may have contained<a name='fna_813' id='fna_813' href='#f_813'><small>[813]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Some light is also thrown backward upon their possessors by isolated books +which have come down to our own day and are known to have belonged to +nuns. These come mostly, as might be expected, from the great abbeys of +the south, where the nuns were rich and of good birth, from Syon and +Barking, Amesbury, Wilton and Shaftesbury, St Mary’s Winchester, and +Wherwell<a name='fna_814' id='fna_814' href='#f_814'><small>[814]</small></a>. Sometimes the MS. records the name of the nun owner. Wright +and Halliwell quote from a Latin breviary, in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_243" id="Page_243">[Pg 243]</a></span> which is an inscription to +the effect that it belonged to Alice Champnys, nun of Shaftesbury, who +bought it for the sum of 10<i>s.</i> from Sir Richard Marshall, rector of the +parish church of St Rumbold of Shaftesbury. There follows this prayer for +the use of the nun:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Trium puerorum cantemus himnum quem cantabant in camino ignis +benedicentes dominum. O swete Jhesu, the sonne of God, the endles +swetnesse of hevyn and of erthe and of all the worlde, be in my herte, +in my mynde, in my wytt, in my wylle, now and ever more, Amen. Jhesu +mercy, Jhesu gramercy, Jhesu for thy mercy, Jhesu as I trust to thy +mercy, Jhesu as thow art fulle of mercy, Jhesu have mercy on me and +alle mankynde redemyd with thy precyouse blode. Jhesu, Amen<a name='fna_815' id='fna_815' href='#f_815'><small>[815]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>A manuscript of Capgrave’s <i>Life of St Katharine of Alexandria</i>, which +belonged to Katherine Babyngton, subprioress of Campsey in Suffolk, has a +very different inscription:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Iste liber est ex dono Kateryne Babyngton quondam subpriorisse de +Campseye et si quis illum alienauerit sine licencia vna cum consensu +dictarum [sanctimonialium] conuentus, malediccionem dei omnipotentis +incurrat et anathema sit<a name='fna_816' id='fna_816' href='#f_816'><small>[816]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Sometimes the owner of a manuscript is known to us from other sources. +There is a splendid psalter, now in St John’s College, Cambridge, which +belonged to the saintly Euphemia, Abbess of Wherwell from 1226 to 1257, +whose good deeds were celebrated in the chartulary of the house<a name='fna_817' id='fna_817' href='#f_817'><small>[817]</small></a>. In +the Hunterian Library at Glasgow there is a copy of the first English +translation of Thomas à Kempis’s <i>Imitatio Christi</i>, which belonged to +Elizabeth Gibbs, Abbess of Syon from 1497 to 1518; it is inscribed</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>O vos omnes sorores et ffratres presentes et futuri, orate queso pro +venerabili matre nostra Elizabeth Gibbis, huius almi Monasterii +Abbessa [<i>sic</i>], necnon pro deuoto ac religioso viro Dompno Willielmo +Darker, in artibus Magistro de domo Bethleem prope sheen ordinis +Cartuciensis, qui pro eadem domina Abbessa hunc librum conscripsit;</p></div> + +<p>the date 1502 is given<a name='fna_818' id='fna_818' href='#f_818'><small>[818]</small></a>.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_244" id="Page_244">[Pg 244]</a></span>The books known to have been in the possession of nuns throw, as will be +seen, but a dim light upon the educational attainments of their owners. +More specific evidence must be sought in bishops’ registers, and in such +references to the state of learning in nunneries as occur in the works of +contemporary writers. It is clear that nuns were expected to be +“literate”; bishops sending new inmates to convents occasionally assure +their prospective heads that the girls are able to undertake the duties of +their new state<a name='fna_819' id='fna_819' href='#f_819'><small>[819]</small></a>. What to be sufficiently lettered meant, from the +convent point of view, appears in injunctions sent to the +Premonstratensian house of Irford, forbidding the reception of any nun +“save after such fashion as they are received at Irford and Brodholme, to +wit that they be able to read and to sing, as is contained in the statute +of the order”<a name='fna_820' id='fna_820' href='#f_820'><small>[820]</small></a>; and again in injunctions sent by Bishop Gray to Elstow +about 1432:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>We enjoin and charge you the abbess and who so shall succeed you ... +that henceforward you admit no one to be a nun of the said monastery +... unless she be taught in song and reading and the other things +requisite herein, or probably may be easily instructed within a short +time<a name='fna_821' id='fna_821' href='#f_821'><small>[821]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Further light is thrown on the question by an episode in the life of +Thomas de la Mare, Abbot of St Albans from 1349 to 1396. At that time the +subordinate nunnery of St Mary de Pré consisted of two grades of inmates, +nuns and sisters, who were never on good terms. The Abbot accordingly +transformed the sisters into nuns and ordained that no more sisters should +be received, but only “literate nuns.” But hitherto the nuns also had been +illiterate; “they said no service, but in the place of the Hours they said +certain Lord’s Prayers and Angelic Salutations.” The Abbot therefore +ordered that they should be<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_245" id="Page_245">[Pg 245]</a></span> taught the service and that in future they +should observe the canonical hours, saying them without chanting, but +singing the offices for the dead at certain times. Since they had +apparently no books, from which to read the services, he gave them six or +seven ordinals, belonging to the Abbey of St Albans, which caused not a +little annoyance among the monks. In order that nuns should not be rashly +and easily admitted, he ordered that henceforth all who entered the house +were to profess the rule of St Benedict in writing<a name='fna_822' id='fna_822' href='#f_822'><small>[822]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>The requirements seem to be that the nun should be able to take part in +the daily offices in the quire, for which reading and singing were +essential. It was not, it should be noted, essential to write, though +Abbot Thomas de la Mare required the nuns of St Mary de Pré to profess the +rule in writing and about 1330 the nuns of Sopwell (another dependency of +St Albans) were enjoined by the commissary of a previous Abbot to give +their votes for a new Prioress in writing<a name='fna_823' id='fna_823' href='#f_823'><small>[823]</small></a>. Nevertheless, strange as +this may appear to many who are wont to credit the nuns with teaching +reading, writing, arithmetic and a number of other accomplishments to +their pupils, it is probable that some of the nuns of the fourteenth and +fifteenth centuries were unable to write. The form of profession of three +novices at Rusper in 1484 has survived and ends with the note “Et quelibet +earum fecit tale signum crucis manu sua propria ✠”<a name='fna_824' id='fna_824' href='#f_824'><small>[824]</small></a> +which might possibly imply that these nuns could not write their names. It +is significant that the official business of convents, their annual +accounts and any certificates which they might have to draw up, were done +by professional clerks, or sometimes by their chaplains. Payment to the +clerk who made the account occurs regularly in their account rolls; and +the Visitations of Bishop Alnwick, to which reference will be made below, +show that they<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_246" id="Page_246">[Pg 246]</a></span> were often completely at a loss, when writing had to be +done and there was no clerk to do it.</p> + +<p>Again it would seem clear that the nun who was fully qualified to “bear +the burden of the choir” ought to be able to understand what she read, as +well as to read it, and this raises at once the study of Latin in +nunneries. Here again the nuns do not emerge very well from inquiry. Some +there were no doubt who knew a little Latin, even in the fourteenth, +fifteenth and sixteenth centuries; but the more the inquirer studies +contemporary records, the more he is driven to conclude that the majority +of nuns during this period knew no Latin; they must have sung the offices +by rote and though they may have understood, it is to be feared that the +majority of them could not construe even a <i>Pater Noster</i>, an <i>Ave</i> or a +<i>Credo</i>. Let us take the evidence for the different centuries in turn. The +language of visitation injunctions affords some clue to the knowledge of +the nuns. It must be remembered that throughout the whole period Latin was +always the learned and ecclesiastical language; and the communications +addressed by a bishop to the monastic houses of his district, notices of +visitation, mandates and injunctions would normally be in Latin; and when +he was addressing monks they were in fact almost always in this tongue. +After Latin the language next in estimation was French. This had been the +universal language of the upper class and up till the middle of the +fourteenth century it was still <i>par excellence</i> the courtly tongue. But +it was rapidly ceasing to be a language in general use and the +turning-point is marked by a statute of 1362, which ordains that +henceforth all pleas in the law courts shall be conducted in English, +since the French language “is too unknown in the said realm.” At the close +of the century even the upper classes were ceasing to speak French and the +English ambassadors to France in 1404 had to beseech the Grand Council of +France to answer them in Latin, French being “like Hebrew” to them<a name='fna_825' id='fna_825' href='#f_825'><small>[825]</small></a>. +In the fifteenth century French was a mere educational adornment, which +could be acquired by those who could get teachers.</p> + +<p>The linguistic learning of English nuns at different periods was similar +to that of the gentry outside the convent. It was not<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_247" id="Page_247">[Pg 247]</a></span> possible after the +beginning of the fourteenth century (perhaps even during the last half of +the thirteenth century) to assume in them that acquaintance with Latin, +the learned and ecclesiastical tongue, which was generally assumed in +their brothers the monks. Their learning was similar to that of +contemporary laymen of their class, rather than of contemporary monks; and +it went through exactly the same phases as did the coronation oath. About +1311 the King’s oath occurs in Latin among the State documents, with the +note appended that “if the King were illiterate” he was to swear in +French, as Edward II did in 1307; but in 1399 when Henry IV claimed the +throne, he claimed it in English, “In the name of the Fadir, Son and Holy +Gost, I Henry of Lancastre, chalenge þis Rewme of Yngland”<a name='fna_826' id='fna_826' href='#f_826'><small>[826]</small></a>. Similarly +towards the close of the thirteenth century the English bishops begin to +write to their nuns in French, because they are no longer “literate,” in +the sense of understanding Latin. Throughout this century the nuns are +able to speak the courtly tongue; they use it for their petitions; and +Chaucer’s Prioress boasts it among her accomplishments at the close of the +century,</p> + +<p class="poem">And Frensh she spak ful faire and fetisly<br /> +After the scole of Stratford atte Bowe,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">For French of Paris was to her unknowe.</span></p> + +<p>But French, like Latin, is beginning to die away. It hardly ever occurs in +petitions after the end of the century; and in the fifteenth and sixteenth +centuries the Bishops almost invariably send their injunctions to the nuns +in English. The majority of nuns during these two centuries would seem to +have understood neither French nor Latin<a name='fna_827' id='fna_827' href='#f_827'><small>[827]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>The evidence of the bishops’ registers is worth considering in more +detail. The bishops were genuinely anxious that the reforms set forth in +their injunctions should be carried out by the nuns, and they were +therefore at considerable pains to send the injunctions in language which +the nuns could understand. There are few surviving injunctions belonging +to the thirteenth century; and their evidence is missed. Archbishop Walter +Giffard<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_248" id="Page_248">[Pg 248]</a></span> in 1268<a name='fna_828' id='fna_828' href='#f_828'><small>[828]</small></a> and Archbishop Newark in 1298<a name='fna_829' id='fna_829' href='#f_829'><small>[829]</small></a> write to the nuns +of Swine in Latin, a language which they seem to have employed habitually +when writing to nunneries. Archbishop Peckham sometimes writes to the +Godstow nuns in Latin (1279) and sometimes in French (1284)<a name='fna_830' id='fna_830' href='#f_830'><small>[830]</small></a>; it is to +be noted that his French letter is of a more familiar type. Bishop +Cantilupe of Hereford writes about 1277 to the nuns of Lymbrook in Latin, +but his closing words raise considerable doubt as to whether an +understanding of Latin can be generally assumed in nunneries at this +period, for he says “you are to cause this our letter to be expounded to +you several times in the year by your penancers, in the French or English +tongue, whichever you know best”<a name='fna_831' id='fna_831' href='#f_831'><small>[831]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>The evidence for the next century is even less ambiguous, for nearly all +injunctions are in French and sometimes it is specifically mentioned that +the nuns do not understand Latin. Bishop Norbury in 1331 translates his +injunctions to Fairwell into French<a name='fna_832' id='fna_832' href='#f_832'><small>[832]</small></a>, because the nuns do not +understand the original in Latin, and Bishop Robert de Stretton, writing +to the same house in 1367, orders his decree to be “read and explained in +the vulgar tongue by some literate ecclesiastical person on the day after +its receipt”<a name='fna_833' id='fna_833' href='#f_833'><small>[833]</small></a>. Bishop Stapeldon’s interesting injunctions to Polsloe +and Canonsleigh in 1319 are in French, but he seems to assume some +knowledge of Latin in the nuns, for he orders that if it be necessary to +break silence in places where silence is ordained, speech should be held +in Latin, though not in grammatically constructed sentences, but in +isolated words<a name='fna_834' id='fna_834' href='#f_834'><small>[834]</small></a>. In 1311 Bishop Woodlock sending a set of Latin +injunctions to the great Abbey of Romsey, announces that he has caused +them to be translated into French, that the nuns may more<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_249" id="Page_249">[Pg 249]</a></span> easily +understand them<a name='fna_835' id='fna_835' href='#f_835'><small>[835]</small></a>; but Wykeham writes to them in Latin in 1387<a name='fna_836' id='fna_836' href='#f_836'><small>[836]</small></a>. In +the Lincoln diocese during this century the custom of the bishops varies. +Gynewell writes to Heynings and to Godstow in French, but to Elstow in +Latin<a name='fna_837' id='fna_837' href='#f_837'><small>[837]</small></a>; Bokyngham writes to both Heynings and Elstow in Latin, but in +ordering the nuns of Elstow in 1387 to keep silence at due times, he adds +“Et vulgare gallicum addiscentes inter se eo utantur colloquentes”<a name='fna_838' id='fna_838' href='#f_838'><small>[838]</small></a>, a +significant contrast to Stapeldon’s recommendation of Latin in similar +circumstances some seventy years earlier.</p> + +<p>When we pass from the fourteenth to the fifteenth century it is clear that +even French was becoming an unknown tongue to the nuns; nearly all +injunctions are from this time forward written in English. At Redlingfield +in 1427, the seven nuns and two novices were assembled in the chapter +house, where the deputy visitor read his commission, first in Latin and +then in the vulgar tongue, in order that the nuns might better understand +it<a name='fna_839' id='fna_839' href='#f_839'><small>[839]</small></a>. It is true that Bishops Flemyng and Gray send Latin injunctions +to Elstow and Delapré Abbeys in 1422 and 1433 respectively; but Flemyng +orders “that the premises, all and sundry, be published and read openly +and in the vulgar mother tongue eight times a year”<a name='fna_840' id='fna_840' href='#f_840'><small>[840]</small></a>, and Gray writes +that his injunctions are to be translated into the mother tongue and +fastened in some conspicuous place<a name='fna_841' id='fna_841' href='#f_841'><small>[841]</small></a>. The best evidence of all for the +state of learning in nunneries during the first half of the fifteenth +century is to be found in the invaluable records of Alnwick’s visitations +of the Lincoln diocese. Now it should be noted that when Alnwick visited +houses of monks or canons, the sermon, which was generally preached on +such occasions by one of the learned clerics who accompanied him, was +invariably preached in Latin. Moreover, all injunctions sent to male +houses after visitation were sent in Latin also. The assumption still was +that these monasteries were homes of learning and acquainted with the +language of learning. With the nunneries it was otherwise. The sermons +were always preached “in the vulgar tongue” and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_250" id="Page_250">[Pg 250]</a></span> the injunctions were +always sent in English. It was not even pretended that the nuns would +understand Latin. Moreover it is quite plain that when the preliminary +notices of visitation had been sent in Latin, they had been very +imperfectly understood; and that when it was necessary for a Prioress +herself to draw up a certificate in writing, she was often quite unable to +do so.</p> + +<p>A few extracts from Alnwick’s records will illustrate the complete +ignorance of Latin and general illiteracy in these houses. At Ankerwyke +(1441) it is noted:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>And then when request had been made of the prioress by the reverend +father for the certificate of his mandate conveyed to the said +prioress for such visitation, the same prioress, instead of the +certificate delivered the original mandate itself to the said reverend +father, affirming that she did not understand the mandate itself, nor +had she any man of skill or other lettered person to instruct what she +should do in this behalf<a name='fna_842' id='fna_842' href='#f_842'><small>[842]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>At Markyate (1442), when the same certificate was asked for, the Prioress</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>said that she had not a clerk who was equipped for writing such a +certificate, on the which head she submitted herself to my lord’s +favour and then showed my lord in lieu of a certificate the original +mandate itself and the names of the nuns who had been summoned<a name='fna_843' id='fna_843' href='#f_843'><small>[843]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Similarly the Prioress of Fosse showed the original mandate in place of +the certificate, and the Prioresses of St Michael’s Stamford and Rothwell +had failed to draw up the certificate<a name='fna_844' id='fna_844' href='#f_844'><small>[844]</small></a>. The Prioress of Gokewell +(1440) was said to be “exceedingly simple,” all the temporalities of the +house being ruled by a steward; she also declared that “she knows not how +to compose a formal certificate, in that she has no lettered persons of +her counsel who are skilled in this case,” and she had been unable to find +the document reciting the confirmation of her election<a name='fna_845' id='fna_845' href='#f_845'><small>[845]</small></a>. The poor +convent of Langley seems to have been reduced to complete confusion by the +episcopal mandate. The Prioress</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>says that she received my lord’s mandate on the feast of St Denis +last. Interrogated whether she has a certificate touching execution +thereof, she says no, because she did not understand it, nor did her +chaplain also, to whom she showed it; concerning the which she +surrendered herself to my lord’s favour. Wherefore, when the original<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_251" id="Page_251">[Pg 251]</a></span> +mandate had been delivered to my lord and read through in the vulgar +tongue, my lord asked her if she had executed it. She says yes, as +regards the summons of herself and her sisters.... Interrogated if she +has the foundation charter of the house and who is the founder, she +says that Sir William Pantolfe founded the house, but because they are +unversed in letters they cannot understand the writings<a name='fna_846' id='fna_846' href='#f_846'><small>[846]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>It is unnecessary to multiply the evidence of visitation records for the +rest of the fifteenth and for the early sixteenth century: the general +effect is to show us nuns who know only the English language<a name='fna_847' id='fna_847' href='#f_847'><small>[847]</small></a>. Let us +turn to the interesting corroborative evidence provided by those who were +at pains to make translations for their use. It must be admitted that this +evidence only confirms the suggestion made above that the nuns often did +not understand the very services which they sang, let alone the Latin +version of their rule, or the Latin charters by which they held their +lands. That they often sang the services uncomprehendingly like parrots is +actually stated by Sir David Lyndesay, the Scottish poet, in his <i>Dialog +concerning the Monarché</i> (1553). He apologises for writing in his native +tongue, unlike those clerks, who wish to prohibit the people from reading +even the scriptures for themselves, and adds</p> + +<p class="poem">Tharefore I thynk one gret dirisioun<br /> +To heir thir Nunnis & Systeris nycht and day<br /> +Syngand and sayand psalmes and orisoun,<br /> +Nocht vnderstandyng quhat thay syng nor say,<br /> +Bot lyke one stirlyng or ane Papingay<br /> +Quhilk leirnit ar to speik be lang usage<br /> +Thame I compair to byrdis in ane cage<a name='fna_848' id='fna_848' href='#f_848'><small>[848]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Several translations of the rule of St Benet were made for the special use +of nuns, who knew no Latin. A northern metrical version of the early +fifteenth century explains</p> + +<p class="poem">Monkes and als all leryd men<br /> +In Latin may it lyghtly ken,<br /> +And wytt tharby how they sall wyrk<br /> +To sarue god and haly kyrk.<br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_252" id="Page_252">[Pg 252]</a></span><br /> +Bott tyll women to mak it couth,<br /> +That leris no latyn in thar youth,<br /> +In inglis is it ordand here,<br /> +So that thay may it lyghtly lere<a name='fna_849' id='fna_849' href='#f_849'><small>[849]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>About a century later, in 1517, Richard Fox, the Bishop of Winchester, +published for the benefit of the nuns of his diocese another English +translation of the Rule of St Benedict. In the preface he rehearses how +nuns are professed under the Rule and are bound to read, learn and +understand it:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>and also after their profession they should not onely in them selfe +kepe observe execute and practise the said rule but also teche other +and heir sisters the same, and so moche that for the same intent they +daily rede and cause to be rede some parte of the sayd rule by one of +the sayd sisters amonges them selfe as well in their Chapiter House +after the redinge of the Martyrologe as some tyme in their Fraitur in +tyme of refections and collacions, at the which reding is always don +in the latin tonge, whereof they have no knowledge nor understandinge +but be utterly ignorant of the same, whereby they do not only lose +their tyme but also renne into the evident danger and perill of the +perdicion of their soules.</p></div> + +<p>He adds that in order to save the souls of his nuns, and in particular to +ensure that novices understand the Rule before profession,</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>so that none of them shall nowe afterward probably say that she wyste +not what she professed, as we knowe by experience that some of them +have sayd in tyme passed, for these causes at thinstant requeste of +our ryght dere and well-beloved daughters in oure Lorde Jhesu, the +Abbasses of the Monasteries of Rumsay, Wharwel, Seynt Maries within +the Citie of Winchester and the Prioresses of Wintnay, our right +religious diocesans, we have translated the sayd rule unto our moders +tonge; comune, playne rounde Englishe, easy and redy to be understande +by the sayde devoute religiouse women<a name='fna_850' id='fna_850' href='#f_850'><small>[850]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>The inconvenience of not being able to read the foundation charter and +other legal documents of the house, as confessed by the Prioress of +Langley at Alnwick’s visitation, was very great; and about 1460 Alice +Henley, the Abbess of Godstow, caused<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_253" id="Page_253">[Pg 253]</a></span> a translation to be made of the +Latin register, in which were copied all the charters of her abbey. The +translator’s preface to the work is interesting:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>The wyseman tawht hys chyld gladly to rede bokys and hem well +vndurstonde for, in defaute of vndyrstondyng, is ofttymes caused +neclygence, hurte, harme and hynderaunce, as experyence prevyth in +many a place. And for as muche as women of relygyone in redynge bokys +of latyn, byn excusyd of grete vndurstandyng, where it is not her +modyr tonge; Therfore, how be hyt that they wolde rede her bokys of +remembraunce of her munymentys wryte in latyn, for defaute of +undurstondyng they toke ofte tymes grete hurt and hyndraunce; and, +what for defaute of trewe lernyd men that all tymes be not redy hem to +teche and counsayl, and feere also and drede to shewe her euydence +opynly (that oftyntyme hath causyd repentaunce). Hyt wer ryht +necessary, as hyt semyth to the undyrstondyng of suche relygyous +women, that they myght haue, out of her latyn bokys, sum wrytynge in +her modyr tonge, wher-by they might haue bettyr knowlyge of her +munymentys and more clerely yeue informacyon to her serauntys, rent +gedurarys, and receyuowrs, in the absent of her lernyd councell. +Wher-fore, a poore brodur and welwyller ... to the goode Abbas of +Godstowe, Dame Alice henley, and to all her couent, the whych byn for +the more party in Englyssh bokys well y-lernyd, hertyly desyryng the +worship, profyt and welfare of that deuoute place, that, for lak of +vndurstondyng her munymentys sholde in no damage of her lyflod +huraftur fallyn, In the worship of our lady and seynt John Baptist +patron of thys seyd monastery, the sentence for the more partyre of +her munymentys conteynd in the boke of her regystr in latyn, aftyr the +same forme and ordyr of the seyd boke, hath purposyd with goddys grace +to make, aftur hys conceyt, fro latyn into Englyssh, sentencyosly, as +foloweth thys symple translacion<a name='fna_851' id='fna_851' href='#f_851'><small>[851]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>It will be noticed that the benevolent translator of this Godstow register +says that the nuns are for the most part well learned in English books. +The same impression is given by the translations which were made for the +nuns of Syon. The most famous of these is the <i>Myroure of Oure Ladye</i>, +written for the nuns by Thomas Gascoigne (1403-58) and first printed in +1530. This book contains a devotional treatise on divine service, with a +translation and explanation of the “Hours” and “Masses” of our Lady, as +they were used at Syon. The author explains his purpose thus:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Forasmoche as many of you, though ye can synge and rede, yet ye can +not se what the meanynge therof ys; therefore to the onely worshyp<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_254" id="Page_254">[Pg 254]</a></span> +and praysyng of oure lorde Jesu chryste and of hys moste mercyfull +mother oure lady and to the gostly comforte and profyte of youre +soules, I haue drawen youre legende and all youre seruyce in to +Englyshe, that ye shulde se by the vnderstondyng therof, how worthy +and holy praysynge of oure gloryous Lady is contente therin & the more +deuoutely and knowyngly synge yt & rede yt and say yt to her worshyp.</p></div> + +<p>He adds that he has explained the various parts of the divine service for +“symple soulles to vnderstonde,” but that he has translated few psalms, +“for ye may haue them of Rycharde hampoules drawynge, and out of Englysshe +bibles, if ye haue lysence therto”<a name='fna_852' id='fna_852' href='#f_852'><small>[852]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>From a passage in the <i>Myroure</i> it appears that the sisters were +accustomed to spend some of their time in reading and advice is given to +them as to the sort of books to read and the way in which to profit by +them; from this it is quite clear that secular learning had no place among +them, their reading being confined to works of ghostly edification<a name='fna_853' id='fna_853' href='#f_853'><small>[853]</small></a>. +It was their ignorance of Latin which caused the insertion of English +rubrics in the Latin <i>Processionale</i> of the house and which inspired +Richard Whytford, one of the brothers, to translate the splendid +<i>Martilogium</i>, which is now in the British Museum, “for the edificacyon of +certayn religyous persones unlerned that dayly dyd rede the same martiloge +in Latyn, not understandynge what they redde”; his translation was printed +by Wynkyn de Worde in 1526<a name='fna_854' id='fna_854' href='#f_854'><small>[854]</small></a>. Gascoigne’s mention of English bibles is +interesting. Miss Deanesly, in her study of <i>The Lollard Bible</i>, has shown +that “it is likely that English nuns were the most numerous orthodox users +of English bibles between 1408 and 1526,” but that the evidence for this +use is slight and drawn almost entirely from Syon and Barking, two large +and important houses<a name='fna_855' id='fna_855' href='#f_855'><small>[855]</small></a>. Her conclusion is that</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>it was not the case that the best instructed nuns used Latin Bibles +and the most ignorant English ones: but that the best instructed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_255" id="Page_255">[Pg 255]</a></span> nuns +were allowed to use English translations, perhaps by themselves, +perhaps to help in the understanding of the Vulgate, while the smaller +nunneries and least instructed nuns almost certainly did not have them +at all.</p></div> + +<p>This goes to confirm the conclusion that even in the greatest houses, +where the nuns were drawn from the highest social classes and might be +supposed to be best educated, the knowledge of Latin was dying out.</p> + +<p>Other occupations besides reading filled the working hours of the nuns and +of these spinning and needlework were the most important. Most women in +the middle ages possessed the art of spinning and Aubrey’s Old Jacques may +have remembered aright how “he saw from his house the nuns of the priory +(Kington St Michael) come forth into the nymph-hay with their rocks and +wheels to spin,” though his memory misled him sorely as to the number of +these ladies. Sometimes a visitation report gives us a glimpse of the nuns +at work: at Easebourne in 1441 the nuns say that the Prioress “compels her +sisters to work continually like hired workwomen and they receive nothing +whatever for their own use from their work, but the prioress takes the +whole profit”<a name='fna_856' id='fna_856' href='#f_856'><small>[856]</small></a> and at Catesby in the following year a young nun +complains that the Prioress “setts her to make beds, to sewing and +spinning and other tasks”<a name='fna_857' id='fna_857' href='#f_857'><small>[857]</small></a>. Nevertheless it does not seem that the +nuns were in the habit of spinning the wool and flax for their own and +their servants’ clothes and account rolls often contain payments made to +hired spinsters, as well as to fullers and weavers.</p> + +<p>It is more probable that they busied themselves with needlework and +embroidery, which were the usual occupations of ladies of gentle +birth<a name='fna_858' id='fna_858' href='#f_858'><small>[858]</small></a>. Very few traces have unfortunately survived of the work of +English nuns. In earlier centuries English needlework had been famous and +the nuns had been pre-eminent in the making of richly embroidered +vestments. In the thirteenth<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_256" id="Page_256">[Pg 256]</a></span> century, too, English embroidery far +surpassed that made in other countries and it has been conjectured that +“the most famous embroidered vestments now preserved in various places in +Italy are the handiwork of English embroiderers between 1250 and 1300 +though their authorship is not as a rule recognised by their present +possessors”<a name='fna_859' id='fna_859' href='#f_859'><small>[859]</small></a>. Some of these may have been made by nuns; it is thought +that the famous Syon cope, for long in the possession of the nuns of Syon, +may have been made in a thirteenth century convent in the neighbourhood of +Coventry; but such examples of medieval embroidery as have survived +usually bear no trace of their origin; since a vestment cannot be signed +like a book and it must be remembered that there was a large class of +professional “embroideresses” in the country.</p> + +<p>Some, however, of the splendid vestments and altar cloths possessed by the +richer nunneries were probably the work of the nuns. At Langley in 1485 +there were, among other rich pieces of embroidery</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>iiij fronteys (altar frontals) of grene damaske powdered with swanys +and egyls, ... iiij fronteys of blake powdered with swanys and rosys, +... a vestment of blew silke brodyt complete with all yt longyth to +hyt, a vestment of grene velwett complete with a crucifixe of silver +and gylte apon ye amys, a complete vestiment of red velwet, a +vestiment of swede (sewed) work complete, a vestiment of blake damaske +brodyrt with rosys and sterys, a complete vestiment of white brodyrte +with rede trewlyps (<i>true-love knots</i>), ... j gret cloth (banner) of +rede powderyd with herts heds and boturfleys ... a large coverlet of +red and blew with rosys and crossys, a tapett of ye same; j large +coverlett of rede and yowlowe with flowrs de luce, a tapett of ye +same; a large coverlett of blew and better blew with swanys and coks, +a tapett of ye same; a coverlett of grene and yowlowe with borys and +draguyns, a tapett of ye same; ... a coverlett of ostrych fydyrs and +crounyd Emmys (<i>monogram of the Blessed Virgin Mary</i>); a coverlet of +grene and yowlowe with vynys and rosys; a coverlet of grene and +yowlowe with lylys and swannys; a coverlet of blew and white whyl +knotts (<i>wheel knots</i>) and rosys; a coverlet of red and white with +traylest (<i>trellis</i>) and Bryds; a coverlet of red and blew with +sterrys and white rosys in mydste; a coverlet of yowlowe and grene +with egyles and emmys; v coveryngs of bedds, yat hys to sey A coveryng +of red saye, a coveryng of panes (<i>stripes</i>) of red and grene and +white saye, a coveryng of red<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_257" id="Page_257">[Pg 257]</a></span> and blake saye, a coveryng of red and +blew poudyrd with white esses and sterys, a blew saye with a red +dragne<a name='fna_860' id='fna_860' href='#f_860'><small>[860]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Many of these embroideries and tapestries were doubtless legacies or +gifts; but it is impossible not to picture the white fingers of the nuns +at work on swans and roses, harts’ heads and butterflies, stars and +true-love knots. One may deduce that the nuns of Yorkshire, at least, +busied themselves in these pursuits from an injunction sent to Nunkeeling, +Yedingham and Wykeham in 1314 that no nun should absent herself from +divine service “on account of being occupied with silk work” (<i>propter +occupacionem operis de serico</i>)<a name='fna_861' id='fna_861' href='#f_861'><small>[861]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Reference to the sale of embroidery by nuns is surprisingly rare in +account rolls. The household roll of the Countess of Leicester in 1265 +contains an item, “Paid to the nuns of Wintney, for one cope to be made +for the use of Brother J. Angelus by the gift of the Countess at Panham +10<i>d.</i>”<a name='fna_862' id='fna_862' href='#f_862'><small>[862]</small></a>, which small sum must have been a part payment in advance, +perhaps towards the purchase of materials; the nuns of Gracedieu, too, +sold a cope to a neighbouring rector for £10, early in the fifteenth +century<a name='fna_863' id='fna_863' href='#f_863'><small>[863]</small></a>, and on one occasion the cellaress of Barking derived a part +of her income for the year from the sale of a cope<a name='fna_864' id='fna_864' href='#f_864'><small>[864]</small></a>, but search has +revealed no further instances. The nuns also probably made little presents +for their friends, such as purses (though the Gracedieu nuns always bought +the purses which they gave to their bailiff, to Lady Beaumont, or to other +visitors) and the so-called “blood-bands.” In an age when bleeding was the +most<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_258" id="Page_258">[Pg 258]</a></span> common treatment for almost every illness and when monks, in +particular, were regularly bled several times a year, these little +bandages were common presents, being sometimes made of silk. The author of +the <i>Ancren Riwle</i> thus bade his anchoresses “make no purses to gain +friends therewith, not blodbendes of silk, but shape and sew and mend +church vestments and poor people’s clothes”<a name='fna_865' id='fna_865' href='#f_865'><small>[865]</small></a>. The nuns of the diocese +of Rouen in the mid-thirteenth century were accustomed to knit or +embroider silken purses, tassels, cushions or needlecases for sale or as +gifts, and Archbishop Eudes Rigaud was continually forbidding them to do +any silk work except for church ornament<a name='fna_866' id='fna_866' href='#f_866'><small>[866]</small></a>. There is some reason to +think that the nuns, then as now, sometimes eked out their income by doing +fine needlework for ladies of the world, though there is no mention of it +in nunnery accounts, or indeed in any English records. Among the +correspondence of Lady Lisle in the first half of the sixteenth century, +however, are several letters to and from a certain Antoinette de Favences +at Dunkirk, who would appear to have been a nun, for she signs herself +<i>sister</i> Antoinette de Favences and is addressed by Lady Lisle as <i>Madame</i> +and <i>Dame</i>. This woman was employed to make caps and coifs for Lady +Lisle’s family and friends and there is much correspondence between them +as to night-caps which are too wide, lozenge-work and such matters; in one +letter Lady Lisle speaks of sending “16 rozimbos and 2 half angels of +Flanders, a Carolus of gold,” in payment for the caps<a name='fna_867' id='fna_867' href='#f_867'><small>[867]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>What other accomplishments the nuns may have possessed we do not know. +They were possibly skilled in herbs and in the more simple forms of home +medicine and surgery, for it was the function of the lady of the manor to +know something of these things, though doctors were available (for nuns as +well as for lay folk) in more serious illnesses<a name='fna_868' id='fna_868' href='#f_868'><small>[868]</small></a>. They doubtless bled +each other as did the monks, else how was the wicked Prioress of Kirklees, +who slew Robin Hood, so skilled?:</p> + +<p class="poem"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_259" id="Page_259">[Pg 259]</a></span> +Doun then came Dame Priorèss<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Doun she came in that ilk,</span><br /> +With a pair of blood-irons in her hand,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Were wrappèd all in silk....</span><br /> +<br /> +She laid the blood-irons to Robin’s vein<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Alack the more pitye!</span><br /> +And pierc’d the vein and let out the blood<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">That full red was to see.</span></p> + +<p>There is an occasional brief reference to the recreation of nuns in their +“seynys” in visitations<a name='fna_869' id='fna_869' href='#f_869'><small>[869]</small></a>, but the precaution was less necessary and +less frequent than it was in houses of monks<a name='fna_870' id='fna_870' href='#f_870'><small>[870]</small></a>. No doubt, also, the +nuns sometimes nursed their boarders, some of whom must have been old and +ailing; wills are occasionally dated from nunneries<a name='fna_871' id='fna_871' href='#f_871'><small>[871]</small></a>. The nuns of +Romsey had a hospital attached to the house, in which were received as +sisters any parents and relatives of the nuns, who were poor and ill<a name='fna_872' id='fna_872' href='#f_872'><small>[872]</small></a>, +but this does not prove that the nuns nursed them, and references in +visitation reports show that even sick nuns were often looked after by lay +servants in the infirmary, or if permanently disabled, occupied a separate +room, with a separate maid to attend them. It is not likely that the nuns +left their convents, save very<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_260" id="Page_260">[Pg 260]</a></span> occasionally, to undertake sick-nursing; +this would have been against the spirit of their rule, for their main +business was not (as was that of the sisters who looked after spitals) to +care for the sick, but to live enclosed in their houses, following the +prescribed round of church services. It is however of interest that the +will of Sir Roger Salwayn, knight of York (1420) contains this legacy: +“Also I will that the Nunne that kepid me in my seknes haue ij nobles, and +that ther be gif into the hous that she wonnes in xxs, for to syng and +pray for me”<a name='fna_873' id='fna_873' href='#f_873'><small>[873]</small></a>. Nuns may have emerged sometimes to nurse friends and +relatives, whose sick-beds they were always allowed to attend; but there +is no documentary evidence for the belief of modern writers, who would +fain turn the nun into a district visitor, smoothing the pillows of all +who ailed in her native village.</p> + +<p>These then were the educational attainments of the English nuns in the +later middle ages: reading and singing the services of the church, +sometimes but not always writing, Latin very rarely after the thirteenth +century, French very rarely after the fourteenth century; needlework and +embroidery; and perhaps that elementary knowledge of physic, which was the +possession of most ladies of their class. It was, in fact, very little +more than the education possessed by laywomen of the same social rank +outside and there is little trace of anything approaching scholarship. The +study of the education of the nuns during this period leads naturally to +one of the most vexed questions in the field of monastic history, the +extent to which the nunneries acted as girls’ schools. There is no doubt +that every nunnery was prepared to educate young girls who entered in +order to take the veil; if the nunnery were fairly large these <i>scolae +internae</i> probably included several novices at a time. At Ankerwyke in +1441 three young nuns complained that they had no governess to instruct +them in “reading, song and religious observance,” and mention is made of +three other sisters “of tender age and slender discretion, seeing that the +eldest of them is not more than thirteen years of age”; the Bishop +appointed a nun to be their teacher, “enjoining her to perform the charge +laid upon her and to instruct them in good manners”<a name='fna_874' id='fna_874' href='#f_874'><small>[874]</small></a>. Similarly at +Thetford, where<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_261" id="Page_261">[Pg 261]</a></span> there were three novices in 1526, the Bishop found “non +habent eruditricem”<a name='fna_875' id='fna_875' href='#f_875'><small>[875]</small></a>. At the larger houses, such as Romsey, the +<i>magistra noviciarum</i> was a regular obedientiary<a name='fna_876' id='fna_876' href='#f_876'><small>[876]</small></a>.</p> + +<p> </p> +<p class="center">PLATE V</p> +<div class="figcenter"><img src="images/img06tmb.jpg" alt="" /><br /> +<a href="images/img06.jpg"><small>Larger Image</small></a></div> +<p class="center">PAGE FROM <i>LA SAINTE ABBAYE</i></p> + +<p class="descrip">(In the bottom left hand corner the mistress of the novices, with birch in +hand, is instructing two young novices; in the bottom right hand corner +the abbess and a nun are at prayer.)</p> +<p> </p> + +<p>The vexed question, however, does not concern these schools for novices. +It has been the custom, not only of writers on monasticism but also of the +man in the street, to assume that the nunneries were almost solely +responsible for the education of girls in the middle ages. There was +little evidence for the assumption, but it was always made, and until the +combined attack made upon it in 1910 by Mr Coulton and Mr Leach it was +unchallenged<a name='fna_877' id='fna_877' href='#f_877'><small>[877]</small></a>. With the publication of bishops’ registers, however, we +have something more definite to go upon and it is now possible to come to +some sort of conclusion, based on the evidence of visitation injunctions, +account rolls and other miscellaneous sources. This conclusion may be +summarised as follows. It was a fairly general custom among the English +nuns, in the two and a half centuries before the Dissolution, to receive +children for education. But there are four limitations, within which and +only within which, this conclusion is true. <i>First</i>, that by no means all +nunneries took children and those which did take them seldom had large +schools; <i>secondly</i>, that the children<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_262" id="Page_262">[Pg 262]</a></span> who thus received a convent +education were drawn exclusively from the upper and the wealthy middle +classes, from people, that is to say, of birth and wealth; <i>thirdly</i>, that +the practice was a purely financial expedient on the part of the nuns, at +first forbidden, afterwards restricted and always frowned upon by the +bishops, who regarded it as subversive of discipline; and <i>fourthly</i>, that +the education which the children received from the nuns, so far as +book-learning as distinct from nurture is concerned, was extremely +exiguous. In fine, though nunneries did act as girls’ schools, they +certainly did not educate more than a small proportion even of the +children of the upper classes, and the education which they gave them was +limited by their own limitations<a name='fna_878' id='fna_878' href='#f_878'><small>[878]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>That the custom of receiving schoolgirls was fairly general appears from +the wide area over which notices of such children are spread. The +references range in date from 1282 to 1537; they give us, if a doubtful +reference to King’s Mead, Derby, be accepted, the names of forty-nine +convents, which at one time or other had children in residence. These +convents are situated in twenty-one counties. The greater number of +references naturally occur in those dioceses for which the episcopal +registers are most complete; Yorkshire affords fifteen names and two which +are doubtful; Lincolnshire, Northamptonshire, Buckinghamshire, +Bedfordshire, Oxfordshire, Hertfordshire and Leicestershire, counties in +the large Lincoln diocese, afford seventeen between them, five from +Lincolnshire and two from each of the others. These references do not +prove that the houses in question had continuously throughout their career +a school for girls; sometimes only one or two children are mentioned and +usually the evidence concerns but a single year out of two and a half +centuries. Sometimes, however, a happy chance has preserved several +references to the same house, spread over a longer period, from which it +is perhaps not too rash to conclude that it was the regular practice of +that house to receive children. For Elstow, for instance, there is an +early reference to a boy of five sent there for education by St Hugh, +Bishop of Lincoln, towards the close of the twelfth century. In 1359 +Bishop Gynewell prohibited<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_263" id="Page_263">[Pg 263]</a></span> all boarders there, except girls under ten and +boys under six. In 1421 Bishop Flemyng prohibited all except children +under twelve and in 1432 Bishop Gray altered this to girls under fourteen +and boys under ten, and children are mentioned at Alnwick’s visitation in +1442. Similarly at Godstow there are references to children in 1358, 1445 +and 1538, at Esholt in Yorkshire in 1315, 1318 and 1537, at Sopwell in +1446 and 1537, at Heynings in 1347, 1387 and 1393, at Burnham in 1434 and +1519.</p> + +<p>The mention of boys in these references needs perhaps some further +emphasis, for it is not usually recognised that the nunneries occasionally +acted as dame-schools for very young boys. “Abstinence the abbesse myn +a.b.c. me tauȝte,” says Piers Plowman, “And conscience com aftur and +kennide me betere.” It is true that a Cistercian statute of 1256-7 forbade +the education of boys in nunneries of that order<a name='fna_879' id='fna_879' href='#f_879'><small>[879]</small></a>, but the ordinance +soon became a dead letter, and five of the convents at which Alnwick found +schoolboys (c. 1445) were Cistercian houses. Boys were specifically +forbidden at Wherwell in 1284, at Heynings in 1359 and at Nuncoton in +1531, which argues that they were then present, and they are mentioned at +Romsey (1311), at five Yorkshire convents (1314-17), at Burnham (1434), at +Lymbrook (1437), at Swaffham Bulbeck (1483) and at Redlingfield (1514), a +chronologically and geographically wide range of houses. Occasionally some +details as to a particular boy may be gleaned; the five year old Robert de +Noyon, sent by Bishop Hugh to Elstow “to be taught his letters,” the two +Tudor boys commended to Katharine de la Pole, the noble Abbess of Barking; +the little son and heir of Sir John Stanley, who made his will in 1527 and +then became a monk, leaving the boy to be brought up until twelve years of +age by another Abbess of Barking, after which he was to pass to the care +of the Abbot of Westminster; and Cromwell’s son Gregory and his little +companion, sent to be supervised, though not taught by Margaret Vernon, +Prioress of Little Marlow<a name='fna_880' id='fna_880' href='#f_880'><small>[880]</small></a>. But as a rule the boys in nunneries were +very young; it was not considered decorous for them to stay with the nuns +later than their ninth or tenth year; the bishop forbade it and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_264" id="Page_264">[Pg 264]</a></span> besides, +the education which the good sisters could give them would not have been +considered sufficient. The rule which gives a man child to a man for +education is of very old standing.</p> + +<p>Such is the evidence for concluding that the custom of receiving children +for education in nunneries was widespread. It remains to consider +carefully the limitations within which this conclusion is true. In the +first place, not all nunneries received children. It is obviously +impossible, considering the gaps in our evidence, to attempt an exact +estimate of the proportion which did so. Some sort of clue may be obtained +by an analysis of the Yorkshire visitations of Archbishops Greenfield and +Melton at the beginning of the fourteenth century (1306-20) and of +Alnwick’s Lincoln visitations (1440-5). The Yorkshire evidence is rather +scanty, being based on the summaries of injunctions, which are given in +the <i>Victoria County Histories</i>, and any statistics must needs be +approximate only. The two archbishops between them visited nineteen +nunneries and mention of children is made at twelve, i.e. about +two-thirds. The information given by the invaluable Alnwick is more exact. +From the <i>detecta</i> of some of the nuns and from the number of prohibitions +of this practice, it is obvious that Alnwick was accustomed to ask at his +visitations whether children were sleeping in the nuns’ dorter; he also +made careful inquiry as to the boarders. The probability, therefore, is +that we have in his register an exact record of those houses in which +children were received. Analysis shows that of the twenty houses which he +visited he found children, often boys as well as girls, at twelve, i.e. a +little over two-thirds, which is substantially the same result as was +given by the Yorkshire analysis a century earlier. The estimate is +interesting, but it cannot be considered conclusive without the +corroborative evidence from other dioceses, which is unfortunately +lacking. It is a hint, a straw, which shows which way the wind of research +is blowing, for if it is unsafe to argue from silence that the nuns of +other convents did take pupils, it is equally unsafe to argue that they +did not.</p> + +<p>The fact is, however, clearly established that all nunneries did not take +children; possibly about two-thirds of them did. The further fact has then +to be recognised that even those nunneries had not necessarily what we +should regard as a school<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_265" id="Page_265">[Pg 265]</a></span> for girls. Not only does it sometimes seem as +though children were taken occasionally and intermittently, rather than +regularly, but the numbers taken were rarely great. Sometimes we do hear +of a house with a large number of pupils. At St Mary’s Winchester in 1536 +there were as many as twenty-six children, to twenty-six nuns; and at +Polesworth in 1537 Henry VIII’s commissioners state vaguely that “repayre +and resort ys made to the gentlemens childern and studiounts that ther doo +lif, to the nombre sometyme of xxx<sup>ti</sup> and sometyme xj<sup>ti</sup> and moo.” There +were fifteen nuns in the house at the time and it is likely that the +number of children given is a pardonable exaggeration by local gentlemen +who were interested in preserving the nunnery; but it seems undoubted that +there was a comparatively large school there. At Stixwould, again, in 1440 +there were about eighteen children to an equal number of nuns. These, +however, are the largest schools of which we have record. At St Michael’s +Stamford in 1440 there were seven or eight children to twelve nuns, at +Catesby in 1442 six or seven children to seven nuns. At Swaffham Bulbeck, +where there were probably eight or nine nuns, there were nine children in +1483. These also are schools, though small schools. But at other houses +there were only one or two children at a time. The accounts of the +Prioress of St Helen’s Bishopsgate in 1298 mention only two children, +there were only two at Littlemore in 1445 and two at Sopwell at the time +of the Dissolution. It must be remembered that many nunneries were +themselves very small and their inmates could not have looked after a +large number of children. The examples quoted above suggest that the +number of children hardly ever exceeded the number of nuns. To what +conclusion are we driven when we find that a possible two-thirds of the +convents of England received children and that the largest school of which +we have record numbered only twenty-six children (or thirty if we take the +higher and less probable figure for Polesworth), while most had far fewer? +Surely to represent a majority of girls, or even a majority of girls of +gentle birth, as having received their nurture in convents, would be on +the evidence absurd.</p> + +<p>The second limitation of convent education in medieval England is +contained in the words “girls of gentle birth.”<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_266" id="Page_266">[Pg 266]</a></span> Tanner’s statement that +“the lower rank of people, who could not pay for their learning”<a name='fna_881' id='fna_881' href='#f_881'><small>[881]</small></a>, as +well as noblemen’s and gentlemen’s daughters, were educated in nunneries +has not a shred of evidence to support it, though it has been repeated <i>ad +nauseam</i> ever since he wrote it. Every scrap of evidence which has come +down to us goes to prove that the girls educated in nunneries were of +gentle birth, daughters of great lords, or more often daughters of country +gentlemen, or of those comfortable and substantial merchants and +burgesses, who were usually themselves sprung from younger sons of the +gentry. The implication is plain in Chaucer’s description, in <i>The Reves +Tale</i>, of the Miller’s wife, who was “y-comen of noble kin” and daughter +of the parson of the toun, and who “was y-fostred in a nonnerye”:</p> + +<p class="poem">Ther dorste no wight clepen hir but “dame” ...<br /> +And eek, for she was somdel smoterlich<br /> +She was as digne as water in a dich;<br /> +And ful of hoker and of bisemare.<br /> +Her thoughte that a lady sholde hir spare,<br /> +What for hir kinrede and hir nortelrye<br /> +That she had lerned in the nonnerye.</p> + +<p>An analysis of some of the schoolgirls whose names have come down to us +confirms this impression. The commissioners who visited St Mary’s, +Winchester, in 1536 drew up a list of the twenty-six “chyldren of lordys, +knyghttes and gentylmen brought up yn the saym monastery.” They were</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Bryget Plantagenet, dowghter unto the lord vycounte Lysley (i.e. +Lisle); Mary Pole, dowghter unto Sir Geffrey Pole knyght; Brygget +Coppeley, dowghter unto Sir Roger Coppeley knyght; Elizabeth Phyllpot, +dowghter unto Sir Peter Phyllpot, knyght; Margery Tyrell; Adrian +Tyrell; Johanne Barnabe; Amy Dyngley; Elizabeth Dyngley; Jane Dyngley; +Frances Dyngley; Susan Tycheborne; Elizabeth Tycheborne; Mary Justyce; +Agnes Aylmer; Emma Bartue; Myldred Clerke; Anne Lacy; Isold Apulgate; +Elizabeth Legh; Mary Legh; Alienor North; Johanne Sturgys; Johanne +Ffyldes; Johanne Ffrances; Jane Raynysford.</p></div> + +<p>The house was evidently at this time a fashionable seminary for young +ladies. It must be remembered that it was a general<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_267" id="Page_267">[Pg 267]</a></span> custom among the +English nobility and gentry to send their children away to the household +of a lord, or person of good social standing, in order to learn breeding +and it was not uncommon to send boys to the household of an abbot. In 1450 +Thomas Bromele, Abbot of Hyde, thus entertained in his house eight +“gentiles pueri,” there were many “pueri generosi” at Westacre in 1494, +and Richard Whiting, the last Abbot of Glastonbury, is stated by Parsons +to have had, among his 300 servants, “multos nobilium filios”<a name='fna_882' id='fna_882' href='#f_882'><small>[882]</small></a>. It was +doubtless much in the same way that the children of lords, knights and +gentlemen were put in the charge of the Abbess of St Mary’s Winchester, a +great lady, who had her own “gentlewoman” to attend upon her and her own +private household. It is probable that the nuns taught these children, but +the boys who went as wards to abbeys seem often to have taken their tutors +with them, or at least to have been taught by special tutors. At +Lilleshall, for instance, the commissioners found four “gentylmens sons +and their scolemaster”<a name='fna_883' id='fna_883' href='#f_883'><small>[883]</small></a> and it is significant that when little Gregory +Cromwell was sent to be brought up by Margaret Vernon, Prioress of Little +Marlow, he was taught by a private tutor and not by the nun.</p> + +<p>Other references to the children received in nunneries confirms the +impression that they were of gentle birth. At Polesworth, as at St Mary’s, +Winchester, the commissioners specified “gentylmens childern and +studiounts.” At Thetford a daughter of John Jerves, <i>generosus</i>, is +mentioned in 1532 and two daughters of Laurens Knight, <i>gentleman</i>, were +at Cornworthy, c. 1470. The accounts of Sopwell in 1446 mention the +daughter of Lady Anne Norbery; at Littlemore in 1445 the daughter of John +FitzAleyn, steward of the house, and the daughter of Ingelram Warland are +boarders. Among the Carrow boarders, who may be set down as children, are +the son and two daughters of Sir Roger Wellisham,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_268" id="Page_268">[Pg 268]</a></span> the daughter of Sir +Robert de Wachesam, a niece of William Bateman, Bishop of Norwich, and +girls with such well-known names as Fastolf, Clere, Baret, Blickling, +Shelton and Ferrers, though the last two may be adult boarders. The +Gracedieu boarders nearly all bear the names of neighbouring gentry and +one was the daughter of Lord Beaumont. In the course of time, as the urban +middle class grew and flourished, the daughters of the well-to-do +<i>bourgeoisie</i> were sometimes sent to convents for their education. Thus +among the Carrow boarders we find a daughter of John de Erlham, a merchant +and citizen of Norwich, and Isabel Barber, daughter of Thomas Welan, +barber, who afterwards, however, became a nun. It is plain from the wills +which have been preserved that the wealthy Norwich burgesses were in the +habit of sending their daughters as nuns to Carrow, and it is a natural +supposition that they should have sent them sometimes as schoolgirls; but +by birth and by wealth these city magnates were not far removed from the +neighbouring gentry. The school at Swaffham Bulbeck in 1483 was less +fashionable than that at Carrow and did not cater for the nobly born; it +was a small house and the names of the children suggest a sound middle +class establishment, perhaps the very one in which Chaucer’s Miller’s wife +of Trumpington was educated, full of the sons and daughters of the +burgesses of Cambridge, Richard Potecary of Cambridge, William Water, +Thomas Roch, unnamed fathers “of Cambridge,” “of Chesterton,” Parker “of +Walden,” and “the merchant.”</p> + +<p>None of these examples can possibly be twisted into a case for the free, +or even the cheap, education of the poor. Just as we never find low-born +girls as nuns, so we never find them as schoolgirls and for the same +reason; “dowerless maidens,” as Mr Leach says, “were not sought as nuns.” +As will be seen hereafter, the reception of school children was +essentially a financial expedient; one of the many methods by which the +nuns sought to raise the wind<a name='fna_884' id='fna_884' href='#f_884'><small>[884]</small></a>. The fees paid by these children<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_269" id="Page_269">[Pg 269]</a></span> are +recorded here and there, in nunnery accounts; education was apparently +thrown in with board, and the usual rate for board for children during the +century and a half before the Dissolution seems to have been about 6<i>d.</i> a +week, though the charge at Cornworthy c. 1470 was 10<i>d.</i> a week and at +Littlemore in 1445 only 4<i>d.</i> a week<a name='fna_885' id='fna_885' href='#f_885'><small>[885]</small></a>. Occasionally the good nuns +suffered, like so many schoolmistresses since their day, from the +difficulty of extracting fees. Among the debts owing to the nuns of Esholt +at the Dissolution was one of 33<i>s.</i> from Walter Wood of Timble in the +parish of Otley for his child’s board for a year and a half; and at +Thetford in 1532 the poor nuns complained that “John Jerves, gentleman, +has a daughter being nurtured in the priory and pays nothing.” The most +melancholy case of all has been preserved to us owing to the fact that the +nuns, goaded to desperation, sought help from the Chancellor. About 1470 +Thomasyn Dynham, Prioress of Cornworthy, made petition to the effect that +Laurens Knyghte, gentleman, had agreed with Margaret Wortham the late +Prioress, that she should take his two daughters “to teche them to scole,” +viz. Elizabeth, aged seven years, and “Jahne,” aged ten years, at the +costs and charges of Laurens, who was to pay 20<i>d.</i> a week for them. So at +Cornworthy they remained during the life of Margaret, to the great costs +and charges and impoverishing of the said poor place, by the space of five +years and more, until the money due amounted to £21. 13<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i>, “the +which sum is not contented ne paid, nor noo peny thereof.” Laurense +meanwhile departed this life, leaving his wife “Jahne” executrix, and +Jahne, unnatural mother that she was, married again a certain John +Barnehous and utterly refused to pay for her unhappy daughters. One is +uncertain which to pity most, Thomasyn Dynham, a new Prioress left with +this incubus on her hands, or Elizabeth and Jane Knyghte, trying hard to +restrain their appetites and not to grow out of their clothes under her +justly incensed regard. Jane was by now grown up and marriageable +according to the standards of the time and it is tantalising not to know +the end of the dilemma. A proneness to forget fees seems to have been<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_270" id="Page_270">[Pg 270]</a></span> +shared by greater folk than Mistress Knyghte, as the petition of Katherine +de la Pole, Abbess of Barking, concerning Edmond and Jasper Tudor, whose +“charges, costs and expenses” she had taken upon herself, will show.</p> + +<p>Both this matter of fees and the names of schoolgirls which have survived +are against any suggestion that the nuns gave schooling to poor girls. +There is not the slightest evidence for anything like a day school, and +the only hint for any care for village girls on the part of the nuns is +contained in a letter from Cranmer, when fellow of Jesus College, to the +Abbess of Godstow:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Stephen Whyte hath told me that you lately gathered round you a number +of wild peasant maids and did make them a most goodly discourse on the +health of their souls; and you showeth them how goodly a thing it be +for them to go oftentimes to confession. I am mighty glad of your +discourse<a name='fna_886' id='fna_886' href='#f_886'><small>[886]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>But this is obviously an isolated discourse and in any case it has nothing +to do with education. So far as it is possible to be certain of anything +for which evidence is scanty, we may be certain that poor or lower-class +girls were no more received in nunneries for education, than they were +received there as nuns. No single instance has ever been brought of a +lowborn nun or a lowborn schoolgirl, in any English nunnery, for the three +centuries before the nunneries were dissolved.</p> + +<p>The third limitation to which convent education was subjected is an +important one; the reception of children by the nuns was never approved +and always restricted by their ecclesiastical superiors. The greater +number of references to schoolchildren which have come down to us are +these restrictive references. The attitude of monastic visitors towards +children was in essence the same as their attitude towards boarders. The +nuns received both, because they were nearly always in low water +financially and wished to add to their scanty finances by the familiar +expedient of taking paying guests. But the bishops saw in all boarders, +whether adults or schoolchildren, a hindrance to discipline; they objected +to them for the same reason that they<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_271" id="Page_271">[Pg 271]</a></span> objected to pet dogs and silver +girdles and with just as little success.</p> + +<p>The ecclesiastical case against schoolchildren may be found delightfully +set forth in the words addressed, it is true, to anchoresses, but +expressing the same spirit as was afterwards shown by Eudes Rigaud, Johann +Busch and other great medieval visitors towards nuns. Aelred, the great +twelfth century Abbot of Rievaulx, writes thus:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Allow no boys or girls to have access to you. There are certain +anchoresses, who are busied in teaching pupils and turn their chambers +into a school. The mistress sits at the window, the child in the +cloister. She looks at each of them; and, during their puerile +actions, now is angry, now laughs, now threatens, now soothes, now +spares, now kisses, now calls the weeping child to be beaten, then +strokes her face, bids her hold up her head, and eagerly embracing +her, calls her her child, her love<a name='fna_887' id='fna_887' href='#f_887'><small>[887]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Similarly the author of the <i>Ancren Riwle</i> warns his three anchoresses:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>An anchoress must not become a schoolmistress, nor turn her +anchoress-house into a school for children. Her maiden may, however, +teach any little girl, concerning whom it might be doubtful whether +she should learn among boys, but an anchoress ought to give her +thoughts to God only<a name='fna_888' id='fna_888' href='#f_888'><small>[888]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>The gist of the matter was that the children constituted a hindrance to +claustral discipline and devotion. It is plain, however, that in this, as +in so many other matters, the reformers were only “beating the air” in +vain with their restrictions. Sympathy must be with the needy nuns, for +even if discipline were weakened thereby, the reception of children was in +itself a very harmless, not to say laudable expedient; and so the +neighbouring gentry as well as the nuns considered it.</p> + +<p>An analysis of the attitude of medieval visitors to schoolchildren shows +us the usual attempt to limit what it was beyond their power to prohibit. +Eudes Rigaud, the great Archbishop of Rouen, habitually removed all the +girls and boys whom he found in the houses of his diocese, when he visited +them during the years 1249 to 1269. But in England, at least, the nuns +very soon became too strong for the bishops, who gradually adopted the +policy of fixing an age limit beyond which no children might<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_272" id="Page_272">[Pg 272]</a></span> remain in a +nunnery and sometimes of requiring their own licence to be given before +the boys and girls were admitted. Since the danger of secularisation could +not be removed, it was at least reduced to a minimum, by ensuring that +only very young boys and only girls, who had not yet attained a +marriageable age, should be received. The age limit varied a little with +different visitors and different houses. In the Yorkshire diocese early in +the fourteenth century the age limit was twelve for girls; boys are rarely +mentioned, but at Hampole in 1314 the nuns were forbidden to permit male +children over five to be in the house, as the bishop finds has been the +practice. Bishop Gynewell in 1359 allowed girls up to ten and boys up to +six at Elstow, but forbade boys altogether at Heynings. Bishop Gray +allowed girls under fourteen and boys under eight at Burnham in 1434 and +Bishop Stretton in 1367 allowed boys up to seven at Fairwell. The age +limit tended, it will be seen, to become higher in the course of time; +Alnwick writing to Gracedieu in 1440, forbade all boarders “save +childerne, males the ix and females the xiiij yere of age, whom we +licencede you to hafe for your relefe”<a name='fna_889' id='fna_889' href='#f_889'><small>[889]</small></a>; he allowed boys often at +Heynings and Catesby and boys of eleven (an exceptionally high age) at +Harrold.</p> + +<p>There was a special reason, besides the general interference with +discipline, for which the bishops objected to children in nunneries. It +seems very often to have been the custom for the nuns to take, as it were, +private pupils, each child having its own particular mistress. This custom +grew as the practice of keeping separate households grew. Thus at Catesby +the Prioress complained to Alnwick that sister Agnes Allesley had “six or +seven young folk of both sexes, that do lie in the dorter”; at St +Michael’s Stamford, he found that the Prioress had seven or eight +children, at Gracedieu the cellaress had a little boy and at Elstow, where +there were five households of nuns, it was said that “certain nuns” +brought children into the quire. In fact, the nuns would appear to have +kept for their own personal use the money paid to them for the board of +their private pupils. This was a sin against the monastic rule of personal +poverty<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_273" id="Page_273">[Pg 273]</a></span> and the bishops took special measures against such manifestations +of <i>proprietas</i>. William of Wykeham in 1387 forbids the nuns of Romsey to +make wills and to have private rooms or private pupils, giving this +specific reason, and at St Helen’s Bishopsgate in 1439 Dean Kentwode +enjoined “that no nonne have ne receyve noo schuldrin wyth hem ... but yf +that the profite of the comonys turne to the vayle of the same howse.” +Similarly the number of children who might be taken by a single nun was +sometimes limited; Gynewell wrote to Godstow in 1358 “that no lady of the +said house is to have children, save only two or three females sojourning +with them” and at Fairwell in 1367 no nun might keep with her for +education more than one child.</p> + +<p>Another habit against which bishops constantly legislated was that of +having the children to sleep in the dorter with the nuns. This practice +was exceedingly common, for many of the nunneries which took children were +small and poor; they had possibly no other room to set aside for them, and +no person who could suitably be placed in charge of them. Moreover in some +cases adult boarders and servants also slept in the dorter. Alnwick was +constantly having to bid his nuns “that ye suffre ne seculere persones, +wymmen ne children lyg by nyghte in the dormytory,” but Atwater and +Longland in the sixteenth century still have to make the same injunction. +Bokyngham in 1387 ordered that a seemly place outside the cloister should +be set apart for the children at Heynings; the reason was that (as +Gynewell had expressly stated on visiting this house forty years before) +“the convent might not be disturbed.” Indeed little attempt was made by +the nuns to keep the children out of their way. They seem to have dined in +the refectory, when not in the separate rooms of their mistresses, for +Greenfield forbids the Prioress and Subprioress of Sinningthwaite (1315) +to permit boys or girls to eat flesh meat in Advent or Sexagesima, or +during Lent eggs or cheese, in the refectory, “contrary to the honesty of +religion,” but at those seasons when they ought to eat such things, they +were to be assigned other places in which to eat them. There are +references, too, to disturbances and diversions created by the children in +the quire. At Elstow in 1442 Dame Rose Waldegrave said that “certain nuns +do sometimes have with them in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_274" id="Page_274">[Pg 274]</a></span> time of mass the boys whom they teach and +these do make a noise in quire during divine service”<a name='fna_890' id='fna_890' href='#f_890'><small>[890]</small></a>. To us the +picture of these merry children breaking the monotony of convent routine +is an attractive one; more attractive even than the pet dogs and the +Vert-Verts. But to stern ecclesiastical disciplinarians it was not so +attractive, and their constant restriction, though it never succeeded in +turning out the children, must have kept down the number who were +admitted.</p> + +<p>The evidence which has so far been considered shows that, though the +reception of children to be boarded and taught in nunneries was fairly +common, it was subjected to well marked limitations. There remains to be +considered one more question the answer to which is in some sort a +limitation likewise. What exactly did the nuns teach these children? We +are hampered in answering this question by the difficulty of obtaining +exact contemporary evidence. Most modern English writers content +themselves with a glib list of accomplishments, copied without +verification from book to book, and all apparently traceable in the last +resort to Fuller and John Aubrey, the one writing a century, the other +almost a century and a half after the nunneries had been dissolved. Fuller +(whom Tanner copies) says:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Nunneries also were good Shee-schools, wherein the girles and maids of +the neighbourhood were taught to read and work; and sometimes a little +Latine was taught them therein. Yea, give me leave to say, if such +Feminine Foundations had still continued ... haply the weaker sex +(besides the avoiding modern inconveniences) might be heightened to a +higher perfection than hitherto hath been obtained<a name='fna_891' id='fna_891' href='#f_891'><small>[891]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_275" id="Page_275">[Pg 275]</a></span>Aubrey, speaking of Wiltshire convents says:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>There the young maids were brought up ... at the nunneries, where they +had examples of piety, and humility, and modesty, and obedience to +imitate, and to practise. Here they learned needle-work, the art of +confectionary, surgery (for anciently there were no apothecaries or +surgeons—the gentlewomen did cure their poor neighbours: their hands +are now too fine), physic, writing, drawing etc.<a name='fna_892' id='fna_892' href='#f_892'><small>[892]</small></a></p></div> + +<p>One would have thought the familiar note of the <i>laudator temporis acti</i> +to be plainly audible in both these extracts. But a host of modern writers +have gravely transcribed their words and even, taking advantage no doubt +of Aubrey’s “etc.” (much virtue in etc.), improved upon them. In the work +of one more recent writer the list has become “reading, writing, some +knowledge of arithmetic, the art of embroidery, music and French ‘after +the scole of Stratford atte Bowe,’ were the recognised course of study, +while the preparation of perfumes, balsams, simples and confectionary was +among the more ordinary departments of the education afforded”<a name='fna_893' id='fna_893' href='#f_893'><small>[893]</small></a>. +Another adds a few more deft touches: “the treatment of various disorders, +the compounding of simples, the binding up of wounds, ... fancy cookery, +such as the making of sweetmeats, writing, drawing, needlework of all +kinds and music, both vocal and instrumental”<a name='fna_894' id='fna_894' href='#f_894'><small>[894]</small></a>. The most recent writer +of all gives the list as “English and French ... writing, drawing, +confectionary, singing by notes, dancing, and playing upon instruments of +music, the study also of medicine and surgery”<a name='fna_895' id='fna_895' href='#f_895'><small>[895]</small></a>. Though the historian +must groan, the student of human nature cannot but smile to see music +insinuate itself into the list and then become “both instrumental and +vocal”; confectionery extend itself to include perfumes, balsams, simples, +and the making of sweetmeats; arithmetic appear out of nowhere; and (most +magnificent feat of the imagination) dancing trip in on light fantastic +toe. From this compound of Aubrey, memories of continental convents in the +seventeenth and eighteenth<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_276" id="Page_276">[Pg 276]</a></span> centuries and familiarity with the convent +schools of our own day, let us turn to the considered opinion of a more +sober scholar, who bases it only upon contemporary evidence:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“No evidence whatever,” says Mr Leach, “has been produced of what was +taught in nunneries. That ... something must have been taught, if only +to keep the children employed, is highly probable. That the teaching +included learning the Lord’s Prayer, etc. by heart may be conceded. +Probably Fuller is right in guessing that it included reading; but it +is only a guess. One would guess that it included sewing and spinning. +As for its including Latin, no evidence is forthcoming and it is +difficult to see how those who did not know Latin could teach +it<a name='fna_896' id='fna_896' href='#f_896'><small>[896]</small></a>.”</p></div> + +<p>Direct evidence is therefore absolutely lacking; all we can do is to +deduce probabilities from what we know of the education of the nuns +themselves, and it must be conceded that this was not always of a very +high order. It is quite certain, from the wording of some of the +visitation injunctions, that the quality and extent of the teaching must +have varied considerably from house to house. It was probably good (as the +education of women then went) at the larger and more fashionable houses, +mediocre at those which were small and struggling. Latin could not have +been taught, because, as has already been pointed out, the nuns at this +period did not know it themselves; but the children were probably taught +the <i>Credo</i>, the <i>Ave</i> and the <i>Pater Noster</i> in Latin by rote. They may +have been taught French of the school of Stratford atte Bowe, as long as +that language was fashionable in the outside world and known to the nuns, +but it died out of the convents after the end of the fourteenth century. +It seems pretty certain that the children must have been taught to read. +“Abstinence the abbesse myn a.b.c. me tauȝte,” says Piers Plowman; the +Abbess of St Mary’s Winchester buys the matins books for little Bridget +Plantagenet; and it will be remembered that the nuns of Godstow were said<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_277" id="Page_277">[Pg 277]</a></span> +about 1460 (fifteen years after Alnwick visited the house and gave +permission for children to be boarded there) to be “for the more party in +Englyssh bokys well y-lernyd.” Caesarius of Heisterbach has a delightful +story, repeated thus in a fifteenth century <i>Alphabet of Tales</i>:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Caesarius tellis how that in Freseland in a nonrie ther was ii little +maydens that lernyd on the buke, and euer thai strafe whethur of thaim +shulde lern mor than the toder. So the tane of thaim happened to fall +seke and sho garte call the Priores vnto hur & sayd: “Gude ladie! +suffre nott my felow to lern vnto I cover of my sekenes, and I sall +pray my moder to gif me vj d & that I sall giff you & ye do so, ffor I +drede that whils I am seke, that sho sall pas me in lernyng, & that I +wolde not at sho did.” And at this wurde the priores smylid & hadd +grete mervayle of the damysell conseyte<a name='fna_897' id='fna_897' href='#f_897'><small>[897]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Whether girls were taught to write, as well as to read, is far more +doubtful. It is probable that the nuns did not always possess this +accomplishment themselves, nor did sober medieval opinion consider it +wholly desirable that girls should know how to write, on account both of +the general inferiority of their sex, and of a regrettable proclivity +towards clandestine love letters<a name='fna_898' id='fna_898' href='#f_898'><small>[898]</small></a>. Still, writing may sometimes have +formed part of the curriculum; there is no evidence either way. For +drawing (by which presumably the art of illumination must be meant) there +is no warrant; a medieval nunnery was not a modern “finishing” school.</p> + +<p>So much for what may be called book learning. Let us now examine for a +moment the other accomplishments with which nunnery-bred young ladies have +been credited. We may, as Mr Leach suggests, make a guess at spinning and +needlework, though here also there is no evidence for their being taught +to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_278" id="Page_278">[Pg 278]</a></span> schoolgirls. Jane Scroupe, into whose mouth Skelton puts his “Phyllyp +Sparowe,” was apparently being brought up at Carrow, and describes how she +sewed the dead bird’s likeness on her sampler,</p> + +<p class="poem">I toke my sampler ones,<br /> +Of purpose, for the nones,<br /> +To sowe with stytchis of sylke<br /> +My sparow whyte as mylke.</p> + +<p>Confectionery does not seem very probable, for at this period the cooking +for the convent was nearly always done by a hired male cook and not (as +laid down in the Benedictine rule) by the nuns themselves, who were apt to +complain if they had to prepare the meals. For “home medicine” there is +absolutely no evidence, though all ladies of the day possessed some +knowledge of simples and herb-medicines and the girls may equally well +have learned it at home as among the nuns. It is probable that the +children learned to sing, if the nuns took them into the quire; but for +this there is no definite evidence, nor has any document been quoted to +prove that they learned to play upon instruments of music. It is true that +the flighty Dame Isabel Benet “did dance and play the lute” with the +friars of Northampton<a name='fna_899' id='fna_899' href='#f_899'><small>[899]</small></a> and that “a pair of organs” occurs twice in +Dissolution inventories of nunneries<a name='fna_900' id='fna_900' href='#f_900'><small>[900]</small></a>, but an organ is hardly an +instrument of secular music to be played by the daughter of the house in a +manorial solar; and Dame Benet’s escapade with the lute was a lapse from +the strict path of virtue. Finally to suggest that the nuns taught dances +verges upon absurdity. That they did sometimes dance is true, and grieved +their visitors were to hear it<a name='fna_901' id='fna_901' href='#f_901'><small>[901]</small></a>; but what Alnwick would have said to +the suggestion that they solemnly engaged themselves to teach dancing to +their young pupils is an amusing subject for contemplation. Evidence for +everything except the prayers of the church and the art of reading is +non-existent; we can but base our opinion upon conjecture and probability; +and the probability for instrumental music is so slight as to be +non-existent. If it be argued that gentlewomen were expected to possess +these arts, it may be replied that the children whom we find at nunneries +probably had opportunity<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_279" id="Page_279">[Pg 279]</a></span> to learn them at home, for they seem sometimes +to have spent only a part of the year with the nuns. It is true that board +is sometimes paid for the whole year, and that little Bridget Plantagenet +stayed at St Mary’s Winchester for two or three years, while her parents +were absent in France; moreover we have already heard of poor Elizabeth +and Jane Knyghte, left for over five years at Cornworthy. But an analysis +of the Swaffham Bulbeck accounts shows that the children (if indeed they +are children) stayed for the following periods during the year 1483, viz., +two for forty weeks, one for thirty weeks, one for twenty-six weeks, two +for twenty-two weeks, one for sixteen weeks, one for twelve weeks and one +for six weeks. It is much more likely that girls were sent to the nuns for +elementary schooling than for the acquirement of worldly accomplishments.</p> + +<p>As has already been pointed out, it is difficult to get any specific +information as to the life led by the schoolchildren in nunneries. But by +good fortune some letters written by an abbess shortly before the +Dissolution have been preserved and give a pleasant picture of a little +girl boarding in a nunnery. The correspondence in question took place +between Elizabeth Shelley, Abbess of St Mary’s Winchester, and Honor, +Viscountess Lisle, concerning the latter’s stepdaughter, the lady Bridget +Plantagenet, who was one of the twenty-six aristocratic young ladies then +at school in the nunnery<a name='fna_902' id='fna_902' href='#f_902'><small>[902]</small></a>. Lord Lisle was an illegitimate son of +Edward IV, and had been appointed Lord Deputy of Calais in 1533; and when +he and his wife departed to take up the new office, they were at pains to +find suitable homes for their younger children in England. A stepson of +Lord Lisle’s was boarded with the Abbot of Reading and his two younger +daughters, the ladies Elizabeth and Bridget Plantagenet, were left, the +one in charge of her half-brother, Sir John Dudley, and the other in that +of the energetic Abbess of St Mary’s Winchester. It must be admitted that +the correspondence between the abbess and Lady Lisle shows a greater +preoccupation with dress than with learning. The Lady Bridget grew like +the grass in springtime; there was no keeping her in clothes.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“After due recommendation,” writes the abbess, “Pleaseth it your good +ladyship to know that I have received your letter, dated the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_280" id="Page_280">[Pg 280]</a></span> 4th day +of February last past, by the which I do perceive your pleasure is to +know how mistress Bridget your daughter doth, and what things she +lacketh. Madam, thanks be to God, she is in good health, but I assure +your ladyship she lacketh convenient apparel, for she hath neither +whole gown nor kirtle, but the gown and kirtle that you sent her last. +And also she hath not one good partlet to put upon her neck, nor but +one good coif to put upon her head. Wherefore, I beseech your ladyship +to send to her such apparel as she lacketh, as shortly as you may +conveniently. Also the bringer of your letter shewed to me that your +pleasure is to know how much money I received for mistress Bridget’s +board, and how long she hath been with me. Madam, she hath been with +me a whole year ended the 8th day of July last past, and as many weeks +as is between that day and the day of making this bill, which is +thirty three weeks; and so she hath been with me a whole year and +thirty three weeks, which is in all four score and five weeks. And I +have received of mistress Katherine Mutton, 10<i>s.</i>, and of Stephen +Bedham, 20<i>s.</i>; and I received the day of making this bill, of John +Harrison, your servant, 40<i>s.</i>; and so I have received in all, since +she came to me, toward the payment for her board, 70<i>s.</i> Also, madam, +I have laid out for her, for mending of her gowns and for two matins +books, four pair of hosen, and four pairs of shoes, and other small +things, 3<i>s.</i> 5<i>d.</i> And, good madam, any pleasure that I may do your +ladyship and also my prayer, you shall be assured of, with the grace +of Jesus, who preserve you and all yours in honour and health. Amen.”</p></div> + +<p>But for the matins books, sandwiched uncomfortably between gowns and +hosen, there is no clue here as to what the Lady Bridget was learning.</p> + +<p>The tenor of the next letter, written about seven months later, is the +same, for still the noble little lady grew:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“Mine singular and special good lady,” writes the Abbess, “I heartily +recommend me to your good ladyship; ascertaining you that I have +received from your servant this summer a side of venison and two dozen +and a half of pee-wits.”</p></div> + +<p>(What flesh-days there must have been in the refectory!)</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“And whereas your ladyship do write that you sent me an ermine cape +for your daughter, surely I see none; but the tawny velvet gown that +you write of, I have received it. I have sent unto you, by the bringer +of your letter, your daughter’s black velvet gown; also I have caused +kirtles to be made of her old gowns, according unto your writing; and +the 10<i>s.</i> you sent is bestowed for her, and more, as it shall appear +by a bill of reckoning which I have made of the same. And I trust she +shall lack nothing that is necessary for her.”</p></div> + +<p>Another letter shows that the wardrobe difficulty was no whit abated, but +the Abbess dealt with it by the rather <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_281" id="Page_281">[Pg 281]</a></span>hard-hearted expedient of sending +poor Bridget away on a visit to her father’s steward at Soberton in +Hampshire, in her outgrown clothes, in order that he might be moved to +amend her state. Clearly it was not always easy to get what was requisite +for a schoolgirl from a gay and busy mother, disporting herself across the +sea:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“This is to advertise your ladyship,” says the Abbess, “Upon a +fourteen or fifteen days before Michaelmas, mistress Waynam and +mistress Fawkenor came to Winchester to see mistress Bridget Lisle, +with whom came two of my lord’s servants, and desired to have mistress +Bridget to sir Anthony Windsor’s to sport her for a week. And because +she was out of apparel, that master Windsor might see her, I was the +better content to let her go; and since that time she came no more at +Winchester: Wherein I beseech your ladyship think no unkindness in me +for my light sending of her: for if I had not esteemed her to have +come again, she should not have come there at that time.”</p></div> + +<p>The reason why lucky little Bridget was enjoying a holiday appears in a +letter from the steward, Sir Anthony Windsor, to Lord Lisle, in which he +not only takes a firm line over the dress problem (as the Abbess foresaw), +but seems also to cast some aspersion upon the nunnery; the nuns, he +evidently thought, had no idea how to feed a growing girl, or how to spoil +her, as she ought to be spoiled:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Also mistress Bridget recommendeth her to your good lordship, and also +to my lady, beseeching you of your blessing. She is now at home with +me, because I will provide for her apparel such things as shall be +necessary, for she hath overgrown all that she ever hath, except such +as she hath had of late: and I will keep her here still if it be your +lordship’s and my lady’s pleasure that I shall so do, and she shall +fare no worse that I do, for she is very spare and hath need of +cherishing, and she shall lack nothing in learning, nor otherwise that +my wife can do for her.</p></div> + +<p>Apparently she never went back to the nunnery, and a few years later it +was dissolved:</p> + +<p class="poem">And when (s)he came to Saynte Marie’s aisle<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Where nonnes were wont to praie,</span><br /> +The vespers were songe, the shryne was gone,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">And the nonnes had passyd awaie.</span></p> + +<p>A word should perhaps be added as to the “piety and breeding,” which Lady +Bridget and other little schoolgirls learned from the nuns, for good +sentimentalists of later days often looked back and regretted the loss of +a training, presumably instinct<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_282" id="Page_282">[Pg 282]</a></span> with religion and morality. It is well +nigh impossible to generalise in this matter, so greatly did convents +differ from each other. St Mary’s Winchester was of very good repute, and +for this we have not only the testimony of the local gentlemen, who were +commissioned to visit it by Henry VIII in 1536, but also of the visitation +which was held by Dr Hede in 1501. Undoubtedly the aristocratic young +ladies who went there did not lack the precept and example of pious and +well bred mistresses. The statement of the commissioners at Polesworth +that the children there were “right virtuously brought up” has often been +quoted. So also has the plea of Robert Aske, who led the ill-fated +Pilgrimage of Grace, by which the people of Yorkshire sought to bring back +the old religion, and in particular the monastic houses; in the abbeys, he +said, “all gentlemen (were) much succoured in their needs, with many their +young sons there assisted and in nunneries their daughters brought up in +virtue”<a name='fna_903' id='fna_903' href='#f_903'><small>[903]</small></a>. Less well-known is the tribute of the reformer Thomas Becon +(1512-67), the more striking in that he was a staunch Protestant, who had +suffered for his faith. Although he refers in disparagement to the +nunneries of his own day, his description of the relations between nuns +and their pupils cannot be founded solely upon an imaginary golden age:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“The young maids,” he writes, “were not enforced to wear this or that +apparel; to abstain from this or that kind of meats; to sing this or +that service; to say so many prayers; to shave their heads; to vow +chastity; and for ever to abide in their cloister unto their dying +day. But contrariwise, they might wear what apparel they would, so +that it were honest and seemly and such as becometh maidens that +profess godliness. They might freely eat all kinds of meats according +to the rule of the gospel, avoiding all excess and superfluity, yea, +and that at all times. Their prayers were free and without compulsion, +everyone praying when the Holy Ghost moved their hearts to pray; yea, +and that such prayers as present necessity required, and that also not +in a strange tongue, but in such language as they did right well +understand. To shave their heads and to keep such-like superstitious +observances as our nuns did in times past and yet do in the kingdom of +the pope, they were not compelled. For all that they were commanded to +do of their schoolmistresses and governesses was nothing else than the +doctrine of the gospel and matters appertaining unto honest and civil +manners; whom they most willingly obeyed. Moreover, it was lawful for +them to go out of the cloister when they<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_283" id="Page_283">[Pg 283]</a></span> would, or when they were +required of their friends; and also to marry when and with whom they +would, so that it were in the Lord. And would God there were some +consideration of this matter had among the rulers of the christian +commonwealth, that young maids might be godly brought up, and learn +from their cradles ‘to be sober-minded, to love their husbands, to +love their children, to be discreet, chaste, housewifely, good, +obedient to their husbands’”<a name='fna_904' id='fna_904' href='#f_904'><small>[904]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>These eulogies are all necessarily tinged by the knowledge that the +nunneries either were about to disappear, or had disappeared, from +England. They had filled a useful function and men were willing to be to +their faults a little blind. It cannot be doubted that the gentry and the +substantial middle class appreciated them; up to the very eve of the +Dissolution legacies to monastic houses are a common feature in wills. +Only an inadequate conclusion, however, is to be reached from a study of +tributes such as those of the commissioners at St Mary’s Winchester and +Polesworth and of Robert Aske. If we turn to pre-Reformation visitation +reports, which are free from the desire to state a case, the evidence is +more mixed. It is only reasonable to conclude that many nunneries did +indeed bring children up, with the example of virtue before their eyes, +and the <i>omnia bene</i> of many reports reinforces such a conclusion. But it +is impossible also to avoid the conviction that other houses were not +always desirable homes for the young, nor nuns their best example. When +Alnwick visited his diocese in the first half of the fifteenth century +there were children at Godstow, where at least one nun was frankly immoral +and where all received visits freely from the scholars of Oxford; nor was +the general reputation of the house good at other periods. There were +children also at Catesby and at St Michael’s Stamford, which were in a +thoroughly bad state, under bad prioresses. At Catesby the poor innocents +lay in the dorter, where lay also sister Isabel Benet, far gone with +child; and they must have heard the Prioress screaming “Beggars!” and +“Whores!” at the nuns and dragging them round the cloister by their +hair<a name='fna_905' id='fna_905' href='#f_905'><small>[905]</small></a>. At St Michael’s Stamford, all was in disorder and no less than +three of the nuns were unchaste, one having twice run away, each time with +a different partner. The visitation of Gracedieu on the same<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_284" id="Page_284">[Pg 284]</a></span> occasion +shows too much quarrelling and misrule to make possible a very high +opinion of its piety or of its breeding. If we turn to another set of +injunctions, the great series for the diocese of York, it must be conceded +that though the gentry of the county doubtless found the convents useful +as schools and lodging houses, it is difficult to see how Aske’s plea that +“their daughters (were) brought up in virtue” could possibly have been +true of the fourteenth century, when the morals and manners of the nuns +were extremely bad. There is not much evidence for the period of which +Aske could speak from his own knowledge; but at Esholt, where two children +were at school in 1537, one of the nuns was found to have “lyved +incontinentlie and vnchast and ... broght forth a child of her bodie +begotten” and an alehouse had been set up within the convent gates, in +1535<a name='fna_906' id='fna_906' href='#f_906'><small>[906]</small></a>. The only safe generalisation to make about this, as about so +many other problems of medieval social history, is that there can be no +generalisation. The standard of piety and breeding likely to be acquired +by children in medieval nunneries must have differed considerably from +time to time and from house to house.</p> + + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<hr style="width: 50%;" /> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_285" id="Page_285">[Pg 285]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_VII" id="CHAPTER_VII"></a>CHAPTER VII</h2> +<p class="title">ROUTINE AND REACTION</p> + +<div class="note"><p>Where is the pain that does not become deadened after a thousand +years? or what is the nature of that pleasure or happiness which never +wearies by monotony? Earthly pleasures and pains are short in +proportion as they are keen; of any others, which are both intense and +lasting, we can form no idea.... To beings constituted as we are, the +monotony of singing Psalms would be as great an affliction as the +pains of hell and might even be pleasantly interrupted by them.</p> + +<p class="right"><span class="smcap">Jowett</span>, Introduction to Plato’s <i>Phaedo</i>.</p></div> + +<p> </p> +<p>St Benedict’s common sense is nowhere more strikingly shown than in his +division of the routine of monastic life between the three occupations of +divine service, manual labour and reading. Not only has this arrangement +the merit of developing the different sides of men’s natures, spirit, body +and brain, but it fulfils a deep psychological necessity. The essence of +communal life is regularity, but no human being can subsist without a +further ingredient of variety. St Benedict knew well enough that unless he +provided the stimulus of change within the Rule, outraged nature would +seek for it outside. Hence the careful adjustment of occupations to +combine variety with regularity. The services were the supreme joy and +duty of the monk and nun and the life of the convent was centred in its +church. But these services were not excessively long and were divided from +each other by periods of sleep by night and of work, or study, or +meditation by day, after the manner which Crashaw inimitably set forth in +his <i>Description of a Religious House and Condition of Life</i>:</p> + +<p class="poem">A hasty portion of prescribèd sleep;<br /> +Obedient slumbers, that can wake and weep,<br /> +And sing, and sigh, and work, and sleep again;<br /> +Still rolling a round sphere of still-returning pain.<br /> +Hands full of hearty labours; pains that pay<br /> +And prize themselves; do much, that more they may,<br /> +And work for work, not wages; let tomorrow’s<br /> +New drops wash off the sweat of this day’s sorrows.<br /> +A long and daily-dying life, which breathes<br /> +A respiration of reviving deaths.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_286" id="Page_286">[Pg 286]</a></span>The monastic day was divided into seven offices and the time at which +these were said varied slightly according to the season of the year. The +night office began about 2 a.m., when the nuns rose from their beds and +entered their choir, where Matins were said, followed immediately by +Lauds. The next service was Prime, said at 6 or 7 a.m., and then +throughout the day came Tierce, Sext, None, Vespers, and Compline, with an +interval of about three hours between them. The time of these monastic +Hours (as they were called) changed gradually after the time of St +Benedict, and later None, which should have been at 3 p.m., was said at +noon, leaving the nuns from about 12 midday to 5 p.m. in the winter and 1 +p.m. to 8 p.m. in the summer for work. Compline, the last service of all, +was said at 7 p.m. in winter and at 8 p.m. in summer, after which the nuns +were supposed to retire immediately to bed in their dorter, where (in the +words of the Syon <i>Rule</i>) “none shal jutte up on other wylfully, nor spyt +up on the stayres, goyng up or down, nor in none other place repreuably, +but yf they trede it out forthwyth”!<a name='fna_907' id='fna_907' href='#f_907'><small>[907]</small></a> They had in all about eight +hours sleep, broken in the middle by the night service; and they had three +meals, a light repast of bread and beer after Prime in the morning, a +solid dinner to the accompaniment of reading aloud, and a short supper +immediately after vespers at 5 or 6 p.m.<a name='fna_908' id='fna_908' href='#f_908'><small>[908]</small></a></p> + +<p>Except for certain specified periods of relaxation, strict silence was +supposed to be observed for a large part of the day, and if it were +necessary for the nuns to communicate with each other, they were urged to +do so in an abbreviated form, or by signs. Thus in 1319 Bishop Stapeldon +of Exeter wrote to the nuns of Polsloe</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>that silence be kept in due places, according to the Rule and +observances of St Benedict; and, if it be desirable that any word be +spoken in the aforesaid places, for any reasonable occasion, then let +it be gently and so low that it be scarce heard of the other nuns, and +in as few words as may be needed for the comprehension of those who +hear; and better in Latin than in any other tongue; yet the Latin need +not be well-ordered by way of grammar, but thus, <i>candela</i>, <i>liber</i>, +<i>missale</i>, <i>gradale</i>, <i>panis</i>, <i>vinum</i>, <i>cervisia</i>, <i>est</i>, <i>non</i>, +<i>sic</i> and so forth<a name='fna_909' id='fna_909' href='#f_909'><small>[909]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_287" id="Page_287">[Pg 287]</a></span>The nuns of Syon had a table of signs drawn up for them by Thomas Betsone, +one of the brethren of the house, a person of extraordinary ingenuity and +no sense of humour<a name='fna_910' id='fna_910' href='#f_910'><small>[910]</small></a>. The sort of dumb pandemonium which went on at the +Syon dinner table must have been more mirth provoking than speech. The +sister who desired fish would “wagge her hande displaied sidelynges in +manere of a fissh taill,” she who wanted milk would “draw her left little +fynger in maner of mylkyng”; for mustard one would “hold her nose in the +uppere part of her righte fiste and rubbe it,” and another for salt would +“philippe with her right thombe and his forefynger ouere the left thombe”; +another, desirous of wine, would “meue her fore fynger vp and downe vpon +the ende of her thombe afore her eghe”; and the guilty sacristan, struck +by the thought that she had not provided incense for the mass, would “put +her two fyngers vnto her nose thirles (nostrils).” There are no less than +106 signs in the table and on the whole it is not surprising that the Rule +enjoins that “it is never leful to use them witheoute some reson and +profitable nede, ffor ofte tyme more hurt ethe an euel sygne than an euel +worde, and more offence it may be to God”<a name='fna_911' id='fna_911' href='#f_911'><small>[911]</small></a>.</p> + +<p> </p> +<p class="center">PLATE VI</p> +<div class="figcenter"><img src="images/img07tmb.jpg" alt="" /><br /> +<a href="images/img07.jpg"><small>Larger Image</small></a></div> +<p class="center">DOMINICAN NUNS IN QUIRE</p> +<p> </p> + +<p>The time set apart in the monastic day for work was divided between brain +work and manual labour. In the golden days of monasticism the time devoted +to reading enabled the monasteries to become homes of learning; splendid +libraries were collected for the use of the monks and in the scriptorium +men skilled in writing and in illumination copied books and maintained the +great series of chronicles, in which the middle ages live again. The nuns +of certain Anglo-Saxon houses, and of certain continental houses at a +later date, had some reputation for learning. In early days, too, the +hours devoted to labour were spent in the fields, or more often in the +workshops of the house; and those who had been skilled in crafts in the +world continued to exercise them. The nuns of Anglo-Saxon England were +famed for the needlework executed during the hours of work. Besides this +labour the Rule ordained that the monks and nuns should take it in turns +to serve their brethren in the kitchen every week and an eleventh century +chronicler records “in the monasteries<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_288" id="Page_288">[Pg 288]</a></span> I saw counts cooking in the +kitchens and margraves leading the pigs out to feed”<a name='fna_912' id='fna_912' href='#f_912'><small>[912]</small></a>. It was by +reason of this intellectual and manual labour that the early monks +rendered, as it were incidentally, an immense service to civilisation. +Their aim and purpose was the salvation of their souls, but because the +Rule under which they lived declared that labour was one of the means to +that salvation, they added many of the merits of the active to those of +the contemplative life. The early Benedictines were great missionaries, +ardent scholars, enlightened landowners and even energetic statesmen. The +early Cistercians made the woods and wildernesses, in which they settled, +blossom like a rose. But apart from the social services thus rendered to +civilisation, the threefold division of monastic life into prayer, study +and labour was vital to monasticism itself, since it afforded the +essential element of variety in routine.</p> + +<p>The benefits of routine are obvious: any life which exists for the regular +performance of specific duties, above all any life which is carried on in +a community, must depend very largely upon fixed hours and carefully +organised occupations. The Rule of St Benedict made a serious attempt to +render monastic life possible and beneficial to the average human being, +by the combination of regularity and variety which has been described +above. There was constant change of occupation, but there was no waste and +no muddle. It is extremely significant that monasticism broke down +directly St Benedict’s careful adjustment of occupations became upset. +With the growing wealth of the monasteries manual labour became +undignified; some orders relied on lay brethren, the majority on servants. +Gone was the day when counts cooked in the kitchens; in the fourteenth +century monks and nuns paid large wages to their cooks and even in a small +nunnery it was regarded as legitimate cause for complaint not to have a +convent servant. Learning also fell away after the growth of the +universities in the twelfth century; the poverty of the monastic +chronicles of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries is one witness to the +fact; the necessity to send injunctions to nunneries first in French and +then in English, as the knowledge of Latin and then of French died out in +them, is another. Of the three occupations, learning, manual labour<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_289" id="Page_289">[Pg 289]</a></span> and +divine service, only the last was left. Is it surprising that that also +began to be looked upon as a weary and monotonous routine, when the monks +and nuns came to it, not fresh from the stimulus of study or of labour, +but from indolence, or from the worldly pleasures of the tavern, the hunt, +the gambling board, the flirtation, the gossip, wherewith they often +filled the spare time, which the wise Benedictine Rule would have filled +with a change of occupation?</p> + +<p>All safeguards against a petrifying routine were now broken down. We are +wont to-day to look with disquiet upon the life of a clerk in an office, +endlessly adding up rows of figures, with an interval for luncheon; but +the clerk has his evenings, his Sundays, his annual holiday, his life as +son, or husband, or father. For the medieval monk there was no such +relaxation. When the salutary labour of hand and brain ordained by St +Benedict no longer found a place in his life, he was delivered over bound +to an endless routine of dorter, church, frater and cloister, which +stretched from day to night and from night to day again. For nuns the +monotony was even greater, for they had lost more completely than monks +their early tradition of learning and they could not pass happy years in +study at a university (as a few monks from great abbeys were able to do), +nor find some solace in exercising the functions of a priest; moreover +women were more apt even than men to enter the religious life without any +real vocation for it, since there was hardly any other career for +unmarried ladies of gentle birth. It would be an exaggeration to say that +this uneventful life was necessarily distasteful. To the majority it was +doubtless a happy existence; monotony appears peace to those who love it.</p> + +<p class="poem">No cruel guard of diligent cares, that keep<br /> +Crown’d woes awake, as things too wise for sleep:<br /> +But reverent discipline and religious fear,<br /> +And soft obedience, find sweet biding here;<br /> +Silence and sacred rest; peace and pure joys;<br /> +Kind loves keep house, lie close and make no noise.</p> + +<p>Here behind the walls of the convent “a common grayness silvered +everything” and all care was remote, save that, never to be escaped by +womankind, of making two ends meet.</p> + +<p>Nevertheless the danger was there. Only a minority, one may be sure, +revolted actively against the duties which are<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_290" id="Page_290">[Pg 290]</a></span> sometimes, most +significantly, called “the burthen of religion”<a name='fna_913' id='fna_913' href='#f_913'><small>[913]</small></a>. That minority is +known to us, for the sinner and the apostate, whether inspired by lust or +by levity, mere victims to their own weakness, or active rebels against an +intolerable dulness, have left their mark in official documents. But the +number can only be guessed at of those others, who carried in their hearts +for all their staid lives the complaint of the Latin song:</p> + +<p class="poem">Sono tintinnabulum<br /> +Repeto psalterium,<br /> +Gratum linquo somnium<br /> +Cum dormire cuperem,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Heu misella!</span><br /> +Nichil est deterius tali vita<br /> +Cum enim sim petulans et lasciva<a name='fna_914' id='fna_914' href='#f_914'><small>[914]</small></a>.<br /> +<br /> +The bell I am ringing,<br /> +The psalter am singing,<br /> +And from my bed creeping<br /> +Who fain would be sleeping,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Misery me!</span><br /> +O what can be worse than this life that I dree,<br /> +When naughty and lovelorn and wanton I be?</p> + +<p>“Nuns fret not at their convent’s narrow room” is a charming justification +of the sonnet, but it is neither good psychology nor good history.</p> + +<p>It can never be too often repeated that many monks and nuns entered +religion as a career while still children, with no particular vocation for +the religious life. To such, even though they might experience no longing +for the forbidden pleasures of the world, the monotony of the cloister +would often be hard to bear. Their young limbs would kick against its +restrictions and the changing moods of adolescence would turn and twist in +vain within the iron bars of its unadaptable routine. Even to those no +longer young happiness would depend at the best upon the fostering of a +quick spiritual life, at the worst upon lack of imagination and of +vitality. The undaunted daughter of desires, the man in whom religion +burned as a strong fire, could find<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_291" id="Page_291">[Pg 291]</a></span> happiness in the life. But lesser +brethren could not. Ennui, more deadly even than sensual temptation, was +the devil who tormented them. So in the convents of the fourteenth and +fifteenth centuries, a sympathetic eye and an understanding mind will +diagnose the fundamental disease as reaction against routine by men and +women in whom Nature, expelled by a pitchfork, had returned a thousand +times more strong.</p> + +<p>This reaction from routine took several forms. It is somewhere at the +bottom of all the more serious sins, which the pitchfork method of +attaining salvation brought upon human creatures with bodies as well as +souls. In this chapter, however, we are concerned not with these graver +faults of immorality, but with things less gross, and yet in their +cumulative effect no less fatal to monastic life. Such was the neglect of +that praise of God, which was the primary <i>raison d’être</i> of the monk and +nun, so that services sometimes became empty forms, to be hurried through +with scant devotion, occasionally with scandalous irreverence. Such was +the deadly sin of <i>accidie</i>, the name of which is forgotten today, though +the thing itself is with us still. Such were the nerves on edge, the small +quarrels, the wear and tear of communal life; such also the gay clothes, +the pet animals and the worldly amusements, with which nuns sought to +enliven their existence. For all these things were in some sense a +reaction from routine.</p> + +<p>Carelessness in the performance of the monastic hours was an exceedingly +common fault during the later middle ages and often finds a place in +episcopal injunctions. Sometimes monks and nuns “cut” the services, as at +Peterborough in 1437, when only ten or twelve of the 44 monks came on +ordinary days to church<a name='fna_915' id='fna_915' href='#f_915'><small>[915]</small></a>, or at Nuncoton in 1440, where many of the +nuns failed to come to compline, but busied themselves instead in various +domestic offices, or wandered idly in the garden<a name='fna_916' id='fna_916' href='#f_916'><small>[916]</small></a>. Often they<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_292" id="Page_292">[Pg 292]</a></span> came +late to matins, a fault which was common in nunneries, for the nuns were +prone to sit up drinking and gossiping after compline, instead of going +straight to bed<a name='fna_917' id='fna_917' href='#f_917'><small>[917]</small></a>; and these nocturnal carousals, however harmless in +themselves, did not conduce to wakefulness at one a.m. Consequently they +were somewhat sleepy, <i>quodammodo sompnolentes</i>, at matins and found an +almost Johnsonian difficulty in getting up early. At Stainfield in 1519 +Atwater found that half an hour sometimes elapsed between the last stroke +of the bell and the beginning of the office and that some of the nuns did +not sing but dozed, partly because they had not enough candles, partly +because they went to bed late; they also performed the offices very +negligently<a name='fna_918' id='fna_918' href='#f_918'><small>[918]</small></a>. But most often of all the fault of monks and nuns lay in +gabbling through the services as quickly as possible in order to get them +over. They left out syllables at the beginning and end of words, they +omitted the <i>dipsalma</i> or <i>pausacio</i> between two verses, so that one side +of the choir was beginning the second half, before the other side had +finished the first; they skipped sentences; they mumbled and slurred over +what should have been “entuned in their nose ful semely.”</p> + +<p>Episcopal injunctions not infrequently animadvert against this irreverent +treatment of the offices. At Catesby in 1442 Isabel Benet asserted that +“divine service is chanted at so great speed that no pauses are made,” and +at Carrow in 1526 several of the older nuns complained that the sisters +sang and said the service more quickly than they ought, without due +pauses. A strong injunction sent to Nuncoton in 1531 declares that the +hours have been “doon with grete festinacon, haste and without deuocon, +contrarye to the good manner and ordre of religion”<a name='fna_919' id='fna_919' href='#f_919'><small>[919]</small></a>.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_293" id="Page_293">[Pg 293]</a></span> Indeed so +common was the fault that the Father of Evil was obliged to employ a +special devil called Tittivillus, whose sole business it was to collect +the dropped syllables and gabbled verses and carry them back to his master +in a sack. One rhyme distinguishes carefully between the contents of his +sack:</p> + +<p class="poem">Hii sunt qui psalmos corrumpunt nequiter almos,<br /> +Dangler, cum jasper, lepar, galper quoque draggar,<br /> +Momeler, forskypper, forereynner, sic et overleper,<br /> +Fragmina verborum Tutivillus colligit horum<a name='fna_920' id='fna_920' href='#f_920'><small>[920]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>A holy Cistercian abbot once interviewed Tittivillus; this is the tale as +the nuns of Syon read it in their <i>Myroure of Oure Ladye</i>:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>We rede of an holy Abbot of the order of Cystreus that whyle he stode +in the quyer at mattyns, he sawe a fende that had a longe and a greate +poke hangynge about hys necke, and wente aboute the quyer from one to +an other, and wayted bysely after all letters, and syllables, and +wordes, and faylynges, that eny made; and them he gathered dylygently +and putte them in hys poke. And when he came before the Abbot, +waytynge yf oughte had escaped hym, that he myghte have gotten and put +in hys bagge; the Abbot was astoned and aferde of the foulenes and +mysshape of hym, and sayde vnto hym. What art thow; And he answered +and sayd. I am a poure dyuel, and my name ys Tytyuyllus, and I do myne +offyce that is commytted vnto me. And what is thyne offyce sayd the +Abbot, he answeryd I muste eche day he sayde brynge my master a +thousande pokes full of faylynges, and of neglygences in syllables and +wordes, that ar done in youre order in redynge and in syngynge. And +else I must be sore beten<a name='fna_921' id='fna_921' href='#f_921'><small>[921]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Carelessness in the singing of the services was not, however, the most +serious result of reaction against routine. If the men and women of +sensibility failed to keep intelligence active in the pursuit of spiritual +or temporal duties, if they cared no longer to use brain and spirit as +they performed the daily round, <i>accidia</i><a name='fna_922' id='fna_922' href='#f_922'><small>[922]</small></a>, that dread disease, half +ennui and half melancholia, which, though common to all men, was +recognised as the peculiar<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_294" id="Page_294">[Pg 294]</a></span> menace of the cloister, lay ever in wait for +them. Against this sin of intellectual and spiritual sloth all the great +churchmen of the middle ages inveigh, recognising in it the greatest +menace of religious life, from which all other sins may follow<a name='fna_923' id='fna_923' href='#f_923'><small>[923]</small></a>. If +<i>accidia</i> once laid hold upon a monk he was lost; ceasing to perform with +active mind his religious duties, he would find them a meaningless, +endless routine, filling him with irritation, with boredom and with a +melancholy against which he might struggle in vain. The fourth century +cenobite Cassian has left a detailed description of the effects of +<i>accidia</i> in the cloister, declaring that it was specially disturbing to a +monk about the sixth hour “like some fever which seizes him at stated +times,” so that many declared that this was “the sickness that destroyeth +in the noon day,” spoken of in the ninetieth psalm<a name='fna_924' id='fna_924' href='#f_924'><small>[924]</small></a>. Many centuries +later Dante crystallised it in four unsurpassable lines. As he passed +through the fifth circle of hell he saw a black and filthy marsh, in which +struggled the souls of those who had been overcome by anger; but deeper +than the angry were submerged other souls, whose sobs rose in bubbles +through the muddy water and who could only gurgle their confession in +their throats. These were the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_295" id="Page_295">[Pg 295]</a></span> souls of men who had fallen victims to the +sin of <i>accidia</i> in their lives</p> + +<div class="blockquot"> +<p class="poem">Fitti nel limo dicon: Tristi fummo<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Nel’ aer dolce che dal sol s’ allegra,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Portando dentro accidioso fummo:</span><br /> +Or ci attristiam nella belletta negra.</p> + +<p>Fixed in the slime, they say, “Sullen were we in the sweet air, that +is gladdened by the sun, carrying lazy smoke in our hearts; now lie we +sullen here in the black mire”<a name='fna_925' id='fna_925' href='#f_925'><small>[925]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>But the working of the poison is most brilliantly described by Chaucer, in +his <i>Persones Tale</i>:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“After the sinnes of Envie and of Ire, now wol I speken of the sinne +of Accidie. For Envye blindeth the herte of a man, and Ire troubleth a +man; and Accidie maketh him hevy, thoghtful and wrawe. Envye and Ire +maken bitternesse in herte; which bitternesse is moder of Accidie and +binimeth him the love of alle goodnesse. Thanne is Accidie the +anguissh of a trouble herte.... He dooth alle thing with anoy and with +wrawnesse, slaknesse and excusacioun, and with ydelnesse and +unlust.... Now comth Slouthe, that wol nat sufre noon hardnesse ne no +penaunce.... Thanne comth drede to biginne to werke any gode werkes; +for certes he that is enclyned to sinne, him thinketh it is so greet +an empryse for to undertake to doon werkes of goodnesse.... Now comth +wanhope, that is despeir of the mercy of God, that comth somtyme of to +muche outrageous sorwe, and somtyme of to muche drede; imagininge that +he hath doon so much sinne, that it wol nat availlen him, though he +wolde repenten him and forsake sinne: thurgh which despeir or drede he +abaundoneth al his herte to every maner sinne, as seith seint +Augustin. Which dampnable sinne, if that it continue unto his ende, it +is cleped sinning in the holy gost.... Soothly he that despeireth him +is lyk the coward champioun recreant, that seith creant withoute nede. +Allas! allas! nedeles is he recreant and nedeles despeired. Certes the +mercy of God is euere redy to every penitent and is aboven alle hise +werkes.... Thanne cometh sompnolence, that is sluggy slombringe, which +maketh a man be hevy and dul in body and in soule; and this sinne +comth of Slouthe.”</p></div> + +<p>He proceeds to describe further symptoms,</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“Necligence or recchelnesse ... ydelnesse ... the sinne that man +clepen <i>Tarditas</i>” and “Lachesse,”</p></div> + +<p>and concludes thus,</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“Thanne comth a manere coldnesse, that freseth al the herte of man. +Thanne comth undevocioun, thurgh which a man is so blent, as seith +seint Bernard, and hath swiche langour in soule, that he may neither +rede ne singe in holy chirche, ne here ne thinke of no devocioun, ne +travaille with his handes in no good werk, that it nis him unsavory +and al apalled. Thanne wexeth he slow and slombry, and sone wol<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_296" id="Page_296">[Pg 296]</a></span> be +wrooth, and sone is enclyned to hate and to envye. Thanne comth the +sinne of worldly sorwe, swich as is cleped <i>tristicia</i>, that sleeth +man, as seint Paul seith. For certes swich sorwe werketh to the deeth +of the soule and of the body also; for therof comth, that a man is +anoyed of his owene lyf. Wherfore swich sorwe shorteth ful ofte the +lyf of a man, er that his tyme be come by wey of kinde”<a name='fna_926' id='fna_926' href='#f_926'><small>[926]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>This masterly diagnosis of the sin of spiritual sloth and its branches is +illustrated by several stories which bear unmistakably the impress of a +dreadful truth. Johann Busch’s account of his early temptations and doubts +has often been quoted. A strong character, he overcame the temptation and +emerged stronger<a name='fna_927' id='fna_927' href='#f_927'><small>[927]</small></a>. But Caesarius of Heisterbach has two anecdotes of +weaker brethren which show how exactly Chaucer described the anguish of a +troubled heart. The first is of particular interest to us because it +concerns a woman:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“A certain nun, a woman of advanced age, and, as was supposed, of +great holiness, was so overcome by the vice of melancholy +(<i>tristitiae</i>) and so vexed with a spirit of blasphemy, doubt and +distrust, that she fell into despair. And she began altogether to +doubt those things which she had believed from infancy and which it +behoved her to believe, nor could she be induced by anyone to take the +holy sacraments; and when her sisters and also her nieces in the flesh +besought her why she was thus hardened, she answered “I am of the +lost, of those who shall be damned.” One day the Prior, growing angry, +said to her, “Sister, unless you recover from your unbelief, when you +die I will have you buried in a field.” And she, hearing him, was +silent but kept his words in her heart. One day, when certain of the +sisters were to go on a journey I know not whither, she secretly +followed them to the banks of the river Moselle, whereon the monastery +is situated, and when the ship, which was carrying the sisters, put +off, she threw herself from the shore into the river. Those who were +in the ship heard the sound of a splash, and looking out thought her +body to be a dog, but one of them, desiring (by God’s will) to know +more certainly what it was, ran quickly to the place and seeing a +human being, entered the river and drew her out. Then when they +perceived that it was the aforesaid nun, already wellnigh drowned, +they were all frightened, and when they had cared for her and she had +coughed up the water and could speak, they asked her, “Why, sister, +didst thou act thus cruelly?” and she replied, pointing to the Prior, +“My lord there threatened that I should be buried when dead in a +field, wherefore I preferred to be drowned in the flood rather than to +be buried<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_297" id="Page_297">[Pg 297]</a></span> like a beast in the field.” Then they led her back to the +monastery and guarded her more carefully. Behold what great evil is +born of melancholy (<i>tristitia</i>). That woman was brought up from +infancy in the monastery. She was a chaste, devout, stern and +religious virgin, and, as the mistress [of the novices] of a +neighbouring monastery told me, all the maidens educated by her were +of better discipline and more devout than others”<a name='fna_928' id='fna_928' href='#f_928'><small>[928]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>The other anecdote tells of an old lay brother, who at the end of a long +life fell into despair:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“I know not,” says Caesarius, “by what judgment of God he was made +thus sad and fearful, that he was so greatly afraid for his sins and +despaired altogether of the life eternal. He did not indeed doubt in +his faith, but rather despaired of salvation. He could be cheered by +no scriptural authorities and brought back to the hope of forgiveness +by no examples. Yet he is believed to have sinned but little. When the +brothers asked him, ‘What makes you fear, why do you despair?’ he +answered, ‘I cannot pray as I was used to do, and so I fear hell.’ +Because he laboured with the vice of <i>tristitia</i>, therefore he was +filled with <i>accidia</i>, and from each of these was despair born in his +heart. He was placed in the infirmary and on a certain morning he +prepared him for death, and came to his master, saying, ‘I can no +longer fight against God.’ And when his master paid but little +attention to his words, he went forth to the fish pond of the +monastery near by and threw himself into it and was drowned”<a name='fna_929' id='fna_929' href='#f_929'><small>[929]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Only a small minority, it is needless to say, was driven to this anguish +of despair. For the majority the strain of conventual life found outlet, +not in these black moods, but in a tendency to bicker one with another, to +get excitement by exaggerating the small events of daily existence into +matter for jealousies and disputes. For the strain was a double one; to +monotony was added the complete lack of privacy, the wear and tear of +communal life; not only always doing the same thing at the same time, but +always doing it in company with a number of other people. The beauty of +human fellowship, the happy friendliness of life in a close society are +too obvious to need description.</p> + +<p class="poem">For if heuene be on this erthe · and ese to any soule,<br /> +It is in cloistere or in scole · by many skilles I fynde;<br /> +For in cloistre cometh no man · to chide ne to fiȝte,<br /> +But alle is buxomnesse there and bokes · to rede and to lerne,<br /> +In scole there is scorne · but if a clerke wil lerne,<br /> +And grete loue and lykynge · for eche of hem loueth other<a name='fna_930' id='fna_930' href='#f_930'><small>[930]</small></a>.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_298" id="Page_298">[Pg 298]</a></span>But it is necessary also to remember the other side of the picture. +Personal idiosyncrasies were no less apt to jar in the middle ages than +they are today; there are unfortunates who are born to be unpopular; there +are tempers which will lose themselves; and in conventual life there is no +balm of solitude for frayed nerves. These nuns were very human people; a +mere accident of birth had probably sent them to a convent rather than to +the care of husband and children in a manor-hall; just as in the +eighteenth and nineteenth centuries a mere accident of birth made one son +the squire, another the soldier and a third the parson. No special +saintliness of disposition was theirs and no miracle intervened to render +them immune from tantrums when they crossed the convent threshold. Nothing +is at once more striking and more natural than the prevalence of little +quarrels, sometimes growing into serious disputes, among the inmates of +monasteries. Browning’s Spanish Cloister was no mere figment of his +inventive brain; indeed it is, if anything, less startling than the +medieval Langland’s description of the convent, where Wrath was cook and +where all was far from “buxomnesse.” Certainly Langland’s indictment is a +violent one; the satirist must darken his colours to catch the eye; and, +had Chaucer been the painter, we might have had a dispute couched in more +courteous terms and more “estatlich of manere.” But the satirist’s account +is significant, because his very office demands that he shall exaggerate +only what exists; his words are a smoke which cannot rise without fire. So +Langland may speak through the lips of Wrath, with two white eyes:</p> + +<p class="poem">I have an aunte to nonne · and an abbesse bothe,<br /> +Hir were leuere swowe or swelte · þan suffre any peyne.<br /> +I haue be cook in hir kichyne · and þe couent serued<br /> +Many monthes with hem · and with monkes bothe.<br /> +I was þe priouresses potagere · and other poure ladyes<br /> +And made hem ioutes of iangelynge · þat dame Iohanne was a bastard,<br /> +And dame Clarice a kniȝtes douȝter · ac a kokewolde was hire syre,<br /> +And dame Peronelle a prestes file · Priouresse worth she neuere<br /> +For she had childe in chirityme · all owre chapitere it wiste ·<br /> +Of wycked wordes I, Wrath · here wortes imade,<br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_299" id="Page_299">[Pg 299]</a></span>Til “thow lixte” and “thow lixte” lopen oute at ones,<br /> +And eyther hitte other · vnder the cheke;<br /> +Hadde thei had knyves, by Cryst · her eyther had killed other<a name='fna_931' id='fna_931' href='#f_931'><small>[931]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>From “thow lixte” to “Gr-r-r you swine” how little change!</p> + +<p>Sober records bear out Langland’s contention that Wrath was at home in +nunneries. Some of the worst cases have already been described; election +disputes, disputes arising from a prioress’s favouritism, Margaret Wavere +dragging her nuns about the choir by their hair, and screaming insults at +them, Katherine Wells hitting them on the head with fists and feet<a name='fna_932' id='fna_932' href='#f_932'><small>[932]</small></a>. +Doubtless quarrels seldom got as far as blows; but bad temper and wordy +warfare were common. Insubordination was sometimes at the root of the +discord; nuns refused to submit meekly to correction after the +proclamation of their faults in chapter, or to obey their superiors. The +words of another satirist show that the monastic vow of obedience +sometimes sat lightly upon their shoulders:</p> + +<p class="poem">Also another lady there was<br /> +That hyȝt dame dysobedyent<br /> +And sche set nowȝt by her priores.<br /> +Ans than me thowȝt alle was schent,<br /> +For sugettys schulde euyr be dylygent<br /> +Bothe in worde, in wylle and dede,<br /> +To plese her souerynes wyth gode entent,<br /> +And hem obey, ellys god forbede.<br /> +And of alle the defawtes that I cowde se<br /> +Thorowȝ schewyng of experience,<br /> +Hyt was one of the most that grevyd me,<br /> +The wantyng of obedyence<br /> +For hyt schulde be chese in consciens<br /> +Alle relygius rule wytnesseth the same<br /> +And when I saw her in no reverence,<br /> +I myȝt no lenger abyde for schame,<br /> +For they setten not by obedyence.<br /> +And than for wo myne hert gan blede<br /> +Ne they hadden her in no reuerence,<br /> +But few or none to her toke hede<a name='fna_933' id='fna_933' href='#f_933'><small>[933]</small></a>.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_300" id="Page_300">[Pg 300]</a></span>Again the colours are darkened, but the eyes of the satirist had seen.</p> + +<p>At St Mary’s, Winchester, insubordination was evidently the chief fault. +William of Wykeham writes to the Abbess:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>By public rumour it has come to our ears that some of the nuns of the +aforesaid house ... care not to submit to or even to obey you and the +deans and other obedientiaries lawfully constituted by you in those +things which concern regular observances nor to show them due +reverence, and that they will not bear or undergo the reproofs and +corrections inflicted upon them by their superiors for their faults, +but break out into vituperation and altercation with each other and in +no way submit to these corrections; meanwhile other nuns of your house +by detractions, conspiracies, confederacies, leagues, obloquies, +contradictions and other breaches of discipline (<i>insolenciis</i>) and +laxities (concerning which we speak not at present)</p></div> + +<p>neglect the rule of St Benedict and other due observances. The Abbess is +warned to punish the nuns and to enforce the rule more firmly than +heretofore and to furnish the Bishop with the names of rebels. At the same +time he addresses a letter to the nuns bidding them show obedience to +their superiors and receive correction humbly “henceforth blaming no one +therefore nor altercating one with another, saying that these or those +were badly or excessively punished”<a name='fna_934' id='fna_934' href='#f_934'><small>[934]</small></a>. It would seem that discipline +had become lax in the convent and that the Bishop’s attempt to introduce +reform by the agency of the abbess was meeting with opposition from unruly +nuns. Visitors were forced constantly to make the double injunction that +nuns should show obedience to their superiors and that those superiors +should be equable and not harsh in correction:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Also we enioyne you, pryoresse, ... that oftentymes ye come to the +chapitere for to correcte the defautes of your susters, and that as +wele then as att other tymes and places ye treyte your said susters +moderlie wyth all resonable fauour; and that ye rebuke ne repreue +thaym cruelly ne feruently at no tyme, specyally in audience of +seculeres, and that ye kepe pryvye fro seculeres your correccyons and +actes of your chapitere.... Also we enioyne yowe of the couent and +eueryche oon of yowe vndere peyn of imprisonyng, that mekely and +buxumly ye obeye the prioresse procedyng discretely in hire +correccyone, and also that in euery place ye do hire dewe reuerence, +absteynyng yowe fro all elacyone of pryde and wordes of disobeysaunce +or debate<a name='fna_935' id='fna_935' href='#f_935'><small>[935]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_301" id="Page_301">[Pg 301]</a></span>Sometimes it was one unruly member who set the convent by the ears. There +is an amusing case at Romsey, which is reminiscent of David Copperfield:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>On 16 January 1527 in the chapter house of the monastery of Romsey, +before the vicar general, sitting judicially, Lady Alice Gorsyn +appeared and confessed that she had used bad language with her sisters +[her greatest oath evidently transcended “by sëynt Loy”] and spread +abroad reproachful and defamatory words of them. He absolved her from +the sentence of excommunication and enjoined on her in penance that if +she used bad language in future and spread about defamatory words of +them, a red tongue made of cloth should be used on the barbe under the +chin (<i>in sua barba alba</i>) and remain there for a month<a name='fna_936' id='fna_936' href='#f_936'><small>[936]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>a kinder punishment than the scold’s bridle or the ducking stool of common +folk. Occasionally an inveterate scold would be removed altogether by the +Bishop and sent to some convent where she was not known; two nuns were +transferred from Burnham to Goring in 1339 “for the peace and quiet of the +house” and in 1298 a quarrelsome nun of Nuncoton was sent to Greenfield to +be kept in solitary confinement as long as she remained incorrigible, +“until according to the discipline of her order she shall know how to live +in a community”<a name='fna_937' id='fna_937' href='#f_937'><small>[937]</small></a>. It was more difficult to restore peace when a whole +nunnery was seething with dispute and heart-burnings. General injunctions +to cease quarrelling would seem to show that this was sometimes the case, +and, without having recourse to such an extreme instance as that of +Littlemore in the sixteenth century, it is possible to quote from bishops’ +registers documents which go far to bear out even Langland’s picture. One +such document may be quoted in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_302" id="Page_302">[Pg 302]</a></span> illustration, the <i>comperta</i> of Archbishop +Giffard’s visitation of Swine in 1268:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>It is discovered that Amice de Rue is a slanderer and a liar and +impatient and odious to the convent and a rebel; and so are almost all +the convent when the misdeeds of delinquents are proclaimed in +chapter; wherefore the prioress or whoever is acting for her is not +sufficient, without the help of the lord archbishop, to make +corrections according to the requirements of the rule.... Item, it is +discovered that three sisters in the flesh and spirit, to wit, Sibyl, +Bella and Amy, frequently rebel against the corrections of the +Prioress, and having leagued together with them several other sisters, +they conspire against their sisters, to the great harm of the regular +discipline; and Alice de Scrutevil, Beatrice de St Quintin and Maud +Constable cleave to them.... Item, it is discovered that the Prioress +is a suspicious woman and too credulous and breaks out at a mere word +into correction, and frequently punishes unequally for the same fault +and pursues with long rancour those whom she dislikes, until the time +of their vindication cometh; whence it befals that the nuns, when they +suspect that they are going to be burdened with too heavy a +correction, procure the mitigation of her severity by means of the +threats of their relatives. Item, it is discovered that the nuns and +the sisters are at discord in many things, because the sisters contend +that they are equal to the nuns and use black veils even as the +nuns<a name='fna_938' id='fna_938' href='#f_938'><small>[938]</small></a>, which is said not to be the custom in other houses of the +same order<a name='fna_939' id='fna_939' href='#f_939'><small>[939]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Apostasy, <i>accidia</i>, quarrels, all rose in part from monotony. The +majority of nuns were probably content with their life, but they strove to +bring some excitement and variety into it, not only unconsciously by +cliques and contentions, but also by a conscious aping of the worldly +amusements which enlivened their mothers and sisters outside the convent +walls. The châtelaine or mistress of a manor, when not busied with the +care of an estate, amused herself in the pursuit of fashion; even the +business-like Margaret Paston hankered after a scarlet robe. She amused +herself with keeping pets, those little dogs which scamper so gaily round +the borders of manuscripts, or play so<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_303" id="Page_303">[Pg 303]</a></span> gallant a part in romances like +the Châtelaine of Vergi. She hawked and she hunted, she danced and she +played at tables<a name='fna_940' id='fna_940' href='#f_940'><small>[940]</small></a>. All these occupations served to break the monotony +of daily life. The nuns, always in touch with the world owing to the +influx of visitors and to the neglect of enclosure, remembered these +forbidden pleasures. And they sought to spice their monotonous life, as +they spiced their monotonous dishes. Gay clothes, pet animals, a dance, a +game, a gossip, were to them “a ferthyngworth of fenel-seed for +fastyngdayes.” So we find all these worldly amusements in the convent.</p> + +<p>Dear to the soul of men and women alike, dear to monks and nuns as well as +to the children of the world, were the gay colours and extravagant modes +of contemporary dress. Popular preachers inveighed against the devils’ +trappings of their flocks, but when those trappings flaunted themselves in +the cloister there was matter for more than words. As early as the end of +the seventh century St Aldhelm penned a severe indictment of the +fashionable nuns of his day:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>A vest of fine linen of a violet colour is worn, above it a scarlet +tunic with a hood, sleeves striped with silk and trimmed with red fur; +the locks on the forehead and the temples are curled with a crisping +iron, the dark head-veil is given up for white and coloured +head-dresses, which, with bows of ribbon sewn on, reach down to the +ground; the nails, like those of a falcon or sparrow-hawk, are pared +to resemble talons<a name='fna_941' id='fna_941' href='#f_941'><small>[941]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Synods sat solemnly over silken veils and pleated robes with long trains; +they shook their heads over golden pins and silver belts, jewelled rings, +laced shoes, cloth of burnet and of Rennes, dresses open at the sides, gay +colours (especially red) and fur of <i>gris</i><a name='fna_942' id='fna_942' href='#f_942'><small>[942]</small></a>. High brows were +fashionable in the world and the nuns could not resist lifting and +spreading out their veils to expose<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_304" id="Page_304">[Pg 304]</a></span> those fair foreheads (“almost a +spanne brood, I trowe”); when Alnwick visited Goring in 1445 he</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>saw with the evidence of his own eyes that the nuns do wear their +veils spread out on either side and above their foreheads, (and) he +enjoined upon the prioress ... that she should wear and cause her +sisters to wear their veils spread down to their eyes<a name='fna_943' id='fna_943' href='#f_943'><small>[943]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>The words of Beatrix’s maid in <i>Much Ado About Nothing</i> spring to the +mind: “But methinks you look with your eyes as other women do.” For three +weary centuries the bishops waged a holy war against fashion in the +cloister and waged it in vain, for as long as the nuns mingled freely with +secular women it was impossible to prevent them from adopting secular +modes. Occasionally a conscientious visitor found himself floundering +unhandily through something very like a complete catalogue of contemporary +fashions. So Bishop Longland at Elstow in 1531:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>We ordeyne and by way of Iniuncon commande undre payne of disobedyence +from hensforth that no ladye ne any religious suster within the said +monasterye presume to were ther apparells upon ther hedes undre suche +lay fashion as they have now of late doon with cornered crests, nether +undre suche manour of hight shewing ther forhedes moore like lay +people than religious, butt that they use them without suche crestes +or secular fashions and off a lower sort and that ther vayle come as +lowe as ther yye ledes and soo contynually to use the same, unles itt +be at suche tymes as they shalbe occupied in eny handycrafte labour, +att whiche tymes itt shalbe lefull for them to turne upp the said +vayle for the tyme of suche occupacon. And undre like payne inoyne +that noon of the said religious susters doo use or were hereafter eny +such voyded shoys, nether crested as they have of late ther used, butt +that they be of suche honeste fashion as other religious places both +use and that ther gownes and kyrtells be closse afore and nott so depe +voyded at the breste and noo more to use rede stomachers but other +sadder colers in the same<a name='fna_944' id='fna_944' href='#f_944'><small>[944]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>It is interesting to conjecture how the nuns obtained these gay garments +and ornaments. The growing custom of giving them a money allowance out of +which to dress themselves instead of providing them with clothes in kind +out of the common purse, certainly must have given opportunity for buying +the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_305" id="Page_305">[Pg 305]</a></span> gilt pins, barred belts and slashed shoes which so horrified their +visitors. We know from Gilles li Muisis that Flemish nuns at least went +shopping<a name='fna_945' id='fna_945' href='#f_945'><small>[945]</small></a>. But an even more likely source of supply lies, as we shall +see, in the legacies of clothes and ornaments, which were often left to +nuns by their relatives<a name='fna_946' id='fna_946' href='#f_946'><small>[946]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Not only in their clothes did medieval nuns seek to enliven existence +after the manner of their lay sisters. The bishops struggled long and +unsuccessfully against another custom of worldly women, the keeping of pet +animals<a name='fna_947' id='fna_947' href='#f_947'><small>[947]</small></a>. Dogs were certainly the favourite pets. Cats are seldom +mentioned, though the three anchoresses of the <i>Ancren Riwle</i> were +specially permitted to keep one<a name='fna_948' id='fna_948' href='#f_948'><small>[948]</small></a>, and Gyb, that “cat of carlyshe +kynde,” which slew Philip Sparrow, apparently belonged to Carrow; perhaps +there was spread among the nunneries of England the grisly tradition of +the Prioress of Newington, who was smothered in bed by her cat<a name='fna_949' id='fna_949' href='#f_949'><small>[949]</small></a>. +Birds, from the larks of the Abbaye-aux-Dames at Caen, to the parrot +Vert-Vert at Nevers, are often mentioned<a name='fna_950' id='fna_950' href='#f_950'><small>[950]</small></a>. Monkeys, squirrels and +rabbits were also kept. But dogs and puppies abounded. Partly because the +usages of society inevitably found their way into the aristocratic +convents, partly<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_306" id="Page_306">[Pg 306]</a></span> because human affections will find an outlet under the +most severe of rules:</p> + +<p class="poem">(Objet permis à leur oisif amour,<br /> +Vert-Vert était l’âme de ce séjour),</p> + +<p>the nuns clung to their “smale houndes.” Archbishop Peckham had to forbid +the Abbess of Romsey to keep monkeys or “a number of dogs” in her own +chamber and she was charged at the same time with stinting her nuns in +food; one can guess what became of the “rosted flesh or milk and +wastel-breed”<a name='fna_951' id='fna_951' href='#f_951'><small>[951]</small></a>. At Chatteris and at Ickleton in 1345 the nuns were +forbidden to keep fowls, dogs or small birds within the precincts of the +convent or to bring them into church during divine service<a name='fna_952' id='fna_952' href='#f_952'><small>[952]</small></a>. This +bringing of animals into church was a common custom in the middle ages, +when ladies often attended service with dog in lap and men with hawk on +wrist<a name='fna_953' id='fna_953' href='#f_953'><small>[953]</small></a>; Lady Audley’s twelve dogs, which so disturbed the nuns of +Langley, will be remembered<a name='fna_954' id='fna_954' href='#f_954'><small>[954]</small></a>. Injunctions against the bringing of dogs +or puppies into choir by the nuns are also found at Keldholme and Rosedale +early in the fourteenth century<a name='fna_955' id='fna_955' href='#f_955'><small>[955]</small></a>. But the most flagrant case of all is +Romsey, to which in 1387 William of Wykeham wrote as follows:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_307" id="Page_307">[Pg 307]</a></span>Item, because we have convinced ourselves by clear proofs that some of +the nuns of your house bring with them to church birds, rabbits, +hounds and such like frivolous things, whereunto they give more heed +than to the offices of the church, with frequent hindrance to their +own psalmody and that of their fellow nuns and to the grievous peril +of their souls; therefore we strictly forbid you, all and several, in +virtue of the obedience due unto us, that you presume henceforward to +bring to church no birds, hounds, rabbits or other frivolous things +that promote indiscipline; and any nun who does to the contrary, after +three warnings shall fast on bread and water on one Saturday for each +offence, notwithstanding one discipline to be received publicly in +chapter on the same day.... Item, whereas through the hunting-dogs and +other hounds abiding within your monastic precincts, the alms that +should be given to the poor are devoured and the church and cloister +and other places set apart for divine and secular services are foully +defiled, contrary to all honesty, and whereas, through their +inordinate noise, divine service is frequently troubled, therefore we +strictly command and enjoin you, Lady Abbess, in virtue of obedience, +that you remove these dogs altogether and that you suffer them never +henceforth, nor any other such hounds, to abide within the precincts +of your nunnery<a name='fna_956' id='fna_956' href='#f_956'><small>[956]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>But the crusade against pets was not more successful than the crusade +against fashions. The feminine fondness for something small and alive to +pet was not easily eradicated and it seems that visitors were sometimes +obliged to indulge it. The wording of Peckham’s decree leaves an opening +for the retention of one humble and very self-effacing little dog, not +prone to unseemly yelps and capers before the stony eye of my lord the +Archbishop on his rounds; Dean Kentwode in the fifteenth century ordered +the Prioress of St Helen’s Bishopsgate, to remove dogs “and content +herself with one or two”<a name='fna_957' id='fna_957' href='#f_957'><small>[957]</small></a>, and in 1520 the Prioress of Flixton was +bidden to send all dogs away from the convent “except one which she +prefers”<a name='fna_958' id='fna_958' href='#f_958'><small>[958]</small></a>. Perhaps the welcome of a thumping tail and damp, +insinuating nose occasionally overcame the scruples even of a Bishop, who +probably kept dogs himself and mourned</p> + +<p class="poem"><span style="margin-left: 3em;">if oon of hem were deed,</span><br /> +Or if men smoot it with a yerde smerte.</p> + +<p>Dogs kept for hunting purposes come into rather a different category. It +is well known that medieval monks were mighty<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_308" id="Page_308">[Pg 308]</a></span> hunters before the +Lord<a name='fna_959' id='fna_959' href='#f_959'><small>[959]</small></a>, and the mention of sporting dogs at Romsey and at Brewood +(where Bishop Norbury found <i>canes venatici</i><a name='fna_960' id='fna_960' href='#f_960'><small>[960]</small></a>) encourages speculation +as to whether the nuns also were not “pricasours aright” and</p> + +<p class="poem"><span style="margin-left: 2em;">yaf not of that text a pulled hen</span><br /> +That seith that hunters been nat holy men.</p> + +<p>It is significant that Dame Juliana Berners is supposed by tradition +(unsupported, however, by any other evidence) to have been a prioress of +Sopwell. The gift of hunting rights to a nunnery is a common one; for +instance, Henry II granted to Wix the right of having two greyhounds and +four braches to take hares through the whole forest of Essex<a name='fna_961' id='fna_961' href='#f_961'><small>[961]</small></a>. +Doubtless these rights were usually exercised by proxy<a name='fna_962' id='fna_962' href='#f_962'><small>[962]</small></a>; but +considering the popularity of hunting and hawking as sports for women, a +popularity so great that no lady’s education was complete if she knew not +how to manage a hawk and bear herself courteously in the field, it is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_309" id="Page_309">[Pg 309]</a></span> +surprising that there is not actual mention of these pastimes among nuns +as well as among monks.</p> + +<p>Besides gay clothes and pets other frivolous amusements broke at times the +monotony of convent life. Dancing and mumming and minstrelsy were not +unknown and the nuns shared in the merrymaking on feasts sacred and +profane, as is witnessed by the account rolls of St Mary de Pré (1461-90), +with their list of payments for wassail at New Year and Twelfth Night, for +May games, for bread and ale on bonfire nights and for harpers and players +at Christmas<a name='fna_963' id='fna_963' href='#f_963'><small>[963]</small></a>. In 1435 the nuns of Lymbrook were forbidden “all maner +of mynstrelseys, enterludes, daunsyng or reuelyng with in your sayde holy +place”<a name='fna_964' id='fna_964' href='#f_964'><small>[964]</small></a>, and about the same time Dean Kentwode wrote to St Helen’s +Bishopsgate: “Also we enioyne you that all daunsyng and reuelyng be +utterly forborne among yow, except Christmasse and other honest tymys of +recreacyone among yowre self usyd in absence of seculars in all +wyse”<a name='fna_965' id='fna_965' href='#f_965'><small>[965]</small></a>. The condemnation of dancing in nunneries is not surprising, +for the attitude of medieval moralists generally to this pastime is summed +up in Etienne de Bourbon’s aphorism, “The Devil is the inventor and +governor and disposer of dances and dancers”<a name='fna_966' id='fna_966' href='#f_966'><small>[966]</small></a>. Minstrels were +similarly under the ban of the church, and clerks were forbidden by canon +law and by numerous papal, conciliar and episcopal injunctions to listen +to their “ignominious art”<a name='fna_967' id='fna_967' href='#f_967'><small>[967]</small></a>, a regulation which, needless to say, went +unobeyed in an age when many a bishop had his private <i>histrio</i><a name='fna_968' id='fna_968' href='#f_968'><small>[968]</small></a>, and +when the same stern reformer Grosseteste, who warned his clergy “ne mimis, +ioculatoribus aut histrionibus intendant,” loved so much to hear the harp +that he kept his harper’s chamber “next hys chaumbre besyde hys +stody”<a name='fna_969' id='fna_969' href='#f_969'><small>[969]</small></a>. Langland asserts that churchmen and laymen alike spent on<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_310" id="Page_310">[Pg 310]</a></span> +minstrels money with which they well might have succoured the poor:</p> + +<p class="poem">Clerkus and knyȝtes · welcometh kynges mynstrales,<br /> +And for loue of here lordes · lithen hem at festes;<br /> +Muche more, me thenketh · riche men auhte<br /> +Haue beggars by-fore hem · which beth godes mynstrales<a name='fna_970' id='fna_970' href='#f_970'><small>[970]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Even in monasteries they found a ready welcome<a name='fna_971' id='fna_971' href='#f_971'><small>[971]</small></a> and the reforming +council of Oxford passed an ineffectual decree forbidding their +performances to be seen or heard or allowed before the abbot or monks, if +they came to a house for alms<a name='fna_972' id='fna_972' href='#f_972'><small>[972]</small></a>. Indeed there was sometimes need for +care. Where but at one of those minstrelsies or interludes forbidden at +Lymbrook did sister Agnes of St Michael’s Priory, Stamford, meet a +jongleur, who sang softly in her ear that Lenten was come with love to +town? The Devil (alas) had all the good tunes, even in the fifteenth +century. “One Agnes, a nun of that place,” reported the Prioress, “has +gone away into apostasy cleaving to a harp-player, and they dwell +together, as it is said, in Newcastle-on-Tyne”<a name='fna_973' id='fna_973' href='#f_973'><small>[973]</small></a>. For her no longer the +strait discipline of her rule, the black-robed nuns<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_311" id="Page_311">[Pg 311]</a></span> and heaven at the +end. For her the life of the roads, the sore foot and the light heart; for +her the company of ribalds with their wenches, and all the thriftless, +shiftless player-folk; for her, at the last, hell, with “the gold and the +silver and the vair and the gray, ... harpers and minstrels and kings of +the world”<a name='fna_974' id='fna_974' href='#f_974'><small>[974]</small></a>, or a desperate hope that the Virgin’s notorious kindness +for minstrels might snatch her soul from perdition<a name='fna_975' id='fna_975' href='#f_975'><small>[975]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>But the merrymakers in nunneries were not necessarily strange jongleurs or +secular folk. The dancing and revelry, which were forbidden at Lymbrook +and allowed in Christmastime at St Helen’s, were probably connected with +the children’s feast of St Nicholas. As early as the twelfth century the +days immediately before and after Christmas had become, in ecclesiastical +circles, the occasion for uproarious festivities<a name='fna_976' id='fna_976' href='#f_976'><small>[976]</small></a>. The three days +after Christmas were appropriated by the three orders of the Church. On St +Stephen’s Day (Dec. 26) the deacons performed the service, elected their +Abbot of Fools and paraded the streets, levying contributions from the +householders and passers-by; on St John the Evangelist’s Day (Dec. 27) the +deacons gave way to the priests, who “gave a mock blessing and proclaimed +a ribald form of indulgence”; and on Innocents’ Day it was the turn of the +choir or schoolboys to hold their feast. In cathedral and monastic +churches the Boy Bishop (who had been elected on December 5th, the Eve of +St Nicholas, patron saint of schoolboys) attended service on the eve of +Innocents’ Day, and at the words of the Magnificat “He hath put down the +mighty from their seat” changed places with the Bishop or Dean or Abbot, +and similarly the canons and other dignitaries of the church changed +places with the boys. On Innocents’ Day all services, except the essential +portions of the mass, were performed by the Boy Bishop; he and his staff +processed through the streets, levying large contributions of food and +money and for about a fortnight<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_312" id="Page_312">[Pg 312]</a></span> his rule continued, accompanied by +feasting and merrymaking, plays, disguisings and dances. These Childermas +festivities took place in monastic as well as in secular churches, but +they seem to have been more common in nunneries than in male communities. +Our chief information about the revelries comes from Archbishop Eudes +Rigaud’s province of Rouen<a name='fna_977' id='fna_977' href='#f_977'><small>[977]</small></a>; but English records also contain +scattered references to the custom. Evidently a Girl Abbess or Abbess of +Fools was elected from among the novices, and at the <i>Deposuit</i> she and +her fellow novices, or the little schoolgirls, took the place of the +Abbess and nuns, just as the Boy Bishop held sway in cathedral churches, +and feasting, dancing and disguising brought a welcome diversion into the +lives of both nuns and children. Even the strict Peckham was obliged to +extend a grudging consent to the <i>puerilia solemnia</i> held on Innocents’ +Day at Barking and at Godstow (1279), insisting only that they should not +be continued during the whole octave of Childermas-tide and should be +conducted with decency and in private:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>The celebration of the Feast of Innocents by children, which we do not +approve, but rather suffer with disapproval, is on no account to be +undertaken by those children, nor are they to take any part in it, +until after the end of the vespers of St John the Evangelist’s Day; +and the nuns are not to retire from the office, but having excluded +from the choir all men and women ... they are themselves to supply the +absence of the little ones lest (which God forbid) the divine praise +should become a mockery<a name='fna_978' id='fna_978' href='#f_978'><small>[978]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>A more specific reference still is found at Carrow in 1526; Dame Joan +Botulphe deposed at a visitation that it was customary at Christmas for +the youngest nun to hold sway for the day as abbess and on that day (added +the soured ancient) was consumed and dissipated everything that the house +had acquired by alms or by the gift of friends<a name='fna_979' id='fna_979' href='#f_979'><small>[979]</small></a>. The connection +between these revels and the Feast of Fools appears clearly in the +injunction sent by Bishop Longland to Nuncoton about the same time:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_313" id="Page_313">[Pg 313]</a></span>We chardge you, lady priores, that ye suffre nomore hereafter eny +lorde of mysrule to be within your house, nouther to suffre hereafter +eny suche disgysinge as in tymes past haue bene used in your monastery +in nunnes apparell ne otherwise<a name='fna_980' id='fna_980' href='#f_980'><small>[980]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>The admission of seculars dressed up as nuns, and of boys dressed up as +women, the performance of interludes and the wild dancing were reason +enough for the distaste with which ecclesiastical authorities regarded +these festivities. For the nuns clearly did not exclude strangers as +Peckham had bidden. Indeed it seems probable that where they did not elect +a Girl Abbess, they admitted a Boy Bishop, either from some neighbouring +church, or just possibly one of their own little schoolboys. Among the +accounts of St Swithun’s monastery at Winchester for 1441 there is a +payment</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>for the boys of the Almonry together with the boys of the chapel of St +Elizabeth, dressed up after the manner of girls, dancing, singing and +performing plays before the Abbess and nuns of St Mary’s Abbey in +their hall on the Feast of Innocents<a name='fna_981' id='fna_981' href='#f_981'><small>[981]</small></a>;</p></div> + +<p>and the account of Christian Bassett, Prioress of St Mary de Pré, contains +an item “paid for makyng of the dyner to the susters upon Childermasday +iij s iiij d, item paid for brede and ale for seint Nicholas clerks iij +d”<a name='fna_982' id='fna_982' href='#f_982'><small>[982]</small></a>. The inventories of Cheshunt and Sheppey at the time of the +Dissolution contain further references to the custom and seem to show that +nunneries occasionally “ran” a St Nicholas Bishop of their own: at +Cheshunt there was found in the dorter “a chisell (chasuble) of white +ffustyan and a myter for a child bysshoppe at xx d”<a name='fna_983' id='fna_983' href='#f_983'><small>[983]</small></a>, and at Sheppey, +in a chapel, “ij olde myters for S. Nicholas of fustyan brodered”<a name='fna_984' id='fna_984' href='#f_984'><small>[984]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>These childish festivities sound harmless and attractive enough, and +modern writers are sometimes apt to sentimentalise over their abolition by +Henry VIII<a name='fna_985' id='fna_985' href='#f_985'><small>[985]</small></a>. But in this, as in his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_314" id="Page_314">[Pg 314]</a></span> injunction of enclosure, Henry +was fully in accordance with the best ecclesiastical precedent. For the +Boy Bishop was originally a part of the Feast of Fools and the Feast of +Fools had an ancient and disreputable ancestry in the Roman Saturnalia. At +a very early date a regulation made to curtail such performances at St +Paul’s declared that “what had been invented for the praise of sucklings +had been converted into a disgrace”<a name='fna_986' id='fna_986' href='#f_986'><small>[986]</small></a>. In 1445, at Paris, it was stated +by the Faculty of Theology at the University that the performers</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>appeared in masks with the faces of monsters or in the dresses of +women, sang improper songs in the choir, ate fat pork on the horns of +the altar, close by the priest celebrating mass, played dice on the +altar, used stinking incense made of old shoes, and ran about the +choir leaping and shouting<a name='fna_987' id='fna_987' href='#f_987'><small>[987]</small></a>;</p></div> + +<p>and about the same time the Synod of Basle had specifically denounced the +children’s festival in hardly less violent terms as</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>that disgraceful, bad custom practised in some churches, by which on +certain high days during the year some with mitre, staff and +pontifical vestments like Bishops and others dressed as kings and +princes bless the people; the which festival in some places is called +the Feast of Fools or Innocents or Boys, and some making games with +masks and mummeries, others dances and breakdowns of males and +females, move people to look on with guffaws, while others make +drinkings and feasts there<a name='fna_988' id='fna_988' href='#f_988'><small>[988]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>It is only necessary to compare these denunciations with such accounts of +the festivities in nunneries as have survived, to understand that the +revelling and disguising were less harmless than modern writers are apt to +represent them. Mr Leach attributes the schoolboys’ feast to the fact that +regular holidays were unknown in the medieval curriculum and that the boys +found in the ribaldries of Childermastide some outlet for their long +suppressed spirits. Similarly the cramped and solemn existence led by the +nuns for the rest of the year probably made their one outbreak the more +violent. Nevertheless one cannot avoid feeling somewhat out of sympathy +with the bishops. “Dost thou think because thou art virtuous there shall +be no more cakes and ale?” Nuns were ever fond of ginger “hot i’ the +mouth.”</p> + + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<hr style="width: 50%;" /> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_315" id="Page_315">[Pg 315]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_VIII" id="CHAPTER_VIII"></a>CHAPTER VIII</h2> +<p class="title">PRIVATE LIFE AND PRIVATE PROPERTY</p> + +<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary="table"> +<tr><td>All things are to be common to all.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 8em;"><i>Rule of St Benedict</i>, ch. <span class="smcaplc">XXXIII</span>.</span><br /> +<br /> +The Rule of seint Maure or of seint Beneit,<br /> +Because that it was old and somdel streit<br /> +This ilke monk leet olde thinges pace<br /> +And held after the newe world the space.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 8em;"><span class="smcap">Chaucer</span>, Prologue, ll. 173-6.</span></td></tr></table> + +<p> </p> +<p>The reaction from a strict routine of life led monks and nuns to a more +serious modification of the Rule under which they lived than that +represented by pet dogs and pretty clothes, which were after all only +superficial frivolities. They sought also to modify two rules which were +fundamental to the Benedictine ideal. One was the rigidly communal life, +the obligation to do everything in company with everyone else. The other +was the obligation of strict personal poverty. A monastery was in its +essence a place where a number of persons lived a communal life, owning no +private property, but holding everything in the name of the community. The +normal routine of conventual life, as laid down in the Benedictine Rule, +secured this end. The inmates of a house spent almost the whole of their +time together. They prayed together in the choir, worked together in the +cloister, ate together in the frater, and slept together in the dorter. +Moreover the strictest regulations were made to prevent the vice of +private property, one of the most serious sins in the monastic calendar, +from making its appearance. All food was to be cooked in a common kitchen +and served in the common frater, in which no meat was allowed. All clothes +were to be provided out of the common goods of the house, and it was the +business of the chamberer or chambress to see to the buying of material, +the making of the clothes and their distribution to the religious; so +carefully was <i>proprietas</i> guarded against, that all old clothes had to be +given back to the chambress, when the new ones were<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_316" id="Page_316">[Pg 316]</a></span> distributed. Above +all it was forbidden to monks and nuns to possess and spend money, save +what was delivered to them by the superior for their necessary expenses +upon a journey<a name='fna_989' id='fna_989' href='#f_989'><small>[989]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>But this combination of rigid communism with rigid personal poverty was +early discovered to be irksome. It seems as though the craving for a +certain privacy of life, a certain minimum of private property, is a +deeply rooted instinct in human nature. Certainly the attempt of +monasticism to expel it with a pitchfork failed. Step by step the rule was +broken down, more especially by a series of modifications in the +prescribed method of feeding and clothing the community. Here, as in the +enclosure question, the monks and nuns came into conflict with their +bishops, though the conflict was never so severe. Here also, the result of +the struggle was the same. A steady attempt by the bishops to enforce the +rule was countered by a steady resistance on the part of the religious and +the end was usually compromise.</p> + +<p>The most marked breakdown of the communal way of life in the monasteries +of the later middle ages is to be seen in the gradual neglect of the +frater, in favour of a system of private messes, and in the increasing +allocation of private rooms to individuals. The strict obligation upon all +to keep frater daily was at first only modified in favour of the head of +the house, who usually had her own lodgings, including a dining hall, in +which the rule permitted her to entertain the guests who claimed her +hospitality and such nuns as she chose to invite for their recreation. +From quite early times, however, there existed in many houses a room known +as the <i>misericord</i> (or indulgence), where the strict diet of the frater +was relaxed. Here the occupants of the infirmary, those in their seynies +and all who needed flesh meat and more delicate dishes to support them, +were served. From the fourteenth century onwards, however, the rules of +diet became considerably relaxed and flesh was allowed to everyone on +three days a week<a name='fna_990' id='fna_990' href='#f_990'><small>[990]</small></a>. This meant that the <i>misericord</i> was in constant +use and in many monasteries the frater was divided into two stories, the +upper of which was used as the frater proper, where no meat might be +eaten, and the lower as a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_317" id="Page_317">[Pg 317]</a></span> +<i>misericord</i><a name='fna_991' id='fna_991' href='#f_991'><small>[991]</small></a>. According to this +arrangement a nun might sometimes be dining in the upper frater, sometimes +in the <i>misericord</i> and sometimes in the abbess’ or prioress’ lodgings; +and, of these places, there was a distinct tendency for the upper frater +to fall into disuse, since it could in any case only be used on fish (or, +according to later custom, white meat) days.</p> + +<p>But a habit even more subversive of strictly communal life and more liable +to lead to disuse of the frater was rapidly spreading at this period. This +was the division of a nunnery into <i>familiae</i>, or households, which messed +together, each <i>familia</i> taking its meals separately from the rest. The +common frater was sometimes kept only thrice a week on fish days, +sometimes only in Advent and Lent, sometimes (it would seem) never. This +meant the separate preparation of meals for each household, a practice +which, though uneconomical, was possible, because each nun’s food +allowance was fixed and could be drawn separately. Moreover, as we shall +see hereafter, the growing practice of granting an annual money allowance +to each individual, though used for clothes more often than for food, +enabled the nuns to buy meat and other delicacies (if not provided by the +convent) for themselves. The aristocratic ladies of Polsloe even had their +private maids to prepare their meals<a name='fna_992' id='fna_992' href='#f_992'><small>[992]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>This system was evidently well established at a comparatively early date. +It is mentioned in Peckham’s injunctions in 1279 and in Exeter and York +injunctions belonging to the early years of the fourteenth century. To +illustrate how it worked, we may analyse the references to <i>familiae</i> in +Alnwick’s visitations of the diocese of Lincoln (1440-5)<a name='fna_993' id='fna_993' href='#f_993'><small>[993]</small></a>. The number +of households in a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_318" id="Page_318">[Pg 318]</a></span> nunnery necessarily differed with the size of the +house and it is not always easy to determine the proportion of households +to nuns, because internal evidence sometimes shows that all the inmates +were not present and enumerated at the visitation. Thus at Elstow the +abbess “says that there are five households of nuns kept in the monastery, +whereof the first is that of the abbess, who has five nuns with her; the +second of the prioress, who has two; the third of the subprioress, who has +two; the fourth of the sacrist, who has three; and the fifth of Dame +Margaret Aylesbury, who has two”; but only thirteen nuns gave +evidence<a name='fna_994' id='fna_994' href='#f_994'><small>[994]</small></a>. In this house the frater was kept on certain days of the +week, one nun deposing “that on the days whereon they eat together in +frater, they eat larded food in the morning and sup on flesh, and they eat +capons and other two-footed creatures in frater.” At Catesby the prioress +deposed that she had four nuns in her <i>familia</i> and that there were three +other households in the cloister. At Stixwould there were “five separate +and distinct households”; at Nuncoton there were three; at St Michael’s +Stamford, the prioress and subprioress each had one, but all ate together +in the frater on fish-days; at Stainfield the prioress, the cellaress and +the nun-sisters each kept a household. At Gokewell and Langley the nuns +were said to keep divers households “by two and two” and at Langley the +prioress added, “but they do eat in the frater every day”; also she says +that she herself has three women who board with her and the subprioress +one; also she says that the nuns receive naught from the house but their +meat and drink and she herself keeps one household on her own account. At +Gracedieu the prioress deposed</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>that frater is not kept nor has it been kept for seven years and that +the nuns sit in company with secular folk at table in her hall every +day and that they have reading during meals; also she says there are +two households only in the house, to wit in her hall and the +infirmary, where there are three at table together;</p></div> + +<p>here the prioress’ hall simply took the place of the frater. There were +four households at Godstow and apparently several at Legbourne.</p> + +<p>This division into households which messed separately went<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_319" id="Page_319">[Pg 319]</a></span> hand in hand +with another practice, which also softened the rigours of a strictly +communal life, to wit the allocation of separate rooms to certain nuns. +The obedientiaries of a house often had private offices, or <i>checkers</i>, in +which to transact their business, and the custom grew by which the head of +each <i>familia</i> had her own room, in which her household dined. The +visitation reports continually refer to these private cells and to their +use as dining rooms and places of reception for visitors. Sometimes the +nuns even slept in them, though the dorter was always much more strictly +kept than the frater; at Godstow in 1432 for instance, Bishop Gray enjoins +“that the beds in the nuns’ lodgings (<i>domicilia</i>) be altogether removed +from their chambers, save those for small children” (apparently their +pupils) “and that no nun receive any secular person for any recreation in +the nuns’ chambers under pain of excommunication”<a name='fna_995' id='fna_995' href='#f_995'><small>[995]</small></a>. Some light is +thrown upon these <i>camerae</i> by the inventories of medieval nunneries. Thus +the inventory of the Benedictine Priory of Sheppey made at the Dissolution +describes the contents of “the greate chamber in the Dorter,” which was +used as a treasury in which to keep the linen, vestments and plate of the +house, and in which one of the nuns Dame Agnes Davye seems to have slept; +there follows a description of the chambers of eight nuns, with the +furniture in each, from which it is clear that they had brought their own +furniture with them to the monastery. These “chambers” may have been +separate rooms or may have been partitions of the dorter, but if the +latter they were evidently so large as to be to all intents and purposes +separate rooms, for the furniture commonly includes painted cloth or paper +hangings for the room, a chest and a cupboard, besides the bed; in three +there is mention of windows and in two of fire irons. The most likely +conjecture is that the dorter was used as a treasury and bedroom for one +nun and the other chambers are separate rooms<a name='fna_996' id='fna_996' href='#f_996'><small>[996]</small></a>. At some other houses +the dorter is mentioned but was clearly divided into separate cells by +wainscot partitions, and the wainscotting was sometimes sold at the +Dissolution<a name='fna_997' id='fna_997' href='#f_997'><small>[997]</small></a>.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_320" id="Page_320">[Pg 320]</a></span>The attitude of ecclesiastical authorities to the modification of the +communal rule involved in <i>familiae</i> and <i>camerae</i> was, for various +reasons, one of strict disapproval. The custom of providing separate +messes was extremely uneconomical; the passing of much time in private +rooms was open to suspicion, especially when male visitors were received +there; communal life was an essential part of the monastic idea; finally +the amenities of private life were apt (as we shall see) to bring in their +train the amenities of private property. The policy of the bishops was, +for all these reasons, to restore communal life. They made general +injunctions that frater and dorter should duly be kept by all the nuns, +they made special injunctions for the abolition of separate households, +and above all they condemned private rooms:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“Also we enioyne yow, pryoresse,” writes Alnwick to Catesby in 1442, +“that ye dispose so for your susters that the morne next aftere +Myghelmasse day next commyng wythe owten any lengare delaye, ye and +thai aftere yowre rewle lyfe in commune, etyng and drynkyng in oon +house, slepyng in oon house, prayng and sarufyng [serving] God in oon +oratorye, levyng vtterly all pryuate hydles [hiding-places], chaumbres +and syngulere housholdes, by the whiche hafe comen and growen grete +hurte and peryle of sowles and noyesfulle sklaundere of your +pryorye”<a name='fna_998' id='fna_998' href='#f_998'><small>[998]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_321" id="Page_321">[Pg 321]</a></span>But such injunctions were not easily enforced, and the politic bishops +sometimes tried to reduce rather than to abolish the households and +private rooms. It was often necessary—and indeed reasonable—to recognise +the three <i>familiae</i> of the abbess’ or prioress’ lodgings, the +<i>misericord</i> or infirmary and the frater<a name='fna_999' id='fna_999' href='#f_999'><small>[999]</small></a>. Sometimes the bishops tried +to enforce the rule, laid down by the legate Ottobon (1268), to limit the +number who dined at the superior’s table, viz. that at least two-thirds of +the convent were to eat each day in the frater<a name='fna_1000' id='fna_1000' href='#f_1000'><small>[1000]</small></a>. At Godstow Bishop +Gray, in 1432, allowed three households besides that of the frater<a name='fna_1001' id='fna_1001' href='#f_1001'><small>[1001]</small></a>. +The condemnation of private rooms, and more especially of the reception of +visitors therein, was more severe; but here too, it<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_322" id="Page_322">[Pg 322]</a></span> was necessary in +large convents for the obedientiaries to have their offices, and other +individuals were sometimes given special permission to use separate +<i>camerae</i>. Some bishops allowed them to sick nuns, but others enforced the +use of the common infirmary<a name='fna_1002' id='fna_1002' href='#f_1002'><small>[1002]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>It has already been said that this approximation to private life was bound +to bring with it an approximation to private property and it remains now +to analyse the process by which these new methods of providing food, and +even more effectively, new methods of providing clothes, resulted in a +spread of <i>proprietas</i>, which was considered perfectly legitimate by the +nuns and within limits condoned by the bishops. The impression left upon +the mind by a study of monastic records during the last two centuries of +the middle ages is that in many houses the rule of strict personal poverty +was in practice almost completely abrogated, for it is quite obvious that +the nuns had the private and individual disposal of money and goods. +Indeed some convents seem almost like the inmates of a boarding house, +each of whom receives lodging and a certain minimum of food from the +house, but otherwise caters for herself out of her private income. This is +a considerable departure from the rule of St Benedict, and it is worth +while to analyse the sources from which the nuns drew the money and goods +of which they disposed. These sources may be classified under five +headings: (1) the annual allowance of pocket money (called <i>peculium</i>) +which was allowed to each nun from the funds of the house and out of which +she had to provide herself with clothes and other<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_323" id="Page_323">[Pg 323]</a></span> necessities; (2) +pittances in money; (3) gifts in money and kind from friends; (4) +legacies; (5) the proceeds of their own labour.</p> + +<p>(1) The practice of giving a <i>peculium</i> in money out of the common funds +of the house to monks and nuns began at quite an early date (it is +mentioned at the Council of Oxford in 1222) and was so much an established +custom in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries that to withhold it was +considered by bishops a legitimate cause of complaint against superiors. +The amount of the <i>peculium</i> varied at different houses. In the majority +of cases it was intended to be used for clothes and its payment is +sometimes entered in account rolls. At Gracedieu the nuns had “salaries” +of 6<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i> a year each for their vesture and the careful treasuress +enters all their names<a name='fna_1003' id='fna_1003' href='#f_1003'><small>[1003]</small></a>. At St Michael’s, Stamford, a chambress’ +account, which has been preserved among the treasuress’ accounts, shows +that in 1408-9 the prioress was paid 5<i>s.</i> for her “camise” and all the +other eleven nuns 4<i>s.</i> each, while the two lay sisters had 3<i>s.</i> +each<a name='fna_1004' id='fna_1004' href='#f_1004'><small>[1004]</small></a>. Similarly at St Radegund’s, Cambridge, a certain pension from +St Clement’s Church was ear-marked for the clothing of the nuns and was +paid over directly to them<a name='fna_1005' id='fna_1005' href='#f_1005'><small>[1005]</small></a>; and the Prioress of Catesby in 1414-5 +includes under “customary payments” money paid “to the lady Prioress and +her six nuns and to one sister and her three brethren by the year for +clothing”<a name='fna_1006' id='fna_1006' href='#f_1006'><small>[1006]</small></a>. The fact that the <i>peculium</i> was a payment made from the +common funds and not the privately owned income of an individual allowed +it to escape the charge of <i>proprietas</i>, but it was nevertheless an +obvious departure from the Benedictine rule, which forbade the individual +disposal of property and made quite different arrangements for the +provision of clothing.</p> + +<p>(2) Another class of payments made to individuals from the convent funds +was that of pittances. A pittance was originally an extra allowance of +food and it was quite common for a benefactor to leave money to a convent +for a pittance on the anniversary of his death. These pittances were, +however, sometimes paid in money and most account rolls will provide +examples of both. The nuns of Barking receive “Ruscheaw silver” as well<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_324" id="Page_324">[Pg 324]</a></span> +as the little pies called “risshowes” in Lent; the nuns of St Mary de Pré +(St Albans) had “Maundy silver” as well as ale and wine on Maundy +Thursday; the nuns of St Michael’s Stamford receive their pittances +sometimes in money, sometimes in spices or pancakes, wine or beer. The +nuns of Romsey had a pittance of 6<i>d.</i> each on the feast of St Martin and +another of 6<i>d.</i> each “when blood is let”<a name='fna_1007' id='fna_1007' href='#f_1007'><small>[1007]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>(3) The third source from which nuns obtained private possessions lay in +the gifts, both in money and in kind bestowed upon them by their friends. +It has already been shown, in Chapter I, that there was a growing tendency +in the later middle ages for a nun to be supported by means of an annuity, +paid by her relatives and often ending with her life. The fact that these +annuities were ear-marked for the support of individuals must have +increased the temptation to regard them as the property of those +individuals, a temptation which was not present in the old days when an +aristocratic nun brought with her a grant of land to the house. One is +tempted to conjecture that individuals occasionally retained in their own +hands the expenditure of part at least of their annuities. Specific +information from English sources is unfortunately rare; but in the diocese +of Rouen in the middle of the thirteenth century Archbishop Eudes Rigaud +sometimes found it necessary to enjoin that certain nuns who possessed +rents which were reserved for their own use, should either transfer them +to the common funds, or else dispose of them only with the consent of the +prioress, a significant modification, which suggests that he was unable to +eradicate a deeply rooted custom, although it was strictly against the +rule<a name='fna_1008' id='fna_1008' href='#f_1008'><small>[1008]</small></a>. It was some twenty years later (c. 1277) that Bishop Thomas of +Cantilupe, writing to the nuns of Lymbrook, enjoined:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Let none of you keep in her own hand any possession or rent for +clothing and shoeing herself, even with the consent of the prioress, +albeit such possession or rent may be given to her by parents or +friends, because the goods of your community suffice not thereto; but +let it be given up wholly to your prioress, that out of it she may<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_325" id="Page_325">[Pg 325]</a></span> +minister to those to whom the gift was made, according to their needs; +otherwise they may easily fall into the sin of property and a secular +craving for gifts, thus rashly violating their vow<a name='fna_1009' id='fna_1009' href='#f_1009'><small>[1009]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>There are also occasional references to “poor” nuns, without such +annuities or dress-allowances, which suggest that the annuitants had +personal disposal of their own money. Thus John Heyden, esq., in 1480, +bequeaths “to every nun in Norfolk not having an annuity 40d”<a name='fna_1010' id='fna_1010' href='#f_1010'><small>[1010]</small></a>, and +Bishop Gray in 1432 refers to “a certain chest within the monastery [of +Godstow] for the relief of needy nuns,” to which the sum of a hundred +shillings was to be restored<a name='fna_1011' id='fna_1011' href='#f_1011'><small>[1011]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>But whether or not nuns were in the habit of retaining in their own +possession regular annuities, it is plain that they did so retain the +various gifts in kind and in money, brought to them from time to time by +their friends; and, judging from the constant references in the visitation +reports, these presents must have been fairly numerous. They varied from +the gifts, rewards, letters, tokens and skins of wine, which the +gatekeeper of Godstow smuggled in to the nuns from the scholars of Oxford, +to the more sober presents of money, clothes and food given to them by +fond relatives for their relief “as in hire habyte and sustenaunce.”</p> + +<p>(4) One kind of gift deserves, however, a more careful consideration, for +the preservation of many thousands of medieval wills allows us to speak in +detail of legacies to individual nuns, which occur sometimes in company +with legacies to the whole community, sometimes alone. These bequests took +many different forms. Sometimes a father leaves an annuity for the support +of his daughter in her convent<a name='fna_1012' id='fna_1012' href='#f_1012'><small>[1012]</small></a>. More frequently a nun becomes the +recipient of a lump sum of money and from the wording of the legacies it +is perfectly clear that these sums are to be delivered into her own hands +for her own use. Let us, for instance, analyse the legacies left by Sir +John Depeden, a northern knight who was a good friend to poor nuns. He +first of all leaves twenty shillings each to the following twelve<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_326" id="Page_326">[Pg 326]</a></span> +nunneries, that they may pray for his soul and his wife’s: Esholt, +Arthington, Wilberfoss, Thicket, Moxby, Kirklees, Yedingham, Clementhorpe, +Hampole, Keldholme, Marrick (all in Yorkshire) and Burnham (in +Buckinghamshire). He then continues:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>And I give and bequeath to dame Joan Waleys, nun of Watton, to her own +use (<i>ad usum suum proprium</i>), 40<i>s.</i> And I give and bequeath to dame +Margaret Depeden, nun of Barking, to her own use, 5 marks and one salt +cellar of silver. And I give and bequeath to Elizabeth, daughter of +John FitzRichard, nun of Appleton, to her own use, 40<i>s.</i>;</p></div> + +<p>moreover he leaves to the Prioress of the last mentioned house 6<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i> +and to each nun there 2<i>s.</i><a name='fna_1013' id='fna_1013' href='#f_1013'><small>[1013]</small></a> There is an obvious distinction here +between the lump sums left to the common funds of the twelve nunneries +grouped together and the gifts to individuals which follow. It is moreover +quite common for a testator, who wishes to give money in charity to a +whole house (as distinct from one who makes a bequest to a relative or +friend therein), to distinguish the amounts to be paid to the prioress and +to each of the nuns. Thus John Brompton, merchant of Beverley (n.d., c. +1441-4) while leaving a lump sum of 20<i>s.</i> to the nuns of Watton “for a +pittance,” 10<i>s.</i> to the nuns of Nunkeeling and 5<i>s.</i> to the nuns of +Burnham, thus provides for all the inmates of Swine:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Item I bequeath to the Prioress of Swine, 3<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i>, and to each nun +of the said house 2<i>s.</i>, and to the vicar there 3<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i> and to +each chaplain there celebrating divine service in the churches of the +said town 12<i>d.</i>, item to Hamond, servant there 12<i>d.</i>, and to each +woman serving the aforesaid nuns within the aforesaid abbey, +6<i>d.</i><a name='fna_1014' id='fna_1014' href='#f_1014'><small>[1014]</small></a></p></div> + +<p>Thus also James Myssenden of Great Limber (1529) distinguishes between the +convent and the individual nuns of Nuncoton: “To the monastery of Cotton, +3l. 6s 8d, to Dame Johan Thomson, prioress of the same 40s, to Dame +Margaret Johnson 6s 8d, to Dame Elynor Hylyarde 6s 8d, to every other nun +of the convent 12d”; and Dame Jane Armstrong, vowess, of Corby, in the +same year leaves the nuns of Sempringham 6<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i>, “of which Dame Agnes +Rudd is to have 40d”<a name='fna_1015' id='fna_1015' href='#f_1015'><small>[1015]</small></a>. Similar instances may be multiplied from any +collection of wills<a name='fna_1016' id='fna_1016' href='#f_1016'><small>[1016]</small></a>.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_327" id="Page_327">[Pg 327]</a></span>Moreover it seems plain that the money thus willed was actually paid over +to individuals by their convent. The account roll of the treasuress of St +Radegund’s Cambridge, in 1449-50, contains an item:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>And to Dame Alice Patryk lately dead in full payment of all debts +3<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i> from the legacy of Peter Erle, chaplain, lately deceased. +And to Dame Joan Lancaster in part payment of 6<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i> bequeathed +to her by the aforesaid Peter 3<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i>, and to Dame Agnes Swaffham, +subprioress, in part payment of 6<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i>, 20<i>d.</i><a name='fna_1017' id='fna_1017' href='#f_1017'><small>[1017]</small></a></p></div> + +<p>But it was not only money which was bequeathed to nuns. They often +received quite considerable legacies of jewels and plate, robes and +furniture. What would we not give today to look for a moment at the +beautiful things which Walter Skirlaw, Bishop of Durham, left to his +sister Joan, the Prioress of Swine, in 1404?</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Item, one large gilded cup, with a cover and a round foot, and in the +bottom a chaplet of white and red roses and a hind carven in the midst +and all round the outside carven with eagles, lions, crowns and other +ingenious devices (<i>babonibus</i>), and in the pommel a nest and three +men standing and taking the chicks from the nest, of the weight of 18 +marks.... Item a robe of murrey cloth of Ypres (? <i>yp’n</i>) containing a +mantle and hood furred with budge (? <i>purg’</i>), another hood furred +with ermine, a cloak furred with half vair, a long robe (<i>garnach’</i>) +furred with vair.... Item one bed of tapestry work of a white field, +with a stag standing under a great tree and on either side lilies and +a red border, with the complete tester and three curtains of white +boulter<a name='fna_1018' id='fna_1018' href='#f_1018'><small>[1018]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>In the same year Anne St Quintin left the same noble lady “one silken +quilt and one pair of sheets of cloth of Rennes”<a name='fna_1019' id='fna_1019' href='#f_1019'><small>[1019]</small></a>. Eleven years +earlier Sir John Fairfax, rector of Prescot, had left his sister Margaret +Fairfax, Prioress of Nunmonkton (of whom we have already heard much that +was not to her good):</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>one silver gilt cup with a cover, and one silver cup with a cover, one +mazer with a cover of silver gilt, one pix of silver for spices, six +silver<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_328" id="Page_328">[Pg 328]</a></span> spoons, one cloak of black cloth furred with gray, one round +silver basin and ten marks of silver<a name='fna_1020' id='fna_1020' href='#f_1020'><small>[1020]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Master John de Wodhouse in 1345 leaves Dame Alice Conyers, nun of +Nunappleton, “fifteen marks [and] a long chest standing against my bed at +York, one maser cup with an image of St Michael in the bottom and one cup +of silver, which I had of her gift, with a hand in the bottom holding a +falcon”<a name='fna_1021' id='fna_1021' href='#f_1021'><small>[1021]</small></a>, and Isabella, widow of Thomas Corp, a London pepperer, in +1356, leaves</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>to Margaret, sister of William Heyroun, vintner, nun at Barking, a +silver plated cup with covercle, twelve silver spoons, two cups of +mazer and a silver enamelled pix, together with three gold rings, with +emerald, sapphire and diamond respectively and divers household +goods<a name='fna_1022' id='fna_1022' href='#f_1022'><small>[1022]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Possibly some of these splendid pieces of plate found their way to the +altar, and the cups and spoons to the frater of the house, but the nuns +undoubtedly sometimes kept them for private use in their own <i>camerae</i>. +Here also were kept the beds, such as that splendid one left by Bishop +Skirlaw to his sister, the “bed of Norfolk” which Sir Robert de Roos left +to his daughter Joan (1392)<a name='fna_1023' id='fna_1023' href='#f_1023'><small>[1023]</small></a>, the “bed of worstede with sheets, which +she kindly gave me,” left by William Felawe, clerk, to Katherine Slo, +Prioress of Shaftesbury (1411)<a name='fna_1024' id='fna_1024' href='#f_1024'><small>[1024]</small></a>. Doubtless Juliana de<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_329" id="Page_329">[Pg 329]</a></span> Crofton, nun +of Hampole, knew what use to make of “six shillings and eightpence and a +cloak lined with blue and two tablets and one saddle with a bridle and two +leather bowls”<a name='fna_1025' id='fna_1025' href='#f_1025'><small>[1025]</small></a>; here at one gift was the wherewithal for writing a +letter to announce a visit and for paying that visit on horseback, in gay +and unconventual attire. Indeed the constant legacies of clothes to nuns +go far to explain where it was that they obtained those cheerful secular +garments, against which their bishops waged war in vain. In days when +clothes were made of heavy and valuable stuffs and richly adorned, it was +a very common custom for a woman to divide up her wardrobe between +different legatees, and men also handed on their best garments. When in +1397 Margaret Fairfax is found using “divers furs and even gray fur +(<i>gris</i>)”<a name='fna_1026' id='fna_1026' href='#f_1026'><small>[1026]</small></a>, one remembers, with a sudden flash of comprehension, the +“cloak of black cloth furred with gray” which her brother left her four +years earlier. What did Elizabeth de Newemarche, nun, do with the mantle +of brounemelly left her by Lady Isabel Fitzwilliam?<a name='fna_1027' id='fna_1027' href='#f_1027'><small>[1027]</small></a> What did Sir +William Bonevyll’s sister at Wherwell do with “his best hoppelond with the +fur”?<a name='fna_1028' id='fna_1028' href='#f_1028'><small>[1028]</small></a> What above all did the Prioress of Swine do with all those +costly fur trimmings left her by the Bishop of Durham? Yorkshire nunneries +were apt to be undisciplined and worldly; great ladies there, if +Archbishop Melton is to be believed, sometimes considered that they might +dress according to their rank<a name='fna_1029' id='fna_1029' href='#f_1029'><small>[1029]</small></a>. We may safely guess that the Prioress +of Swine, like her contemporary at Nunmonkton, wore the furs; and +visitation records do not lead us to suppose that other nuns sold their +blue-lined cloaks and houppelonds for the sake of their convents, or +bestowed them on the poor.</p> + +<p>It is a common injunction that nuns are to wear no other ring than that +which, at their consecration, made them brides<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_330" id="Page_330">[Pg 330]</a></span> of Christ<a name='fna_1030' id='fna_1030' href='#f_1030'><small>[1030]</small></a>; but the +rule was often disobeyed and Dame Clemence Medforde’s “golden rings +exceeding costly with divers precious stones”<a name='fna_1031' id='fna_1031' href='#f_1031'><small>[1031]</small></a> are explained when we +remember the “three gold rings, one having a sapphire, another an emerald +and the third a diamond” which the rich pepperer’s widow left to Dame +Margaret Heyroun<a name='fna_1032' id='fna_1032' href='#f_1032'><small>[1032]</small></a>. Madame Eglentyne herself may have owed to one of +the many friends, who held her digne of reverence, her “peire of bedes, +gauded al with grene,” of small coral. When Sir Thomas Cumberworth died in +1451 he ordered that “the prioris of Coton, of Irford, of Legburn and of +Grenefeld have Ilkon of yam a pare bedys of corall, as far as that I have +may laste, and after yiff yam gette [give them jet] bedes”<a name='fna_1033' id='fna_1033' href='#f_1033'><small>[1033]</small></a>, and so +also Matilda Latymer left her daughter at Buckland a set of “Bedys de +corall”<a name='fna_1034' id='fna_1034' href='#f_1034'><small>[1034]</small></a> and Margerie de Crioll left a nun of Shaftesbury “my +paternoster of coral and white pearls, which the Countess of Pembroke gave +me”<a name='fna_1035' id='fna_1035' href='#f_1035'><small>[1035]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>(5) The fifth and last source from which nuns could derive a private +income was by the work of their own hands and brains. It has been stated +above that very little is known about the sale of fine needlework by nuns, +but a very interesting case at Easebourne seems to show that they +sometimes considered themselves entitled to retain for their own private +use the sums which they earned. In 1441 one of the complaints against the +gay prioress was that she “compels her sisters to work continually like +hired workwomen, and they receive nothing whatever for their own use from +their work, but the prioress<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_331" id="Page_331">[Pg 331]</a></span> takes the whole profit.” The bishop’s +injunction is extremely significant:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>the prioress shall by no means compel her sisters to continual work of +their hands and if they should wish of their own accord to work, they +shall be free to do so, but yet so that they may reserve for +themselves the half part of what they gain by their hands; the other +part shall be converted to the advantage of the house and unburdening +it from debt<a name='fna_1036' id='fna_1036' href='#f_1036'><small>[1036]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>In fine, the Bishop is obliged to acquiesce in a serious breach of the +Benedictine rule: the plea of the nuns to commit the sin of <i>proprietas</i> +is considered as a reasonable demand; and the compromise that half their +earnings should go to the common fund is intended rather to check the +prioress than the nuns. From the injunctions of other bishops it would +appear that the private boarders and private pupils taken by individual +nuns sometimes paid their fees to those individuals and not to the +house<a name='fna_1037' id='fna_1037' href='#f_1037'><small>[1037]</small></a>; the “household” system made the reception of such boarders +easy.</p> + +<p>From whatever source nuns obtained control of money and goods, whether +from the <i>peculium</i>, from gifts, from legacies, or from the proceeds of +their own labour, one thing is clear: in a fourteenth or fifteenth century +house, where the system of the <i>peculium</i> and the <i>familia</i> obtained, +there was a considerable approximation to private life and to private +property. The control of money and goods and the division into households, +catering separately for themselves, worked in together. The responsibility +of the convent towards its members was sometimes limited to a bare minimum +of food, such as the staple bread and beer, and perhaps a small dress +allowance. All the rest was provided by the nuns themselves. In strict +theory annuities, gifts and legacies, were put into common stock and +administered by the convent. In practice they were obviously retained in +individual possession and administered as private property by the nuns. +Even legacies of lump sums to a whole convent were probably divided up +between the nuns, an equal sum being paid to each and perhaps double to +the prioress.</p> + +<p>An analysis of the conditions revealed at Alnwick’s visitation of the +Lincoln diocese in 1440-5 throws an exceedingly<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_332" id="Page_332">[Pg 332]</a></span> interesting side-light, +not only on the vow of monastic poverty, as understood in the fifteenth +century, but also on the domestic economy of the houses, the majority of +which were small and poor. It may also conveniently be compared with the +evidence given by the same visitations as to the system of <i>familiae</i> in +these houses. At some the house supplied all food and clothes or a +<i>peculium</i> for clothes, at some it provided only a bare minimum of food, +at some neither dress nor dress allowance was provided. At Legbourne</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>every nun has one loaf, one half gallon of beer a day, one pig a year, +18<i>d.</i> for beef, every day in Advent and Lent two herrings, and a +little butter in summer and sometimes two stone of cheese a year and +8<i>d.</i> a year for raiment and no more;</p></div> + +<p>the sum of 2<i>s.</i> 2<i>d.</i> a year for beef and clothes was certainly not +excessive<a name='fna_1038' id='fna_1038' href='#f_1038'><small>[1038]</small></a>. At Stixwould</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>every nun receives in the year one pig, one sheep, a quarter of beef, +two stones of butter, three stones of cheese, every day in Advent and +Lent three herrings, six salt fish and twelve doughcakes a year; and +they were wont to have 6<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i> for their raiment, but for several +years back (one nun said for twenty years) as regards raiment they +have received nothing.</p></div> + +<p>At St Michael’s Stamford, the house provided only “bread and beer and a +mark for fish and flesh and other things and as to their raiment they +receive naught of the house”; out of the mark the nuns catered for +themselves. Other houses provided still less out of the common funds; at +Gokewell the nuns received nothing from the house but bread and beer and +at Markyate (a poor house, of not unblemished reputation and badly in +debt) “they receive of the house only bread, beer and two marks for their +raiment and what else is necessary for their living, which are less than +enough for their sundry needful wants”; Alnwick ordered all victuals to be +given them “of the commune stores of the house owte of one selare and one +kytchyne” and fixed the dress allowance at a noble yearly, but he did not +say how the house was to raise funds. At Nuncoton the allowance was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_333" id="Page_333">[Pg 333]</a></span> 8<i>s.</i> +a year, but when Alnwick came the nuns had received only 1<i>s.</i> each. At +Fosse, Langley and Ankerwyke the houses provided meat and drink, but no +dress or dress allowance; and at Catesby it was complained that “the +prioress does not give the nuns satisfaction in the matter of their +raiment and money for victuals and touching the premises the prioress is +in the nuns’ debt for three-quarters of the year”<a name='fna_1039' id='fna_1039' href='#f_1039'><small>[1039]</small></a>. From these +references it is plain that the nuns usually bought their own clothes and +often catered for themselves in flesh food; also that the poverty of many +houses was so great that the nuns could not have lived decently without +the help of friends, whether because their dress allowances were always in +arrears, or because the house recognised no responsibility to clothe them +from its exiguous funds. Yet as regards food at least, the habit of +catering separately for separate messes was undoubtedly less economical +than the regular maintenance of a common table would have been.</p> + +<p>A highly interesting light on the control of money allowances for the +purchase of food by the individual nuns of a convent is thrown by convent +account rolls. These accounts show two different methods of catering in +force. In one all the housekeeping was done by the cellaress, who bought +such stores as were needed to supplement the produce of the home farm and +provided the nuns with the whole of their food. This is the normal method, +which accords with the Rule; it is to be found in the Syon cellaresses’ +rolls and in the roll of Elizabeth Swynford, Prioress of Catesby +(1414-15). The latter sets forth: (1) the produce of the home farm, how +many animals were delivered to the larder, how many to the kitchen, how +much grain was malted, etc.; (2) the payments for food bought to +supplement this home produce:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>in flesh and eggs bought from the feast of St Michael until Lent +33/0½, and in expenses of the house from Easter unto the feast of +St Michael in beef and eggs bought, £7. 1. 9., ... in 2 barrels 4 +kemps of oil and salt fish bought in time of Lent £3. 0. 6,</p></div> + +<p>besides sundry odd purchases of red herrings, pepper, saffron, salt, +garlic and fat<a name='fna_1040' id='fna_1040' href='#f_1040'><small>[1040]</small></a>.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_334" id="Page_334">[Pg 334]</a></span>But some account rolls show an entirely different method of housekeeping. +By this the convent provided the nuns with their daily ration of bread and +beer and perhaps with a certain amount of green food and dairy produce, +but paid them an allowance of money with which to buy their meat and fish +food for themselves. On this system the convent still had to provide the +nuns with their pittances, though often enough these too were paid in +money, and usually also with the bulk of their Lenten fare of salt fish +and spices, which was bought in large quantities at a time and stored. An +extreme example of this system is found in the account of Christian +Bassett, Prioress of St Mary de Pré (St Albans) in 1486-8. Under the +heading <i>Comyns, Pytances and Partycions</i> she pays to herself as prioress:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>for her comyns for xxj monethes ... vj l. viij s iiij d. ... Item paid +to dame Alice Wafyr for her comyns for xxj monethes ... vj l. viij s +iiij d. ... Item paid to vij susters of the same place for their comons +for xxj monethis ... xxj li. vj s viij d. Item paid to dame Johan +Knollys for her comyns for v monethis xvj s viij d. ... Item paid for +brede and ale and fewell departyd amongs the susters by a yere and a +half lij s. Item paid for ij bushell of pesyn departyd amongs the +susters in Lente xvj d.</p></div> + +<p>The rest of the section contains notices of special pittances, paid +sometimes in money and sometimes in kind; for instance 10<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i> is +paid for “Maundy Ale” and 10<i>d.</i> for wine on two Maundy Thursdays, but the +sisters also get “Maundy money” amounting to 21<i>d.</i> One interesting item +runs: “delyvered of the rente in Cambrigge amongs the susters for the tyme +of this accompte xlviij s”; these rents, which are entered among the +receipts, were no doubt ear-marked for the nuns, possibly as <i>peculia</i> for +the purchase of clothes, possibly as a pittance<a name='fna_1041' id='fna_1041' href='#f_1041'><small>[1041]</small></a>. The same system of +housekeeping was obviously also in vogue at St Michael’s, Stamford, at the +time of Alnwick’s visitation; but the account rolls of this house are not +easy to interpret, because although they contain no reference to catering, +other than certain pittances and feasts on Maundy Thursday and other +festal occasions, neither do they contain any reference to commons money. +No separate cellaress’ accounts have survived to throw any further<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_335" id="Page_335">[Pg 335]</a></span> light +upon the subject. At Elstow Abbey some years later the practice of paying +“commons” money was well established<a name='fna_1042' id='fna_1042' href='#f_1042'><small>[1042]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>It is tempting to conjecture what considerations may have prevailed to +make some houses substitute money grants for the provision of food in +kind. The tendency certainly grew with the custom of forming <i>familiae</i> +which messed separately and it certainly increased with time. Even at +Catesby, which we saw to be a typical example of communal housekeeping in +1414-5, it seems to have become customary to give money for some at least +of the victuals in 1442. The tendency also grew with poverty, as appears +from Alnwick’s visitations, though it is not clear whence the nuns +obtained the wherewithal to feed themselves adequately, unless they had +the use of extra funds of their own. It may also be conjectured that the +system would be easier to work in a town than in the depths of the +country. In a town the nuns could buy in the open market, and it was as +easy for individuals to buy in small quantities as for the cellaress to +buy wholesale. In the country, however, the convent would not only be more +dependent on the home farm, but such purchases as had to be made at +occasional fairs and weekly markets could more easily be made in bulk, a +consideration which also accounts for the fact that the barrels and cades +of salt fish for Lent were usually laid in wholesale by the cellaress. +Moreover it would often be convenient for a town house to lease out the +greater number of its demesnes and to depend upon what it could purchase +for its daily fare. St Mary de Pré is particularly interesting in this +respect; the 1486-8 account shows no sign of any home farm; the income of +the house is derived almost entirely from “rents of assise and rents farm” +within the town of St Albans and in other places and from tithes, and the +proportion of farms or leases is noticeably large. Even the bread and beer +distributed among the sisters did not come from a home farm; it was bought +with 52<i>s.</i> received from the Abbot of St Albans for that purpose; the +kitchener of the parent abbey<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_336" id="Page_336">[Pg 336]</a></span> similarly provided the nuns with 12<i>s.</i>, +“for potage money departyd amongs the susters for a yere,” and at the +forester’s office they received 8<i>s.</i> for their fuel.</p> + +<p>Occasional references show what a variety of household charges the nuns +sometimes had to bear out of their <i>peculia</i>, and the other sources of +their private income. At Campsey in 1532, for instance,</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>the subprioress says that the prioress will not allow her servants to +go out upon the necessary errands of the nuns, but they hire outsiders +at their own cost and Dame Isabella Norwiche says that sick nuns in +the time of their sickness bear the cost of what is needful to them +and it is not provided at the charge of the house<a name='fna_1043' id='fna_1043' href='#f_1043'><small>[1043]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>At Sheppey also, in 1511, there was no infirmary and when ill the nuns had +to hire women for themselves and pay for them out of their own +money<a name='fna_1044' id='fna_1044' href='#f_1044'><small>[1044]</small></a>. At Langley in 1440 Alnwick ordered that each nun should have +yearly a cartload of fuel, cut at the cost of the house, but carried at +the cost of the nuns<a name='fna_1045' id='fna_1045' href='#f_1045'><small>[1045]</small></a>. At Wherwell there was a custom by which, on +the first occasion that a nun took her turn in reading from the pulpit, a +certain sum of money or a pittance was exacted from her for the benefit of +the convent, a custom forbidden by Bishop John of Pontoise in 1302<a name='fna_1046' id='fna_1046' href='#f_1046'><small>[1046]</small></a>; +and there is mention of another pittance in 1311, when Bishop Woodlock +ordered that for digging the grave and preparing the coffin of a nun who +had died and for pittances to the sisters on the day of her burial, the +goods of the deceased nun should not be expended, because she ought not to +have private property, but the common goods of the church were to be +spent; which seems like locking the stable door after the horse has +gone<a name='fna_1047' id='fna_1047' href='#f_1047'><small>[1047]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>It is interesting to trace the attitude of ecclesiastic authorities to +these various manifestations of <i>proprietas</i>. The bishops found some +difficulty in persuading nuns, accustomed to expend money for themselves +and to dine in <i>familiae</i> in separate rooms, accustomed also to receive +gifts and legacies in money and kind, that they must hold all things in +common. At Arthington, in 1307, two nuns, Agnes de Screvyn (who had +resigned the post<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_337" id="Page_337">[Pg 337]</a></span> of Prioress in 1303) and Isabella Couvel, asserted that +certain animals and goods belonging to the priory were their private +property and Archbishop Greenfield bids the Prioress admonish them to +resign these within three days “to lawful and honest uses,” according to +her judgment<a name='fna_1048' id='fna_1048' href='#f_1048'><small>[1048]</small></a>. Similarly Bishop Bokyngham writes to Heynings in 1392:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>We order that cows, sows, capons, hens and all animals of any kind +soever, together with wild or tame birds, which are held by certain of +the nuns (whether with or without licence) ... shall be delivered up +to the common use of the convent within three days, without the +alienation or subtraction of any of them<a name='fna_1049' id='fna_1049' href='#f_1049'><small>[1049]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>In the light of these passages it is interesting to find that cows and +pigs are among the legacies sometimes left to nuns<a name='fna_1050' id='fna_1050' href='#f_1050'><small>[1050]</small></a>. At Nuncoton, in +1440, where certain nuns were in the habit of wandering in their gardens +and gathering herbs instead of attending Compline,</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Dame Alice Aunselle prays that they may all live in common and that no +nun may have anything, such as cups and the like, as her own; but that +if any such there be, they be kept in common by their common servant +and that they may not have houses or separate gardens appointed, as it +were, to them<a name='fna_1051' id='fna_1051' href='#f_1051'><small>[1051]</small></a>,</p></div> + +<p>which illustrates how easily the household system slid into <i>proprietas</i>. +It was sometimes even necessary to forbid nuns to make wills and bequeath +their property. This was forbidden by the Council of Oxford in 1222<a name='fna_1052' id='fna_1052' href='#f_1052'><small>[1052]</small></a> +and in 1387 William of Wykeham sent a stern injunction to the nuns of +Romsey, pointing out that by making wills they were falling into the sin +of property<a name='fna_1053' id='fna_1053' href='#f_1053'><small>[1053]</small></a>.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_338" id="Page_338">[Pg 338]</a></span> In 1394, on the death of Joan Furmage, Abbess of +Shaftesbury,</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>the bishop ordered the Abbey to be sequestrated and annulled the will +by which she had alienated the goods of the house in bequests to +friends, declaring such a disposition to be injurious to the community +and contrary to the usage of religious women<a name='fna_1054' id='fna_1054' href='#f_1054'><small>[1054]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>The history of the attitude of ecclesiastical authorities to two sources +of private income, the <i>peculium</i> and the gifts from friends to +individuals, is of even greater significance than these attempts to cope +with private goods, for it shows how powerless the bishops were against +the steady weakening of discipline in monastic houses. Here, as in the +enclosure struggle and the struggle against <i>familiae</i>, they were forced +into compromise at best and at worst into acquiescence. At its first +appearance the custom of giving a <i>peculium</i> to individuals was severely +condemned as a manifest breach of the rule:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“Moneys shall not be assigned to each separately for clothes,” says +the Council of Oxford in 1222, “But such shall be diligently attended +to by certain persons deputed to this purpose, chamberers or +chambresses, who according to the need of each and the resources of +the house, shall minister garments to them.... Also it shall not be +lawful for the chamberer or chambress to give to any monk, canon or +nun, monies or anything else for clothes, nor shall it be lawful for +monk, canon or nun to receive anything; otherwise let the chamberer be +deposed from office and the monk, canon or nun go without new clothes +for that year”<a name='fna_1055' id='fna_1055' href='#f_1055'><small>[1055]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Similarly, in the Constitutions of the legate Ottobon in 1268, the +<i>peculium</i> is grouped with other forms of property; ch. <span class="smcaplc">XL</span> enacts that no +religious is to possess property and that the head of the house is to make +diligent search for such property twice a year<a name='fna_1056' id='fna_1056' href='#f_1056'><small>[1056]</small></a>, and ch. <span class="smcaplc">XLI</span> enacts +that no money is to be given to a religious for clothes, shoes and other +necessities, but he is to be<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_339" id="Page_339">[Pg 339]</a></span> given the article itself<a name='fna_1057' id='fna_1057' href='#f_1057'><small>[1057]</small></a>. In 1438 a +severe injunction from Bishop Spofford of Hereford to the nuns of Aconbury +shows the close connection between the <i>peculium</i> and the private <i>camera</i> +of the nuns<a name='fna_1058' id='fna_1058' href='#f_1058'><small>[1058]</small></a>. Yet in 1380 we find a bishop of Salisbury assigning a +weekly allowance of 2<i>d.</i> to each nun of Shaftesbury from the issues of +the house<a name='fna_1059' id='fna_1059' href='#f_1059'><small>[1059]</small></a>; and in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries nuns +regularly complain to their visitors when their allowances are in arrears +and the bishops regularly ordain that the money is to be paid<a name='fna_1060' id='fna_1060' href='#f_1060'><small>[1060]</small></a>. In +the thirteenth century it is a fault in the Prioress to give the nuns a +<i>peculium</i>; in the fifteenth century it is a fault to withhold it.</p> + +<p>The custom as to presents from friends was that the nuns might receive +gifts, only by the permission of their superior, to whom everything must +be shown<a name='fna_1061' id='fna_1061' href='#f_1061'><small>[1061]</small></a>. Thus Archbishop Wickwane writes to Nunappleton in 1281: +“that no nun shall appropriate to herself any gift, garment or shoes of +the gift of anyone, without the consent and assignment of the +prioress”<a name='fna_1062' id='fna_1062' href='#f_1062'><small>[1062]</small></a>; Archbishop Greenfield in 1315 forbids the nuns of +Rosedale to accept or give any presents without the consent of the +Prioress<a name='fna_1063' id='fna_1063' href='#f_1063'><small>[1063]</small></a>; and Archbishop Bowet in 1411 enacts that any nun of +Hampole receiving gifts or <i>legacies</i> from friends is at once on returning +to reveal them to the Prioress<a name='fna_1064' id='fna_1064' href='#f_1064'><small>[1064]</small></a>. Occasionally a Prioress, whether out +of zeal for the Rule or for some other reason, showed herself unwilling to +allow the nuns to receive presents. The nuns of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_340" id="Page_340">[Pg 340]</a></span> Flixton in 1514 +complained: “that they receive no annual pensions and that the prioress is +angry when anything is given to them by their friends”<a name='fna_1065' id='fna_1065' href='#f_1065'><small>[1065]</small></a> and Alnwick +in 1441 wrote to the Prioress of Ankerwyke, whose nuns complained both of +insufficient clothes and of her bad temper when their friends came to see +them,</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>And what euer thise saide frendes wyll gyfe your sustres in relefe of +thaym as in hire habyte and sustenaunce, ye suffre your sustres to +take hit, so that no abuse of euel come therbye noyther to the place +ne to the persones therof<a name='fna_1066' id='fna_1066' href='#f_1066'><small>[1066]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>It was indeed almost a necessity to encourage the reception of presents, +when (as so often happened towards the close of the middle ages) nuns were +dependent for clothes upon their friends. But with Bishop Praty ordering +that the nuns of Easebourne shall receive half the sums paid them for +their work, and with Bishop Alnwick encouraging presents and enforcing the +payment of <i>peculia</i>, it is plain that the Lady Poverty had fallen upon +evil days.</p> + + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<hr style="width: 50%;" /> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_341" id="Page_341">[Pg 341]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_IX" id="CHAPTER_IX"></a>CHAPTER IX</h2> +<p class="title">FISH OUT OF WATER</p> + +<div class="note"><p>De sorte qu’une Religieuse hors de sa clôture est comme une pierre +hors de son centre; comme un arbre hors de terre; comme Adam et Eve +hors du Paradis terrestre; comme le corbeau hors de l’arche qui ne +s’arreste qu’à des charognes; comme un poisson hors de l’eau, selon le +grand Saint Antoine et Saint Bernard; comme une brebis hors de sa +bergerie et en danger d’estre devorée des loups, selon Saint Theodore +Studite; comme un oiseau hors de son nid et une grenouille hors de son +marais, selon le même Saint Bernard; comme un mort hors de son +tombeau, qui infecte les personnes qui s’en approchent, selon Pierre +le Vénérable et la Règle attribuée à Saint Jérôme; et par consequent +dans un état tout à fait opposé à la vie Régulière qu’elle a +embrassée.</p> + +<p class="right"><span class="smcap">J. B. Thiers</span> (1681).</p></div> + +<p> </p> +<p>The famous chapter <span class="smcaplc">LXVI</span> of the Benedictine Rule enunciated the principle +that the professed monk should remain within the precincts of his cloister +and eschew all wandering in the world<a name='fna_1067' id='fna_1067' href='#f_1067'><small>[1067]</small></a>. It is clear, however, that +the Rule allowed a certain latitude and that monks and nuns were to be +allowed to leave their houses under certain conditions and for necessary +causes. Brethren working at a distance or going on a journey may be +excused attendance at the divine office, if they cannot reach the church +in time<a name='fna_1068' id='fna_1068' href='#f_1068'><small>[1068]</small></a>. Brethren sent upon an errand are forbidden to accept +invitations to eat outside the house without the consent of their +superior<a name='fna_1069' id='fna_1069' href='#f_1069'><small>[1069]</small></a>. Moreover longer journeys are plainly contemplated, in +which they might have to spend a night or more outside their +monastery<a name='fna_1070' id='fna_1070' href='#f_1070'><small>[1070]</small></a>. But no one might ever leave the cloister bounds<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_342" id="Page_342">[Pg 342]</a></span> without +the permission of the superior; and it was the obvious intention of St +Benedict to reduce to a minimum all wandering in the world. Strictly +speaking this system of enclosure applied equally to monks and to nuns; +but from the earliest times it was considered to be a more vital necessity +for the well being of the latter; and the history of the enclosure +movement is in effect the history of an effort to add a fourth vow of +claustration to the three cardinal vows of the nun<a name='fna_1071' id='fna_1071' href='#f_1071'><small>[1071]</small></a>. The reasons for +this severity are sufficiently obvious, and show that curious +contradiction of ideas which is so common in all general theories about +women. On the one hand the immense importance attached by the medieval +Church to the state of virginity, exemplified in St John Chrysostom’s +remarks that Christian virgins are as far above the rest of mankind as are +the angels, made it all important that this priceless jewel should not be +exposed to danger in a wicked world<a name='fna_1072' id='fna_1072' href='#f_1072'><small>[1072]</small></a>. On the other hand the medieval +contempt for the fragility of women led to a cynical conviction that only +when they were shut up behind the high walls of the cloister was it +possible to guarantee their virtue; <i>aut virum aut murum oportet mulierem +habere</i><a name='fna_1073' id='fna_1073' href='#f_1073'><small>[1073]</small></a>. +Both views received support from the <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_343" id="Page_343">[Pg 343]</a></span>deep-rooted idea as +old as the Greeks and an unconscionable time in dying, that “a free woman +should be bounded by the street door”<a name='fna_1074' id='fna_1074' href='#f_1074'><small>[1074]</small></a>. Medieval moralists were +generally agreed that intercourse with the world was at the root of all +those evils which dimmed the fair fame of the conventual system, by +affording a constant temptation to frivolity and to grosser misconduct. +Moreover the tongue of scandal was always busy and the nun’s reputation +was safe only if she could be placed beyond reproach. Hence those +regulations which Mr Coulton compares to “the minutely ingenious and +degrading precautions of an oriental harem”<a name='fna_1075' id='fna_1075' href='#f_1075'><small>[1075]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Based upon such considerations as these, the movement for the enclosure of +nuns began very early in their history and continued with unabated vigour +long after the Reformation<a name='fna_1076' id='fna_1076' href='#f_1076'><small>[1076]</small></a>. Some years before the compilation of the +Benedictine Rule St Caesarius of Arles, in his Rule for nuns, had +forbidden them ever to leave their monastery; and from the sixth to the +eleventh century decrees were passed from time to time by various +provincial councils, advocating a stricter enclosure of monks and nuns, +but especially of the latter. Already by the twelfth century monasticism +had declined from its first fervour, and it is significant that the +reformed orders which sprang up during the great renaissance of that +century all made a special effort to enforce enclosure upon their nuns. +The nuns of Prémontré and Fontevrault were strictly enclosed and in the +middle of the following<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_344" id="Page_344">[Pg 344]</a></span> century the statutes promulgated by the +Chapter-General of the Cistercian Order (1256-7) contain a clause ordering +nuns to remain in their convents, except under certain specified +conditions, while the rule given by Urban IV to the Franciscan nuns (1263) +went further than any previous enactments in binding them by a vow of +perpetual enclosure, against which no plea of necessity might avail. +Various synods and councils continued to repeat the order that nuns were +not to leave their houses, except for a reasonable cause, but it is plain +from the evidence of ecclesiastics, moralists and episcopal visitations +that the nuns all over Europe paid small heed to their words. Finally, at +the beginning of the new century, came the first general regulation on the +subject which was binding as a law upon the whole church, the famous Bull +<i>Periculoso</i>, promulgated by Boniface VIII about the year 1299.</p> + +<p>This decree, often afterwards confirmed by Popes and Councils, remained +the standard regulation upon the subject and in view of its cardinal +importance its terms are worthy of notice:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Desiring to provide for the perilous and detestable state of certain +nuns, who, having slackened the reins of decency and having +shamelessly cast aside the modesty of their order and of their sex, +sometimes gad about outside their monasteries in the dwellings of +secular persons, and frequently admit suspected persons within the +same monasteries, to the grave offence of Him to Whom they have, of +their own will, vowed their innocence, to the opprobrium of religion +and to the scandal of very many persons; we by the present +constitution, which shall be irrefragably valid, decree with healthful +intent that all and sundry nuns, present and future, to whatever order +they belong and in whatever part of the world, shall henceforth remain +perpetually enclosed within their monasteries; so that no nun tacitly +or expressly professed in religion shall henceforth have or be able to +have the power of going out of those monasteries for whatsoever reason +or cause, unless perchance any be found manifestly suffering from a +disease so great and of such a nature that she cannot, without grave +danger or scandal, live together with others; and to no dishonest or +even honest person shall entry or access be given by them, unless for +a reasonable and manifest cause and by a special licence from the +person to whom [the granting of such a licence] pertains; that so, +altogether withdrawn from public and mundane sights, they may serve +God more freely and, all opportunity for wantonness being removed, +they may more diligently preserve for Him in all holiness their souls +and their bodies.</p></div> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_345" id="Page_345">[Pg 345]</a></span>The Bull further, in order to avoid any excuse for wandering abroad in +search of alms, forbids the reception into any non-mendicant order of more +sisters than can be supported without penury by the goods of the house; +and, in order to prevent nuns being forced to attend lawcourts in person, +requires all secular and ecclesiastical authorities to allow them to plead +by proctors in their courts; but if an Abbess or Prioress has to do +personal homage to a secular lord for any fief and it cannot be done by a +proctor, she may leave her house with honest and fit companions and do the +homage, returning home immediately. Finally Ordinaries are enjoined to +take order as soon as may be for proper enclosure where there is none to +provide that it is strictly kept according to the terms of the decree, and +to see that all is completed by Ash Wednesday, notifying any reasonable +impediment within eight days of Candlemas<a name='fna_1077' id='fna_1077' href='#f_1077'><small>[1077]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>For the next three centuries Councils and Bishops struggled manfully to +put into force the Bull <i>Periculoso</i>, but without success; the constant +repetition of the order that nuns should not leave their convents is the +measure of its failure. In the various reformed orders, which were founded +in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, the insistence upon enclosure +bears witness to the importance which was attached to it as a vital +condition of reform: Boniface IX’s ordinances for the Dominicans (1402), +St Francis of Paula’s rule for his order in Calabria (1435), the rule of +the Order of the Annunciation, founded by Jeanne, daughter of Louis XI, at +the close of the fifteenth century, Johann Busch’s reforms in Saxony, the +reformed rules given by Étienne Poncher, Bishop of Paris, to the nuns of +Chelles, Montmartre and Malnouë (1506) and by Geoffrey de Saint Belin, +Bishop of Poitiers, to the nuns of the Holy Cross, Poitiers (1511), all +insist upon strict enclosure<a name='fna_1078' id='fna_1078' href='#f_1078'><small>[1078]</small></a>. Similarly a long list might be drawn +up of general and provincial councils and synods which repeated the +ordinance, culminating in the great general Council of Trent, which +renewed the decree <i>Periculoso</i> and was itself<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_346" id="Page_346">[Pg 346]</a></span> followed by another long +series of provincial councils, which endeavoured to put its decree into +force. But these efforts were still attended by very imperfect success, +for the worldly nuns of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries chafed at +the irksome restriction no less than did their predecessors of the middle +ages. When, in 1681, Jean-Baptiste Thiers published his treatise on the +enclosure of nuns he announced his reason to be that no point of +ecclesiastical discipline was in his day more completely neglected and +ignored<a name='fna_1079' id='fna_1079' href='#f_1079'><small>[1079]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>This brief sketch of the enclosure movement in the Western Church is +necessary to a right understanding of the special attempts which were made +in England to keep the nuns in their cloisters by means of an absolute +enforcement of the Benedictine Rule. Visitatorial injunctions on this +subject during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries and up to the +Reformation were based upon three enactments: the constitutions of the +legate Ottobon in 1268, the vigorous reforms of Archbishop Peckham +(1279-92) and the Bull <i>Periculoso</i>. The Cardinal Legate Ottobon had come +to England in 1265, on the restoration of Henry III after Evesham, with +the purpose of punishing bishops and clergy who had supported the party of +Simon de Montfort and the barons. When peace was finally signed in 1267, +largely by his intervention, he was able to turn his attention to general +abuses prevalent in the English church and one of the reforms which he +attempted to enforce was the stricter enclosure of nuns. Chapter <span class="smcaplc">LII</span> of +his <i>Constitutions</i> [<i>Quod moniales a certis locis non exeant</i>] is an +amplification of the Benedictine rule of enclosure, made far more rigid +and severe. “Lest by repeated intercourse with secular folk the quiet and +contemplation of the nuns should be troubled,” minute regulations were +laid down as to their movements. They were allowed to enter their chapel, +chapter,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_347" id="Page_347">[Pg 347]</a></span> dorter and frater at due and fixed times; otherwise they were to +remain in the cloister; and none of these places were to be entered by +seculars, save very seldom and for some sufficient reason. No nun was to +converse with any man, except seriously and in a public place, and at +least one other nun was always to be present at such conversations. No nun +was to have a meal outside the house except with the permission of the +superior and then only with a relative, or some person from whose company +no suspicion could arise. All other places, beyond those specified, were +entirely forbidden to the nuns, with the exception, in certain +circumstances, of the infirmary. No nun was to go to the different +offices, except the obedientiaries, whose duties rendered it necessary and +they were never to go without a companion. The Abbess or head of the house +was never to leave it, except for its evident advantage or for urgent +necessity, and she was always to have an honest companion, while the +lesser nuns were never to be given licence to go out, except for some fit +cause and in company with another nun. Finally nuns were not to leave +their convents for public processions, but were to hold their processions +within the precincts of their own houses. The legate strictly enjoined +that “the prelates to whose jurisdiction belonged the visitation of each +nunnery should cause these statutes to be observed”<a name='fna_1080' id='fna_1080' href='#f_1080'><small>[1080]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>It will be realised that these injunctions were exceedingly severe and +that the visitors were not likely to find their task a sinecure. There is +little evidence for determining how far any serious attempt was made to +enforce the legate’s Constitutions<a name='fna_1081' id='fna_1081' href='#f_1081'><small>[1081]</small></a>, but if we may judge from the +language of Peckham, some ten years later, any attempts which may have +been made had not been strikingly successful. One of the first actions of +this energetic archbishop on his elevation to the see of Canterbury was to +carry out a visitation of the nunneries of Barking and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_348" id="Page_348">[Pg 348]</a></span> Godstow and to +send to both houses injunctions laying great stress on strict enclosure +(1279). In 1281 he followed up these injunctions by two general decrees +for the enclosure of nuns; and in 1284 he visited the three nunneries of +Romsey, Holy Sepulchre (Canterbury) and Usk and sent injunctions enforcing +the Constitutions of 1281<a name='fna_1082' id='fna_1082' href='#f_1082'><small>[1082]</small></a>. In these injunctions he laid down with +great exactness the conditions to be observed in granting nuns permission +to leave their convents. The Godstow injunction runs thus:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>For the purpose of obtaining a surer witness to chastity, we ordain +that nuns shall not leave the precincts of the monastery, save for +necessary business which cannot be performed by any other persons. +Hence we condemn for ever, by these present [letters] those sojourns +which were wont to be made in the houses of friends, for the sake of +pleasure and of escaping from discipline [<i>ad solatium et ad +subterfugium disciplinae</i>]. And when it shall befall any [nuns] to go +out for any necessity, we strictly order these four [conditions] to be +observed. First, that they be permitted to go out only in safe and +mature company, as well of nuns as of secular persons helping them. +Secondly that having at once performed their business, so far as it +can be by them performed, they return to their house; and if the +performance of the business demand a delay of several days, after the +first or second day it shall be left to proctors to finish it. Thirdly +that they never lodge in the precincts of men of religion or in the +houses of clergy, or in other suspected habitations. Fourthly that no +one absent herself from the sight of her companion or companions, in +any place where human conversation might be held, nor listen to any +secret whispering, except in the presence of the nuns her companions, +unless perchance father or mother, brother or sister have something +private to say to her<a name='fna_1083' id='fna_1083' href='#f_1083'><small>[1083]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>The Barking injunctions are slightly different and the first condition +imposed therein is interesting: “That they be sent forth only for a +necessary and inevitable cause, that is in particular the imminent death +of a parent, beyond which cause we can hardly imagine any other which +would be sufficient”<a name='fna_1084' id='fna_1084' href='#f_1084'><small>[1084]</small></a>. These injunctions are very severe, since they +limit the occasions upon which a nun might leave her convent to the +performance of some negotiation connected with the business of the house +and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_349" id="Page_349">[Pg 349]</a></span> to attendance at the deathbeds of relatives and entirely forbid all +visits for pleasure to the houses of friends.</p> + +<p>In 1281 Peckham published a mandate directed against the seducers of nuns; +after excommunicating all who committed or attempted to commit this crime +and declaring that absolution for the sentence could be given only by a +Bishop or by the Pope (except on the point of death), he proceeded to deal +with the question of the enclosure of nuns, on the ground that their +wandering in the world gave opportunity for such crimes, and sternly +forbade them to pay visits for the sake of recreation, even to the closest +relatives, or to remain out of their houses for more than two days on +business<a name='fna_1085' id='fna_1085' href='#f_1085'><small>[1085]</small></a>. The same year he also dealt with the subject in the course +of a set of constitutions, concerning various abuses, which he considered +to be in need of reform. The language of the chapter in which he treats of +the claustration of nuns is in parts the same as that of the ordinance +against seducers, but it is less severe, for it enacts only that nuns +shall not stay “more than three natural days for the sake of recreation, +or more than six days for any necessary reason, save in case of illness.” +Moreover the Archbishop adds: “we do not extend this ordinance to those +who are obliged to beg necessities of life, while they are begging”<a name='fna_1086' id='fna_1086' href='#f_1086'><small>[1086]</small></a>. +It was this modified version of his ordinance which he tried to impose in +his visitation of 1284, for at Romsey he recognised that the nuns might be +leaving the house for recreation and not merely upon<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_350" id="Page_350">[Pg 350]</a></span> the business of the +convent; the Abbess, for instance, is to take her three coadjutresses with +her when she goes out on business, and two of them if she go <i>causa +solatii</i>. At this house he forbade nuns to go out without a companion, or +to stay for more than three days with seculars and condemned their +practice of eating and drinking in the town: no nun, either on leaving or +returning to the convent, was to enter any house in the town of Romsey, or +to eat or drink there, and no cleric or secular man or woman was to give +them any food outside the precincts<a name='fna_1087' id='fna_1087' href='#f_1087'><small>[1087]</small></a>. At St Sepulchre (Canterbury) +Peckham regulated the visits of nuns to confessors outside the house, and +at Usk he ordered that no nun was to go out without suitable companions, +or to stay more than three or four days in the houses of secular +persons<a name='fna_1088' id='fna_1088' href='#f_1088'><small>[1088]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>The next effort made in England to enforce enclosure upon nuns was the +result of Boniface VIII’s Bull <i>Periculoso</i>. Bishops’ registers about the +year 1300 sometimes contain copies of this severe enactment. One of the +earliest efforts to carry it out was made by Simon of Ghent, Bishop of +Salisbury, who on November 28th, 1299, issued a long letter to the Abbess +of Wilton (obviously inserted in the register as a specimen of a circular +sent to each nunnery in the diocese), embodying the text of the bull and +ordering her to put it into force, and in 1303 he issued a mandate for the +enclosure of the nuns of Shaftesbury, Wilton, Amesbury, Lacock, Tarrant +Keynes and Kington<a name='fna_1089' id='fna_1089' href='#f_1089'><small>[1089]</small></a>. The Register of Godfrey Giffard, Bishop of +Worcester, contains a note in the year 1300:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>As to the shutting up of nuns. It is expedient that a letter of +warning be sent according to the form of the constitution and directed +to every house of nuns, that they do what is necessary for their +inclusion and cause themselves to be enclosed this side the Gule of +August.</p></div> + +<p>The Bishop seems however from the beginning to have doubted his capacity +to carry out the decree, for further on the register contains another +note, “As to whether it is expedient to enclose the nuns of the diocese of +Worcester”<a name='fna_1090' id='fna_1090' href='#f_1090'><small>[1090]</small></a>. An undated note of <i>Inhibiciones facte monialibus de +Werewell</i> in the Register of John of Pontoise, Bishop of Winchester, among +other documents belonging to 1299-1300, is probably in part a result of +<i>Periculoso</i>:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_351" id="Page_351">[Pg 351]</a></span>We forbid on pain of excommunication any nun or sister to go outside +the bounds of the monastery until we have made some ordinance +concerning enclosure. Item let no one be received as nun or sister +until we have enquired more fully into the resources of the house. +Item we order the abbess to remove all secular women and to receive +none henceforth as boarders in their house. Item let her permit no +secular clerk or layman to enter the cloister to speak with the +nuns<a name='fna_1091' id='fna_1091' href='#f_1091'><small>[1091]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>But the most detailed information as to the efforts of a conscientious +bishop to enforce Boniface VIII’s decree in England is contained in the +Register of Bishop Dalderby of Lincoln. Dalderby was a new broom in the +diocese and he determined to sweep clean. On June 17th, 1300, he directed +a mandate to the archdeacons of his diocese ordering each to associate +with himself some other mature and honest man and to visit the religious +houses in his own archdeaconry, explaining the terms of the new bull +intelligibly to the nuns and ordering them to remain within their +nunneries and to permit no one to enter the precincts contrary to the +tenour of the decree, until the Bishop should be able to visit them in +person; the heads of the houses were to be specially warned to carry out +the decree and for better security a sealed copy of it was to be deposited +in each house by the commissioners<a name='fna_1092' id='fna_1092' href='#f_1092'><small>[1092]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>In the course of the next two months Dalderby visited, either in person or +by commissioners, Marlow, Burnham, Flamstead, Markyate, Elstow, Goring, +Studley, Godstow, Delapré (Northampton) and Sewardsley<a name='fna_1093' id='fna_1093' href='#f_1093'><small>[1093]</small></a>. At each +house the bull was carefully explained to the nuns in the vulgar tongue, +they were ordered to obey it and a copy was left with them. But this +campaign was not unattended with difficulties. The nuns were bitterly +opposed to the restriction of a freedom to which they were accustomed and +which they heartily enjoyed, and an entry in Dalderby’s Register, +describing his visitation of Markyate, shows that even in the middle ages +a bishop’s lot was not a happy one:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>On July 3rd, in the first year [of his consecration], the Bishop +visited the house of nuns of Markyate and on the following day he +caused to be recited before the nuns of the same [house] in chapter +the statute put forth by the lord Pope Boniface VIII concerning the +enclosure<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_352" id="Page_352">[Pg 352]</a></span> of nuns, explained it in the vulgar tongue and giving them +a copy of the same statute under his seal, ordered them in virtue of +obedience henceforth to observe it in the matter of enclosure and of +all things contained in it, and especially to close all doors by which +entrance is had into the inner places of their house and to permit no +person, whether dishonest or honest, to enter in to them, without +reasonable and manifest cause and licence from the person to whom [the +granting of such a licence] pertains. Furthermore he specially +enjoined the Prioress to observe the said statute in all its articles +and to cause it to be observed by the others. But when the Bishop was +going away, certain of the nuns, disobedient to these injunctions, +hurled the said statute at his back and over his head, and as well the +Prioress as the convent appeared to consent to those who threw it, +following the bishop to the outer gate of the house and declaring +unanimously that they were not content in any way to observe such a +statute. On account of which, the Bishop, who was then directing his +steps to Dunstable, returned the next day and having made inquisition +as to the matters concerned in the said statute, imposed a penance on +four nuns, whom he found guilty and on the whole convent for their +consent, as is more fully contained in his letters of correction sent +to the aforesaid house.</p></div> + +<p>Afterwards he sent letters to the recalcitrant convent warning them for +the third time (they had already been warned once by the Official of the +Archdeacon of Bedford and a second time at the visitation which has just +been described) to keep the new decree, on pain of the major +excommunication, from which only the Pope could absolve them<a name='fna_1094' id='fna_1094' href='#f_1094'><small>[1094]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>There was opposition at other convents, too, though we hear of no more +attacks on the episcopal shoulders. On August 19th Dalderby wrote as +follows to Master Benedict de Feriby, rector of Broughton, Northants (a +church in the presentation of the Abbess and Convent of Delapré):</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>It has come to our ears, by clamorous rumour, that some of the nuns of +our diocese, spurning good obedience, slackening the reins of honesty +and shamelessly casting aside the modesty of their sex, despise the +papal statute concerning enclosure directed to them, as well as our +injunctions made to them upon the subject, and frequent cities and +other public places outside their monasteries, and mingle in the +haunts of men;</p></div> + +<p>he proceeded to order Feriby to visit nunneries wherever he considered it +expedient to do so, and to punish those who were guilty of breaking the +statute, signifying to the Bishop, by a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_353" id="Page_353">[Pg 353]</a></span> certain date, the names of all +who had been accused of doing so, whether they had been found guilty or +not<a name='fna_1095' id='fna_1095' href='#f_1095'><small>[1095]</small></a>. This mandate is no doubt in part explained by two other letters +which he dispatched on the same day; one of them was directed to the +Archdeacon of Northampton and set forth (in language which often repeats +<i>verbatim</i> the phrases of the papal bull) that at the Bishop’s recent +visitation of Delapré (Northampton) he had found three nuns in apostasy, +having cast off their habits after being a long time professed, and left +their house to live a secular life in the world<a name='fna_1096' id='fna_1096' href='#f_1096'><small>[1096]</small></a>. The other letter +contains a sentence of the greater excommunication against a nun of +Sewardsley, for similar conduct<a name='fna_1097' id='fna_1097' href='#f_1097'><small>[1097]</small></a>. These cases of apostasy were less +rare than might be imagined; Dalderby had to deal with two others during +his episcopate, one at St Michael’s, Stamford<a name='fna_1098' id='fna_1098' href='#f_1098'><small>[1098]</small></a>, and the other at +Goring<a name='fna_1099' id='fna_1099' href='#f_1099'><small>[1099]</small></a>; and during the rule of his predecessor Sutton three nuns had +escaped from Godstow and one from Wothorpe<a name='fna_1100' id='fna_1100' href='#f_1100'><small>[1100]</small></a>. They illustrate the +undoubted truth that it was only the existence (already in the thirteenth +century) of very grave disorders, which led reformers like Ottobon, +Peckham and Boniface VIII to “beat the air” with such severe restrictions.</p> + +<p>These three documents, the Constitutions of Ottobon and of Peckham and the +Bull <i>Periculoso</i>, were the standard decrees on the subject of the +claustration of nuns in England and were used as a model by visitors in +the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. William of Wykeham, for example, +in the exceptionally full and formal injunctions which he sent to Romsey +and to Wherwell in 1387 continually refers by name to Ottobon and to +Peckham, and the wording of the Bull <i>Periculoso</i> is followed <i>verbatim</i> +in the mandate directed by Bishop Grandisson of Exeter to Canonsleigh in +1329 and in the commission sent by his successor Bishop Brantyngham to two +canons of Exeter in 1376, concerning the wanderings of the nuns of +Polsloe. But a study of the visitation documents of the thirteenth and +fourteenth centuries makes it clear that the nuns never really made any +attempt to obey the regulations which imposed a strict enclosure upon +them; and that the bishops upon whom fell the brunt of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_354" id="Page_354">[Pg 354]</a></span> administering +<i>Periculoso</i> themselves allowed a considerable latitude, directing their +efforts towards regulating the conditions under which nuns left their +convents, rather than to keeping them within the precincts. <i>Le mieux est +l’ennemi du bien</i> and the steady opposition of the nuns forced a +compromise upon their visitors. The canonist John of Ayton, reciting the +decrees of Ottobon and of Boniface, with their injunction that bishops +shall “cause them to be observed,” exclaims</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Cause to be observed! But surely there is scarce any mortal man who +could do this: we must therefore here understand “so far as lieth in +the prelate’s power.” For the nuns answer roundly to these statutes or +to any others promulgated against their wantonness, saying “In truth +the men who made these laws sat well at their ease, while they laid +such burdens upon us by these hard and intolerable restrictions!” +Wherefore we see in fact that these statutes are a dead letter or are +ill-kept at the best. Why, then, did the holy fathers thus labour to +beat the air? Yet indeed their toil is none the less to their own +merit; for we look not to that which is but to that which of justice +should be<a name='fna_1101' id='fna_1101' href='#f_1101'><small>[1101]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Dalderby’s experience at Markyate shows that John of Ayton’s picture was +not too highly coloured, and since it was impossible to enforce “hard and +intolerable restrictions” without at least a measure of co-operation from +the nuns themselves, the bishops took the only course open to them in +trying to minimise the evil. Their expedients deserve some study, and as a +typical set of episcopal injunctions dealing with journeys by nuns outside +their cloisters it will suffice to quote those sent by Walter Stapeldon, +Bishop of Exeter, to the nunneries of Polsloe and Canonsleigh. These rules +were drawn up in 1319, only twenty years after the publication of the Bull +<i>Periculoso</i>, but they are already far removed from the strict ideal of +Boniface VIII. Stapeldon was a practical statesman and he evidently +realised that the enforcement of strict enclosure was impossible in a +diocese where the nuns had been used to considerable freedom and where all +the counties of the West saw them upon their holidays.</p> + +<p>The clauses dealing with the subject run as follows:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p><i>De visitacione amicorum.</i> No lady of religion is to go and visit her +friends outside the priory, but if it be once a year at the most and +then for reasonable cause and by permission; and then let her have a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_355" id="Page_355">[Pg 355]</a></span> +companion professed in the same religion, not of her own choice, but +whomsoever the Prioress will assign to her and she who is once +assigned to her for companion shall not be assigned the next time, so +that each time a lady goes to visit her friends her companion is +changed; and if she have permission to go to certain places to visit +her friends, let her not go to other places without new permission. +<i>De absencia Dominarum et regressu earum.</i> Item, when any lady of +religion eats at Exeter, or in another place near by, for reasonable +cause and by permission, whenever she can she ought to return the same +or the following day and each time let her have a companion and a +chaplain, clerk or serving-man of good repute assigned by the +prioress, who shall go, remain and return with them and otherwise they +shall not go; and then let them return speedily to the house, as they +be commanded, and let them not go again to Exeter, wandering from +house to house, as they have oftentimes done, to the dishonour of +their state and of religion. <i>De Dominabus “Wakerauntes”</i> [i.e. +<i>vagantibus</i>]. Item, a lady who goes a long distance to visit her +friends, in the aforesaid form, should return to the house within a +month at the latest, or within a shorter space if it be assigned her +by the Prioress, having regard to the distance or proximity of the +place, where dwell the friends whom she is going to visit, but a +longer term ought the Prioress never to give her, save in the case of +death, or of the known illness of herself or of her near friends. +<i>Pena Dominarum Vagancium.</i> And if a lady remain without for a long +time or in any other manner than in the form aforesaid, let her never +set foot outside the outer gate of the Priory for the next two years; +and nevertheless let her be punished otherwise for disobedience, in +such manner as is laid down by the rule and observances of the order +of St Benet for the fault; and leave procured by the prayer of her +friends ought not to excuse her from this penance<a name='fna_1102' id='fna_1102' href='#f_1102'><small>[1102]</small></a>. No lady of +your religion, professed or unprofessed, shall come to the external +offices outside the door of the cloister to be bled or for any other +feigned excuse, save it be by leave of the Prioress or of the +Subprioress, and then for a fit reason and let her have with her +another professed lady of your religion, to the end that each of them +may see and hear that which the other shall say and do<a name='fna_1103' id='fna_1103' href='#f_1103'><small>[1103]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_356" id="Page_356">[Pg 356]</a></span>The main lines along which the bishops attempted to regulate the movements +of the nuns outside their houses appear clearly in these injunctions. It +was their invariable practice to forbid unlicensed visits, in accordance +with the Benedictine rule; no nun might leave her house without a licence +from her superior and such licences were not to be granted too +easily<a name='fna_1104' id='fna_1104' href='#f_1104'><small>[1104]</small></a> or with any show of favouritism<a name='fna_1105' id='fna_1105' href='#f_1105'><small>[1105]</small></a>; sometimes the licence +of the Bishop was required as well<a name='fna_1106' id='fna_1106' href='#f_1106'><small>[1106]</small></a>. Such licences were not to be +granted often (once a year is usually the specified rule)<a name='fna_1107' id='fna_1107' href='#f_1107'><small>[1107]</small></a> and the +bishops sometimes tried to confine the visits of nuns to parents or to +near relatives<a name='fna_1108' id='fna_1108' href='#f_1108'><small>[1108]</small></a>. An attempt was also made to regulate the length of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_357" id="Page_357">[Pg 357]</a></span> +the visits. A maximum number of days was fixed and the nun was to be +punished if she outstayed her leave<a name='fna_1109' id='fna_1109' href='#f_1109'><small>[1109]</small></a>, except when she was detained by +illness. This maximum differed from time to time and from place to place. +Bishop Stapeldon, it will be recalled, allowed the nuns in his diocese to +remain away for a month and longer; how he reconciled such laxity with his +conscience and the Bull <i>Periculoso</i> is not plain. Archbishop Greenfield, +at the same date, permitted his Yorkshire nuns a maximum visit of fifteen +days<a name='fna_1110' id='fna_1110' href='#f_1110'><small>[1110]</small></a>, and in 1358 Bishop Gynewell of Lincoln forbade the nuns of +Godstow to remain away for longer than three weeks<a name='fna_1111' id='fna_1111' href='#f_1111'><small>[1111]</small></a>. When Alnwick +visited the diocese of Lincoln<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_358" id="Page_358">[Pg 358]</a></span> in 1440-5, he made careful inquiry into +the length of the visits paid by the nuns and at Goring, Gracedieu, +Markyate, Nuncoton and St Michael’s, Stamford, he found that the superior +usually gave the nuns licence to remain away a week, though the Prioress +of Studley gave exeats for three or four days only<a name='fna_1112' id='fna_1112' href='#f_1112'><small>[1112]</small></a>. A week does not +seem a very lengthy absence, but Alnwick would have lifted horrified +eyebrows at the action of his predecessor Gynewell, for he ordered the +superiors “that ye gyfe no sustere of yowres leue to byde wythe thaire +frendes whan thai visite thaym, overe thre dayes in helthe, and if thai +falle seke, that he do fecche thaym home wythe yn sex dayes”<a name='fna_1113' id='fna_1113' href='#f_1113'><small>[1113]</small></a>. He +shared the views of an even stricter reformer, Peckham<a name='fna_1114' id='fna_1114' href='#f_1114'><small>[1114]</small></a>. It was often +stipulated that the nuns, whether they went on long or on short journeys, +were to go only to the place which they had received permission to +visit<a name='fna_1115' id='fna_1115' href='#f_1115'><small>[1115]</small></a>; and sometimes they were specially told that if they were +obliged to spend the night away from their friends they were to do so, +whenever possible, in another nunnery<a name='fna_1116' id='fna_1116' href='#f_1116'><small>[1116]</small></a>.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_359" id="Page_359">[Pg 359]</a></span> But they were strictly +forbidden to harbour in the houses of monks, friars, or canons<a name='fna_1117' id='fna_1117' href='#f_1117'><small>[1117]</small></a>. On +short journeys, or on errands which could be speedily accomplished, they +were forbidden to eat or drink out of their monasteries or to make +unnecessary delay, but were to return at once and in no case to be out +after nightfall<a name='fna_1118' id='fna_1118' href='#f_1118'><small>[1118]</small></a>. Moreover it was invariably ordered that a nun was +on no account to leave her house, without another nun of mature age and +good reputation who would be a constant witness to her behaviour<a name='fna_1119' id='fna_1119' href='#f_1119'><small>[1119]</small></a>; +and both were to wear monastic dress<a name='fna_1120' id='fna_1120' href='#f_1120'><small>[1120]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>The chief aim of the ecclesiastical authorities was, however, to secure +that leave of absence should be granted only for a reasonable cause. All +conciliar and other injunctions for enclosure added a saving clause of +“manifest necessity” and this gave an opening for an infinite variety of +interpretation. The nuns, indeed, could fall back upon a threefold line of +defence against the intolerable restrictions. They could appeal to the +undoubted fact that strict and perpetual enclosure went beyond the +requirements of their rule. They could adduce the custom by which, as long +as their memory ran, nuns had been allowed to leave their convents under +conditions. Finally they could with a little skill, stretch the “manifest +necessity” clause to cover almost all their wanderings. Thus it happened +that in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_360" id="Page_360">[Pg 360]</a></span> enforcing the Bull <i>Periculoso</i> the visitors of the later middle +ages found themselves obliged to define, more or less widely according to +local conditions, what was and what was not a reasonable cause, and to +combat one after another certain specific excuses put forward by the nuns. +The sternest reformers were agreed that enclosure might be broken, when +the lives of the nuns were endangered. Fire, flood, famine, war and the +ruin of their buildings were universally accepted as reasonable +excuses<a name='fna_1121' id='fna_1121' href='#f_1121'><small>[1121]</small></a>. A nun could leave her house to be superior of another +nunnery (a not infrequent practice), or to found new houses or to +establish reform elsewhere.<a name='fna_1122' id='fna_1122' href='#f_1122'><small>[1122]</small></a> Moreover when a culprit stood in need +of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_361" id="Page_361">[Pg 361]</a></span> condign punishment, she might be and often was sent to another house +to do penance among strangers, who would neither sympathise with her nor +run the risk of being contaminated by her<a name='fna_1123' id='fna_1123' href='#f_1123'><small>[1123]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>At this point, however, agreement ceased. The question of illness was +beset with difficulties. It was agreed that a nun might leave her house, +if she suffered from some contagious disease which threatened the health +of her sisters<a name='fna_1124' id='fna_1124' href='#f_1124'><small>[1124]</small></a>, but opinions<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_362" id="Page_362">[Pg 362]</a></span> differed as to whether any relaxation +was to be allowed in less severe cases, when only her own health was in +question. The visitors sometimes issued licences for nuns to leave their +houses in order to recruit their health; thus in 1303 Josiana de Anelaby, +Prioress of Swine, had licence to absent herself from her house on account +of ill-health<a name='fna_1125' id='fna_1125' href='#f_1125'><small>[1125]</small></a>, in 1314 Archbishop Greenfield licenced a nun of +Yedingham, who was suffering from dropsy, to visit friends and relatives +with honest company, for the sake of improving her health<a name='fna_1126' id='fna_1126' href='#f_1126'><small>[1126]</small></a> and in +1368 Joan Furmage, Abbess of Shaftesbury, actually received a dispensation +to leave the abbey for a year, and reside in her manors, for the sake of +air and recreation<a name='fna_1127' id='fna_1127' href='#f_1127'><small>[1127]</small></a>. It is significant that the <i>Novellae +Definitiones</i> of the Cistercian Order in 1350 strictly forbade nuns to go +to the public baths outside their houses, which shows that they had been +in the habit of doing so<a name='fna_1128' id='fna_1128' href='#f_1128'><small>[1128]</small></a>. But strict reformers were always opposed +to such licences, and the specific prohibition of exeats for purposes of +cures and convalescences was common in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_363" id="Page_363">[Pg 363]</a></span> sixteenth and seventeenth +centuries, when the practice had become almost universal in France<a name='fna_1129' id='fna_1129' href='#f_1129'><small>[1129]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Again there was some difference of opinion as to whether a nun might leave +her house, in order to enter one professing a stricter rule. Such a desire +was in theory laudable and by Innocent III’s decretal <i>Licet</i> the +principle was laid down that a bishop was bound <i>de jure</i> to grant leave +for migration “sub praetextu majoris religionis et ut vitam ducant +arctiorem,” as long as the motive of the petitioner was love of God and +not merely <i>temeritas</i><a name='fna_1130' id='fna_1130' href='#f_1130'><small>[1130]</small></a>. But <i>temeritas</i> was often to be suspected; +women, as St Francis de Sales complained, were full of whimsies<a name='fna_1131' id='fna_1131' href='#f_1131'><small>[1131]</small></a>; +ennui, fancy, a craving for change, a friend in another house, might +masquerade as a desire to lead a stricter life elsewhere. Moreover a nun +who desired to remove herself was not unlikely to encounter opposition +from her own convent. An interesting case of such opposition occurred at +Gracedieu in 1447-8. Margaret Crosse, a nun of that house, desired to be +transferred to the Benedictine Priory of Ivinghoe “of a straiter order of +religion and observance, not for a frivolous or empty reason, but that she +may lead a life altogether and entirely harder.” She obtained letters of +admission from the Prioress of Ivinghoe, but when she came to ask for +leave to migrate, the Prioress and Convent of Gracedieu refused to release +her from her obedience and confiscated the letters. Bishop Alnwick then +wrote to Gracedieu, requiring the Prioress either to let her go, or to +furnish<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_364" id="Page_364">[Pg 364]</a></span> him with a reason for their refusal. The Prioress and Convent +replied with some acerbity. Margaret, they said, desired to lead a life of +less and not of more restraint and her real object was to join her sister, +who was at that time Prioress of Ivinghoe, if indeed her request were not +a mere pretext for apostasy; for</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>the said Margaret Crosse has caused and commanded certain goods, +property and jewels belonging to our priory to be stealthily conveyed +by certain of the said Margaret’s friends in the flesh from our priory +to foreign and privy places, and to such conveyance done in her name +has lent her authority, with the purpose, as is strongly suspected, of +taking advantage of the darkness one night ... and transferring +herself utterly and entirely of her own motion to places wholly +strange, without having or asking and against our will<a name='fna_1132' id='fna_1132' href='#f_1132'><small>[1132]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Moreover had the holy father considered the merits of their house and the +loss to it, if Margaret seceded?</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Inasmuch as in our priory according to the observances of the rule God +is served and quire is ruled both in reading and singing and chanting +the psalms and toiling in the vineyard of the Lord of Sabaoth at the +canonical hours by day and night, while we also patiently endure +grievous cares, fastings and watchings and further are instant +together in contemplation, even as the holy Spirit designs to give us +His inspiration. And the said Margaret Crosse, who is sufficiently +trained in such regular observances and is very needful for the +service of God in our priory aforesaid, wherein such regular +observances and contemplations are not so fully kept as in our +aforesaid priory ... would give herself to secular business in all +matters, rather than to such contemplation or observance of the rule; +and thereout shall arise to us and our priory not only grievous ill +repute, but also no small loss, especially in that such chantings and +regular observances would in likelihood suffer damage by reason of the +said Margaret’s absence<a name='fna_1133' id='fna_1133' href='#f_1133'><small>[1133]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>There is an air of verisimilitude about the injured convent’s argument, +though the visitation report of 1440-1 does not show them as the strict +and pious community which they claim to be; but what came of the affair we +do not know.</p> + +<p>One plea to lead a stricter life was, however, less open to suspicion; +that was the request to be enclosed as an anchoress.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_365" id="Page_365">[Pg 365]</a></span> Sometimes an +anchoress had a companion, sometimes a servant<a name='fna_1134' id='fna_1134' href='#f_1134'><small>[1134]</small></a>, but in any case her +life was stricter than that of a nun, for she devoted herself to constant +prayer and was bound to remain always in her little cell, which was +usually attached to a church. There are several instances of nuns who left +their communities to lead a solitary life in some anchorage. On one +occasion when the nuns of Coldingham had been dispersed by the Scots, +Beatrice de Hodesak left her convent and with the permission of the +Archbishop and of her Prioress retired to an anchorage at St Edmund’s +Chapel, near the bridge of Doncaster; another anchoress Sibil de Lisle was +already living there (c. 1300)<a name='fna_1135' id='fna_1135' href='#f_1135'><small>[1135]</small></a>. Twenty years later Archbishop Melton +gave Margaret de Punchardon, nun of Arden, permission to be enclosed, as +an anchoress, in the cell attached to St Nicholas’ Hospital at Beverley, +in company with Agnes Migregose [? Mucegrose, i.e. Musgrave] already a +recluse there<a name='fna_1136' id='fna_1136' href='#f_1136'><small>[1136]</small></a>. The register of Bishop Gray of Lincoln contains an +interesting commission (1435-6) addressed to the Abbot of Thornton, +bidding him enclose Beatrice Franke, a nun of Stainfield, in the parish +church of Winterton, together with the Abbot’s certificate that he has +examined her and found her steadfast in her purpose and therefore</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>shutting up the aforesaid sister Beatrice in a building and enclosure +constructed on the north side of the church and making fast the door +thereof with bolts, bars and keys, we left her in peace and calm of +spirit, as it is believed by the more part, in the joy of her +Saviour<a name='fna_1137' id='fna_1137' href='#f_1137'><small>[1137]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_366" id="Page_366">[Pg 366]</a></span>Some nunneries themselves had anchorages attached, for instance +Davington<a name='fna_1138' id='fna_1138' href='#f_1138'><small>[1138]</small></a>, Polesworth<a name='fna_1139' id='fna_1139' href='#f_1139'><small>[1139]</small></a> and Carrow; and Julian of Norwich, +anchoress at the parish church of Carrow in the fourteenth century, was +one of the most famous mystical writers of the middle ages<a name='fna_1140' id='fna_1140' href='#f_1140'><small>[1140]</small></a>. +Anchoresses do not seem always to have been content with their life and +the strict preliminary examination of Beatrice Franke “concerning her +withdrawal from the life of a community to the solitary life, concerning +the length of time wherein she had continued in this purpose, concerning +the perils of them that choose such a life and afterwards repent thereof” +was probably a necessary precaution. The register of Bishop Dalderby of +Lincoln contains a mandate to the nuns of Marlow, to readmit one such +faint-heart, Agnes de Littlemore, a lay sister of the house, who had left +it to become an anchoress and had repented of her decision<a name='fna_1141' id='fna_1141' href='#f_1141'><small>[1141]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Illness and the desire to embrace a stricter rule were exceptional<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_367" id="Page_367">[Pg 367]</a></span> causes +for a temporary breach of enclosure. The great difficulty in administering +<i>Periculoso</i> arose over more usual pretexts. The least objectionable +occasion for leaving cloistral precincts was when convent business +demanded it and this happened frequently to the superior and the +treasuress or cellaress. The journeys which were frequently taken by the +head of a house have already been considered<a name='fna_1142' id='fna_1142' href='#f_1142'><small>[1142]</small></a>; but the obedientiaries +also found much scope for wandering in the duties of their offices. The +treasuress and cellaress might be obliged day by day to visit, in the +course of their duties, offices and buildings which lay outside the walls, +and if they were not sober minded women there were ample opportunities for +lingering and gossiping with secular persons and with servants. The +Constitutions of the Legate Ottobon in 1268 attempted to minimise this +danger by enacting that no nun was to go into the different <i>officinae</i>, +except those whose offices rendered it necessary to do so, and they were +never to go unaccompanied<a name='fna_1143' id='fna_1143' href='#f_1143'><small>[1143]</small></a>. The complaints brought by the nuns of +Gracedieu in 1440-1 against their self-confident cellaress Margaret Belers +show that some such regulation was necessary; it was said that she was +accustomed to visit all the offices by herself, even the granges and other +places where menfolk were working, and that she went there (good zealous +housewife!) “over early in the morning before daybreak”; whereupon Bishop +Alnwick ordered the Prioress to “suffre none of thaym, officiere ne other, +to go to any house of office wythe owte the cloystere, but if ther be an +other nunne approveded in religyone assigned to go wythe hire, eyther to +be wytnesse of others conversatyon”<a name='fna_1144' id='fna_1144' href='#f_1144'><small>[1144]</small></a>. Convent business, however, +frequently took the officials further afield than outlying granges and +they undertook journeys hardly less often than did the head of the house. +The Cistercian statutes<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_368" id="Page_368">[Pg 368]</a></span> of 1256-7, in forbidding nuns to leave their +convents, make exception “for the Abbess with two or at most three nuns +and for the cellaress with one, who are permitted to go forth to look +after the business of the house or for other inevitable causes”<a name='fna_1145' id='fna_1145' href='#f_1145'><small>[1145]</small></a>. The +evidence of account rolls is invaluable in this connection and shows us +the nuns going marketing or seeking tithes from recalcitrant farmers, or +interviewing tenants about rent. The Chambress of Syon went to London +three times in 1536, doubtless to buy the russets, white cloth, kerseys, +friezes and hollands which figure so largely in her account and to take +the spectacles to be mended; she was a thrifty lady and her expenses were +only 6<i>d.</i>, 2<i>d.</i> and 20<i>d.</i> respectively. Her sister the cellaress also +went to London that year and spent 6<i>d.</i> on the jaunt<a name='fna_1146' id='fna_1146' href='#f_1146'><small>[1146]</small></a>. The nuns of +St Michael’s, Stamford, sometimes took long journeys on convent business; +in 1372-3 Dame Katherine Fitzaleyn went “to London and other places about +our tithes,” at the heavy cost of 15<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i><a name='fna_1147' id='fna_1147' href='#f_1147'><small>[1147]</small></a> From Stamford to +London was a considerable journey, but the convent could not afford to +lose its tithes. The same business took Dame Katherine to the capital +another year; she hired three horses for six days and a serving man to go +with them and she took with her Dame Ida, in accordance with the +regulations; the whole cost of the expedition was £2. 11<i>s.</i>, a very large +sum, and we will hope that the tithes brought in more than enough to cover +it<a name='fna_1148' id='fna_1148' href='#f_1148'><small>[1148]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Sometimes, again, nuns left their houses to take part in ecclesiastical +ceremonies, such as processions. There does not <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_369" id="Page_369">[Pg 369]</a></span>seem much harm in the +whole convent sallying forth on these solemn occasions and indeed bishops +sometimes gave orders that they were to do so. In 1321 Rigaud de Asserio, +Bishop of Winchester, sent a letter to the Prior of St Swithun’s monastery +“to pray for peace, with solemn processions”; he was to cause the Abbot +and Convent of Hyde, the Abbess and Convent of St Mary’s, Winchester, and +all the other religious houses and parish priests of Winchester to come +together in the Cathedral and then to proceed in solemn procession through +the town<a name='fna_1149' id='fna_1149' href='#f_1149'><small>[1149]</small></a>. The strictest disciplinarians, however, looked with +suspicion even upon religious processions and sought to keep nuns within +the precincts of their cloister. Ottobon’s Constitutions contain a proviso +that nuns are not to go out for public processions, but are to hold their +processions within the bounds of their own house<a name='fna_1150' id='fna_1150' href='#f_1150'><small>[1150]</small></a> and the prohibition +was repeated by Thomas of Cantilupe, Bishop of Hereford, writing to +Lymbrook in 1277<a name='fna_1151' id='fna_1151' href='#f_1151'><small>[1151]</small></a>, and by William of Wykeham (who specifically based +his words upon Ottobon), writing to Romsey in 1387<a name='fna_1152' id='fna_1152' href='#f_1152'><small>[1152]</small></a>. A century later +the custom was forbidden in France at the provincial Council of Sens, in +1460 and again in 1485, where it was referred to as “a dangerous and evil +abuse”<a name='fna_1153' id='fna_1153' href='#f_1153'><small>[1153]</small></a>. Some explanation of this severity, which seems excessive, +may perhaps be gleaned from an injunction sent by Bishop Longland to +Elstow in 1531:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Moreover forasmoche as the ladye abbesse and covent of that house be +all oon religious bodye unite by the profession and rules of holy +sainct benedicte, and is nott conuenyent ne religious to be disseuerd +or separate, we will and Inioyne that frome hensforth noon of the said +abbesse seruauntes nor no ther secular person or persones, whatsoeuer +he or they be, goo in eny procession before the said abbesse betwene +hir and hir said covent, undre payne of exccommunycacon, and that the +ladye abbesse ne noon of hir successours hereafter be ladde by the +arme or otherwise in eny procession ther as in tymes paste hath been +used, undre the same payne<a name='fna_1154' id='fna_1154' href='#f_1154'><small>[1154]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Other religious ceremonies of a less formal nature occasionally called +nuns, in a body or individually, out of their cloister. For<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_370" id="Page_370">[Pg 370]</a></span> instance some +of the greater abbeys were accustomed to receive into their fraternity +benefactors and persons of distinction, both men and women, whom they +wished to honour, nor were kings too proud to call themselves the +<i>confratres</i> of Bury St Edmunds or St Albans and to receive from the monks +the kiss of peace<a name='fna_1155' id='fna_1155' href='#f_1155'><small>[1155]</small></a>. The ceremony took place with great solemnity in +the chapter-house and it is recorded that on one occasion (in 1428), when +the Earl of Warwick and the Duke of Gloucester and their households were +received into the Fraternity of St Albans, Cecilia Paynel and Margaret +Ewer, nuns of Sopwell, were also admitted. At another time the Prioress of +Sopwell, together with a certain John Crofton and his wife, were received +and gave the abbey a pittance and wine and a sum of money; while on +another occasion still the Prioress and another nun of St Mary de Pré were +similarly made <i>consorores</i> of the abbey, and marked their appreciation by +the gift of a frontal for the high altar in the lady chapel<a name='fna_1156' id='fna_1156' href='#f_1156'><small>[1156]</small></a>. Sopwell +and St Mary de Pré were dependents of St Albans and it is not improbable +that their superiors and seniors often visited it on great occasions such +as this; certainly the great magnates of the realm often called at Sopwell +on their way from St Albans, and nuns of the house figure in its book of +benefactors as donors of embroidery to the church<a name='fna_1157' id='fna_1157' href='#f_1157'><small>[1157]</small></a>, while in matters +of government the Abbot always kept a tight hand upon both houses. Again +nuns sometimes attended the funerals of great folk; not only priors and +prioresses, but also canons and nuns were expected to be present at Sir +Thomas Cumberworth’s funeral and “month’s-mind”<a name='fna_1158' id='fna_1158' href='#f_1158'><small>[1158]</small></a> and in an account +roll of St Michael’s, Stamford, there is an entry “paye a nos +compaygnounes alaunt a Leycestre al enterment la Duchesse ij s”<a name='fna_1159' id='fna_1159' href='#f_1159'><small>[1159]</small></a>.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_371" id="Page_371">[Pg 371]</a></span>Attendance at religious processions and ceremonies might be, and +attendance at funerals undoubtedly was, regarded by the more moderate and +reasonable visitors as a legitimate reason for going outside the precincts +of the cloister. One other excuse of the same nature, however, sometimes +took a nun away from her convent for a considerable length of time and was +never looked upon with any favour by the authorities of the church. Yet it +is an excuse which we have the best of reasons for recognising, which is, +indeed, bound up with all that most people know of the medieval nun—for +Chaucer has taught us that nuns were wont to go upon pilgrimages. All +pilgrimages did not, indeed, involve as long a journey as that taken by +Madame Eglentyne. The ladies of Nuncoton could make a pilgrimage to St +Hugh of Lincoln, without being away for more than a night and the ladies +of Blackborough would not have to follow for a long distance the milky way +to Walsingham<a name='fna_1160' id='fna_1160' href='#f_1160'><small>[1160]</small></a>. Nevertheless it is unnecessary to go further than +Chaucer to understand why it was that medieval bishops offered a strenuous +opposition to the practice; one has only to remember some of the folk in +whose company the Prioress travelled and some of the tales they told. If +one could be certain that she rode with her nun and her priests, or at +least between the Knight and the poor Parson! But there were also the +Miller and the Summoner and, worst of all, that cheerful and engaging +sinner the Wife of Bath. If one could be certain that she listened only to +the tale of Griselda, or of Palamon and Arcite, or yawned over Melibeus, +and that she fell discreetly to the rear when the company laughed over the +“nyce cas of Absalon and hende Nicholas”! If one could be certain that it +was to the Wife of Bath alone that the Merchant made his apology</p> + +<p class="poem">Ladies, I prey yow that ye be nat wrooth;<br /> +I can nat glose, I am a rude man.</p> + +<p>Certainly the Wife of Bath was a host in herself, but the plural is +ominous and the two nuns were the only other ladies in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_372" id="Page_372">[Pg 372]</a></span> company. The +sterner moralists of the middle ages bear out Chaucer’s picture of a +typical pilgrimage with most unchaucerian denunciation<a name='fna_1161' id='fna_1161' href='#f_1161'><small>[1161]</small></a>. Pilgrims got +drunk at times, as drunk as the Miller, “so that vnnethe up-on his hors he +sat,” on the very first day of the journey, as drunk as the “sory palled +gost” of a cook, when the cavalcade reached that</p> + +<p class="poem"><span style="margin-left: 8.5em;">litel toun</span><br /> +Which that y-cleped is Bob-up-&-doun<br /> +Under the Blee in Canterbury weye.</p> + +<p>Again, there are pilgrims, says Etienne de Bourbon, “who when they visit +holy places sing lecherous lays, whereby they inflame the hearts of such +as hear them and kindle the fire of lechery”; and like an echo rise the +well-known words:</p> + +<p class="poem">Ful loude he song “Come hider, love, to me,”<br /> +This somnour bar to him a stif burdoun<br /> +Was never trompe of half so greet a soun,</p> + +<p>and shrill and clear sound the miller’s bagpipes, bringing the pilgrims +out of town<a name='fna_1162' id='fna_1162' href='#f_1162'><small>[1162]</small></a>. No place for a cloistered nun was the inn though one +feels that mine host’s wife, “big in arme,” would have kept the Tabard +respectable, whatever might be said of the Chequer-on-the-Hoop. No place +for her the road to Canterbury,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_373" id="Page_373">[Pg 373]</a></span> nor yet Canterbury itself, where the monk +with the holy-water sprinkler was so anxious for a peep at her face and +where she hobnobbed over wine in the parlour, with the hostess and the +Wife of Bath<a name='fna_1163' id='fna_1163' href='#f_1163'><small>[1163]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Madame Eglentyne, for all her simplicity, must have circumvented her +Bishop before she got there. For the Bishops were quite clear in their +minds that pilgrimages for nuns were to be discouraged. They were of +Langland’s way of thinking:</p> + +<p class="poem">Right so, if thow be religious, renne thow neuere ferther,<br /> +To Rome ne to Rochemadore, but as thi reule techeth,<br /> +And holde the vnder obedyence, that heigh wey is to heuene<a name='fna_1164' id='fna_1164' href='#f_1164'><small>[1164]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>As early as 791 the Council of Fréjus had forbidden the practice<a name='fna_1165' id='fna_1165' href='#f_1165'><small>[1165]</small></a> and +in 1195 the Council of York decreed “In order that the opportunity of +wandering about may be taken from them [the nuns], we forbid them to take +the road of pilgrimage”<a name='fna_1166' id='fna_1166' href='#f_1166'><small>[1166]</small></a>. In 1318 Archbishop Melton strictly forbade +the nuns of Nunappleton to leave their house “by reason of any vow of +pilgrimage, which they might have taken; if any had taken such vows she +was to say as many psalters as it would have taken days to perform<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_374" id="Page_374">[Pg 374]</a></span> the +pilgrimage so rashly vowed”<a name='fna_1167' id='fna_1167' href='#f_1167'><small>[1167]</small></a>. One has a melancholy vision of Madame +Eglentyne saying psalters interminably through her “tretys” nose, instead +of jogging along so gaily with her motley companions and telling so +prettily her tale of little St Hugh. But the nuns of Nunappleton retained +their taste for pilgrimages and nearly two centuries later (in 1489) we +find Archbishop Rotherham admonishing their successors:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>yat ye prioresse lycence none of your susters to goe pilgremage or +visit yer frendes w<sup>t</sup>oute a grete cause, and yen such a sister +lycencyate by you to have w<sup>t</sup> her oon of ye most sadd and well +disposid sistirs to she come home agayne<a name='fna_1168' id='fna_1168' href='#f_1168'><small>[1168]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>At Wix, twenty years later, the nuns were forbidden to undertake +pilgrimages without the consent of the diocesan<a name='fna_1169' id='fna_1169' href='#f_1169'><small>[1169]</small></a>, and in 1531 Bishop +Longland wrote to the Prioress of Nuncoton:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Forasmoche as by your negligent sufferaunce dyuers of your susters +hath wandred a brode in the world, some under the pretence of +pylgrymage, some to see ther frends, and otherwise whereby hath growen +many Inconuenyences insolent behauiours and moche slaunder, as well to +your house as to those susters, as by the texts of my said visitation +doth euydently appere, I chardge you lady priores that from hensforthe +ye neyther licence ne suffre eny your susters to goo out of your +monastery,</p></div> + +<p>without good cause and company of a “wise sobre and discrete suster,” and +an injunction not to “tary out of the monastery in the nighte tyme”<a name='fna_1170' id='fna_1170' href='#f_1170'><small>[1170]</small></a>. +But most significant of all is a case which occurred at the little +Cistercian priory of Wykeham in Yorkshire in the fifteenth century. In +1450 Archbishop Kemp wrote to the Prioress, bidding her readmit an +apostate nun Katherine Thornyf:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>who, seduced by the Angel of Darkness, under the colour of a +pilgrimage in the time of the Jubilee, without leave of the +archbishop,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_375" id="Page_375">[Pg 375]</a></span> or officials or even of the prioress, set out on a +journey to the court of Rome, in the company of another nun of the +house, who, as it was reported, had gone the way of all flesh and on +whose soul the Archbishop prayed for mercy. After the death of this +nun, Katherine Thornyf had lived in sin with a married man in London.</p></div> + +<p>Then she had been moved to penitence, after who knows what agony of soul, +and had gone to the Archbishop seeking absolution; and so the prodigal, +weary of her husks, came back to the nunnery she had left<a name='fna_1171' id='fna_1171' href='#f_1171'><small>[1171]</small></a>. The +melancholy tale is borne out by all we know about medieval pilgrimages. +Centuries before—in 774—an Archbishop of Milan had written to an +Archbishop of Canterbury, advising that the Synod should prohibit women +and nuns from travelling to Rome, on account of the dangers and +temptations of the journey, “for very few are the cities in Lombardy ... +France ... Gaul, wherein there is not to be found a prostitute of English +race”<a name='fna_1172' id='fna_1172' href='#f_1172'><small>[1172]</small></a>; and the trouvère Rutebeuf, in the thirteenth century, spoke +with less pity and a more biting satire of the pilgrimages of French nuns +to Paris and Montmartre<a name='fna_1173' id='fna_1173' href='#f_1173'><small>[1173]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Excursions on convent business or for attendance at ecclesiastical +ceremonies (other than pilgrimages) were regarded as<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_376" id="Page_376">[Pg 376]</a></span> legitimate, though +strict disciplinarians sought to restrict them to occasions of real +urgency. But for the most part we hear about journeys undertaken for +pleasure and not for business, or at any rate the elastic term business is +stretched to cover some very pleasant wandering in the world and much +hobnobbing with friends. In spite of the Bull <i>Periculoso</i><a name='fna_1174' id='fna_1174' href='#f_1174'><small>[1174]</small></a> bishops +were never able to prevent nuns from going to stay with their friends, and +sometimes the ladies made very long journeys for this purpose. Bishop +Stapeldon, for instance, ordained that when the nuns of Canonsleigh in +Devon went to visit their friends “in Somerset, Dorset, Devonshire or in +Cornwall” they might not stay for longer than a month; but if they went +outside these four counties the Abbess might allow them to stay longer +still, having regard to the distance of their destination and to the time +which would be spent in travelling<a name='fna_1175' id='fna_1175' href='#f_1175'><small>[1175]</small></a>. The bishops indeed were forced +to regard such visits as “reasonable occasions” for a breach of enclosure, +and their efforts, as has already been shown, were confined to regulating +rather than to stopping the practice; for the relatives of the nuns, as +well as the ladies themselves, would have been the first to resent any +interference with their visits. Whatever might be the theory of the Church +on the subject, blood was thicker than holy water; family affections and +family interests persisted in the cloister and the nun was welcomed at +many a hospitable board for her family’s sake as well as for her own. All +this seems natural and obvious today and few would think the worse of the +nuns for their opposition to the stricter form of enclosure. Nevertheless +the authorities of the Church had reason for their distrust of these +absences from the convent. Once away from the cloister and staying in a +private house there was nothing to keep a nun from joining in the secular +revelries of friends, and though her behaviour might be exemplary the +convent rule aimed at keeping her unspotted even by temptation. An +anecdote related by Erasmus in his dialogue “Ichthyophagia” shows that the +danger of allowing<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_377" id="Page_377">[Pg 377]</a></span> nuns to visit their friends might be a real one. Two +nuns had gone to stay with their kinsfolk, and at supper</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>they began to grow merry with wine; they laughed and joked and kissed +and not over-modestly neither, till you could hardly hear what was +said for the noise they made.... After supper there was dancing and +singing of lascivious songs and such doings I am ashamed to speak of, +inasmuch as I am much afraid the night hardly passed very +honestly<a name='fna_1176' id='fna_1176' href='#f_1176'><small>[1176]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Moreover even if nuns visited their friends for a very short time, staying +only one night, or even returning before nightfall to the convent, there +was danger that they might join in the various revelries practised among +secular folk, and reprobated by the Church as occasions for unseemly and +licentious behaviour. Bishop Spofford of Hereford, indeed, found it +necessary in 1437 to send a special warning against doing so to the nuns +of Lymbrook; the Prioress was to “yife no lycence too noon of hur sustres +her after to go to no port townes, no to noon othir townes to comyn wakes +or festes, spectacles and othir worldly vanytees, and specially on +holy-dayes, nor to be absent lyggying oute by nyght out of thair +monastery, but with fader and moder, except causes of necessytee”<a name='fna_1177' id='fna_1177' href='#f_1177'><small>[1177]</small></a>. +The words which the Good Wife spoke to her daughter come to mind:</p> + +<p class="poem">Go not to þe wrastelings ne schotynge at cok<br /> +As it were a strumpet or a giggelot,<br /> +Wone at hom, douȝter, and love þi work myche<a name='fna_1178' id='fna_1178' href='#f_1178'><small>[1178]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Clemence Medforde, Prioress of Ankerwyke, went to a wedding at +Bromhale<a name='fna_1179' id='fna_1179' href='#f_1179'><small>[1179]</small></a>; yet weddings were of all those “comyn wakes and festes” +most condemned by the Church for the unseemly<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_378" id="Page_378">[Pg 378]</a></span> revelries which followed +them. <i>The Christen State of Matrimony</i>, written in 1543, throws a flood +of light upon the subject:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>When they come home from the Church, then beginneth excesse of eatyng +and dryncking—and as much is waisted in one daye, as were sufficient +for the two newe maried Folkes halfe a yere to lyve upon.... After the +Bancket and Feast, there begynnethe a vayne, madde and unmanerlye +fashion, for the Bryde must be brought into an open dauncynge place. +Then is there such a rennynge, leapynge, and flyngynge among them, +then is there suche a lyftynge up and discoverynge of the Damselles +clothes and other Womennes apparell, that a Man might thynke they were +sworne to the Devels Daunce. Then muste the poore Bryde kepe foote +with al Dauncers and refuse none, how scabbed, foule, droncken, rude +and shameles soever he be. Then must she oft tymes heare and se much +wyckednesse and many an uncomely word; and that noyse and romblyng +endureth even tyll supper<a name='fna_1180' id='fna_1180' href='#f_1180'><small>[1180]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>It may be urged that the Brides of Heaven need not necessarily have +attended these merry-makings after the ceremony; but the example of Isabel +Benet, nun of Catesby, and the tenour of certain episcopal injunctions, +show that nuns by no means despised dancing<a name='fna_1181' id='fna_1181' href='#f_1181'><small>[1181]</small></a>. The strict +disciplinarian’s view of weddings is shown in the fact that members of the +Tertiary Order of St Francis were forbidden to attend them; and even the +civic authorities of London found it necessary to regulate the disorders +which were prevalent on such occasions<a name='fna_1182' id='fna_1182' href='#f_1182'><small>[1182]</small></a>.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_379" id="Page_379">[Pg 379]</a></span>Again not only weddings, but also christenings, often involved unseemly +revels and this could not fail to affect nuns who, despite canonical +prohibition, were somewhat in demand as godmothers. Christening parties +were gay affairs; the gossips would return to the house of the child’s +parents to eat, drink and make merry: “adtunc et ibidem immediate venerunt +in domam suam ad comedendum et bibendum et adtunc sibi revelaverunt de +baptismo”<a name='fna_1183' id='fna_1183' href='#f_1183'><small>[1183]</small></a>. If Antoine de la Sale’s witty account of the “third joy +of marriage” has any truth<a name='fna_1184' id='fna_1184' href='#f_1184'><small>[1184]</small></a>, and it is upheld by more sober +documents, bishops did well to mislike the christening parties for nuns; +Mrs Gamp was quite at home in the middle ages; she was probably a crony of +the Wife of Bath. It was in fact forbidden for monks and nuns to become +godparents, not only, as Mr Coulton has pointed out, “because this +involved them in a fresh spiritual relationship incompatible with their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_380" id="Page_380">[Pg 380]</a></span> +ideal, but because it entangled them with worldly folk and worldly +affairs”<a name='fna_1185' id='fna_1185' href='#f_1185'><small>[1185]</small></a>. Thus in 1387 William of Wykeham wrote to the nuns of +Romsey: “We forbid you all and singly to presume to become godmothers to +any child, without obtaining our licence to do so, since from such +relationships expense is often entailed upon religious houses”<a name='fna_1186' id='fna_1186' href='#f_1186'><small>[1186]</small></a>. At +Nuncoton in 1440 two nuns asked that their sisters might be forbidden the +practice and Alnwick enjoined “that none of yowe have no children at the +fount ne confirmyng”<a name='fna_1187' id='fna_1187' href='#f_1187'><small>[1187]</small></a> and nearly a century later a similar injunction +was sent by Bishop Longland to Studley<a name='fna_1188' id='fna_1188' href='#f_1188'><small>[1188]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>There does indeed seem a certain incongruity in the presence of one who +had renounced the world at a wedding or a christening, even had such +ceremonies not been accompanied by very worldly revels. But they were less +incongruous than was the attendance of Mary, daughter of Edward I, the +nun-princess of Amesbury,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_381" id="Page_381">[Pg 381]</a></span> upon her step-mother Queen Margaret and later +upon her niece Elizabeth de Burgh, during their confinements. A king’s +daughter, however, could not be subjected to ordinary restraints; Mary led +a particularly free life, constantly visiting court and going on +pilgrimages, and there is no reason to suppose that ordinary nuns shared +her privileges<a name='fna_1189' id='fna_1189' href='#f_1189'><small>[1189]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Naturally occasions when a nun was away from her convent for the night, +whether on business or on pleasure, were comparatively rare. For the most +part the bishops had to deal with casual absences during the day and it +was found extraordinarily difficult to confine such excursions to the +“convent business” and “necessary reasons” laid down by the various +enactments on enclosure. There seems to have been a great deal of +wandering about without any specific purpose. Short errands perhaps took +the nuns out for a few hours, or they went simply for air and exercise. +Their rule and their bishops would have had them hear the “smale fowles +maken melodye” and tread “the smalle, softe, sweete grass” within the +narrow cloister court, or at least in the privacy of their own +gardens<a name='fna_1190' id='fna_1190' href='#f_1190'><small>[1190]</small></a>. But the nuns liked highways and hedges, and often in +springtime it was farewell their books and their devotion. Certainly the +convent often did come out to take the air in its own meadows; John Aubrey +(in a much-quoted passage) tells of the nuns of Kington in Wiltshire, and +how “Old Jacques” could see them from his house</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>come forth into the nymph-hay with their rocks and wheels to spin: and +with their sewing work. He would say that he had told threescore and +ten, but of nuns there were not so many, but in all, with lay sisters +and widows, old maids and young girls, there might be such a +number<a name='fna_1191' id='fna_1191' href='#f_1191'><small>[1191]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_382" id="Page_382">[Pg 382]</a></span>Sometimes, indeed, at the busy harvest-time, when every pair of hands was +needed on the manor farm, the nuns even went hay-making in the meadows. +The visitations of Bishop Alnwick provide two instances of this and show +also the abuses to which it might give rise, since the fields were full of +secular workers. At Nuncoton in 1440 the subprioress deposed that</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>in the autumn season the nuns go out to their autumn tasks, whereby +the quire is not kept regularly<a name='fna_1192' id='fna_1192' href='#f_1192'><small>[1192]</small></a>, and ... in seed time the nuns +clear the crops of weeds in the barns, and there secular folks do come +in and unbecoming words are uttered between them and the nuns, +wherefrom, as is feared, there are evil consequences<a name='fna_1193' id='fna_1193' href='#f_1193'><small>[1193]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>At Gracedieu the subprioress mentioned that “sometimes the nuns do help +secular folk in garnering their grain during the autumn season,” but the +most amusing revelations concern the conduct of the haughty cellaress +Margaret Belers, who, whether on account of her autocratic government or +because she was of better birth than they, was regarded by her sisters +with the utmost jealousy. Belers, ran one of the <i>detecta</i> to the Bishop,</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>goes out to work in autumn alone with Sir Henry [the chaplain], he +reaping the harvest and she binding the sheaves, and at evening she +comes riding behind him on the same horse. She is over friendly with +him and has been since the doings aforesaid.</p></div> + +<p>Here was a pretty scandal; the Bishop (hiding, we will hope, a smile) made +inquiries; Sir Henry was charged with the heinous crime of going +hay-making with Dame Belers. But Sir Henry specifically denied his +solitary roaming in the fields with the cellaress; he said however “that +he has been in the fields with the others and Belers, carting hay and +helping to pile the sheaves in stacks in the barns”; and Alnwick contented +himself with enjoining the Prioress “that ye suffre none of your susters +to go to any felde werkes but alle onely in your presence”<a name='fna_1194' id='fna_1194' href='#f_1194'><small>[1194]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Such field work, when it was undertaken, must have afforded not only +wholesome exercise, but a very pleasant relaxation<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_383" id="Page_383">[Pg 383]</a></span> from the cramping life +of the cloister; and the necessities of harvest overrode all rules. +Whether the nuns took part in farm work at other seasons of the year is +more difficult to discover; one is tempted to think that they must +sometimes have given a helping hand with their own cattle and poultry, +especially at very poor houses. The private cocks and hens which +occasioned such rivalry at Saint-Aubin<a name='fna_1195' id='fna_1195' href='#f_1195'><small>[1195]</small></a>, the never-to-be-forgotten +donkey of Alfrâd<a name='fna_1196' id='fna_1196' href='#f_1196'><small>[1196]</small></a>, bear witness not only to the sin of <i>proprietas</i>, +but also to the personal care of the nuns for such livestock. But +authority discouraged the practice at a later date, partly because it +encouraged private property, partly because it brought the nuns into too +close contact with the world<a name='fna_1197' id='fna_1197' href='#f_1197'><small>[1197]</small></a>. Nowhere has the attitude been better +stated than in the amusing description given in the <i>Ancren Riwle</i> of the +anchoress’ cow:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>An anchoress that hath cattle appears as Martha was, a better +housewife than anchoress: nor can she in any wise be Mary, with +peacefulness of heart. For then she must think of the cow’s fodder and +of the herdsman’s hire, flatter the heyward, defend herself when her +cattle is shut up in the pinfold and moreover pay the damage. Christ +knoweth it is an odious thing when people in the town complain of the +anchoresses’ cattle. If, however, any one must needs have a cow, let +her take care that she neither annoy, nor harm any one, and that her +own thoughts be not fixed thereon<a name='fna_1198' id='fna_1198' href='#f_1198'><small>[1198]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>The more human bishops made allowance for a natural instinct by giving the +convent permission to go for walks, though as a rule the grounds of the +nunnery were specified:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“Let the door be closed at the right time,” wrote Archbishop Courtenay +to Elstow in 1390, “And let no nun go out without licence of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_384" id="Page_384">[Pg 384]</a></span> the +abbess or other president, yet so that leave of walking for recreation +in the orchard or in any other seemly and close place at suitable +times be not out of malice denied to the nuns provided that the +younger do not go without the society of the elder”<a name='fna_1199' id='fna_1199' href='#f_1199'><small>[1199]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Bishop Spofford of Hereford went even further; after forbidding any +revelries to be held in the nunnery of Lymbrook, he added:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“and what dysport of walkyng forward in dewe tyme and place, so that +yee kepe the dewe houres and tymes of dyuyne seruyce with inforth, and +with honest company, and with lycence specyally asked and obteyned +[from] the pryoresse or suppryoresse in her absence, and at yee be two +to geder at the leest, we holde us content” (1437)<a name='fna_1200' id='fna_1200' href='#f_1200'><small>[1200]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>So in 1367 Robert de Stretton, Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield, forbade +any nun of Fairwell to go into Lichfield without the Prioress’ leave, +ordering that she should be accompanied by two sisters and should “make no +vain and wanton delays,” but added that “this is not intended to interfere +with the laudable custom of the whole or greater part of the convent +walking out together on certain days to take the air”<a name='fna_1201' id='fna_1201' href='#f_1201'><small>[1201]</small></a>. This +forerunner of the schoolgirls’ “crocodile” was not, however, what the nuns +desired. It was wandering about the roads in twos and threes (sometimes, +alas, in ones also) that they really enjoyed, and against this freedom the +bishops continually fulminated. It must be remembered that walking in the +public streets in the middle ages was very different from what it is +today; it is impossible otherwise, as Mr Coulton has pointed out, to +explain the extraordinary severity of all rules for the deportment of +girls<a name='fna_1202' id='fna_1202' href='#f_1202'><small>[1202]</small></a>. The streets<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_385" id="Page_385">[Pg 385]</a></span> were full of rough pastimes, hocking and +hoodsnatching, football and the games of noisy prentices in the town; and +in the country villages they resounded with the still more boorish sports +of country folk and with the shrill quarrels of alewives and regrateresses +and all the good-natured but short-tempered people, whom court rolls show +us raising the hue and cry upon each other and drawing blood from each +other’s noses. There is perhaps solicitude for the nuns in the injunction +which Bishop Fitzjames sent in 1509 to the convent of Wix in Essex, +forbidding them to permit “any public spectacles of seculars, +javelin-play, dances or trading in streets or open places”<a name='fna_1203' id='fna_1203' href='#f_1203'><small>[1203]</small></a>. Manners +were free in that age and the nuns would see and hear much that were best +hidden from their cloistered innocence. Moreover if once they began to +stop and pass the time of day with their neighbours, religious and +secular, or to go into houses for some more private gossip, there was no +knowing where such perilous familiarity would end; and the outspokenness +with which bishops condemned such conduct by references to Dinah, the +daughter of Jacob, leaves no doubt as to what they feared<a name='fna_1204' id='fna_1204' href='#f_1204'><small>[1204]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>But nothing availed to keep the nuns within their cloisters; and hardly a +set of episcopal injunctions but bears witness to the freedom with which +they wandered about the streets and fields. The nuns of Moxby are not to +go out of the precincts of their monastery often, nor at any time to +wander about the woods<a name='fna_1205' id='fna_1205' href='#f_1205'><small>[1205]</small></a>. Alas, poor ladies:</p> + +<p class="poem">In somer when the shawes be sheyne,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">And leves be large and long,</span><br /> +Hit is full mery in feyre foreste<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">To here the foulys song.</span></p> + +<p>The nuns of Cookhill are more urban; they are not to wander about in the +town (1285)<a name='fna_1206' id='fna_1206' href='#f_1206'><small>[1206]</small></a> and the nuns of Wroxall are not to go on foot to +Coventry or to Warwick “cum eles ount fet desordement<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_386" id="Page_386">[Pg 386]</a></span> en ces houres” +(1338)<a name='fna_1207' id='fna_1207' href='#f_1207'><small>[1207]</small></a>. The nuns of White Hall, Ilchester, “walk through the strets +and places of the vill of Ilchester and elsewhere, the modesty of their +sex being altogether cast off and they do not fear to enter the houses of +secular men and suspected persons” (1335)<a name='fna_1208' id='fna_1208' href='#f_1208'><small>[1208]</small></a>. The nuns of Polsloe are +not to go without permission into Exeter and are to return at once when +their errand is accomplished, instead of “wascrauntes de hostel en hostel, +si come eles unt maynte foiz fait, en deshonestete de lur estat et de la +Religioun” (1319)<a name='fna_1209' id='fna_1209' href='#f_1209'><small>[1209]</small></a>—an echo here of the Good Wife’s advice, “and run +thou not from house to house, like a St Anthony’s pig”<a name='fna_1210' id='fna_1210' href='#f_1210'><small>[1210]</small></a>, or of the +reminiscences of that other Wife of Bath:</p> + +<p class="poem">For ever yet I lovede to be gay,<br /> +And for to walke, in March, Averille and May,<br /> +Fro hous to hous, to here sondry talis<a name='fna_1211' id='fna_1211' href='#f_1211'><small>[1211]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>The nuns of Romsey “enter houses of laymen and even of clerics in the +town, eating and drinking with them” (1284)<a name='fna_1212' id='fna_1212' href='#f_1212'><small>[1212]</small></a>. The nuns of Godstow +“have often access to Oxford under colour of visiting their friends” +(1445)<a name='fna_1213' id='fna_1213' href='#f_1213'><small>[1213]</small></a>. The nuns of Elstow are a great trial to their diocesan; +Bishop Gynewell finds that “there is excessive and frequent wandering of +nuns to places outside the same monastery, whereby gossip and laxity are +brought about” (1359)<a name='fna_1214' id='fna_1214' href='#f_1214'><small>[1214]</small></a>; Bishop Bokyngham boldly particularises:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>We order the nuns on pain of excommunication, to abstain from any +dishonest and suspicious conversation with secular or religious men +and especially the access and frequent confabulations and colloquies +of the canons of the Priory of Caldwell or of mendicant friars, in the +monastery or about the public highways and fields adjoining +(1387)<a name='fna_1215' id='fna_1215' href='#f_1215'><small>[1215]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>But the sisters of Elstow remain on good terms with their neighbours; +Bishop Flemyng forbids the nuns “to have access to the town of Bedford or +to the town of Elstow or to other towns or<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_387" id="Page_387">[Pg 387]</a></span> neighbouring places” and +straitly enjoins the canons “that no canon of the said priory, under what +colour of excuse soever, have access to the monastery of the nuns of +Elstow; nor shall the same nuns for any reason whatever be allowed to +enter the said priory, save for a manifest cause, from which reproach or +suspicion of evil could in no way arise; nor even shall the same canons +and nuns meet in any wise one with another, in any separate or private +places; nor shall they talk together anywhere one with another, save in +the presence and hearing of more than one trustworthy, who shall bear +faithful witness of what they say or do” (1421-2)<a name='fna_1216' id='fna_1216' href='#f_1216'><small>[1216]</small></a>. The nuns of +Nuncoton in the sixteenth century are even more addicted to the society of +canons and Bishop Longland writes to them in stern language:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>And that ye, lady prioresse, cause and compell all your susters +(those oonly excepte that be seke) to kepe the quere and nomore to be +absent as in tymes past they haue been wont to use, being content yf +vj haue been present, the residue to goo att lybertie where they wold, +some att thornton [Augustinian house at Thornton-upon-Humber], some at +Newsom [or Newhouse, a Premonstratensian house close to Nuncoton, in +the same parish of Brocklesby], some at hull, some att other places +att their pleasures, which is in the sight of good men abhomynable, +high displeasur to God, rebuke shame and reproache to religion and due +correction to be doon according unto your religion frome tyme to +tyme<a name='fna_1217' id='fna_1217' href='#f_1217'><small>[1217]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Indeed these colloquies with monks and canons in their own monastery were +nothing unusual. Bishops and Councils constantly forbade nuns to frequent +houses of monks, or to be received there as guests, but the practice +continued. Sometimes they had an excuse; the nuns of St Mary’s, +Winchester, were in the habit of going to St Swithun’s monastery to +confess to one of the brothers, who was their confessor and in ill-health, +and Bishop Pontoise appointed another monk in his place, who should come +to the nuns when summoned, thus avoiding the risk of scandal<a name='fna_1218' id='fna_1218' href='#f_1218'><small>[1218]</small></a>. +Similarly Peckham forbade the nuns of Holy Sepulchre, Canterbury, to enter +“any place of religious men or elsewhere, under colour of confessing,” +unless they had no other confessor, in which case they were to return +directly their business<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_388" id="Page_388">[Pg 388]</a></span> was accomplished and not to stay eating and +drinking there<a name='fna_1219' id='fna_1219' href='#f_1219'><small>[1219]</small></a>. But sometimes the nuns had less good reason. At +Elstow, as we know, they gossiped in the fields and highways; and if nuns +were sometimes frivolous, so were monks. What are we to think of that nun +of Catesby (gone to rack and ruin under the evil rule of Margaret Wavere), +who</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>on Monday last did pass the night with the Austin friars at +Northampton and did dance and play the lute with them in the same +place until midnight (saltauit et citherauit usque ad mediam noctem) +and on the night following she passed the night with the Friars +preachers at Northampton, luting and dancing in like manner<a name='fna_1220' id='fna_1220' href='#f_1220'><small>[1220]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>There rises to the memory an irresistibly comic sonnet of Wordsworth:</p> + +<p class="poem">Yet more—round many a convent’s blazing fire<br /> +Unhallowed threads of revelry are spun;<br /> +There Venus sits disguised like a nun,—<br /> +While Bacchus, clothed in semblance of a friar<br /> +Pours out his choicest beverage high and higher<br /> +Sparkling, until it cannot choose but run<br /> +Over the bowl, whose silver lip hath won<br /> +An instant kiss of masterful desire—<br /> +To stay the precious waste. Through every brain<br /> +The domination of the sprightly juice<br /> +Spreads high conceits to madding Fancy dear,<br /> +Till the arched roof, with resolute abuse<br /> +Of its grave echoes, swells a choral strain,<br /> +Whose votive burthen is “Our kingdom’s here.”</p> + +<p>Alack, had the nun of Catesby forgotten that “even as the cow which goeth +before the herd hath a bell at her neck, so likewise the woman who leadeth +the song and dance hath, as it were, the devil’s bell bound to hers, and +when the devil heareth the tinkle thereof he feeleth safe, and saith he: +‘I have not lost my cow yet’”?<a name='fna_1221' id='fna_1221' href='#f_1221'><small>[1221]</small></a> Had she forgotten the awful vision of +that holy<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_389" id="Page_389">[Pg 389]</a></span> man, to whom the devil appeared in the form of a tiny +blackamoor, standing above a woman who was leading a dance, guiding her +about as he wished and dancing on her head?<a name='fna_1222' id='fna_1222' href='#f_1222'><small>[1222]</small></a> But indeed Isabel (or +Venus) Benet was not the woman to care for so slight a matter as the rule +of her order or the dreams of holy men<a name='fna_1223' id='fna_1223' href='#f_1223'><small>[1223]</small></a>. Her case provides an +admirable illustration of the motives which prompted the extreme severity +of episcopal attempts to enforce enclosure and to cut nuns off from the +society of neighbouring monasteries<a name='fna_1224' id='fna_1224' href='#f_1224'><small>[1224]</small></a>.</p> + +<p> </p> +<p class="center">PLATE VII</p> +<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="5" summary="table"> +<tr><td align="center"><img src="images/img08.jpg" alt="" /></td> + <td><span class="spacer"> </span></td> + <td align="center"><img src="images/img09.jpg" alt="" /></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="3" align="center">“Isabel Benet did pass the night with the Austin friars at Northampton<br /> +and did dance and play the lute with them.” (See page <a href="#Page_388">388</a>.)</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="3" align="center"><img src="images/img10.jpg" alt="" /></td></tr> +<tr><td colspan="3" align="center">The Legend of Beatrice the Sacristan. (See page <a href="#Page_511">511</a>.)</td></tr></table> +<p class="center">THE NUN WHO LOVED THE WORLD</p> +<p> </p> + +<p>Even if they did not often go to such extremes as to spend a night dancing +with friars, the nuns foregathered sometimes in the most strange places. +The complaint that priests and monks and canons were tavern-haunters +occurs with wearisome iteration in medieval visitation documents, but +surely a tavern was the last place where one would expect to find a nun; +“Deus sit propitius isti potatori,” were a strange invocation on lips that +prayed to “Our blisful lady, Cristes moder dere.” Yet nuns sometimes +abused their liberty to frequent such places. Archbishop Rotherham wrote +to the Prioress of Nunappleton in 1489 “yat noon of your sistirs use ye +alehouse nor ye watirside, wher concurse of straungers dayly +resortes”<a name='fna_1225' id='fna_1225' href='#f_1225'><small>[1225]</small></a>; and at Romsey in 1492 Abbess Elizabeth Broke deposed that +she suspected the nuns of slipping into town by the church door and prayed +that they might not frequent taverns and other suspected places, while her +Prioress also said that they frequented taverns and continually went to +town without leave<a name='fna_1226' id='fna_1226' href='#f_1226'><small>[1226]</small></a>. Bald statements, but it is easy to call up a +picture of what lies behind them, for of medieval taverns we have many a +description touched by master hands. So we shall see nuns at the tunning +of Elynour Rummynge, edging in by the back way “over the hedge and pale,” +to drink her noppy ale<a name='fna_1227' id='fna_1227' href='#f_1227'><small>[1227]</small></a>. Or again we shall see Beton the Brewster +standing in her doorway beneath the ivy bush, hailing Dame Isabel and Dame +Matilda, as they patter along upon their “fete ful tendre”; and we shall +hear her seductive cry “I have good ale, gossip” (no nun ever despised +good ale—only when it was <i>valde tenuis</i> did<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_390" id="Page_390">[Pg 390]</a></span> she object) “I have peper +and piones and a pounde of garlike, A ferthyngworth of fenel-seed for +fasting days.” We shall never—thanks to Langland—have any difficulty in +seeing that interior, when the nuns have scuttled through the door, the +heat, the smell of ale and perspiring humanity, the babel of voices as all +the riff-raff of the village greets the nuns and gives them “with glad +chere good ale to hansel”; and the scene that follows, “the laughyng and +lowrying and ‘let go the cuppe,’” the singing, the gambling, the drinking, +the invincible good humour and the complete lack of all decency. We can +only hope that Dame Isabel and Dame Matilda left before Glutton got +drunk<a name='fna_1228' id='fna_1228' href='#f_1228'><small>[1228]</small></a>. But it is consoling to reflect that the alehouses frequented +by the nuns of Nunappleton and of Romsey were probably less low places, +for it is not easy to picture Chaucer’s Prioress on a bench between +Clarice of Cokkeslane and Peronelle of Flanders. Probably their taverns at +the waterside were more like the Chequer-on-the-Hoop, where Madame +Eglentyne and the Wife of Bath pledged each other in the hostess’ +parlour<a name='fna_1229' id='fna_1229' href='#f_1229'><small>[1229]</small></a>; or like the tavern where the good gossips</p> + +<p class="poem">Elynore, Jone and Margery<br /> +Margaret, Alis and Cecely</p> + +<p>met and feasted, all unknown to their husbands and cherished the heart +with muscadel<a name='fna_1230' id='fna_1230' href='#f_1230'><small>[1230]</small></a>; or liker still, perhaps, to that lordly tavern kept +by Trick, where the city dames come tripping in the morning, as readily as +to minster or to market and where he draws them ten sorts of wine, all out +of a single cask, crying: “dear ladies, Mesdames, make good cheer, drink +freely your good pleasure, for we have leisure enough”<a name='fna_1231' id='fna_1231' href='#f_1231'><small>[1231]</small></a>. But however +select the house, whether they met there buxom city dames drinking away +their husbands’ credit, or merely Tim the tinker and twain of his +prentices, whether they were quizzed by “those idle gallants who haunt +taverns, gay and handsome,” or hobnobbed with “travellers and tinkers, +sweaters and swinkers,” the alehouse was assuredly no place for +nuns<a name='fna_1232' id='fna_1232' href='#f_1232'><small>[1232]</small></a>.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_391" id="Page_391">[Pg 391]</a></span>Enough has been said to show why the authorities of the Church tried so +hard to force enclosure upon nuns, and why they strove at least to limit +excursions to “necessary occasions” and “convent business,” to prevent +unlicensed wandering and to provide that no nun went out without a +companion. And enough has perhaps also been said to show how completely +they failed. The modern student of monasticism, bred in an age which +regards freedom as its <i>summum bonum</i> and holds discipline at a discount, +cannot but feel sympathy with the nuns. The enclosure movement did go +beyond the restriction imposed upon them by their rule; they were +themselves so often unsuited to the life into which circumstances, rather +than a vocation, had forced them; and they would have been something less +than human if they had not answered—as John of Ayton made them +answer—“In truth the men who made these laws sat well at their ease while +they laid such burdens upon us.” It was the bishops, not the popes and the +councils, who knew where the shoe pinched. Dalderby, rubbing his insulted +shoulders, Alnwick, laboriously framing his minute injunctions, Rigaud, +going away from Saint-Saëns “quasi impaciens et tristis,” these had little +time to sit well at their ease; and the compromises which were forced upon +them are the best proof that the ideal of <i>Periculoso</i> was too high. +Nevertheless sympathy with the nuns must not blind us to the fact that +hardly a moralist of the middle ages but inveighs against the wandering of +nuns in the world and adds his testimony to the fact (already clear from +the visitation<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_392" id="Page_392">[Pg 392]</a></span> <i>comperta</i>) that all the graver abuses which discredited +monasticism rose in the first instance from the too great ease with which +monks and nuns could leave their convents. “De la clôture,” as St François +de Sales wrote long afterwards, “dépend le bon ordre de tout le reste.” It +is significant that on the very eve of the Reformation in England a last +attempt was made to enforce a strict and literal enclosure. That ardent +reformer of nunneries, Bishop Fox, frankly pursued the policy in his +diocese of Winchester and was apparently accused of undue severity, for in +1528 he wrote to Wolsey in defence of his action:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Truth it is, my lord, that the religious women of my diocese be +restrained of their going out of their monasteries. And yet so much +liberty appeareth some time too much; and if I had the authority and +power that your grace hath, I would endeavour me to mure and enclose +their monasteries according to the observance of good religion. And in +all other matters, concerning their living or observance of their +religion, I assure your grace they be as liberally and favourably +dealt with as be any religious women within this realm<a name='fna_1233' id='fna_1233' href='#f_1233'><small>[1233]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Wolsey himself was driven to the same conclusion as to the necessity of +enclosure, and tried to enforce it at Wilton, after the scandals which +came to light there before the election of Isabel Jordan as Abbess. His +chaplain, Dr Benet, who had been sent to reform the nunnery, wrote to him +on July 18th and described his difficulty in “causing to be observed” the +unpopular decree:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Please it your grace to be advertised, that immediately after my +return from your grace I repaired to the monastery of Wilton, where I +have continually made mine abode hitherto and with all diligence +endeavoured myself to the uttermost of my power to persuade and train +the nuns there to the accomplishment of your grace’s pleasure for +enclosing of the same; whom I find so untoward and refusal (<i>sic</i>) as +I never saw persons, insomuch that in nowise any of them, neither by +gentle means nor by rigorous,—and I have put three or four of the +captains of them in ward,—will agree and consent to the same, but +only the new elect and her sisters that were with your grace; which +notwithstanding, I have closed up certain doors and ways and taken +such an order there that none access, course or recourse of any person +shall be made there.<a name='fna_1234' id='fna_1234' href='#f_1234'><small>[1234]</small></a></p></div> + +<p>About the same time the Abbess-Elect herself wrote to Wolsey, telling him +that:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_393" id="Page_393">[Pg 393]</a></span>since my coming home I have ordered me in all things to the best of my +power, according to your gracious advertisement by the advice of your +chancellors and have ofttime motioned my sisters to be reclused within +our monastery; wherein they do find many difficulties and show divers +considerations to the contrary;</p></div> + +<p>she besought him to have patience and promised to “order my sisters in +such religious wise and our monastery according to the rule of religion, +without any such resort as hath been of late accustomed”<a name='fna_1235' id='fna_1235' href='#f_1235'><small>[1235]</small></a>. Evidently +nuns had not changed since the day when the sisters of Markyate threw the +Bull <i>Periculoso</i> at Bishop Dalderby’s retreating back.</p> + +<p>But their struggles were in vain and a worse fate awaited them. The +Dissolution of the monasteries by Henry VIII was preceded by an order to +his commissioners, that they should enforce enclosure upon the nuns. The +injunction met with the usual resistance at the time and later apologists +of the monastic houses have blamed the King for undue and unreasonable +harshness. But if Henry VIII was too strict, so also was Ottobon, so +Peckham, so Boniface VIII, so almost every bishop and council of the past +three hundred years. In this at least, low as his motives may have been, +the man who was to claim the headship of the English Church was the lineal +descendant of the most masterful of medieval popes. The instructions given +to the commissioners were the last of a long series of injunctions, in +which it was attempted to reform the nunneries by shutting them off from +the world. It is plain that even in the thirteenth century some such +reform was necessary, and the history of the fourteenth, fifteenth and +sixteenth centuries only shows the necessity becoming more urgent. +Whatever may have been Henry VIII’s motives, however greedy, however +licentious, however unspiritual, it would be impossible to contend that +his decree of enclosure was not in accordance with the best ecclesiastical +tradition and amply justified by the condition of the monastic houses.</p> + + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<hr style="width: 50%;" /> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_394" id="Page_394">[Pg 394]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_X" id="CHAPTER_X"></a>CHAPTER X</h2> +<p class="title">THE WORLD IN THE CLOISTER</p> + +<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary="table"> +<tr><td>Ès maisons de nonnains aucun sont bien venut,<br /> +Et as gens festyer n’a nul règne tenut;<br /> +On y va volentiers et souvent et menut<br /> +Mais mieuls sont festyet jovène que li kenut.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 10em;"><span class="smcap">Gilles li Muisis</span> († 1352).</span></td></tr></table> + +<p> </p> +<p>In the last chapter the question of enclosure was considered only from one +point of view, that of keeping the nuns within the precincts of their +cloister. But there was another side to the problem. In order to preserve +them unspotted from the world it was necessary not only that the nuns +should keep within their cloisters, but that secular persons should keep +outside. It was useless to pass regulations forbidding nuns to leave their +houses, if visitors from the world had easy access to them and could move +freely about within the precincts. Ottobon, Peckham, Boniface VIII, Henry +VIII, and all who legislated on the subject from the earliest years to the +Council of Trent, combined a prohibition against the entrance of seculars, +with their prohibition against the exit of nuns<a name='fna_1236' id='fna_1236' href='#f_1236'><small>[1236]</small></a>. Some intercourse +with seculars was bound to occur, even in the best regulated nunnery. The +nuns were often served by layfolk and it was a recognised obligation that +they should show hospitality to guests. In both cases they were of +necessity brought in contact with worldly folk, and as usual they made the +most of their opportunity.</p> + +<p>Even more disturbing to monastic discipline were the casual visits of +friends in the neighbourhood, coming to see and talk with the nuns for a +few hours. Visitation documents show that there was a steady intercourse +between the convent and the world. Letters and messages passed between the +nuns and their friends outside, and a great many of the private affairs of +the convent found their way to the ears of seculars. “From miln and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_395" id="Page_395">[Pg 395]</a></span> from +market, from smithy and from nunnery, men bring tidings” ran the +proverb<a name='fna_1237' id='fna_1237' href='#f_1237'><small>[1237]</small></a>, and complaints were common that the secrets of the chapter +were spread abroad in the country side. At the ill-conducted house of +Catesby in 1442 the Prioress (herself the blackest sheep in all the flock) +complained that</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>secular folk have often recourse to the nuns’ chambers within the +cloister, and talkings and junketings take place there without the +knowledge of the Prioress; ... also the nuns do send out letters and +receive letters sent to them without the advice of the prioress. Also +... that the secrets of the house are disclosed in the neighbourhood +by such seculars when they come there. Also the nuns do send out the +serving-folk of the priory on their businesses and do also receive the +persons for whom they send and with whom they hold parleyings and +conversations, whereof the Prioress is ignorant<a name='fna_1238' id='fna_1238' href='#f_1238'><small>[1238]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>At Goring in 1530 the Prioress complained that one of the nuns persisted +in sending messages to her friends<a name='fna_1239' id='fna_1239' href='#f_1239'><small>[1239]</small></a>, and at Romsey in 1509 Alice, +wife of William Coke, the cook of the nunnery, was enjoined “that she +shall not be a messenger or bearer of messages or troths or tokens between +any nun and any lay person on pain of excommunication and as much as in +her lies shall hinder communications of lay persons with nuns at the +kitchen window”<a name='fna_1240' id='fna_1240' href='#f_1240'><small>[1240]</small></a>. At St Helen’s, Bishopsgate, it was even necessary +to order the nuns to refrain from kissing secular persons<a name='fna_1241' id='fna_1241' href='#f_1241'><small>[1241]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Sometimes the visitation <i>detecta</i> or <i>comperta</i> or injunctions give +specific details as to the visitors who were most assiduous in haunting a +nunnery. It is amusing to follow the reference to scholars of Oxford in +the records of those houses which were in the neighbourhood of the +University. Godstow was the nearest and the students seem to have regarded +it as a happy hunting ground constituted specially for their recreation. +Peckham, in his set of Latin injunctions to the Abbey, wrote after giving +minute regulations as to the terms upon which nuns might converse with +visitors:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>When the scholars of Oxford come to talk with you, we wish no nun to +join in such conversations, save with the licence of the Abbess<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_396" id="Page_396">[Pg 396]</a></span> and +unless they be notoriously of kin to her, in the third grade of +consanguinity at least; we order the nuns to refuse to converse with +all scholars so coming; nor shall you desire to be united in any +special tie of familiarity with them, for such affection often excites +unclean thoughts<a name='fna_1242' id='fna_1242' href='#f_1242'><small>[1242]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>The most detailed information, however, is to be found in the injunctions +sent by Bishop Gray to Godstow in 1432:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>That no nun receive any secular person for any recreation in the nuns’ +chambers under pain of excommunication. For the scholars of Oxford say +they can have all manner of recreation with the nuns, even as they +will desire.... Also that the recourse of scholars of Oxford to the +monastery be altogether checked and restrained.... Also that (neither) +the gatekeeper of the monastery, nor any other secular person convey +any gifts, rewards, letters or tokens from the nuns to any scholars of +Oxford or other secular person whomsoever, or bring back any such +scholars or persons to the same nuns, nay, not even skins containing +wine, without the view and knowledge of the abbess and with her +special licence asked and had, under pain of expulsion from his office +(and) from the said monastery for ever; and if any nun shall do the +contrary she shall undergo imprisonment for a year<a name='fna_1243' id='fna_1243' href='#f_1243'><small>[1243]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>In a commission addressed two years later to the Abbot of Oseney and to +Master Robert Thornton the Bishop spoke in very severe terms of the bad +behaviour of the nuns, and ordered the commissioners to proceed to Godstow +and to inquire whether a nun, who had been with child at the time of his +visitation, had been preferred to any office or had gone outside the +precincts and whether his other injunctions had been obeyed, especially +“if any scholars of the university of Oxford, graduate or non-graduate, +have had access to the same monastery or lodging in the same, contrary to +the form of our injunctions aforesaid”<a name='fna_1244' id='fna_1244' href='#f_1244'><small>[1244]</small></a>. But the situation was +unchanged when, thirteen years later,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_397" id="Page_397">[Pg 397]</a></span> Alnwick came to Godstow. Elizabeth +Felmersham, the Abbess, deposed</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>that secular folk have often access to the nuns during the divine +office in quire, and to the frater at meal-time.... She cannot +restrain students from Oxford from having common access in her despite +to the monastery and the claustral precincts. The nuns hold converse +with the secular folk that come to visit the monastery, without asking +any leave of the abbess.</p></div> + +<p>Other nuns deposed that sister Alice Longspey<a name='fna_1245' id='fna_1245' href='#f_1245'><small>[1245]</small></a> often conversed in the +convent church with Hugh Sadler, a priest from Oxford, who obtained access +to her on the plea that she was his kinswoman and that Dame Katherine +Okeley:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>holds too much talk with the strangers that come to the monastery in +the church, in the chapter-house, at the church-door, the hall door +and divers other places; nor is she obedient to the orders and +commands of the abbess according to the rule<a name='fna_1246' id='fna_1246' href='#f_1246'><small>[1246]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Other houses also found the clerks of Oxford too attractive. At Alnwick’s +visitation of Littlemore Dame Agnes Marcham (a lady with a tongue) spoke +of “the ill-fame which is current thereabouts concerning the place,” and +said</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>that a certain monk of Rievaulx, who is a student at Oxford and is of +the Cistercian order, has common and often access to the priory, +eating and drinking with the prioress and spending the night therein, +sometimes for three, sometimes for four days on end. Also she says +that master John Herars, master in arts, a scholar of Oxford and a +kinsman of the prioress, has access in like manner to the priory, +breakfasting, supping and spending the night in the same<a name='fna_1247' id='fna_1247' href='#f_1247'><small>[1247]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>The state of the house in the sixteenth century was infinitely worse and +it well merited its early suppression in 1526<a name='fna_1248' id='fna_1248' href='#f_1248'><small>[1248]</small></a>. At another house, +Studley, visited by Alnwick in 1445, the significant request was made:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>that the vicar of Bicester, who is reckoned to be of ripe judgment and +age and sufficient knowledge, may be appointed as confessor to the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_398" id="Page_398">[Pg 398]</a></span> +convent and in no wise an Oxford scholar, since it is not healthy that +scholars of Oxford should have a reason for coming to the +priory<a name='fna_1249' id='fna_1249' href='#f_1249'><small>[1249]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Nor does the proximity of Cambridge appear to have had a less disturbing +effect upon morals and discipline. In 1373 it was found that the Prioress +of St Radegund’s</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>did not correct Dame Elizabeth de Cambridge for withdrawing herself +from divine service and allowing friars of different orders, as well +as scholars, to visit her at inopportune times and to converse with +her, to the scandal of religion<a name='fna_1250' id='fna_1250' href='#f_1250'><small>[1250]</small></a>,</p></div> + +<p>and in 1496, when John Alcock, Bishop of Ely, converted the nunnery into +the college afterwards known as Jesus College, its dilapidation was +ascribed to “the negligence and improvidence and dissolute disposition and +incontinence of the religious women of the same house, by reason of the +vicinity of Cambridge University”<a name='fna_1251' id='fna_1251' href='#f_1251'><small>[1251]</small></a>. Plainly the scholars who hung +about the portals and tethered their horses in the paddocks of Godstow, +and who gossiped with the sisters of Studley and Littlemore and St +Radegund’s, were not of the type of that clerk of Oxenford, who loved his +twenty red and black-clad books better than “robes riche or fithele or gay +sautrye”; and it is to be feared that their speech was not “souninge in +moral vertu.” Rather they belonged to the tribe of Absolon, who could trip +and dance in twenty manners:</p> + +<p class="poem">After the scole of Oxenforde tho,<br /> +And with his legges casten to and fro,<br /> +And pleyen songes on a small rubible,</p> + +<p>or of hende Nicholas (“of derne love he coude and of solas”), or of those +two clerks of Cambridge, Aleyn and John, who harboured with the Miller of +Trumpington, or of “joly Jankin,” the Wife of Bath’s first husband. The +nuns certainly got no good from these young men of light heart and +slippery tongue.</p> + +<p>Sometimes, as it appears from the cases of Alice Longspey, Katherine +Okeley and Elizabeth de Cambridge, certain nuns rendered themselves +particularly conspicuous for intercourse with seculars, or certain men +were assiduous nunnery-haunters and forbidden by name to frequent the +precincts. At a visitation<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_399" id="Page_399">[Pg 399]</a></span> of St Sepulchre’s, Canterbury, in 1367-8, it +was found that</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Dame Johanna Chivynton, prioress there, does not govern well the rule +nor the religion of the house, because she permits the rector of Dover +Castle and other suspect persons to have too much access to sisters +Margery Chyld and Juliana Aldelesse, who have a room contrary to the +injunction made there on another occasion by the Lord [Archbishop], +and these suspect persons often spend the night there<a name='fna_1252' id='fna_1252' href='#f_1252'><small>[1252]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>At Nuncoton in 1531 Longland writes:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>We chardge you, lady prioresse, undere payne of excommunicacon that ye +from hensforth nomore suffre Sir John Warde, Sir Richard Caluerley, +Sir William Johnson, nor parson ..., ne the parson of Skotton, ne Sir +William Sele to come within the precincts of your monasterye, that if +they by chance do unwares to you that ye streight banish them and +suffre not theme ther to tary, nor noone of your sustres to commune +with them or eny of them. And that ye voyde out of your house Robert +lawrence and he nomore resorte to the same<a name='fna_1253' id='fna_1253' href='#f_1253'><small>[1253]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Incidents such as these can be multiplied from the records of episcopal +visitations<a name='fna_1254' id='fna_1254' href='#f_1254'><small>[1254]</small></a> and general complaints are even more common. It appears +that secular persons set at naught the rule<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_400" id="Page_400">[Pg 400]</a></span> which confined them to the +prioress’ hall, the parlour and the guest-house, and penetrated at will +into the private parts of the monastery, haunting now the cloister, now +the infirmary, now the frater, now the choir<a name='fna_1255' id='fna_1255' href='#f_1255'><small>[1255]</small></a>. Bishop Gynewell’s +injunction to Heynings in 1351 called attention to a state of affairs +which was common enough in the century which opened with <i>Periculoso</i>:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“Because,” he wrote, “we have heard that great disturbance of your +religion hath been made by seculars, who enter into your cloister and +choir, we charge you that henceforth ye suffer no secular man, save +your patron or other great lord<a name='fna_1256' id='fna_1256' href='#f_1256'><small>[1256]</small></a> to enter your cloister, nor to +hold therein parley or other dalliance with any sister of your house, +whereby your silence or religion may suffer blame”<a name='fna_1257' id='fna_1257' href='#f_1257'><small>[1257]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Moreover it is clear that the nuns sometimes escaped to the guest-house to +enjoy a gossip with their visitors; at Alnwick’s visitation of Heynings in +1440 a lay sister deposed “that the nuns do hold drinkings of evenings in +the guest-chamber even after compline, especially when their friends come +to visit them” and the Bishop enjoined</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>for as muche as we founde that there are vsede late drynkynges and +talkyng by nunnes as wele wythe yn as wythe owte the cloystere wythe +seculeres, where thurgh some late ryse to matynes and some come not at +thayme, expressly agayns the rule of your ordere, we<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_401" id="Page_401">[Pg 401]</a></span> charge yow and +yche oon singulere that fro this day forthe ye neyther vse spekyng ne +drynkyng in no place aftere complyne, but that after collacyone and +complyne sayde ych oon of yow go wythe owte lengere tarying to the +dormytorye to your reste<a name='fna_1258' id='fna_1258' href='#f_1258'><small>[1258]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>In the course of time a series of regulations was devised to govern the +entrance of seculars into the nunneries, hardly less detailed than those +which governed the visits of nuns to the world. An attempt was made to +prevent certain classes of persons from being allowed to sleep in a house; +also to keep all visitors out of certain places and during certain hours; +and elaborate rules were made fixing the conditions under which nuns might +hold conversations or exchange letters with seculars. The rule which +forbade nuns to harbour in houses of religious men was often supplemented +by a regulation forbidding friars, or other men belonging to religious +orders, from being received as guests by nuns. At Godstow in 1284 Peckham +forbade the reception of religious men for the night<a name='fna_1259' id='fna_1259' href='#f_1259'><small>[1259]</small></a> and in 1358 +Bishop Gynewell enjoined the same convent “for certain reasons, that no +friars of any order whatever be harboured by night within the doors of +your house, nor by day save it be for great necessity and reasonable +cause, and not habitually”<a name='fna_1260' id='fna_1260' href='#f_1260'><small>[1260]</small></a>. William of Wykeham directed a special +mandate on the subject to Wherwell in 1368:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“Lately,” he says, “it has come to our ears by popular report of +trusty men, that contrary to the honesty of religion you admit various +religious men, especially of the mendicant orders, lightly and +promiscuously to pass the night in your habitations, from which grows +much matter for laxity and scandal, since the cohabitation of +religious clerks and nuns is altogether forbidden by the constitutions +of the holy fathers.”</p></div> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_402" id="Page_402">[Pg 402]</a></span>He proceeds to forbid the reception of friars or other religious men to +lodge in the abbey, though food might be given them in alms<a name='fna_1261' id='fna_1261' href='#f_1261'><small>[1261]</small></a>. As in +the rules regulating visits paid by nuns, attempts were sometimes made +though not insisted upon with any severity, to restrict the visitors who +might spend the night to near relatives. At Godstow, for instance, Bishop +Gray ordered in 1432 that strangers “in no wise pass the night there, +unless they be father and mother, brother and sister of that nun for whose +sake they have so come to the monastery”<a name='fna_1262' id='fna_1262' href='#f_1262'><small>[1262]</small></a>; and Archbishop Lee wrote +to Sinningthwaite in 1534 forbidding any visitor to have recourse to the +Prioress or nuns “onles it be their fathers or moders or other ther nere +kynesfolkes, in whom no suspicion of any yll can be thought”<a name='fna_1263' id='fna_1263' href='#f_1263'><small>[1263]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>The chief efforts of the authorities were, however, directed not towards +keeping certain persons altogether out of the nunneries, but towards +keeping all visitors out of certain parts of the house and during certain +hours. The general rule was that no secular was to enter after sunset or +curfew, and elaborate arrangements were made for locking and unlocking the +doors at certain times. At Esholt and Sinningthwaite Archbishop Lee +enjoined</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>that the prioress provide sufficient lockes and keys to be sett upon +the cloyster doores, incontinent after recept of thies injunctions and +that the same doores surely be lockid every nyght incontinent as +complane is doone, and not to be unlocked in wynter season to vij of +the clock in the mornyng and in sommer vnto vj of the clock in the +mornyng; and that the prioresse kepe the keyes of the same doores, or +committ the custodie of them to such a discrete and religious suster, +that no fault nor negligence may be imputed to the prioresse, as she +will avoyde punyshment due for the same<a name='fna_1264' id='fna_1264' href='#f_1264'><small>[1264]</small></a>.</p></div> + + +<p> </p> +<p class="center">PLATE VIII</p> +<div class="figcenter"><img src="images/img11tmb.jpg" alt="" /><br /> +<a href="images/img11.jpg"><small>Larger Image</small></a></div> +<p class="center">PLAN OF LACOCK ABBEY</p> +<p> </p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_403" id="Page_403">[Pg 403]</a></span>At the same time, for better security, he ordered the nuns to be locked +into their dorter every night until service time. Sometimes the nuns +objected to being shut in the house so early in the summer time, when the +days were long and the trees in the convent garden green. The nuns of +Sheppey were plaintive on the subject in 1511. Amicia Tanfeld said</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>that the gate of the cloister is closed immediately after the bell +rings for vespers and remains shut until it rings for prime<a name='fna_1265' id='fna_1265' href='#f_1265'><small>[1265]</small></a>; +this, in the opinion of the convent is too strict, especially in +summer time, because it might remain open until after supper, as she +says.</p></div> + +<p>Elizabeth Chatok, <i>cantarista</i><a name='fna_1266' id='fna_1266' href='#f_1266'><small>[1266]</small></a>, said the same “clauditur nimis +tempestive tempore presertim estiuali”; perhaps she was thinking of better +singers than herself, who piped their vespers outside that closed door,</p> + +<p class="poem">And songen, everich in his wyse<br /> +The most solempne servyse<br /> +By note, that ever man, I trowe,<br /> +Had herd; for som of hem song lowe<br /> +Some hye and al of oon accord<a name='fna_1267' id='fna_1267' href='#f_1267'><small>[1267]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Her sisters agreed with her, but the stern archbishop took no notice of +their plaints<a name='fna_1268' id='fna_1268' href='#f_1268'><small>[1268]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Strict regulations were also made for keeping secular visitors out of +certain parts of the convent. The dorter, frater, fermery, chapter and +cloister and the internal offices of the house were supposed to be entered +only by the nuns<a name='fna_1269' id='fna_1269' href='#f_1269'><small>[1269]</small></a>:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_404" id="Page_404">[Pg 404]</a></span>“And in order that the quiet of your cloister be in future observed +better than has been customary,” wrote Peckham to the nuns of Wherwell +in 1284, “we order ... that no secular or religious person be +permitted to enter the cloister, nor the interior offices, save for a +manifest and inevitable reason, that is bodily infirmity, for which a +confessor or doctor or near relative may be allowed to enter, but +always in safe and praiseworthy company. So that no one shall hear the +confession of a healthy nun or woman in cloister or chapter or in the +interior offices.... And we consider healthy anyone who is able, +conveniently and without danger to life, to enter the church or the +parlour”<a name='fna_1270' id='fna_1270' href='#f_1270'><small>[1270]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>At Romsey he further ordered four nuns to be made scrutineers: “Who shall +expel from the cloister as suspect all persons of whatsoever condition +wishing to stare at the nuns or to chatter with them”<a name='fna_1271' id='fna_1271' href='#f_1271'><small>[1271]</small></a>. But the rule +was constantly broken and it has been shown that seculars penetrated to +all parts of the convents. Injunctions order them to be excluded now from +dorter, now from frater, now from fermery, according as visitation showed +them to be in the habit of entering one part of a house or another. +Sometimes special orders were given for the making and locking of doors +separating the cloister from the outside court, or the nuns’ choir from +the rest of the church, a necessary precaution when the nave of a +conventual church was used as a parish church. Bishop Longland wrote to +Elstow (1531):</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Forasmoche as the more secrete religious persones be kepte from the +sight and visage of the world and straungers, the more close and +entyer ther mynd and devoc[i]on shalbe unto god, we ordeyn and Inioyne +to the lady abbesse that before the natiuyte of our lorde next +ensewing she cause a doore with two leves to be made and sett upp att +the lower ende of the quere and that doore to be fyve foote in hight +att the leaste and contynually to stand shitt the tymes of dyvyne +seruice excepte it be att comming in or out of eny off the ladyes and +mynystres off the said churche. And under like payne as is afore we +chardge the said ladye abbess that she cause the doore betwene the +convent and the parishe churche contynually to be shitt, unless itt be +oonly the tymes of dyvyne service, and likewise she cause the cloistre +door<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_405" id="Page_405">[Pg 405]</a></span> towardes the outward court to be continually shitt, unles itt be +att suche tymes as eny necessaryes for the convent shall be brought in +or borne out att the same, and thatt she suffre noo other back doures +to be opened butt upon necessarye, grett and urgent causes by her +approved<a name='fna_1272' id='fna_1272' href='#f_1272'><small>[1272]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Special attempts were made to prevent secret communications between nuns +and secular persons in corners and passages or through windows, and to +block up unnecessary doors by which persons might enter:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“We ordeyn and injoyne yow, prioresse and convent,” writes Dean +Kentwode to St Helens, “That ye, ne noone of yowre sustres use nor +haunte any place withinne the priory, thoroghe the wiche evel +suspeccyone or sclaundere mythe aryse; weche places for certeyne +causes that move us, we wryte here inne owre present iniunccyone, but +wole notyfie to yow, prioresse: nor have no lokyng nor spectacles +owtewarde, thorght the wiche ye mythe fall into worldly +dilectacyone<a name='fna_1273' id='fna_1273' href='#f_1273'><small>[1273]</small></a>.”</p></div> + +<p>Archbishop Lee showed no such desire to spare the feelings of the nuns of +Esholt by not openly specifying the places where they were wont to whisper +with their friends:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Item where there is on the backside of certen chambres, on the south +side of the church where the sustres worke, an open way goyng to the +watirside, and to the brige goyng over the water, without wall or<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_406" id="Page_406">[Pg 406]</a></span> +doore, so that many ylles may be committed by reason hereof; wherfore +in avoyding such inconveniences that myght folow yf it shuld so +remayne, by thies presentes we inioyne the prioresse, that she, +incontinent withoutzt delay aftre the recept herof cause a strong and +heigh wall to be made in the said voyde place<a name='fna_1274' id='fna_1274' href='#f_1274'><small>[1274]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Above all it was reiterated at visitation after visitation that no nun was +to receive a man in her private chamber or to hold conversations with any +stranger there and that certain conditions were to be observed in all +conversations between the nuns and their visitors. Archbishop Rotherham’s +injunction to Nunappleton in 1489 is typical:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Item yat none of your sustirs bring in, receyve or take any laie man, +religiose or secular into yer chambre or any secret place, daye or +knyght, not w<sup>t</sup> yaim in such private places to commyne ete or drynke +w<sup>t</sup>out lycence of you, Prioresse<a name='fna_1275' id='fna_1275' href='#f_1275'><small>[1275]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>At Sopwell in 1338 an interesting addition was made to the ordinary rule:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>And because it is seemly that ladies of religion in the presence of +seculars should bear themselves according to rule in dress and in +deportment, we will and ordain that none of you henceforward come to +the parlour to talk with seculars if she have not her cowl and her +headdress of kerchiefs and veil, according to the rule (<i>son cool et +son covert de cuverchiefs et de veil ordine</i>), as beseemeth your +religion. And none save honest persons shall be suffered to enter, and +if such person wish to remain for a meal, let him eat in the parlour, +by permission of the confessor, and on no account in the chambers +without our express permission, or that of our own prior, if we be +absent. Concerning the workmen, whom you need for your necessities, to +wit tailors and furriers, we will for that such workmen a place be +ordained near the cloister, where such workmen may do their works, and +that they be by no means called into the chambers, nor into any +private place. And let the workmen be such that no suspicion of evil +may be roused by them<a name='fna_1276' id='fna_1276' href='#f_1276'><small>[1276]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_407" id="Page_407">[Pg 407]</a></span>At Barking Peckham ordered in 1279 that no secular man or woman was to +enter the nuns’ chambers, unless a nun were so ill that it was necessary +to speak to her there, in which case a confessor, doctor, father or +brother might have access to her<a name='fna_1277' id='fna_1277' href='#f_1277'><small>[1277]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>The rules laid down for the holding of conversations between nuns and +visitors required that the permission of the head of the house should +first be obtained, and that the meeting should take place in the +<i>locutorium</i> or parlour, or occasionally in the abbess’s hall<a name='fna_1278' id='fna_1278' href='#f_1278'><small>[1278]</small></a>, and +in the hearing of “at least one other nun of sound character,” or more +frequently two other nuns. Sometimes it was added that conversations were +not to be too lengthy:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“Let it not be permitted to any nun,” wrote Peckham to Romsey, “to +hold converse with any man save either in the parlour or in the side +of the church next the cloister. And in order that all suspicion may +henceforth be removed, we order that any nun about to speak<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_408" id="Page_408">[Pg 408]</a></span> with any +man, save in the matter of confession, have with her two companions to +hear her conversation, in order that they may either be edified by +useful words, if these are forthcoming, or hinder evil words, lest +evil communications corrupt good manners”<a name='fna_1279' id='fna_1279' href='#f_1279'><small>[1279]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Alnwick’s injunction to Godstow in 1445 was couched in very similar terms:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>That ye suffre none of your susters to speke wythe any seculere +persone ne religiouse, but all onely in your halle in your presence +and audience, or, by your specyalle licence asked and had, in the +presence of two auncyent nunnes approuved in the religyon so that ye +or the said two nunnes here and see what that say and do, and so that +thaire spekyng to gedre be not longe but in shorte and few +wordes<a name='fna_1280' id='fna_1280' href='#f_1280'><small>[1280]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>It was also attempted to exercise control over communication between the +nuns and the world by means of messages and letters. Alnwick sent +injunctions on this point to Langley, Markyate and St Michael’s, Stamford +(“ne that ye suffre none of youre sustres to receyve ne sende owte noyre +gyfte ne lettre, but ye see the gyftes and wyte what is contyened in the +lettres”)<a name='fna_1281' id='fna_1281' href='#f_1281'><small>[1281]</small></a>, and in 1432 Dean Kentwode wrote to St Helen’s, +Bishopsgate:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Also we ordeyne and injoyne yow, that noone of yow speke, ne comone +with no seculere persone; ne sende ne receyve letteres myssyves or +gyftes of any seculere persone, withowte lycence of the prioresse: ... +and such letters or gyftes sent or receyved, may turne into honeste +and wurchepe and none into velanye or disclaundered of yowre honeste +and religione<a name='fna_1282' id='fna_1282' href='#f_1282'><small>[1282]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>It is common to find among episcopal injunctions to nunneries one to the +effect that no secular woman is to sleep in the dorter with the nuns. The +fact that this injunction had constantly to be repeated shows that it was +as constantly broken. Servants, boarders and school children seem in many +houses to have shared the dorter with the nuns, an arrangement which must +have been exceedingly disturbing to all parties. Alnwick found the +practice at eleven out of the twenty houses which he visited in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_409" id="Page_409">[Pg 409]</a></span> 1440-5. +At Catesby, Langley, Stixwould and St Michael’s, Stamford, little girls, +between the ages of five and ten, used to sleep with the nuns; there were +six or seven of them at that ill-conducted house, Catesby, in the charge +of Agnes Allesley, who was so disobedient to the bishop<a name='fna_1283' id='fna_1283' href='#f_1283'><small>[1283]</small></a>. At +Gracedieu the cellaress had a boy of seven with her in the dorter<a name='fna_1284' id='fna_1284' href='#f_1284'><small>[1284]</small></a>. +At Legbourne a nun complained that “the Prioress suffers secular women, +both boarders and servants, to lie by night in the dorter among the nuns, +against the rule”<a name='fna_1285' id='fna_1285' href='#f_1285'><small>[1285]</small></a> and at Heynings (which was much haunted by +visitors) a lay sister deposed that “the infirmary is occupied by secular +folk, to the great disturbance of the sisters; ... also that secular +serving women do lie among the sisters in the dorter, and especially one +who did buy a corrody there”<a name='fna_1286' id='fna_1286' href='#f_1286'><small>[1286]</small></a>. At the other houses (Godstow, Nuncoton +and Stainfield) it was simply mentioned that secular persons lay in the +dorter, without details as to whether they were servants, boarders or +children<a name='fna_1287' id='fna_1287' href='#f_1287'><small>[1287]</small></a>. In all cases Alnwick strictly forbade the practice, and a +prohibition to this effect is common in episcopal injunctions<a name='fna_1288' id='fna_1288' href='#f_1288'><small>[1288]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>These injunctions against the use of the dorter by seculars illustrate +another aspect of the movement for enclosure. The majority of the other +injunctions which have been quoted were attempts to regulate the +intercourse of nuns with casual visitors, strangers who came for a day, or +perhaps for two or three days. But a far more dangerous menace to the +quiet of the cloister lay in the constant presence of secular boarders and +corrodians, who made their home in a nunnery. Ladies who wished to end +their days in peace sometimes went there as boarders or as corrodians; it +is, no doubt, decent sober women such as these,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_410" id="Page_410">[Pg 410]</a></span> who are sometimes +exempted by name in episcopal injunctions ordering the exclusion of +boarders from a house. But more often women would seek the temporary +hospitality of a nunnery when, for some reason, they wished to leave their +homes. A monastic house was, on the whole, a safe refuge, and many a +knight going to the wars went with a lighter heart when he knew that his +wife or daughter was sleeping within convent walls. In 1314 John of +Drokensford, Bishop of Bath and Wells, licensed the Prioress of Cannington +to lodge and board the wife and two daughters of John Fychet during his +absence abroad<a name='fna_1289' id='fna_1289' href='#f_1289'><small>[1289]</small></a>, and in 1372 William of Wykeham sent letters to the +Abbesses of Romsey and Wherwell on behalf of another wife left alone in +England:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“The noble Earl of Pembroke,” wrote the Bishop, “has begged us by his +letters to direct our special letters to you on behalf of the noble +and gently-born lady, Lady Elizabeth de Berkele, a kinswoman of the +aforesaid Earl, that she may lodge within your house ... while Sir +Maurice Wytht [<i>sic</i> ? knyght] the same lady’s husband, remains in the +company of the aforesaid Earl in parts beyond the sea”;</p></div> + +<p>and so, in spite of a recent prohibition to these houses to receive +boarders, they are to take in Lady Berkeley<a name='fna_1290' id='fna_1290' href='#f_1290'><small>[1290]</small></a>. Sometimes the wording +of these licences shows that the ladies required only a temporary shelter +and had by no means retired from the world. Bishop Ralph of Shrewsbury +gave leave to Joan Wason and Maude Poer to stay at Cannington from +December 1336 till the following Easter, and Isabel Fychet received a +similar licence; in 1354 Isolda wife of John Bycombe was licensed to stay +there from March till August<a name='fna_1291' id='fna_1291' href='#f_1291'><small>[1291]</small></a>. Sometimes these ladies brought their +servants or gentlewomen with them; Joan Wason and Maude Poer had +permission to take two “dammoiselles” and Isabel<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_411" id="Page_411">[Pg 411]</a></span> Fychet one maid to +Cannington; when Lady Margery Treverbyn, a widow, went with every +profession of piety to Canonsleigh in 1328, she was accompanied by “a +certain priest, a squire (<i>domicellus</i>) and a damsel (<i>domicella</i>)”<a name='fna_1292' id='fna_1292' href='#f_1292'><small>[1292]</small></a>; +the widow of Sir John Pateshull was licensed to dwell in Elstow with her +daughter and maids in 1350<a name='fna_1293' id='fna_1293' href='#f_1293'><small>[1293]</small></a>; the <i>familia</i> of Elizabeth Berkeley is +mentioned in William of Wykeham’s licence and in 1291 John le Romeyn, +Archbishop of York, gave the convent of Nunappleton permission to receive +Lady Margaret Percy as a boarder for a year, “provided that her household +during that time shall not be other than respectable (<i>honesta</i>)”<a name='fna_1294' id='fna_1294' href='#f_1294'><small>[1294]</small></a>. +In the list (compiled by Mr Rye) of boarders in Carrow Priory during the +thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, several ladies are mentioned as being +accompanied by servants; Lady Maloysel and servant, Isabell Argentoin and +servant, the Lady Margaret Kerdeston and woman, Margaret Wryght and +servant, Lady Margaret Wetherby, her servant Matilda and her chaplain +William. The same list shows that not only women but men were received as +boarders, sometimes alone and sometimes accompanied by their wives, and +though some of the names given are doubtless those of little boys, who +were receiving their education in the nunnery, others can be clearly +identified as adults<a name='fna_1295' id='fna_1295' href='#f_1295'><small>[1295]</small></a>. The Paston Letters afford a famous case in +which both a girl and her betrothed, who had quarrelled with her parents, +were lodged for a time in a nunnery. Margery Paston had fallen in love +with her brother’s bailiff, Richard Calle, to the fury of her family, who +swore that “he should never have their good will for to make her to sell +candle and mustard in Framlingham.” The two lovers plighted their troth, a +ceremony as binding in the eyes of the Church as marriage itself, and +Richard Calle appealed to the Bishop of Norwich to set the matter beyond +doubt by an inquiry. The spirited Margery “rehearsed what she had said, +and said, if those words made it not sure, she said boldly that she would +make that surer or than she went thence, for she said she thought in her +conscience<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_412" id="Page_412">[Pg 412]</a></span> she was bound, whatsoever the words were,” whereupon her +mother refused to receive her back into her house, and the Bishop himself +was obliged to find a lodging for her. This he did at first with some +friends and afterwards at a nunnery, where Richard Calle also was lodged, +for John Paston mentions him shortly afterwards in a letter to his +brother, “As to his abiding it is in Blakborow nunnery a little fro Lynn +and our unhappy sister’s also”<a name='fna_1296' id='fna_1296' href='#f_1296'><small>[1296]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>It is plain from visitation records that the boarders who flocked to the +nunneries were exceedingly disturbing to conventual life and sometimes +even brought disrepute upon their hostesses by behaviour more suited to +the world than to the cloister. Alnwick’s register contains some amusing +and instructive evidence on this point. At Langley, a very worldly and +aristocratic person, Lady Audley, was occupying a house or set of rooms +(<i>domum</i>) within the Priory, paying 40<i>s.</i> yearly and keeping the house in +repair; but she had no intention of giving up the ways of the world; pet +dogs were her hobby, and the helpless Prioress complained to Alnwick (a +Bishop must sometimes have had much ado to keep a straight face at these +revelations):</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Lady Audley, who boards in the house, has a great abundance of dogs, +insomuch that whenever she comes to church there follow her twelve +dogs, who make a great uproar in church, hindering them in their +psalmody and the nuns hereby are made terrified!<a name='fna_1297' id='fna_1297' href='#f_1297'><small>[1297]</small></a></p></div> + +<p>“Let a warning be directed to Lady Audley to remove her dogs from the +church and the choir,” says a note in the Register; and Lady Audley, +followed by her twelve dogs, recedes for ever from our view, unless +reincarnated four centuries later in the person of Hawker of Morwenstow. A +boarder at Legbourne had a different taste in pets. Dame Joan Pavy +informed the Bishop: “That Margaret Ingoldesby, a secular woman, lies of a +night<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_413" id="Page_413">[Pg 413]</a></span> in the dorter among the nuns, bringing with her birds, by whose +jargoning silence is broken and the rest of the nuns is disturbed”<a name='fna_1298' id='fna_1298' href='#f_1298'><small>[1298]</small></a>. +Exasperated Dame Joan, trying to steal some sleep before groping her way +down to matins! She had never heard of Vert-Vert, nor even of Philip +Sparrow and she would not have been of the young and pretty novices, whose +toilet the immortal parrot superintended with a connoisseur’s eye. The +Bishop cut the Gordian knot for her by ordering all seculars to be turned +out of the dorter. At Stixwould there were two widows, Elizabeth Dymmok +and Margaret Tylney, with their maidservants, staying with the Prioress, +and two other adult women staying with the cellaress; and</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>there is in the same place a certain woman suspect [she was probably a +servant] who dwells within the cloister precincts, Joan Bartone by +name, to whom one William Traherne had had suspicious access, bringing +her therafter before the ecclesiastical judge in a matrimonial suit, +and she is very troublesome to the nuns<a name='fna_1299' id='fna_1299' href='#f_1299'><small>[1299]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>At Gracedieu it was found that the Prioress divulged the secrets of the +house to her secular boarders<a name='fna_1300' id='fna_1300' href='#f_1300'><small>[1300]</small></a>. At other houses also it was +complained that the boarders not only disturbed convent life, but +attracted many visitors. At Nuncoton the Subprioress “prays that the +lodgers be removed from the house, so that they mingle not among the nuns, +for if there were none the Prioress might be able to come constantly to +frater; and because there is great recourse of strangers to the lodgers, +to the sore burthen of the house”; another nun also deposed “that there is +great recourse of guests on account of the lodgers” and a third asked that +boarders of marriageable age should be altogether removed from the house, +frater and dorter, “by reason of the divers disadvantages which arise to +the house out of their stay”<a name='fna_1301' id='fna_1301' href='#f_1301'><small>[1301]</small></a>. At Godstow in 1432 Bishop Gray +enjoined:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_414" id="Page_414">[Pg 414]</a></span>that Felmersham’s wife with her whole household, and other women of +mature age be utterly removed from the monastery within one year next +to come, seeing that they are a cause of disturbance to the nuns and +an occasion of bad example by reason of their attire and those who +come to visit them<a name='fna_1302' id='fna_1302' href='#f_1302'><small>[1302]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>It is indeed easy to understand why bishops objected so much to the +reception of these worldly women as boarders. If instead of Felmersham’s +wife we read “the wife of Bath” all is explained. That lady was not a +person whom a Prioress would lightly refuse; the list of her pilgrimages +alone would give her the <i>entrée</i> into any nunnery. Smiling her +gat-toothed smile and riding easily upon her ambler, she would enter the +gates and alight in the court, and what a month of excitement would pass +before she rode away again. It is hard not to suspect that it was she who +introduced “caps of estate” (were they “as broad as is a buckler or a +targe”?) to the Prioress of Ankerwyke and crested shoes to the nuns of +Elstow; and it may have been she (alas) who taught some of them to step +“the olde daunce”<a name='fna_1303' id='fna_1303' href='#f_1303'><small>[1303]</small></a>. Bad enough for their peace of mind to meet her at +a pilgrimage, but much worse to have her settled in their midst, gossiping +as endlessly as she gossiped in her prologue, and amplifying her +reminiscences for a less sophisticated audience. This was one reason why +the bishops made a special injunction against the reception of married +women. The presence of men was open to even more serious objections. At +Hampole in 1411 the Archbishop of York made the significant injunction +that the Prioress was not to allow any <i>corrodiarii</i> or others to retain +suspected women with them in the house<a name='fna_1304' id='fna_1304' href='#f_1304'><small>[1304]</small></a>. At St Michael’s, Stamford, +in 1442 Alnwick discovered</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>that Richard Gray lately boarding in the priory together with his +legitimate wife, <i>procreavit prolem de domina Elizabetha Wylugby +moniali<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_415" id="Page_415">[Pg 415]</a></span> ibidem</i>, and boarded there until last Easter against the +injunction of the lord (bishop)<a name='fna_1305' id='fna_1305' href='#f_1305'><small>[1305]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>So also at Easebourne in 1478 it was deposed that “a certain Sir John +Senoke<a name='fna_1306' id='fna_1306' href='#f_1306'><small>[1306]</small></a> much frequented the priory or house, so that during some +weeks he passed the night and lay within the priory or monastery every +night, and was the cause ... of the ruin” of two nuns who had gone into +apostasy at the instigation of various men<a name='fna_1307' id='fna_1307' href='#f_1307'><small>[1307]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>The reception of secular women as boarders without the consent of the +diocesan was forbidden as early as 1222 by the Council of Oxford<a name='fna_1308' id='fna_1308' href='#f_1308'><small>[1308]</small></a> and +the bishops henceforth pursued a steady policy of ejection:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“Since,” wrote Bishop Flemyng to Elstow, “from the manifest +conjectures and assurances of our eyes we have learned that by reason +of the stay of lodgers, especially of married persons, in the said +monastery, the purity of religion (and) pleasantness of honest +conversation and character, (which) in their fragrance in our judgment +far surpass temporal goods, and the destruction of which far exceeds +the waste of temporal wealth, have suffered grave shipwreck, and may +suffer, as is likely, more heavily in future, we ordain, enjoin and +charge you who are now abbess and the other several persons who shall +be abbesses in the said monastery, under pain of deprivation, beside +the other penalties written beneath, which likewise, if you do +contrary to that which we command, it is our will that you incur +thereupon, that henceforward you admit or allow to be admitted or +received to lodge or stay within the limits of the cloister, no +persons male or female, how honest soever they be, who are beyond the +twelfth year of their age, nor any other persons soever, and married +persons in special, without the site of the same monastery, unless you +have procured express and special licence in the cases premised from +ourselves or from our successors, who for the time being shall be +bishops of Lincoln”<a name='fna_1309' id='fna_1309' href='#f_1309'><small>[1309]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Always the reason given is that these boarders are a disturbance to +conventual discipline:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“Item because religion has been much disturbed among you by reason of +secular women lodging in your house,” wrote Bishop Gynewell to +Heynings in 1351, “we forbid on pain of excommunication that after the +feast of St Michael next to come any secular woman be allowed to +remain in your Priory, save your servants who be necessary for your +service”<a name='fna_1310' id='fna_1310' href='#f_1310'><small>[1310]</small></a>.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_416" id="Page_416">[Pg 416]</a></span>“Also for as myche as we fynde detecte,” Alnwick wrote nearly a +century later to the same house, “that for the multitude of +sujournauntes wythe [yow] as wele wedded as other ofte tymes the +qwyere and the rest of yowe in your obseruances is troubled, we charge +[yow] pryoresse vnder payne of the sentence of cursyng that fro this +day forthe ye receyve no sodeiyourauntes that pas[se a man] x yere, a +woman xiii yere of age, wytheowten specyalle leve of hus or our +successours bushops of Lincolne asked [and had]”<a name='fna_1311' id='fna_1311' href='#f_1311'><small>[1311]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>But the attempt to clear the convents of secular boarders was entirely +unsuccessful. The bishops had two powerful forces against them, the desire +of the impoverished nuns to make money and the desire of seculars for a +quiet and inexpensive hostel; and the nuns continued to take boarders, in +spite of a series of prohibitions. At Romsey, for instance, Peckham +forbids boarders, c. 1284; in 1311 Bishop Woodlock has to repeat the +prohibition “because of the continual sojourn of seculars we find the +tranquillity of the nuns to be much disturbed and scandals to arise in +your monastery”; in 1346 Edynton orders the removal of all secular persons +within a month; in 1363 he has to write again, complaining that he has +heard by public report that they have not obeyed his former letter and +ordering them to remove all <i>perhendinatrices</i> within fifteen days<a name='fna_1312' id='fna_1312' href='#f_1312'><small>[1312]</small></a>. +At Godstow injunctions to this effect are made in succession by Gynewell +(1358), Gray (1432-4) and Alnwick (1445)<a name='fna_1313' id='fna_1313' href='#f_1313'><small>[1313]</small></a>; at Elstow by Gynewell +(1359), Bokyngham (1387), Flemyng (1421-2) and Gray (c. 1432)<a name='fna_1314' id='fna_1314' href='#f_1314'><small>[1314]</small></a>. +Moreover the bishops themselves were sometimes obliged to leave the nuns a +loophole of escape, by excepting certain women from the general +prohibition; thus Alnwick excepted the two widows<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_417" id="Page_417">[Pg 417]</a></span> Elizabeth Dymmok and +Margaret Tylney at Stixwould<a name='fna_1315' id='fna_1315' href='#f_1315'><small>[1315]</small></a>; Brantyngham excepted “the noble woman +Lady Elizabeth Courtenay, wife of the noble man Sir Hugh de Courtenay, +Knight” at Canonsleigh (1391)<a name='fna_1316' id='fna_1316' href='#f_1316'><small>[1316]</small></a>; and Archbishop Rotherham at +Nunappleton (1489) excepted children “or ellis old persones, by which +availe biliklyhood may growe to your place”<a name='fna_1317' id='fna_1317' href='#f_1317'><small>[1317]</small></a>. Often too they were +persuaded to grant licences to boarders, at the prayer of influential +persons who must not be offended<a name='fna_1318' id='fna_1318' href='#f_1318'><small>[1318]</small></a>. The largest loophole which they +were obliged by the pressure of circumstances to leave open was, however, +the permission to receive small children for education<a name='fna_1319' id='fna_1319' href='#f_1319'><small>[1319]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>It is clear from the evidence of visitation documents that nuns often took +boarders of their own free will, for the sake of the money which thus +accrued to their impecunious houses; certainly no episcopal injunction was +more consistently disobeyed. On the other hand great ladies often thrust +themselves upon a convent, which dared not say them nay, and it is not at +all unusual to find the nuns complaining of the disturbance caused to +their daily life by visitors. The matter was complicated by the fact that +the exercise of hospitality was one of the chief functions of monastic +houses in the middle ages, and was so far regarded as a right by their +neighbours that remonstrances were actually made if the quality of the +entertainment offered was not considered sufficiently good. At Campsey in +1532 one of the nuns declared that “well-born guests (<i>hospites +generosae</i>) coming to the priory complained of the excessive parsimony of +the Prioress”<a name='fna_1320' id='fna_1320' href='#f_1320'><small>[1320]</small></a>. Complaints by the nuns of the spiritual disturbance +caused by this influx of visitors, show that the right was vigorously +exercised. In 1364 the Pope granted permission to Margaret de Lancaster, +an Augustinian Canoness of the same nunnery of Campsey, to transfer +herself to the Order of St Clare,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_418" id="Page_418">[Pg 418]</a></span> she having already caused herself to be +enclosed at Campsey in order to avoid the number of nobles coming to the +house<a name='fna_1321' id='fna_1321' href='#f_1321'><small>[1321]</small></a>; and in 1375 he commanded the Bishop of St Andrews to make +order concerning the Prioress and nuns of the Benedictine convent of North +Berwick, “who have petitioned for perpetual enclosure, they being much +molested by the neighbourhood and visits of nobles and other secular +persons”<a name='fna_1322' id='fna_1322' href='#f_1322'><small>[1322]</small></a>. Even enclosure was not always a protection against +visitors; for the Popes constantly granted indults to great persons, +allowing them to enter, with a retinue, the houses of monks and nuns +belonging to enclosed orders. A few instances may be taken at random. John +of Gaunt in 1371 received an indult to enter any monasteries of religious +men and women once a year, with thirty persons of good repute<a name='fna_1323' id='fna_1323' href='#f_1323'><small>[1323]</small></a>; Joan +Princess of Wales in 1372 was given permission to enter monasteries of +enclosed nuns with six honest and aged men and fourteen women and to eat +and drink, but not to pass the night therein<a name='fna_1324' id='fna_1324' href='#f_1324'><small>[1324]</small></a>; Thomas of Gloucester +and his wife, the notorious Eleanor de Cobham, had an indult to enter +monasteries of enclosed monks and nuns six times a year, with twenty +persons of either sex<a name='fna_1325' id='fna_1325' href='#f_1325'><small>[1325]</small></a>. Sometimes, it is true, the visitors were +forbidden to eat, drink or spend the night in the house<a name='fna_1326' id='fna_1326' href='#f_1326'><small>[1326]</small></a>, but often +they received special permission to do so; thus in 1408 Philippa, Duchess +of York, was given an indult allowing her to take five or six matrons and +to stay in monasteries of enclosed nuns for three days and nights at a +time<a name='fna_1327' id='fna_1327' href='#f_1327'><small>[1327]</small></a> and in 1422 Joan Countess of Westmoreland received one to enter +any nunnery with eight honest women, and to stay there with the nuns, +eating, drinking and talking with them and spending the night<a name='fna_1328' id='fna_1328' href='#f_1328'><small>[1328]</small></a>. An +indult granted in 1398 to Margery and Grace de Tylney “noblewomen,” to +enter “as often as they please with six honest matrons, the monastery of +enclosed nuns of the Order of St Clare, Denney”<a name='fna_1329' id='fna_1329' href='#f_1329'><small>[1329]</small></a>, and a faculty +granted in 1371 to “John, Cardinal of Sancti Quatuor Coronati”<a name='fna_1330' id='fna_1330' href='#f_1330'><small>[1330]</small></a>, +empowering him to give leave to a hundred women of high birth of France +and England, to enter nunneries once a year, <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_419" id="Page_419">[Pg 419]</a></span>accompanied each by four +matrons<a name='fna_1331' id='fna_1331' href='#f_1331'><small>[1331]</small></a>, give some idea of the extent to which it was usual for +guests to visit even houses belonging to enclosed orders.</p> + +<p>Nuns do not seem to have concerned themselves with political movements, +unlike the monks, who in great abbeys were sometimes keen politicians. But +it sometimes happened that the strife and intrigue and tragedy of the +outside world entered into quiet convents, through this custom of using +them as boarding houses. Not otherwise can we account for a curious case +in which the nuns of Sewardsley were involved in 1470, when a certain +Thomas Wake accused Jacquetta, Duchess of Bedford, of making an image of +lead to be used in witchcraft against the King and Queen, which image he +said had been shown to various persons and exhibited in the nunnery of +Sewardsley<a name='fna_1332' id='fna_1332' href='#f_1332'><small>[1332]</small></a>. Moreover echoes of great doings came to nuns when the +hapless wives and daughters of the King’s enemies were placed in their +custody, a kindlier fate than imprisonment in a fortress or in charge of +some loyal noble’s sharp-tongued wife. The course of Edward II’s troubled +reign may be traced in the story of the women who were successively sent +as prisoners, or (worse still) as nuns, to various priories. The first to +suffer was the King’s niece Margaret; she had been married by him to Piers +Gaveston and had seen her husband miserably slain at Thomas of Lancaster’s +behest; she was married again to Sir Hugh Audley and ten years later, poor +pawn in the game of politics, she suffered for her second husband’s share +in Lancaster’s rebellion, when the crime of Blacklow Hill was expiated on +the hill of Pontefract.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“Margarete countesse de Cornewaille,” says the chronicle of +Sempringham, “La femme Sire Hugh Daudelee, e la niece le roi, fu +ordinee a demorer en guarde a Sempringham entre les nonaignes, a quel +lieu ele vint le xvi jour de Mai (1322) e la demorra”<a name='fna_1333' id='fna_1333' href='#f_1333'><small>[1333]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_420" id="Page_420">[Pg 420]</a></span>In the same year the Abbess of Barking was ordered “to cause the body of +Elizabeth de Burgo, late wife of Roger Damory, within her abbey, to be +kept safely and not to permit her to go outside the abbey gates in any +wise until further orders”<a name='fna_1334' id='fna_1334' href='#f_1334'><small>[1334]</small></a>. In 1324 another rebel, Roger Mortimer, +broke his prison in the Tower and escaped across the sea to France. But +three poor children, his daughters, could not escape, and on April 7th of +the same year the sheriff of Southampton received an order to cause +Margaret, daughter of Roger Mortimer of Wygmore, to be conducted to the +Priory of Shouldham, Joan, his second daughter, to the Priory of +Sempringham, and Isabella, his third daughter, to the Priory of Chicksand, +“to be delivered to the priors of those places (all were Gilbertine +houses) to stay amongst the nuns in the same priories.” The Prior of +Shouldham had 15<i>d.</i> weekly for Margaret’s expenses and a mark yearly for +her robe, and each of the other two little girls received 12<i>d.</i> weekly +for expenses and a mark for her robe<a name='fna_1335' id='fna_1335' href='#f_1335'><small>[1335]</small></a>. The she-wolf of France bided +her time, and when the game was hers she was no less swift to avenge her +wrongs; to Sempringham (where her lover’s daughter had gone two years +before) now went the two daughters of the elder Hugh Despenser, to pray +for the souls of a father and brother done most dreadfully to death<a name='fna_1336' id='fna_1336' href='#f_1336'><small>[1336]</small></a>. +The perennial wars with Scotland also found their echo in the nunneries. +In 1306 the Abbess of Barking was ordered “to deliver Elizabeth, sister of +William Olifard [? Olifaunt] Knight, who is in their custody by the King’s +permission to Henry de Lacy, Earl of Lincoln, the King having granted her +to the said Henry”<a name='fna_1337' id='fna_1337' href='#f_1337'><small>[1337]</small></a>; she was doubtless a relative of that “Hugh +Olyfard, a Scot, the King’s enemy and rebel,” who together with one +“William Sauvage the King’s approver” had broken his prison at Colchester +some three years before, and fled into sanctuary in the convent +church<a name='fna_1338' id='fna_1338' href='#f_1338'><small>[1338]</small></a>. Barking was a favourite prison, doubtless on account of its +situation, and in 1314 the sheriffs of London were ordered “to receive +Elizabeth, wife of Robert de Brus, from the Abbess of Berkyngg, with whom +she had been staying by the King’s order and to take her<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_421" id="Page_421">[Pg 421]</a></span> under safe +custody to Rochester and there deliver her to Henry de Cobham, constable +of the castle”<a name='fna_1339' id='fna_1339' href='#f_1339'><small>[1339]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>The mention of the Scot Hugh Olyfard, who took sanctuary in the church of +Barking, recalls another reason for which the world might break into the +cloister. The terrified fugitive from justice would take sanctuary in a +convent church if it lay nearest to him, and the peace of chanting nuns +would be rudely broken, when that unkempt and desperate figure sprang up +the choir between them and flung itself upon their altar steps. The hand +of a master has drawn for us what the trembling novices saw, peeping from +their stalls:</p> + +<p class="poem"><span style="margin-left: 1em;">... the breathless fellow at the altar foot,</span><br /> +Fresh from his murder, safe and sitting there<br /> +With the little children round him in a row<br /> +Of admiration, half for his beard and half<br /> +For that white anger of his victim’s son<br /> +Shaking a fist at him with one fierce arm,<br /> +Signing himself with the other because of Christ<br /> +(Whose sad face on the cross sees only this<br /> +After the passion of a thousand years),<br /> +Till some poor girl, her apron o’er her head<br /> +Which the intense eyes looked through, came at eve<br /> +On tiptoe, said a word, dropped in a loaf,<br /> +Her pair of ear-rings and a bunch of flowers<br /> +The brute took growling, prayed and then was gone<a name='fna_1340' id='fna_1340' href='#f_1340'><small>[1340]</small></a>.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_422" id="Page_422">[Pg 422]</a></span>But sometimes more than a momentary disturbance was occasioned to the +nunnery; in 1416, for instance, Edith Wilton, Prioress of Carrow, was +attached, together with one of her nuns, on the charge of harbouring in +sanctuary the murderers of William Koc of Trowse, at the appeal of his +widow Margaret. She was arrested, imprisoned and called to answer at +Westminster, but after the court had adjourned many times she was +acquitted<a name='fna_1341' id='fna_1341' href='#f_1341'><small>[1341]</small></a>. An abbess of Wherwell was involved in a lawsuit over a +case of sanctuary for somewhat different reasons; she claimed the right of +seizing chattels of fugitives in the hundred of Mestowe<a name='fna_1342' id='fna_1342' href='#f_1342'><small>[1342]</small></a>, a right +which was disputed by the crown officials. One Henry Harold of Wherwell +had killed his wife Isabel and fled to the church of Wherwell and the +Abbess had promptly seized his chattels to the value of over £35, by the +hands of her reeve<a name='fna_1343' id='fna_1343' href='#f_1343'><small>[1343]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>These cases of violence will lead us to the consideration of breaches of +enclosure which were in no sense the fault of the unhappy nuns. Visits +from their peaceful friends they welcomed; the sojourn of great folk they +bore; but they would fain have passed their days undisturbed by war’s +alarms and by the assault and battery of private feuds. But it was not to +be. Alarums and excursions sometimes shattered their peace and, especially +in the Northern counties, violent attacks at the hands of robbers, lawless +neighbours, or enemies of the realm were only too common.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_423" id="Page_423">[Pg 423]</a></span> Disorder was +general and grew worse in the course of the fourteenth and fifteenth +centuries. The nunnery of Markyate was once assaulted in the night by +fifty robbers and the nuns pillaged and robbed of everything +valuable<a name='fna_1344' id='fna_1344' href='#f_1344'><small>[1344]</small></a>, and in 1408 the Bishop of Ely gave an indulgence for the +relief of the nuns of Rowney, “whose chalices, books, ornaments and other +goods have been stolen by evil men, so that they have not the wherewithal +to perform the divine office”<a name='fna_1345' id='fna_1345' href='#f_1345'><small>[1345]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Neighbourly disagreements sometimes developed into petty warfare, as the +Paston Letters show, and an almost exact parallel to the dispute between +John Paston and Lord Molynes over the manor of Gresham is to be found in a +complaint made in 1383 by the Prioress of Brodholme, who asserted that a +gang of men (whom she named)</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“had broken her close at Brodholme, felled her trees and underwood, dug +in her soil, carried off earth, trees, underwood and other goods, +depastured her corn and grass, assaulted her servants and besieged her +and her nuns in the Priory and threatened them with death”<a name='fna_1346' id='fna_1346' href='#f_1346'><small>[1346]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Such instances might be multiplied<a name='fna_1347' id='fna_1347' href='#f_1347'><small>[1347]</small></a>. Sometimes the presence of +secular boarders led to unpleasant experiences for the nuns. The Lincoln +registers record two such cases, which incidentally furnish an additional +reason why the reception of boarders was frowned upon by the Church. In +1304 certain</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“satellites of Satan whose names we know not” (Bishop Dalderby informs +his official), “lately came in great numbers to the monastery of the +nuns of Goring, where they boldly laid violent hands upon Henry, +chaplain of the parish church and brother John le Walleys, lay brother +of the same place (from whom they drew blood) and upon certain nuns of +the house who struggled to guard their monastery, and then they +entered and rode their horses up to the high altar of the church, +polluting that holy place shamefully with the footprints and dung of +their horses.”</p></div> + +<p>Their object was apparently to seize a certain Isabella de Kent, a married +woman then dwelling in the nunnery, and they pursued her to the belfry, +where she had taken refuge and dragged her<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_424" id="Page_424">[Pg 424]</a></span> away with them<a name='fna_1348' id='fna_1348' href='#f_1348'><small>[1348]</small></a>. An even +worse disturbance took place at Rothwell in 1421-2. A gang of ruffians +broke open the cloister and doors, seized one Joan (a boarder) and carried +her away to a lonely house, where their leader forcibly violated her, with +every circumstance of brutality. She escaped back to the priory, whereupon +the leader</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>entering the same priory a second time, like a tyrant and pirate with +a far greater multitude of like henchmen and people untamed and savage +in his company, with naked swords and other sorts of divers weapons of +offence, fell ... upon the same woman, who was then in the presence of +the prioress and the nuns in the hall of the said priory and ... +daringly laid wicked, sacrilegious and violent hands, notwithstanding +the worship both of their persons and of the place, upon the prioress +and nuns of the said place, honourable members of the church and +persons hallowed to God accordingly—who endeavoured gently to appease +their baseness and savagery, so far as their sex as women allowed—and +cudgelled them with cruel strokes, threw them down on the ground and, +trampling on them with their feet, mercilessly kicked them and +violently dragged off their garments of their habits over their heads, +and even as robbers, having caught their prey, carried off the said +woman, dragging her with them out of the priory<a name='fna_1349' id='fna_1349' href='#f_1349'><small>[1349]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Even more significant is the licence granted to the Abbess and Convent of +Tarrant Keynes in 1343 to cut down two hundred acres of under-wood in +their demesne land, “on their petition setting forth that their house and +possessions in the county of Dorset had been burned and destroyed by an +invasion of the king’s enemies in those parts”<a name='fna_1350' id='fna_1350' href='#f_1350'><small>[1350]</small></a>; or the permission +given to the Abbess of Shaftesbury in 1367 to crenellate her Abbey, +presumably for purposes of defence<a name='fna_1351' id='fna_1351' href='#f_1351'><small>[1351]</small></a>. The south coast was a constant<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_425" id="Page_425">[Pg 425]</a></span> +prey to pirates, and it was still within the memory of man that, at the +beginning of the French war</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>the Normayns Pycardes and Spanyerdes entred into the toune (of +Southampton) and robbed and pilled the toune, and slewe dyvers and +defowled maydens, and enforced wyves, and charged their vessels with +the pyllage and so entred agayne into their shyppes<a name='fna_1352' id='fna_1352' href='#f_1352'><small>[1352]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>The sanctity which attached to the person of a nun was apt to be forgotten +in the brutal warfare of the day and the Abbess might well fear for her +flock. The English nunneries did not, indeed, experience anything to +compare with the unimaginable sufferings endured by French convents during +the hundred years’ war<a name='fna_1353' id='fna_1353' href='#f_1353'><small>[1353]</small></a>. But they were by no means immune from the +effects of civil war; Wilton, Wherwell and St Mary’s, Winchester, were all +burned during the struggle between Stephen and Matilda<a name='fna_1354' id='fna_1354' href='#f_1354'><small>[1354]</small></a>, and during +the Wars of the Roses the nuns of Delapré were unwilling witnesses of the +Battle of Northampton (1460), which was held “in the medowys beside the +Nonry”; after the fight was over the King, the Archbishop of Canterbury +and the Bishop of London rested at the nunnery and many of the slain were +buried in its churchyard<a name='fna_1355' id='fna_1355' href='#f_1355'><small>[1355]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>The most striking example of the effect of warfare upon monastic houses in +England is, however, provided by the history of the northern monasteries, +which were throughout their history (but especially during the first part +of the fourteenth century) in danger from the inroads of the Scots. So +great was the destruction wrought in 1318 that it was necessary to make a +new assessment of church property for purposes of taxation, in part of the +province of York<a name='fna_1356' id='fna_1356' href='#f_1356'><small>[1356]</small></a>. Nor was the trouble purely material, though<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_426" id="Page_426">[Pg 426]</a></span> the +poverty of the nunneries (in particular) was sometimes abject and the +harrying of their lands must have made prosperity at all times a vain +hope. The moral results of such disorder were even more serious. It was +almost impossible to maintain an ordinary communal life, when at any +moment it might be necessary to disperse the nuns and quarter them in +other houses out of the line of the marauders’ march. Even in houses which +were never actually attacked, the prevalent unrest, the lawlessness which +is naturally engendered by border warfare, must have been disorganising +and demoralising. It is easy to understand why cases of immorality and +grave disorder are more prevalent in the convents of the north of England +than in those of any other district.</p> + +<p>In 1296 the chronicler of Lanercost describes thus the first great raid of +the Scots:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>In this raid they surpassed in cruelty all the fury of the heathen; +when they could not catch the strong and young people, who took +flight, they imbrued their arms, hitherto unfleshed, with the blood of +infirm people, old women, women in childbed and even children two or +three years old, proving themselves apt scholars in atrocity, insomuch +that they raised little span-long children pierced on pikes, to expire +thus and fly away to the heavens. They burnt consecrated churches; +both in the sanctuary and elsewhere they violated women dedicated to +God [i.e. nuns] as well as married women and girls, either murdering +them or robbing them, after gratifying their lust. Also they herded +together a crowd of little scholars in the schools of Hexham and +having blocked the doors set fire to that pile [so] fair [in the sight +of God]. Three monasteries of holy collegiates were destroyed by them, +Lanercost, of the Canons Regular; and Hexham of the same order and +[that] of the nuns of Lambley; of all of these the devastation can by +no means be attributed to the valour of warriors, but to the dastardly +conduct of thieves, who attacked a weaker community, where they would +not be likely to meet with any resistance<a name='fna_1357' id='fna_1357' href='#f_1357'><small>[1357]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Some allowance must be made for the indignation of a canon of Lanercost, +whose own house had been burnt; but even so it is plain that the religious +houses must have endured terrible things at the hands of the Scots; and +the peril of the nuns was to honour as well as to life and home.</p> + +<p>In several cases record of the actual dispersal of the nuns has<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_427" id="Page_427">[Pg 427]</a></span> been +preserved, though such dispersal lasted only for a short time. The priory +of Holystone, which lay right upon the border, was in a particularly +exposed position and in 1313, when Bruce was devastating the northern +counties, a letter from the Bishop of Durham bears vivid testimony to its +miserable plight:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“The house of the said nuns,” he says, “situated in the March of +England and Scotland, by reason of the hostile incursions which daily +and continually increase in the March, is frequently despoiled of its +goods and the nuns themselves are often attacked by the marauders, +harmed and pursued and, put to flight and driven from their home, are +constrained miserably to experience bitter suffering. Wherefore we +make these things known to you, that you may compassionate their +poverty, which is increased by the memory of happier things, and that +your pity and benevolence may be shown them, lest (to the disgrace of +their estate) they be forced publicly to beg”<a name='fna_1358' id='fna_1358' href='#f_1358'><small>[1358]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>The expiration of the truce with Scotland in 1322 was followed by another +raid and by Edward II’s unsuccessful campaign, in the course of which the +Scots overran Yorkshire and very nearly captured the King at Byland Abbey. +The canons of Bridlington (whither he fled) departed with all their +valuables to Lincolnshire, sending an envoy to purchase immunity from +Bruce at Melton. The poor nuns of Moxby and Rosedale did not escape so +easily. In November Archbishop Melton wrote to the Prioress of Nunmonkton, +ordering her to receive two nuns of the house of Moxby, which had been +“destroyed and devastated by the Scots”; the Prioress tried to excuse +herself, on the plea that it was unseemly for Austin nuns to be received +in a Benedictine convent and that her house barely sufficed to support +herself and her sisters; but the Archbishop sternly replied that he was +sending the nuns for a time only and that it behoved the convent of +Nunmonkton to receive them, in order to avoid their being dispersed in the +world. He added that he had placed a like burden upon other nunneries in +his diocese which had escaped the horrors of the invasion, and a note in +his Register shows that two nuns were sent to Nunappleton, two to +Nunkeeling and two to Hampole, while the Prioress went to Swine. Three +days later he boarded out the nuns of Rosedale, who had received<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_428" id="Page_428">[Pg 428]</a></span> similar +injuries at the hands of the Scots, sending one to each of the houses of +Nunburnholme, Sinningthwaite, Thicket, Wykeham and Hampole<a name='fna_1359' id='fna_1359' href='#f_1359'><small>[1359]</small></a>. The +dispersal of the nuns of Rosedale did not extend beyond six months and the +nuns of Moxby probably returned about the same time, for they were back in +their own house in 1325, when their Prioress resigned “super lapsu +carnis”<a name='fna_1360' id='fna_1360' href='#f_1360'><small>[1360]</small></a>. The moral record of both houses—and indeed of the majority +of Yorkshire nunneries—is bad at this period, and at least part of the +responsibility must be laid at the door of the Scottish invasions.</p> + +<p>Yorkshire also suffered in the invasion which ended with the Battle of +Neville’s Cross (1346), when the Scots</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>went forth brenning and destroying the county of Northumberland; and +their currours ran to York and brent as much as was without the walls +and returned again to their host within a days journey, of +Newcastle-upon-Tyne<a name='fna_1361' id='fna_1361' href='#f_1361'><small>[1361]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>One of these marauding bands (“the most outrageoust people in all the +country,” Froissart calls them) came galloping into that lonely and +beautiful dale, where the nunnery of Ellerton stands beside the brown +torrent of Swale. They entered the house and carried away seven charters +and writings, so the nuns complained later<a name='fna_1362' id='fna_1362' href='#f_1362'><small>[1362]</small></a>; what else they did in +that quiet spot and whether the nunnery of Marrick on the hill above +escaped them history will not tell us. Such disasters were common enough +in the north. The records of Armathwaite in Cumberland show that an +unlucky proximity to the border might hamper a convent<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_429" id="Page_429">[Pg 429]</a></span> throughout the +whole of its career. In 1318 pasture for cattle in Inglewood Forest was +granted to “the poor nuns of Armathwaite, who had been totally ruined by +the Scots”; in 1331 they were excused a payment of ten pounds for the same +reason; and in 1474 they were obliged to apply for a ratification of their +possessions, because their house had been almost destroyed by the Scots, +who had not only spoiled them of their church ornaments, books, relics and +jewels, but also of all their charters and evidences<a name='fna_1363' id='fna_1363' href='#f_1363'><small>[1363]</small></a>. The obscure +little nunnery of Lambley on Tyne suffered in the same way, for in the +Receiver’s Account made at its dissolution in 1536 there occurs, under the +heading <i>Decasus Redditus</i>, the entry of a tenement in Haltwhistle called +Redepath, “eo quod comburatum (<i>sic</i>) per Scottos”<a name='fna_1364' id='fna_1364' href='#f_1364'><small>[1364]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>But the most horrible story of outrage suffered by a nunnery in time of +war is that strange tale reported by the anonymous monk of St Albans, who +wrote a <i>Chronicon Angliae</i> between the years 1376 and 1379<a name='fna_1365' id='fna_1365' href='#f_1365'><small>[1365]</small></a>. The +suffering of French nunneries at the hand of Free Companies and English +was not more terrible than the fate of these English nuns at the hand of +their own countrymen. In 1379 an army was mustered in England to replace +Duke John of Brittany upon his throne, which had been annexed by Charles V +of France. The main army, under John FitzAlan of Arundel, Marshal of +England (the same who had “two and fiftie new sutes of apparell of cloth +of gold or tissue”) was delayed in England for some months, first by a +difficulty in raising the money to equip it, and then by contrary winds, +and it was December before Sir John was ready to sail. Complaints came +from all hands of the depredations committed along the coast by the +lawless soldiers, but their other misdeeds were insignificant compared +with the crime recorded in the St Albans Chronicle:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“When,” says the chronicler, “Sir John Arundel and his companions were +come to the sea and no breeze favoured them, he ordered that a more +favourable wind should be awaited. Meanwhile he proceeded to a certain +monastery of virgin nuns, which stood not far away, and entering with +his men, he asked the mother of the monastery<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_430" id="Page_430">[Pg 430]</a></span> to permit his fellow +soldiers, engaged on the king’s service, to lodge there. But the nun, +considering in her mind that danger might arise from such guests and +that his request was absolutely contrary to religion, pointed out to +him with due reverence and humility that many of his followers were +young and might easily be moved to commit an inexpiable crime, which +would not only bring ill fame upon the place but would also be a +danger and an evil to himself and his men, who should shun not only an +offence against chastity but all manner of crimes, if they acted as +befitted men about to go to the wars. But he began to insist with +great fervour, declaring that her suspicions were false and her +imaginings without truth, whereupon she prostrated herself on the +ground before him, and answered, ‘My lord, I know that your men are +unbridled and fear not even God. It is expedient neither for us nor +for you that they should enter our cloister. Wherefore I beseech and +counsel you with clasped hands, that you give up this intention and +seek other hosts (who abound in the neighbourhood) for yourself and +for your men.’ But he persisted and, contemptuously bidding her arise, +swore that he would in no wise give up his determination to have +hospitality for his people there. Wherefore he straightway ordered his +men to enter the building and to occupy the public and private rooms +until the time came for setting sail. And they, inspired (it is +thought) by a devil, burst into the cloister of the monastery, and as +is the wont of such an undisciplined mob, broke the one into this, the +other into that room, wherein the maidens, daughters of the +neighbouring gentry, were lodged to be taught; and many of these were +already prepared to take upon them the habit of holy religion and had +set their mind on the purpose of virginity. These, scorning reverence +for the place and casting aside the fear of God, the men oppressed and +violated by force. Nor did their lust rage against these alone, for +they feared not to pollute the widow’s continence and the conjugal +tie. For many widows had gathered there to receive hospitality, as is +customary in such abbeys, either for lack of property or in order the +more perfectly and safely to preserve their chastity. They forced into +public adultery the married women who had gathered there for the same +reasons, and not content (it is said) with these misdeeds they +subjected the nuns themselves to their lust. Whereupon at first those +who suffered the injury, and soon all who dwelt in the neighbourhood +and who heard the news of so great a crime, heaped very horrible +curses upon their heads and called down upon them whatever misfortune +and whatever adversity God might be able to raise against them.”</p></div> + +<p>The chronicler goes on to relate how, undeterred and indeed encouraged by +Sir John Arundel, the men spread over the country-side and pillaged it, +carrying off a bride and stealing plate from the altar of a church, for +which sacrilege they were solemnly excommunicated. At last, however, Sir +John (in spite<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_431" id="Page_431">[Pg 431]</a></span> of the protests of the shipman who was to carry him) +decided to set sail. His men carried off with them the stolen bride and a +number of wives, widows and virgins from the abbey, forced the wretched +women on board and put to sea. But a storm came on and the ships were +driven out into the Atlantic. In the midst of the roaring tempest the +guilty soldiers seemed to see a spectre, more awful than death itself, +which stalked among them on the deck and foretold the loss of all who +sailed upon Sir John Arundel’s ship. Even more pitiable was the condition +of the women:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“Hard it is to relate,” says the chronicler, “what clamour, what +lamentation, what groans, what tears, arose among the women, who by +force or of their own will had boarded the ship, when buffeted by the +winds and waves they rose to the skies and descended to the depths; +for now they saw not the spectre of death, but death itself among +them, and could not doubt that they must die. What mental anguish, +what bodily fear, what remorse and anxiety assailed the conscience of +the men, who to satisfy their lust had dragged these women into the +peril of the seas, they were best able to describe who, although +sharers in so great a crime, were nevertheless permitted by God’s +mercy to reach a port of safety. Wherefore the men were doubtful what +to do in the midst of the clamour, for on the one hand the wind and +storm, on the other the tears and cries of the women, urged them to +action. First, therefore, they tried to lighten the vessel, throwing +overboard first the worthless baggage, then precious things, that +perchance a hope of safety might arise. But when they perceived their +desperate plight to be rather increased than diminished, they cast the +blame of their misfortune upon the women, and in a spirit of madness +they seized hold of them (with the same hands wherewith before they +had sweetly caressed them, the same arms wherewith they had lustfully +embraced them) and threw them into the sea, to be devoured by fishes +and sea beasts, to the number (it is said) of sixty women. But not +even thus was the tempest stayed, but rather it grew greater so that +it deprived them of all hope of escaping the danger of death.”</p></div> + +<p>The story is soon ended. The ships were driven onto the coast of Ireland, +Sir John Arundel’s vessel ran upon a rock, and he was drowned, with all +his suits of apparel, his goods and his horses; and twenty-five other +vessels of the ill-fated expedition, laden with soldiers and horses and +baggage, also went down in the storm. Public opinion did not fail to +attribute these disasters to the crimes of which Sir John and his troops +had been guilty; and so, with dramatic fitness, ends this tale of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_432" id="Page_432">[Pg 432]</a></span> +golden days of chivalry<a name='fna_1366' id='fna_1366' href='#f_1366'><small>[1366]</small></a>. Side by side with it must be set another +episode, drawn from an earlier age and from an epic instead of a +chronicle. It was part of the chivalrous convention to show a special +respect to nunneries, in their double character of religious and +aristocratic institutions. Yet the most striking account of a nunnery in +the twelfth century, when this convention was at its height, has for +subject a brutal sacrilege committed by a great baron upon a church of +nuns. This is the famous episode of the burning of Origny in the <i>chanson +de geste</i> “Raoul de Cambrai.” The writer of the poem makes Raoul’s knights +recoil in shame from a crime in which their allegiance has made them +unwilling partners, and manifests the utmost horror and pity at this +action so opposed to all the ideals of chivalry; but it is only one of the +many proofs that the golden idol had feet of clay. Whether or not the +account was founded upon an actual incident is unknown; but it deserves +quotation because it <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_433" id="Page_433">[Pg 433]</a></span>illustrates all too clearly the fate of nuns when +their quiet houses stood in the way of warring knights. It represents one +side of chivalry as truly as “Queen Guenever in Almesbury, a nun in white +clothes and black” represents another. In the same century that produced +“Raoul de Cambrai” a chronicler, writing of the wars of Stephen and +Matilda in England, records, “Burnt also was the abbey of nuns of Wherwell +by a certain William of Ypres, an evil man, who respected neither God nor +man, because certain supporters of the Empress had taken refuge therein”; +and another:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>The famous town [of Winchester] was given to the flames, wherein a +convent of nuns with its offices, and more than twenty churches, with +the greater part of the town and the monastery of St Grimbald’s and +the dwellings attached to it, were reduced to ashes<a name='fna_1367' id='fna_1367' href='#f_1367'><small>[1367]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>What these bald statements mean the <i>chanson de geste</i> can tell us better.</p> + +<p>Raoul de Cambrai, the greatest villain who ever led knights to war, had in +his train a young knight Bernier. One day he set out to pillage Origny, in +which town was a famous convent, where Bernier’s fair mother Marcens had +retired to end her days in peace. But as he hurled himself, with four +thousand men, upon the town, the gates of the convent opened</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>and the nuns came forth from the church, gentle ladies, each with her +psalter, for there they did the service of God. Marcens was there, who +was Bernier’s mother. “Mercy, Raoul, in the just God’s name! You do +great sin if you allow harm to come to us, for easily can we be driven +forth.” In her hand she held a book of the time of Solomon and she was +saying an orison to God.</p></div> + +<p>After a tender inquiry for her son, Marcens proceeded to plead with Raoul +to raise the siege; clearly the burgesses regarded the abbess of the great +convent as their leader and a fit person to negotiate with their enemy.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“Sir Raoul,” she said, “shall I beseech you in vain to withdraw you? +We be nuns, by all the saints of Bavaria; we shall never hold lance +nor banner, nor by our hand shall any man be brought to his grave.”</p></div> + +<p>But Raoul answered her with a stream of coarse abuse, showing even less +respect for her sex and calling than Sir John Arundel<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_434" id="Page_434">[Pg 434]</a></span> showed to the +abbess who refused him lodging<a name='fna_1368' id='fna_1368' href='#f_1368'><small>[1368]</small></a>. Marcens put aside his charges with a +word of dignified denial and proffered him terms of truce:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“Sir Raoul, we know not how to wield arms; easily can you destroy us +and put us to flight. We have neither shield nor lance for our +defence. All our livelihood we have from this altar and within this +town; noble men hold this place dear and send us silver and pure gold. +Therefore do you grant us a truce for hearth and church and go you and +take your ease in our meadows; of our own substance we will feed you +and your knights and your squires shall have corn and oats and plenty +to eat for your steeds.” “By the body of St Richier,” answered Raoul, +“For love of you and since you ask it, I will grant you the truce, +whoever may dislike it.”</p></div> + +<p>But Raoul de Cambrai had no regard for his knightly word; he quarrelled +with the townsfolk and swore to burn Origny about their ears.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“The rooms burn,” the <i>chanson</i> continues, “The ceilings crumble: the +barrels catch fire and their hoops burst. Woe and sin it is, for the +children burn too. Evil has Count Raoul done, for the day before he +gave his faith to Marcens that they should not lose so much as a fold +of silk; and on the morrow he burned them in his wrath. In Origny, +that great and rich town, the sons of Herbert, who love the place had +put Marcens, Bernier’s mother, and a hundred nuns to pray to God. +Count Raoul, the hot-heart, sets fire to the streets; the houses burn, +the ceilings melt, the wine spills and the cellars flow with it; the +bacon burns, the larders fall, the fat makes the great fire burn more +fiercely. It strikes up to the tower and to the high belfry and the +roofs fall in, so great is the blaze between the two walls. The nuns +are burnt, all hundred of them are burnt (woe it is to tell); burnt is +Marcens that was Bernier’s mother, and Clamados the daughter of Duke +Renier. The smell of burning flesh rises from the flames and the brave +knights weep for pity. When Bernier sees the fire grow worse, he is +near mad with grief. Could ye but have seen him sling on his shield! +With drawn sword he comes to the church and sees the flames pouring +from the doors; no man can come within<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_435" id="Page_435">[Pg 435]</a></span> a shaft’s throw of the fire. +Bernier sees a rich marble pavement, and upon it lies his mother, with +her tender face laid on the ground and her psalter burning upon her +breast. Then says the boy, ‘I am on a foolish errand. Never will any +succour avail her now. Ha! sweet mother, yesterday you kissed me; you +have but a poor heir in me, for I can neither aid nor help you. God, +who will judge the world, keep your soul!’”<a name='fna_1369' id='fna_1369' href='#f_1369'><small>[1369]</small></a></p></div> + +<p>So ends this terrible episode; but that chivalry in this matter at least +suffered no change from the twelfth to the fourteenth century Froissart’s +account of the burning of this same Origny-Saint-Benoît by the peerless +John of Hainault and his troops in 1339 will show<a name='fna_1370' id='fna_1370' href='#f_1370'><small>[1370]</small></a>. If the code of +knighthood and the fear of God could not save the nuns from mischances +such as these, it is plain that no injunctions against the breach of their +enclosure could have done so. These were the risks of war, which nuns +shared in common with all unhappy women. But the siege of Origny and even +the outrage at Goring were still exceptional events; and the Church found +its chief problem not in these unwelcome incursions, but in the number of +welcome visitors who hung about the nunneries. “The Lord deliver them from +their friends” was in effect the bishop’s prayer. The expulsion of these +friends was a necessary corollary to the enclosure movement; and, like the +injunctions to nuns to keep within their cloister, the injunctions to lay +folk to keep outside remained a dead letter. John of Ayton’s conclusion is +true here also:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Why, then, did the holy fathers thus labour to beat the air? Yet +indeed their toil is none the less to their own merit; for we look not +to that which is, but to that which of justice should be.</p></div> + + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<hr style="width: 50%;" /> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_436" id="Page_436">[Pg 436]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XI" id="CHAPTER_XI"></a>CHAPTER XI</h2> +<p class="title">THE OLDE DAUNCE</p> + +<div class="note"><p>A child of our grandmother Eve, a female; or, for +thy more sweet understanding, a woman.</p> + +<p class="right"><i>Love’s Labour’s Lost</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, i, 266-8.</p></div> + +<p> </p> +<p>It is difficult to form any exact impression of the moral state of the +English nunneries during the later middle ages. Certainly there is +widespread evidence of frailty on the part of individuals, and there are +one or two serious cases in which a whole house was obviously in a bad +condition. It is certain also that we retain the record of only a portion +of the cases of immorality which existed; some never came to light at all, +some were hushed up and the records of others are buried in Bishops’ +Registers, which are either unpublished or lost. On the other hand it is +necessary to guard against exaggeration. The majority of nuns certainly +kept their lifelong vow of chastity. Moreover when the conditions of +medieval life are taken into account, the lapses of the nuns must, to +anyone who considers them with sympathy and common sense, appear +comprehensible. The routine of the convent was not always satisfying to +the heart, and the temptations to which nuns were submitted were certainly +grosser and more frequent than they are in similar institutions today.</p> + +<p>Several considerations may fairly be urged in mitigation of the nuns. The +initial difficulty of the celibate ideal need not be laboured. For many +saints it was the first and necessary condition of their salvation; but +for the average man it has always been an unnatural state and the monastic +orders and the priesthood were full of average men. It is not surprising, +therefore, that the history of ecclesiastical celibacy is one of the +tragedies of religious life. The vow was constantly being broken. The +<i>focaria</i> or priest’s mistress is a well-known figure in medieval history +and fiction; and the priest who lived thus with an unofficial wife was +probably less dangerous to his female parishioners than was he who lived +ostensibly alone. A crowd of clerks and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_437" id="Page_437">[Pg 437]</a></span> chaplains, sometimes attached to +some church, chantry or great man’s chapel, sometimes unattached, filled +the country with an “ecclesiastical proletariat,” all vowed to chastity; +and any student of the criminal records of the middle ages knows how often +these men were concerned in cases of rape and other crime. A survey of the +monastic visitations of a careful visitor such as Alnwick shows that +consorting with women was a common charge against the monks and there is +some evidence which points to a suspicion of grosser forms of vice. It +would be strange indeed if the nuns were an exception to the rule. Even if +they kept their vow, they kept it sometimes at a cost which psychologists +have only recently begun to understand. The visions which were at once the +torture and the joy of so many mystic women, were sexual as well as +religious in their origin, as in their imagery<a name='fna_1371' id='fna_1371' href='#f_1371'><small>[1371]</small></a>. The terrible +lassitude and despair of <i>accidia</i> grew in part at least from the +repression of the most powerful of natural instincts, accentuated by the +absence of sufficient counter interests and employments.</p> + +<p>The whole monastic ideal is, however, bound up with the vow of chastity +and, had only women with a vocation entered nunneries, the danger of the +situation would have been small. Unfortunately a large number of the girls +who became nuns had no vocation at all. They were given over to the life +by their families, sometimes from childhood, because it was a reputable +career for daughters who could not be dowered for marriage in a manner +befitting their estate<a name='fna_1372' id='fna_1372' href='#f_1372'><small>[1372]</small></a>. They were often totally unsuited for it, by +the weakness of their religions as well as by the strength of their sexual +impulses. The lighthearted <i>Chansons de Nonnes</i><a name='fna_1373' id='fna_1373' href='#f_1373'><small>[1373]</small></a>, whose theme is the +nun unwillingly professed, had a real basis in fact. If cases of +immorality in convents seem all too frequent, it should be remembered how +young and often how unwilling were those who took the vows:</p> + +<table style="margin-left: 15%;" border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary="table"> +<tr><td>Je sent les douls mals</td> + <td><span class="spacer"> </span></td> + <td>leis ma senturete</td></tr> +<tr><td>Malois soit de deu</td> + <td> </td> + <td>ki me fist nonnete.</td></tr></table> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_438" id="Page_438">[Pg 438]</a></span>The blame is justly placed and the wonder is not how many but how few nuns +went astray.</p> + +<p>Again the nunneries of the middle ages were subjected to temptations which +rarely occur in our own time. The chief of these was the ease with which +the nuns moved about outside their houses in a world where sex was +displayed good-humouredly, openly, grossly, by the populace, and with all +the subtle charm of chivalry by the upper classes. The struggle to enforce +enclosure had its root in the recognition of this danger, as episcopal +references to the story of Dinah show; and it has already been seen how +unsuccessful that struggle was. Nuns left their precincts, visited their +friends, attended feasts, listened to wandering minstrels, with hardly any +restraint upon their movements. It is true that in church and cloister the +praise of virginity was forever dinned into their ears; but outside in the +world it was not virginity that was praised. Were it a miller’s tale or a +wife of Bath’s prologue, overheard on a pilgrimage, were it only the lilt +of a passing clerk at a street corner,</p> + +<p class="poem">Western wind, when wilt thou blow,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The small rain down can rain?</span><br /> +Christ, if my love were in my arms<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">And I in my bed again,</span></p> + +<p>the nun’s mind must often have been troubled, as she turned her steps back +to her cloister. Moreover their guest rooms were full of visitors, men as +well as women; if they copied so eagerly the fine dresses and the pet dogs +of worldly ladies, is it strange that they sometimes copied their lovers +too? Other conditions besides the imperfect enforcement of enclosure +increased the danger. The disorders of the times, ranging from the armed +forays of the Scots in the north to the lawlessness of everyday life in +all parts of the country, were not conducive to a fugitive and cloistered +virtue<a name='fna_1374' id='fna_1374' href='#f_1374'><small>[1374]</small></a>. Nor was the constant struggle against financial need, +leading as it did to many undesirable expedients for raising money, really +compatible with either dignity or unworldliness. There is a poverty which +breeds plain living and high thinking, a fair Lady Poverty whom St Francis +wedded. But there is also an unworthy, grinding poverty, which occupies +the mind with a struggle to make two ends meet and dulls it<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_439" id="Page_439">[Pg 439]</a></span> to finer +issues. Too often the poverty of the nunneries was of the last type.</p> + +<p>Let it be conceded, therefore, that the celibate ideal was a hard one, +that the nuns were often recruited without any regard for their fitness to +follow it, and that some of the conditions of convent life, insufficiently +withdrawn from the temptations and disorders of the outside world, served +to promote rather than to restrain a breach of it. With these preliminary +warnings, an attempt may be made to estimate the moral state of the +English nunneries. The evidence for such a study falls into three classes, +the purely literary evidence of moralist and story-teller, the general +statements of ecclesiastical councils and the exact and specific evidence +of the Bishops’ Registers. The literary evidence will be treated more +fully in a further chapter and need not detain us here. Langland’s nun, +who had a child in cherry time, Gower’s voice crying against the frailty +of woman kind, the “Dame Lust, Dame Wanton and Dame Nice,” who haunted the +imaginary convent of the poem <i>Why I can’t be a Nun</i>, are all well known, +as are the serious <i>exempla</i>, the pretty Mary-miracles, and the ribald +tales, which have for their subject an erring nun. They are useful as +corroborative evidence, but without more exact information they would tell +us little that is of specific value. Similarly the enactments of church +councils and general chapters are quite general. By far the most valuable +evidence as to monastic morals is contained in the Bishops’ Registers, +whether in the accounts of visitations and the injunctions which followed +them, or in the special mandates ordering inquiry into a scandal, search +after an apostate, or penance upon a sinner. The visitation documents are +particularly useful. Where full <i>detecta</i> are preserved, the moral state +of a house is vividly pictured; there you may see the unworthy Prioress, +whose bad example or weak rule has led her flock astray; there the nuns +conniving at a love affair and assisting an elopement, or complaining +bitterly of the dishonour wrought upon their house. If the register of +visitations be a full one, it is possible to form an approximately exact +estimate of the moral condition of all the nunneries in a particular +diocese at a particular time, in so far as it was known to the Bishop. If +a diocese possess a long and fairly unbroken series of registers, as at +York and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_440" id="Page_440">[Pg 440]</a></span> Lincoln, the moral history of the house may be traced over a +long period of years. Supplementary evidence is sometimes also to be found +in the Papal Registers, when the Pope had been petitioned in favour of +some nun, or had heard rumours of the evil state of some nunnery; but +Papal letters on the subject are comparatively rare. The mass of the +information which follows is therefore derived from the invaluable records +of the bishops.</p> + +<p>It seems quite clear that the nuns who broke their vows were always +willing parties to the breach. Few men would have been bold enough to +ravish a <i>Sponsa Dei</i>. Sometimes a bishop was led to suppose that a nun +had been carried away against her will, but he always found out in the end +that she had been in the plot; all abductions were in reality elopements. +In the Register of Bishop Sutton of Lincoln there is notice of an +excommunication pronounced in 1290 against the persons who abducted Agnes +of Sheen, a nun of Godstow. The Bishop announces that she and another nun +were journeying peacefully towards Godstow in a carriage belonging to +their house, when suddenly, in the very middle of the King’s highway at +Wycombe, certain sons of perdition laid violent hands upon them and +dragged the unwilling Agnes out of her carriage and carried her off. But +he seems to have received a different account of the affair later, for in +the following year he announces that Agnes of Sheen, Joan of Carru and “a +certain kinswoman of the Lady Ela, Countess of Warwick,” professed nuns of +Godstow, have fled from their house and, casting off their habit, are +living a worldly and dissolute life, to the scandal of the neighbourhood; +and he pronounces excommunication against the nuns and all their +helpers<a name='fna_1375' id='fna_1375' href='#f_1375'><small>[1375]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Some nuns contrived to meet their lovers secretly, within the precincts of +their own convents, or outside during the visits which they paid so freely +despite the Bull <i>Periculoso</i>; they made no effort to leave their order, +and were only discovered if their behaviour were such as to create a +public scandal among the other nuns, or in the neighbouring villages. +Others, smitten deeply by “amor che a nullo amato amar perdona,” hailed +insistently by the call of life outside, cast off their habits and left +their convents. They risked their immortal souls by doing so, for the +Church condemned the crime of apostasy far more<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_441" id="Page_441">[Pg 441]</a></span> severely than that of +unchastity, since it involved the breach of all the monastic vows, instead +of only one, and brought religion into dishonour in the eyes of laymen. +The nun who sinned was given a penance; the nun who apostatised was +excommunicated; and there were few who could withstand for long the sense +of utter isolation, even from a God whose love they had scorned. The bride +of Christ who could live happily under the shadow of the ban, who could +marry knowing her union to be unrecognised and even cursed by the +Church<a name='fna_1376' id='fna_1376' href='#f_1376'><small>[1376]</small></a>, must have been of a most unmedieval scepticism, a most +unfeminine indifference to the scorn of her fellows; or drowned so deep in +love that she counted Heaven well lost. There were not many such; and the +majority of apostates returned to their order, worn out by remorse or by +persecution, or convinced at last that mortal love was but what the author +of <i>Hali Meidenhad</i> named it, “a licking of honey off thorns.”</p> + +<p>It is no wonder that the majority of these apostates returned. What were +they but individuals? Against them was arrayed the might of two great +institutions, the Church and the State. Sometimes the might of the Church +alone availed to retrieve them; terror brought them of their own free +will, or they found themselves caught in a net of threats and +excommunications, involving not only themselves, but all who helped them. +When Isabel Clouvill, Maud Titchmarsh and Ermentrude Newark, for some time +nuns professed in the house of St Mary in the Meadows (Delapré), +Northampton, left their convent and went to live in sin in the world, they +were excommunicated. Moreover their Bishop ordered the Archdeacon of +Northampton to summon<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_442" id="Page_442">[Pg 442]</a></span> them to return within a week, and all who received +them in their houses or gave them any help and counsel, were to be warned +to desist within three days and to be given a penance. The names of the +villages where they were received were to be notified to the Bishop and +their aiders and abettors were to appear before him<a name='fna_1377' id='fna_1377' href='#f_1377'><small>[1377]</small></a>. How many people +would suffer for long the displeasure of the Church for the sake of three +runaway nuns? Lovers might be faithful, but even lovers must eat and drink +and sleep beneath a roof: a nun was no nut-brown maid to live content in +greenwood, “when the shawes be shene.” If the pair could escape to a town +where their story was not known, there was some chance for them; but +sooner or later the Church found them out.</p> + +<p>Suppose they scorned the Church; suppose powerful friends protected them, +or careless folk who snapped their fingers at the priest and knew too much +about begging friars to hold one amorous nun a monstrous, unexampled +scandal. Then the Church could call in the majesty of the State to help, +and what was a girl to do? Can one defy the King as well as the Bishop? To +a soul in hell must there be added a body in prison? Elizabeth Arundell +runs away from Haliwell in 1382, nor will she return. The Prioress +thereupon petitions the King; let His Highness stretch forth the secular +arm and bring back this lamb which wanders from the fold. His Highness +complies; and his commission goes forth to Thomas Sayvill, +sergeant-at-arms, John Olyver, John York, chaplain, Richard Clerk and John +Clerk to arrest and deliver to the Prioress of Haliwell in the diocese of +London, Elizabeth Arundell, apostate nun of that house<a name='fna_1378' id='fna_1378' href='#f_1378'><small>[1378]</small></a>. The<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_443" id="Page_443">[Pg 443]</a></span> +sheriffs of London and Middlesex and Essex and Hertford, as well as a +sergeant-at-arms and three other men, are all set hunting for Joan +Adeleshey, nun of Rowney, who is wandering about in secular dress to the +great scandal of her order<a name='fna_1379' id='fna_1379' href='#f_1379'><small>[1379]</small></a>. The net is wide; in the end the nun +nearly always comes back. She comes to the Bishop for absolution. He sends +a letter on her behalf to her convent, bidding them receive her in +sisterly wise, but abate no jot of the penance imposed on her. The +prodigal returns kneeling at the convent gate and begging admission, for +it is an age of ceremony and in these dramatic moments onlookers learn +their lesson<a name='fna_1380' id='fna_1380' href='#f_1380'><small>[1380]</small></a>. The gates swing open and close again: Sister Joan is +back.</p> + +<p>The most interesting of all the stories of apostasy which have been +preserved is the romantic affair of Agnes de Flixthorpe (alias de +Wissenden), nun of St Michael’s, Stamford, which for ten years continually +occupied the attention of Bishop Dalderby of Lincoln<a name='fna_1381' id='fna_1381' href='#f_1381'><small>[1381]</small></a>. The story of +this poor woman is a tragic witness to the desperation into which convent +life could throw one who was not suited for it, as well as to the +implacable pursuit of her by the Church; for indeed the Hound of Heaven +appears in it<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_444" id="Page_444">[Pg 444]</a></span> in the aspect of a bloodhound. In 1309 Dalderby +excommunicated Agnes for apostasy and warned all persons against receiving +her into their houses or giving her any help. The next year he was obliged +to call in the secular arm against her. She was then living at Nottingham +and the Archdeacon of Nottingham was instructed to warn her to return. +Shortly afterwards the Bishop wrote to the Abbot of Peterborough, asking +him to see to her being taken back to her house and there imprisoned and +guarded. The combined efforts of the Sheriff, the Archdeacon of Nottingham +and the Abbot of Peterborough would appear to have succeeded. The hapless +woman was taken back to her house by force and still obdurate; and the +Bishop ordered her to be confined in a chamber with stone walls, each of +her legs shackled with fetters until she consented to resume her habit. +Her perseverance seems, however, to have worn out the nuns, and in 1311 +the Bishop wrote to one Ada, sister of William de Helewell, instructing +her to take custody of Agnes. The reason for thus placing her in secular +charge was that her case was now <i>sub judice</i>, for two months later the +Bishop sent two commissioners to inquire into the whole question of the +apostasy. Agnes had declared that she was never professed at all, because +she had been married to one whose name she refused to give, before she +entered religion; and she still, said the bishop, continued in obstinacy.</p> + +<p>But the Church did not easily relax its clutch. After three months the +Bishop wrote to his colleague the Bishop of Exeter, stating that Agnes de +Flixthorpe, after having been professed for twenty years, left her house +and was found wearing a man’s gilt embroidered gown, that she was brought +back to her house, excommunicated and kept in solitude, and that she +remained obstinate and would not put on the religious habit. The Bishop, +thinking it desirable that she should be removed from the diocese for a +time, prayed his brother of Exeter that she might be received into the +house of Cornworthy, there to undergo penance and to be kept in safe +custody away from all the sisters. A clerk, Peter de Helewell (the +Helewells seem to have had some special interest in her), duly conveyed +Agnes far away from the level fields of the Midlands and the friends who +had hidden her from her persecutors, to the little Devonshire priory. +Solitude and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_445" id="Page_445">[Pg 445]</a></span> despair for the moment broke her spirit and the next year, +in 1312, she declared her penitence and the Bishop of Exeter was +commissioned to absolve her; but she was kept in solitary confinement at +Cornworthy until 1314, when Peter de Helewell once more journeyed across +to Devonshire and brought her back to Stamford. Her native air blew hope +and rebellion once more into that wild heart. Four years later Dalderby +addressed a letter to the Prioress stating that Agnes de Flixthorpe had +three times left her order and resumed a secular habit and was now in the +world again and had been for two years past; reiterating once more the +futile injunction that the Prioress “under pain of excommunication and +without any dissimulation” was to bring her back and to keep her in safe +custody and solitude; the unfortunate Prioress had doubtless had more than +enough of Agnes de Flixthorpe and wished for nothing better than to leave +her in the world. The story ends abruptly here and it will never be known +whether Agnes de Flixthorpe was caught again.</p> + +<p>It was perhaps merciful to receive again apostates whose hearts failed +them and who besought with tears to be reconciled to the Church. But the +forcible return of a hardened sinner cannot have raised the moral tone of +a house. Sometimes these nuns had lived for two or three years in the +world before they were brought back. Sometimes they broke out again, +yielded their easy virtue to a new lover, or fled once more into the +world. At Basedale (1308) Agnes de Thormondby had three times fallen thus +and left her order<a name='fna_1382' id='fna_1382' href='#f_1382'><small>[1382]</small></a>; and cases of more than one lover are not rare. +Sometimes the prioress of a house struggled to preserve her flock from +contagion by refusing to admit the returned sinner; thus the Prioress of +Rothwell in 1414 declined to comply with the Bishop’s mandate to receive +back a certain Joan, saying that by her own confession the girl had lived +for three years with one William Suffewyk; whereupon the Bishop cited her +for disobedience and repeated his order<a name='fna_1383' id='fna_1383' href='#f_1383'><small>[1383]</small></a>. The only recorded case of a +woman being refused admission concerns a sister and not a professed nun; +in 1346 the Archbishop of York warned the Prioress of Nunappleton on no +account to receive back Margaret,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_446" id="Page_446">[Pg 446]</a></span> a sister of the house, who had left it +pregnant, as he found that in the past she had on successive occasions +relapsed and been in a similar condition<a name='fna_1384' id='fna_1384' href='#f_1384'><small>[1384]</small></a>. It is significant that the +same Archbishop wrote to the Convent of Sinningthwaite (where they +opportunely preserved “the arm of St Margaret and the tunic of St Bernard, +believed to be good for women lying in”) concerning one of their nuns +Margaret de Fonten, who had left the house pregnant, that “as she had only +done so once” her penance was to be mitigated<a name='fna_1385' id='fna_1385' href='#f_1385'><small>[1385]</small></a>. There can be no +plainer commentary on the literary theme of the nun unwillingly professed +than these cases of recurring frailty and apostasy. In the world these +girls might have been happy wives, each with a lover or two beside their +lords, like the ladies admired by Aucassin; for convents they were totally +unsuited and obeyed their natures only with woe and disgrace to themselves +and to their orders.</p> + +<p>The pages of the Registers throw some light upon the partners of their +misdemeanours. In the sixteenth, seventeenth and eighteenth centuries the +convents of France and Italy were the haunts of young gallants, +<i>monachini</i>, who specialised in intrigues with nuns<a name='fna_1386' id='fna_1386' href='#f_1386'><small>[1386]</small></a>. But the +seduction of a <i>Sponsa Dei</i> was not a fashionable pursuit in medieval +England, and it was not as a rule lords and gentlemen who hung about the +precincts. Now we hear of a married man boarding in the house<a name='fna_1387' id='fna_1387' href='#f_1387'><small>[1387]</small></a>, now +of the steward of the convent<a name='fna_1388' id='fna_1388' href='#f_1388'><small>[1388]</small></a>, now of the bailiff of a manor<a name='fna_1389' id='fna_1389' href='#f_1389'><small>[1389]</small></a>, +now of a wandering harp-player<a name='fna_1390' id='fna_1390' href='#f_1390'><small>[1390]</small></a>, now of a smith’s son<a name='fna_1391' id='fna_1391' href='#f_1391'><small>[1391]</small></a>, now of +this or that layman, married or unmarried. But far more often the theme is +<i>Clericus et Nonna</i>. Nuns’ lovers were drawn from that great host of +vicars, chaplains and chantry priests, themselves the children of the +Church and under the vow of chastity, whose needs were greatest and whose +very familiarity with the bonds of religion possibly bred contempt. As +visitors in their convents, or as acquaintances outside, the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_447" id="Page_447">[Pg 447]</a></span> nuns were +constantly meeting members of this band of celibates, who roamed about “as +thick as motes in the sunbeam.” They knew well how to sing, with Chaucer’s +Pardoner, “Come hider, love, to me,” and little enough like priests they +looked with their short tunics, peaked shoes and silvered girdles,</p> + +<p class="poem">Bucklers brode and swerdes long,<br /> +Baudrike with baselardes kene,<br /> +Sech toles about her necke they hong,<br /> +With Antichrist seche prestes been.</p> + +<p>Love would light on Alison, even were the lover a clerk and she a nun, and +sometimes where the priest had tempted he could absolve. What the young +man of fashion was to the Italian convent of the sixteenth century, the +chaplain was to the English convent of the fourteenth and fifteenth. +Sometimes the seducer was attached to the convent as chaplain and even +dwelt within the precincts. Bishop Sutton had to write to the Prioress of +Studley bidding her send away from the house John de Sevekwurth, clerk, +who had borne himself in such unseemly wise while he dwelt there, that he +had seduced two of the nuns<a name='fna_1392' id='fna_1392' href='#f_1392'><small>[1392]</small></a>. The chaplain of the house was involved +in cases at White Hall, Ilchester (1323)<a name='fna_1393' id='fna_1393' href='#f_1393'><small>[1393]</small></a>, Moxby (1325)<a name='fna_1394' id='fna_1394' href='#f_1394'><small>[1394]</small></a> and +Catesby (1442)<a name='fna_1395' id='fna_1395' href='#f_1395'><small>[1395]</small></a>, which may lend some support to the complaints of +Gower<a name='fna_1396' id='fna_1396' href='#f_1396'><small>[1396]</small></a> and other medieval moralists and an additional sting to the +good humoured chaff addressed by Chaucer’s host to the nun’s priest, Sir +John. That the spiritual father of the nuns could thus abuse his position +would seem almost incredible to anyone unfamiliar with medieval sources; +yet Gower goes further still, suggesting that even the visitors of the +convents were not always beyond suspicion<a name='fna_1397' id='fna_1397' href='#f_1397'><small>[1397]</small></a>.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_448" id="Page_448">[Pg 448]</a></span>More often the lover had no connection with the nunnery, but had some post +as chaplain or vicar in the neighbourhood<a name='fna_1398' id='fna_1398' href='#f_1398'><small>[1398]</small></a>. Opportunities for a +meeting were not hard to obtain in the houses and gardens of the +town<a name='fna_1399' id='fna_1399' href='#f_1399'><small>[1399]</small></a>, even in the church and precincts of the priory itself<a name='fna_1400' id='fna_1400' href='#f_1400'><small>[1400]</small></a>, +as visitation <i>comperta</i> show. Nor were cloistered monks proof against +temptation. They knew only too well what passionate hearts could beat +beneath a monastic habit and they knew the merry rhyme of Cockaygne land, +where every monk had his nun. It has already been shown that nuns and +monks<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_449" id="Page_449">[Pg 449]</a></span> met freely and that Bishops were constantly sending injunctions +against the admission of monks and friars to convents and the visits paid +by nuns to monasteries<a name='fna_1401' id='fna_1401' href='#f_1401'><small>[1401]</small></a>. Yet we hear of a nun of St Sepulchre’s, +Canterbury, whose name scandal connected with the cellarer of the +Cathedral (1284)<a name='fna_1402' id='fna_1402' href='#f_1402'><small>[1402]</small></a>; of a nun of Lymbrook, who was the mistress of +William de Winton, Subprior of Leominster Priory, and not his only +mistress (1282)<a name='fna_1403' id='fna_1403' href='#f_1403'><small>[1403]</small></a>; of a nun of Swine, who had had two monks of the +Abbey of Meaux for her lovers (1310)<a name='fna_1404' id='fna_1404' href='#f_1404'><small>[1404]</small></a>. Bishop Alnwick’s visitation of +the Lincoln diocese brought to light two such cases and in both the monk +was not the nun’s sole lover. Agnes Butler (<i>alias</i> Pery <i>alias</i> +Northampton) ran away from St Michael’s, Stamford, for a day and a night +with Brother John Harreyes, an Austin friar; her secret was kept, but when +Alnwick visited her house in 1440 she had run away again, this time with a +harp-player, and had been living with him a year and a half at +Newcastle-on-Tyne, a far enough cry from Stamford<a name='fna_1405' id='fna_1405' href='#f_1405'><small>[1405]</small></a>. In 1445, when the +Bishop went to Godstow, he found Dame Alice Longspey grievously suspected, +by reason of her confabulations alone in the convent church with an Oxford +chaplain, who gave himself out to be her kinsman. A week later, while +visiting Eynsham Abbey, he received a further sidelight on her character +from the evidence of the abbot that</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>one brother John Bengeworthe, a monk, who had been imprisoned for his +ill desert, brake prison and went into apostasy, taking with him a nun +of Godstow, but he has now been brought back to the monastery and is +still doing penance.</p></div> + +<p>The nun was Alice Longspey and it is significant that this particular +escapade had been concealed from the Bishop at his recent visitation of +Godstow<a name='fna_1406' id='fna_1406' href='#f_1406'><small>[1406]</small></a>. The most spirited enterprise of all, however, was the +combined effort of William Fox, parson of Lea (near Gainsborough) and John +Fox and Thomas de Lingiston, Friars Minor of Lincoln, who were indicted +before the Kings Justices at Caistor, because they came to Brodholme +Nunnery (one of the only two Premonstratensian houses in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_450" id="Page_450">[Pg 450]</a></span> kingdom) on +January 15th, 1350, and then and there “violently took and carried away, +against the peace of their lord the King, a certain nun, by name Margaret +Everingham, a sister of the said house, stripping her of her religious +habit and clothing her in a green gown of secular habit, taking also +divers goods to the value of 40 shillings”<a name='fna_1407' id='fna_1407' href='#f_1407'><small>[1407]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Much as the church hated sin, it hated scandal even more and a nun might +often hope to have her frailty concealed by her fellows. Sometimes they +may have condoned it, for they are occasionally found assisting an +elopement<a name='fna_1408' id='fna_1408' href='#f_1408'><small>[1408]</small></a>; sometimes they feared episcopal interference and an evil +reputation for their house. But it was not always possible to conceal +these unhallowed unions and when a child was born the wretched nun could +not hope to escape disgrace and punishment<a name='fna_1409' id='fna_1409' href='#f_1409'><small>[1409]</small></a>.</p> + +<p class="poem">And dame Peronelle a prestes file—Priouresse worth she neuere<br /> +For she had childe in chirityme—all owre chapitere it wiste.</p> + +<p>Usually Dame Pernell fled in despair to any friendly asylum which she +could find and only returned to her house after the birth and disposal of +her child. Sometimes she remained there in what privacy she might; and the +affair was managed with as little scandal as possible. The nuns of St +Michael’s, Stamford, knew that their sister Margaret Mortimer had had a +child on<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_451" id="Page_451">[Pg 451]</a></span> this side of Easter; but even the Subprioress did not know (or +said she did not know) “of whom she conceived or whether she bare male or +female; howbeit she was absent from quire for a fortnight”<a name='fna_1410' id='fna_1410' href='#f_1410'><small>[1410]</small></a>. Once we +hear of an apostate, deserted and pregnant, coming back to St Mary’s, +Winchester, and the wise and humane William of Wykeham writes to the +Abbess bidding her receive the girl gently and kindly, and keep her in +safety until the birth of her child, after which he will himself make +ordinance concerning her<a name='fna_1411' id='fna_1411' href='#f_1411'><small>[1411]</small></a>. It is hard to discover what became of +these most unwelcome children. It is not surprising that they sometimes +died<a name='fna_1412' id='fna_1412' href='#f_1412'><small>[1412]</small></a>. But if they lived their origin probably weighed but lightly on +them in those days, when it was regarded as no dishonour to have bastards, +who were often acknowledged by their fathers and provided for in their +wills side by side with true born sons and daughters. It is true that, +like other illegitimates, they could not be ordained or hold +ecclesiastical preferment, without a special dispensation. But even the +son of a nun could obtain such dispensation<a name='fna_1413' id='fna_1413' href='#f_1413'><small>[1413]</small></a> and even the daughter of +a nun did not always go undowered. There were not many monastic parents +like that seventeenth century abbess of Maubuisson who was rumoured to +have twelve children, who were brought up diversely, each according to the +rank of the father<a name='fna_1414' id='fna_1414' href='#f_1414'><small>[1414]</small></a>, or like the Prior of Maiden Bradley, as +described by Henry VIII’s commissioner, “an holy father prior and hath but +vj children and but one dowghter mariede, yet of the goods of the +monasteries trysting shortly to mary the rest, [and] his sones be tale men +waytting upon him”<a name='fna_1415' id='fna_1415' href='#f_1415'><small>[1415]</small></a>. Yet we hear of at least one Prioress who sold +the goods of her house to make a dowry for her daughter<a name='fna_1416' id='fna_1416' href='#f_1416'><small>[1416]</small></a>.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_452" id="Page_452">[Pg 452]</a></span>If it be sought to know whether any houses were particularly liable to +scandals and enjoyed a bad name, it must be answered that it is almost +impossible to say. But isolated cases of immorality and apostasy come from +nunneries so widely distributed in different dioceses, that one must +conclude that most of them had at one time or another a sinner in their +midst. Often enough the case was isolated; occasionally there was scandal +about the general condition of a house in its neighbourhood. The +discipline and morals of convents were apt to vary with that of their +heads. It is significant that when a house is in a bad moral state the +fault may nearly always be traced to a weak or immoral prioress. So it was +at Wintney in 1405, at Redlingfield in 1427, at Markyate in 1433, at +Catesby in 1442, at St Michael’s, Stamford, in 1445, at Littlemore in +1517, and at several Yorkshire nunneries. It is plain also that when a +convent was very small and poor, it was apt to become lax and disorderly. +The small Yorkshire houses bear witness to this and if further proof be +required the state of Cannington in 1351 and Easebourne in 1478 may be +quoted from among several other instances.</p> + +<p>Cannington in Somerset was a small and poor house, but its nuns were drawn +from some of the best county families. In 1351 it was visited by +commissioners of Ralph of Shrewsbury, Bishop of Bath and Wells, and they +found something more like a brothel than a priory. Maud Pelham and Alice +Northlode (a young lady whom the Bishop had forced on the unwilling +convent, on his elevation to the See some twenty years before) were in the +habit of frequently admitting and holding discourse with suspected +persons. The inevitable chaplain was again the occasion for a fall. On +dark nights they held long and suspicious confabulations with Richard +Sompnour and Hugh Willynge, chaplains, in the nave of the convent church. +Hugh was apparently only too willing and Richard was even as Chaucer’s +summoner, “as hot he was and lecherous as a sparrow,” for (say the +commissioners) “it is suspected by many that as a result of these +conversations they fall into yet worse sin.” Moreover</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“the said sisters, and in particular the said Maud, not content with +this evil behaviour, are wont <i>per insolencias, minas et tactus +indecentes</i> to provoke many of the serving men of the place to sin,” +and, “to make use of her own words she says that she will never once +say <i>Mea<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_453" id="Page_453">[Pg 453]</a></span> culpa</i> for these great misdeeds, but turning like a virago +upon the prioress and the other sisters who abhor the aforesaid +things, when they reproach her, she threatens to do manly execution +upon them with knives and other weapons.”</p></div> + +<p>Nor was this all:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>In the said visitation the charge was made, dreadful to say, horrible +to hear, and was proven by much evidence as to notoriety and by +confession, that a certain nun of the said house, Joan Trimelet, +having cast away the reins of modesty ... was found with child, but +not indeed by the Holy Ghost, and afterwards gave birth to offspring, +to the grave disgrace and confusion of her religion and to the scandal +of many.</p></div> + +<p>These were the most serious charges; but the same visitation revealed that +the Prioress was weak and had been guilty of the simoniacal reception of +four nuns, for the sake of scraping together some money, while the +subprioress was incurably lazy, refused to attend matins and other +canonical hours, and neglected to correct her delinquent sisters<a name='fna_1417' id='fna_1417' href='#f_1417'><small>[1417]</small></a>. It +is plain that the whole house was utterly demoralised and the +demoralisation was possibly of long standing, for there had been one of +the usual election quarrels in the early part of the century, and in 1328 +the then Bishop had issued a commission to inquire into the illicit +wanderings of certain nuns<a name='fna_1418' id='fna_1418' href='#f_1418'><small>[1418]</small></a>. Yet the priory was a favourite resort of +boarders.</p> + +<p>Easebourne, again, was a poor but very aristocratic house, containing +towards the close of the fifteenth century from six to ten nuns. In 1478 +Bishop Story of Chichester visited it and found grave need for his +interference. One of the nuns, Matilda Astom, deposed</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>that John Smyth, chaplain, and N. Style, a married man in the service +of Lord Arundel, had and were accustomed to have great familiarity +within the said priory, as well as elsewhere, with Dame Joan +Portsmouth and Dame Philippa King, nuns of the said priory, but +whether the said Sir John Smyth and N. Style abducted, or caused to be +abducted, the said Joan Portsmouth and Philippa King she knows not, as +she says.</p></div> + +<p>(Another nun deposed that they did.)</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_454" id="Page_454">[Pg 454]</a></span>And moreover she says that a certain William Gosden and John Capron of +Easebourne aforesaid, guarded and kept in their own houses the said +Joan and Philippa for some time before their withdrawal from the said +priory and took their departure with them and so were great +encouragers to them in that particular.</p></div> + +<p>Another nun, Joan Stevyn, deposed that the two nuns had each had, long +before their withdrawal, “children or a child.” Another said that Sir John +Senoke (i.e. Sevenoaks, clearly the same as John Smyth)</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>much frequented the priory, so that during some weeks he passed the +night and lay within the priory every night, and was cause, as she +believes, of the ruin of the said Sir John Smyth (<i>sic</i>, MS. ? Joan +Portsmouth). Also she says Sir John Smyth gave many gifts to Philippa +King.</p></div> + +<p>All the nuns agreed in blaming the Prioress for not having properly +punished the two sinners and one raked up a vague story that “she had had +one or two children several years ago”; but as she admitted that this was +hearsay and as the Prioress was then at least fifty years old, too much +credit must not be given to it. On the same day a certain “Brother William +Cotnall,” evidently attached in some capacity, perhaps as <i>custos</i>, to the +house, appeared before the Bishop and confessed that he had sealed a +licence to Joan Portsmouth to go out of the Priory and had himself sinned +with Philippa King. The two priests, Smyth and Cotnall, had not only +debauched the convent, but had done their best to ruin it financially; for +they had persuaded the Prioress to pawn the jewels of the house for +fifteen pounds, in order to purchase a Bull of Capacity for Cotnall, who +had then sealed with the common seal of the convent, against the wish of +the Prioress, a quittance for John Smyth concerning all and every sort of +actions and suits which the convent might have against him, and especially +the matter of the jewels<a name='fna_1419' id='fna_1419' href='#f_1419'><small>[1419]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>But if small houses fell easily into disorder, great abbeys were not +exempt from contagion. Cases of immorality are found at Wilton, +Shaftesbury, Romsey, St Mary’s Winchester, Wherwell and Elstow, all of +them abbeys and among them the oldest and richest in the land. It is the +same with two other houses, famous in legend, Amesbury, where Guinevere +“let make herself a nun and wore white clothes and black,” and Godstow, +where<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_455" id="Page_455">[Pg 455]</a></span> Fair Rosamond lay buried in the chapter house. Here, where +deathless romance had its dwelling place, it is not strange that the +winged god ever and again took his toll of the nuns. But what sorry +substitutes for Guinevere and Rosamond were the trembling apostates, who +fled into hiding to bear their miserable infants and were haled back by +bishops to do penance in the cloister.</p> + +<p class="poem">Thou hast conquered, O pale Galilean; the world has grown grey from thy breath.</p> + +<p>The ancient house of Amesbury fell into evil ways in the twelfth century. +In 1177 its abbess was said to have borne three children and its nuns were +notorious for their evil lives, whereupon the convent was dissolved, most +of the nuns being placed in other houses, and Amesbury was then +reconstituted as a cell of Fontevrault and peopled with a prioress and +twenty-four nuns, brought over from that house<a name='fna_1420' id='fna_1420' href='#f_1420'><small>[1420]</small></a>. Queen Eleanor, widow +of Henry III, took the veil there and by her influence Edward I allowed +his daughter Mary to become a nun there, together with twelve noble +maidens<a name='fna_1421' id='fna_1421' href='#f_1421'><small>[1421]</small></a>. But the sin of Guinevere haunted it. About Mary herself +there is an ancient unexplained scandal, for in a papal mandate she is +declared to have been seduced by John de Warenne, the rather disreputable +Earl of Surrey<a name='fna_1422' id='fna_1422' href='#f_1422'><small>[1422]</small></a>; and she seems to have been as much out of her house +as in it, for she constantly visited court and went on pilgrimages. Later +still the papal benevolence was exerted on behalf of Margaret Greenfield, +nun of Amesbury, who had borne a child after her profession (1398)<a name='fna_1423' id='fna_1423' href='#f_1423'><small>[1423]</small></a>, +and Cecily Marmyll, who “after having lived laudably for some time in the +said monastery, allowed herself to be carnally known by two secular +priests and had offspring by each of them” (1424)<a name='fna_1424' id='fna_1424' href='#f_1424'><small>[1424]</small></a>. These ladies were +doubtless well born, with wealthy friends, who could afford to petition +the Pope and buy restoration to the monastic dignities and offices, which +they had lost by their fault. The story of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_456" id="Page_456">[Pg 456]</a></span> Godstow is very similar. There +seems to have been some scandal about the morals of the subprioress in +1284, but Peckham announced that he did not believe a word of it<a name='fna_1425' id='fna_1425' href='#f_1425'><small>[1425]</small></a>. In +1290, however, a nun of noble birth was (as we saw) carried off from her +carriage; and she and two others were apostate in the following year. +Another apostate repented and was absolved in 1339. In 1432 a nun was +found by the bishop with child and in 1445 Dame Alice Longspey indulged in +the escapades already described with an Oxford priest and a monk of +Eynsham. All through the career of the convent, it was continually being +warned against the recourse of scholars from Oxford. Both Amesbury and +Godstow enjoyed fame and good repute and at the latter children were +received for education. Their history shows that even the most +aristocratic and popular houses fell sometimes on evil days and sometimes +sheltered unworthy inmates.</p> + +<p>It is of considerable interest to study the condition of all the nunneries +in a particular part of the country at a particular date. An analysis of +the references to the Yorkshire houses has been made elsewhere<a name='fna_1426' id='fna_1426' href='#f_1426'><small>[1426]</small></a>; here +we may study a diocese in which the conditions of daily life were less +abnormal than they were on the Scottish border. A rather imperfect view of +the state of the diocese of Lincoln between the years 1290 and 1360 may be +gleaned from the registers of Bishops Sutton, Dalderby, Burghersh and +Gynewell; it is imperfect because there are not many visitation records, +and information has chiefly to be derived from episcopal mandates for the +return of apostates<a name='fna_1427' id='fna_1427' href='#f_1427'><small>[1427]</small></a>, which leave us with little knowledge of the +internal discipline of houses from which nuns did not happen to run away. +The names of eleven out of the four and thirty<a name='fna_1428' id='fna_1428' href='#f_1428'><small>[1428]</small></a> nunneries of the +diocese occur in connection with apostates during these years, six +Benedictine, four Augustinian and one Cluniac. The apostasy of three<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_457" id="Page_457">[Pg 457]</a></span> +Godstow nuns in 1290 has already been described<a name='fna_1429' id='fna_1429' href='#f_1429'><small>[1429]</small></a>. There was an +apostate at Wothorpe in 1296<a name='fna_1430' id='fna_1430' href='#f_1430'><small>[1430]</small></a> and two years later a nun of Harrold +was found guilty of unchastity<a name='fna_1431' id='fna_1431' href='#f_1431'><small>[1431]</small></a>. Apostates are also mentioned from +Sewardsley in 1300<a name='fna_1432' id='fna_1432' href='#f_1432'><small>[1432]</small></a>, from Goring in 1309 and again in 1358<a name='fna_1433' id='fna_1433' href='#f_1433'><small>[1433]</small></a>, +from Markyate in 1336<a name='fna_1434' id='fna_1434' href='#f_1434'><small>[1434]</small></a> and from St Leonard’s, Grimsby, in 1337<a name='fna_1435' id='fna_1435' href='#f_1435'><small>[1435]</small></a>. +At Burnham there is the case of Margery Hedsor, who was excommunicated at +intervals for apostasy between 1311 and 1317<a name='fna_1436' id='fna_1436' href='#f_1436'><small>[1436]</small></a>. St Mary in the Meadows +(Delapré), Northampton, seems to have been in a bad state, for in 1300 +three nuns, said to have been professed for some years, were +excommunicated for leaving their convent and living in carnal sin in the +world, and in 1311 there was another apostate from the house<a name='fna_1437' id='fna_1437' href='#f_1437'><small>[1437]</small></a>. St +Michael’s, Stamford, provides the curious story of Agnes de Flixthorpe, +and the almost equally tragic case of Agnes Bowes, ex-Prioress of +Wothorpe, all of whose fellows had died in the Black Death and whose house +had therefore been annexed to St Michael’s, Stamford, in 1354. She was +evidently unable to settle down in her new home and she ran away from it +five years later<a name='fna_1438' id='fna_1438' href='#f_1438'><small>[1438]</small></a>. In the plague year 1349, Ella de Mounceaux, a nun +of Nuncoton, who had obtained leave of absence and instead of returning +had become the mistress of John Haunsard, appeared with tears before the +Bishop and begged to be sent back to her house<a name='fna_1439' id='fna_1439' href='#f_1439'><small>[1439]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>This list of apostates is, as has been said, necessarily incomplete and +gives no details as to the state of the nunneries absolved. A much more +exact impression can be gained of the diocese a century later, during the +twenty years between 1430 and 1450, when Bishops Gray and Alnwick were +visiting the religious houses under their control; Alnwick’s Register is +particularly valuable, since the verbal evidence of the nuns is preserved. +If we take Gray’s Register first, we find serious charges of general +misconduct made against three houses, Markyate and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_458" id="Page_458">[Pg 458]</a></span> Flamstead in 1431 and +Sewardsley in 1432. The Bishop wrote to a canon of Lincoln that</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>abundant rumour and loud whisperings have brought to our hearing that +in the priories of the Holy Trinity of the Wood by Markyate and of St +Giles by Flamstead ... certain things forbidden, hateful, guilty and +contrary to holy religion and regular discipline are daily done and +brought to pass in damnable wise by the said prioresses, nuns and +other, servingmen and agents of the said places; by reason whereof the +good report of the same places is set in jeopardy, the brightness and +comeliness of religion in the same persons are grievously spotted, +inasmuch as the whole neighbourhood is in commotion herefrom.</p></div> + +<p>The canon is accordingly told to inquire into the scandals and punish +delinquents<a name='fna_1440' id='fna_1440' href='#f_1440'><small>[1440]</small></a>. Unfortunately the result of the inquiry has not been +preserved; three years later the Bishop deputed another commissioner to +inquire into the condition of Markyate and from his letters of commission +it is plain that he had himself visited the house, but that the Prioress +and sisters had managed to conceal their misdeeds from him. Since then he +had learnt that one of the nuns, Katherine Tyttesbury, had been guilty of +immorality and apostasy and that the Prioress herself had failed to obey +his injunctions. The commissioner was therefore ordered to go to Markyate, +absolve the apostate if she made submission and, if necessary, depose the +Prioress. The result of the inquiry was that the Prioress, Denise +Loweliche, was charged with having consorted with Richard, the steward of +the Priory, for five years and more, up to the time of his death, so that +“public talk and rumour during the said time were busy touching the +premises in the town of Markyate and other places, neighbouring and +distant, in the diocese of Lincoln and elsewhere.” The Prioress denied the +charge and begged to be allowed to clear herself, so the commissioner +ordered her, in addition to her own oath, to find five out of her ten nuns +as compurgatresses, i.e. to swear to her innocence. She sought in vain for +help among her sisters; at the appointed hour she begged for an extension +of time and the commissioner granted her this boon, “so that she might be +able meanwhile to communicate and take counsel with her sisters,” and also +“of a more liberal grace,” declared himself ready to take the word of four +nuns on her behalf. The picture<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_459" id="Page_459">[Pg 459]</a></span> of the wretched Prioress going from nun +to nun, imploring each to forswear herself, with heaven knows what threats +and entreaties, is a melancholy one. Not even four nuns could be found to +swear to her innocence, so clear and notorious was her guilt, and she laid +her formal resignation in the hands of the bishop<a name='fna_1441' id='fna_1441' href='#f_1441'><small>[1441]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>The other nunnery against which a general charge of immorality was made by +the Bishop in 1434 was the Cistercian house of Sewardsley, of which he +said that the Prioress and nuns,</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>following the enticements of the flesh and abandoning the path of +religion and casting aside the restraint of all modesty and chastity, +are giving their minds to debauchery, committing in damnable wise in +public and as it were, in the sight of all the people, acts of +adultery, incest, sacrilege and fornication<a name='fna_1442' id='fna_1442' href='#f_1442'><small>[1442]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>The report of the inquiry held has not been preserved, but there was +obviously something seriously amiss. Gray had also to deal with individual +cases of immorality at three other houses. Already at Elstow in 1390 +Archbishop Courtenay on his metropolitan visitation had made a general +injunction that</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>no nun convicted or publicly defamed of the crime of incontinency, be +deputed to any office within the monastery and especially to that of +gatekeeper, until it be sufficiently established that she has made +purgation of her innocence<a name='fna_1443' id='fna_1443' href='#f_1443'><small>[1443]</small></a>,</p></div> + +<p>an injunction repeated <i>verbatim</i> by Bishop Flemyng of Lincoln in +1421<a name='fna_1444' id='fna_1444' href='#f_1444'><small>[1444]</small></a>. Now in 1432 Gray found that a nun named Pernell had been +“several times guilty of fleshly lapse” and was leading an apostate life +in secular dress outside the house; which speaks but ill for the moral +state of an important abbey<a name='fna_1445' id='fna_1445' href='#f_1445'><small>[1445]</small></a>. In the same year he found one of the +nuns of Godstow <i>enceinte</i><a name='fna_1446' id='fna_1446' href='#f_1446'><small>[1446]</small></a>, and in 1433 inquiry showed that Ellen +Cotton, nun of Heynings, had recently had a child<a name='fna_1447' id='fna_1447' href='#f_1447'><small>[1447]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>The worst cases found by Alnwick when he visited the religious houses of +the diocese ten years later have already been<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_460" id="Page_460">[Pg 460]</a></span> described and the evidence +of his register can be summarised briefly. All was well at Elstow, +Heynings and Markyate; Dame Pernell [Gauthorpe], Dame Ellen Cotton and +Dame Katherine Tyttesbury were all dwelling peaceably among their sisters; +even the disreputable Denise Loweliche was still, in spite of her +resignation, ruling as Prioress of Markyate. An echo of old difficulties +remained, however, at this last house and one nun begged the Bishop to +speak to the Prioress, “to the end that she take better heed to the nuns +who have previously erred, so that they be kept more strictly from erring +again than is wont”<a name='fna_1448' id='fna_1448' href='#f_1448'><small>[1448]</small></a>; evidently discipline was not strict. At Godstow +disorders had not yet ceased. The nuns received visitors and paid visits +freely and scholars of Oxford still haunted the house; moreover one of the +nuns, Dame Alice Longspey (of whom we have heard before), was of very easy +virtue<a name='fna_1449' id='fna_1449' href='#f_1449'><small>[1449]</small></a>. In two other houses Alnwick found great disorder prevailing: +the <i>régime</i> of Margaret Wavere, Prioress of Catesby, has already been +described, her bad language, her temper, her dishonesty and her priestly +lover; and her chief accuser Isabel Benet had borne a child to the +chaplain of the house<a name='fna_1450' id='fna_1450' href='#f_1450'><small>[1450]</small></a>. Similarly we have seen into what a +disreputable state St Michael’s, Stamford, fell under an aged and impotent +Prioress; how one nun ran away with an Austin friar and then with a +wandering harp-player, and how two others had borne children or were +notoriously held to be unchaste; this is one of the worst houses which the +records of medieval nunneries have brought to light<a name='fna_1451' id='fna_1451' href='#f_1451'><small>[1451]</small></a>. Finally there +is the doubtful case of Ankerwyke, where the Prioress is said through +negligence to have allowed no less than six nuns to go into apostasy, a +fact which she freely admitted; but whether they had merely removed +themselves through discontent with an unpopular prioress, or whether they +had eloped it is impossible to say. At any rate they had not +returned<a name='fna_1452' id='fna_1452' href='#f_1452'><small>[1452]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>It is interesting to attempt a statistical estimate of the moral condition +of the Lincoln nunneries during the twenty years from 1430 to 1450. It is +possible to do so with some accuracy because the nuns giving evidence in +each convent are<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_461" id="Page_461">[Pg 461]</a></span> enumerated in Alnwick’s reports. If we omit the general +charges against Sewardsley and Flamstead and the ambiguous apostasy of the +six nuns of Ankerwyke, we have twelve out of 220 nuns guilty of immoral +behaviour, or a little over five per cent.; but this is certainly an +understatement, having regard to the loss of the Sewardsley and Flamstead +inquiries and of other visitations by the two bishops, to say nothing of +possible concealment by the nuns. Between them Gray and Alnwick have left +on record visitations or inquiries relating to twenty-four houses and +cases of immorality came to light at eight, that is to say at one-third of +the number visited. All except two of these, Elstow and Heynings, were +very seriously affected, more than one nun having succumbed to sin; and +the Prioress was found guilty in two and probably suspected in two others. +The situation seems a serious one and Alnwick’s visitations of the houses +of monks and canons which were in his diocese show that the men were more +lax in their behaviour than the women.</p> + +<p>A similar statistical estimate can be made of the condition of convents in +the diocese of Norwich during the visitation by Bishop Nykke or his +commissary in 1514<a name='fna_1453' id='fna_1453' href='#f_1453'><small>[1453]</small></a>. Eight convents, containing between them +seventy-two nuns, were visited and only one case of immorality was found, +at Crabhouse<a name='fna_1454' id='fna_1454' href='#f_1454'><small>[1454]</small></a>. This is a far more favourable picture than that +presented by the diocese of Lincoln in the previous century. Again in 1501 +Dr Hede visited the nunneries of the diocese of Winchester as commissary +of the Prior of Canterbury, during the vacancy of the sees of Canterbury +and Winchester<a name='fna_1455' id='fna_1455' href='#f_1455'><small>[1455]</small></a>. The diocese contained only four houses, but three of +them were important abbeys, St Mary’s, Winchester, with fourteen nuns, +Wherwell with twenty-two and Romsey with forty; the fourth was Wintney +Priory, with ten nuns. All seem to have been in perfect order except +Romsey, which had fallen into decay under the <i>régime</i> of an abbess who +had herself been guilty of adultery, and where one of the nuns was +charged<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_462" id="Page_462">[Pg 462]</a></span> with incontinence with the vicar of the parish church. +Unfortunately the record of the visitation is left incomplete and there +are no injunctions; hence it is impossible to say whether the last charge +was true, but the abbey had been in a disordered state for some years +past<a name='fna_1456' id='fna_1456' href='#f_1456'><small>[1456]</small></a>. Another diocese for which an estimate can be made is +Chichester, but it contained only two nunneries, Rusper and Easebourne. At +Bishop Story’s visitation in 1478 all was well at Rusper, a poor and +ruinous little house containing seven nuns; but all was very far from well +at Easebourne, where six nuns remained and two had gone into apostasy +after conducting themselves in the thoroughly dissolute manner described +above<a name='fna_1457' id='fna_1457' href='#f_1457'><small>[1457]</small></a>. At Bishop Sherborne’s visitation in 1524 the number of nuns +at Rusper had fallen to four, but there was no complaint except that a +certain William Tychenor had frequent access to the priory and sowed +discord between the Prioress and her three sisters. At Easebourne there +were eight nuns, but the house seems not to have recovered its tone after +the scandals of 1524. The subprioress deposed that some twelve years +before a certain Ralph Pratt had seduced a sister; yet the convent had +granted him the proceeds of the church of Easebourne and he still had much +access to the priory<a name='fna_1458' id='fna_1458' href='#f_1458'><small>[1458]</small></a>. It is a pity that more of these statistical +estimates, imperfect as they are, cannot be made.</p> + +<p>It remains to consider what steps were taken to punish offenders and to +reform evils. The crime of seducing a nun was always considered an +extremely serious one; she was <i>Sponsa Dei</i>, inviolable, sacrosanct. +Anglo-Saxon law fined the ravisher heavily, and a law of Edward I declared +him liable to three years imprisonment, besides satisfaction made to the +convent. There is, however, no evidence that the State imprisoned or +otherwise punished persons guilty of this crime, though it was always +ready to issue the writ <i>De apostata capiendo</i>, for the recovery of a monk +or nun who had fled. Whenever the lover of a nun is found undergoing +punishment, it is always a punishment inflicted by the Church. If a man +had abducted a nun, or were accused of seducing her, he was summoned +before the Bishop or Archdeacon and required to purge himself of the +charge. If<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_463" id="Page_463">[Pg 463]</a></span> he pleaded “Not guilty” a day was appointed, on which he had +to clear himself by the oath of a number of compurgators. Thus the +Prioress of Catesby’s lover, the priest William Taylour, was summoned +before Bishop Alnwick in the church of Brampton; there he denied the crime +and was told to bring five chaplains, of good report, who had knowledge of +his behaviour, in a few days’ time to the parish church of Rothwell<a name='fna_1459' id='fna_1459' href='#f_1459'><small>[1459]</small></a>. +The result of his attempt to find compurgators is not known, but the +Prioress had already failed to get four of her nuns to support her and had +been pronounced guilty. One wonders what happened when the man produced +compurgators and the lady failed to do so: for these misdemeanours <i>à +deux</i> the compurgatorial system would seem a little uncertain.</p> + +<p>If a man’s guilt were proven by his failure to provide compurgators or to +come before the Bishop, it remained to decree his punishment. The obdurate +were excommunicated until such time as they submitted. The penitent were +adjudged a penance. There is abundant evidence that the penance given by +the Church was always a severe one. The classical instance is that of Sir +Osbert Giffard in 1286. The Giffards were a large and influential West +country family and in the last quarter of the thirteenth century several +of the children of Hugh Giffard of Boyton rose to high positions in the +Church. His eldest son, Walter, became in turn Bishop of Bath and Wells +and Archbishop of York, dying in 1279, and his second son Godfrey became +Bishop of Worcester. Of his daughters one, Juliana, is found as Abbess of +Wilton in 1275, another, Mabel, as Abbess of Shaftesbury in 1291, and a +third, Agatha, would seem to have held a position of some importance at +Elstow, though she was never Abbess there<a name='fna_1460' id='fna_1460' href='#f_1460'><small>[1460]</small></a>. These great ladies do not +seem to have had a very good influence in their nunneries, in spite of the +exalted position of their brothers. In 1270 the Bishop of Lincoln writes +apologetically to Walter Giffard, Archbishop of York, concerning scandals<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_464" id="Page_464">[Pg 464]</a></span> +which have arisen in Elstow, “whence more frequently than in any other +house beneath our rule scandals of wicked deeds arise,” and it is clear +from his letter that the Abbess and the Bishop’s sister were +implicated<a name='fna_1461' id='fna_1461' href='#f_1461'><small>[1461]</small></a>. In 1298 also the Abbess and nuns of Shaftesbury had +incurred excommunication “for their offences against God and by the +creation of scandal”<a name='fna_1462' id='fna_1462' href='#f_1462'><small>[1462]</small></a>. But the most serious mishap occurred at Wilton +in 1286. Here Juliana Giffard<a name='fna_1463' id='fna_1463' href='#f_1463'><small>[1463]</small></a> had under her rule a young relative +named Alice Giffard, and in this year Sir Osbert Giffard, knight (whose +exact relationship to the Abbess and the Bishop and to Alice is not +clear), “with sacrilegious hand ravished and abducted in the silence of +the night sisters Alice Russel and Alice Gyffard, professed according to +the rule of St Benedict in the monastery of Wylton.” Archbishop Peckham +and the Bishop of Salisbury forthwith excommunicated Sir Osbert, who +eventually made his submission. It was indeed an unfortunate scandal to +occur in a Bishop’s family and created a great stir in the country round. +Godfrey’s concern is shown by the appearance in his Worcester Register of +the Bishop of Salisbury’s letter to the Sub-dean of Salisbury and others +announcing the penance to be imposed upon the abductor<a name='fna_1464' id='fna_1464' href='#f_1464'><small>[1464]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>This penance was as follows:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>The bishop enjoined upon him that he should restore the aforesaid +sisters and all goods of the monastery withdrawn and should make all +the satisfaction that he possibly could to the abbess and convent. And +that on Ash Wednesday in the church of Salisbury, the said crime being +solemnly published before the clergy and people, he should humbly +permit himself to be taken to the door of the church, with bare feet, +in mourning raiment and uncovered head, with other penitents and +should be beaten with sticks about the church on three holy days and +on three Tuesdays through the market of Salisbury and so often and in +like manner about the church of Wylton and through the market there +and he should be likewise beaten about the church of Amesbury and the +market there and about the church of Shaftesbury and the market there. +In his clothing from henceforth<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_465" id="Page_465">[Pg 465]</a></span> there shall not appear any cloaks of +lamb’s wool, gilt spurs or horse trappings, or girdle of a knight, +unless in the meantime he should obtain special grace of the king, but +he shall take journey to the Holy Land and there serve for three +years<a name='fna_1465' id='fna_1465' href='#f_1465'><small>[1465]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>The penance was thus severe; but it is another matter to say that it was +always duly performed. A man who had already risked his immortal soul +once, by the seduction of a nun, might well choose to undergo +excommunication and risk it a second time, by refusing to do penance. The +lover of a nun of Harrold in 1298 was thus excommunicated for refusing to +be beaten through the market-place<a name='fna_1466' id='fna_1466' href='#f_1466'><small>[1466]</small></a>. Moreover there were endless ways +of delaying the humiliating ceremony. Take the case of Richard Gray, the +married boarder to whom Elizabeth Willoughby bore a child at St Michael’s, +Stamford. On July 3rd, 1442, in the parish church of Wellingborough, the +Bishop caused him to swear upon the Holy Book that he would abjure the +priory and all communication with Elizabeth. He then sentenced him to four +floggings round one of the churches of Stamford on four Sundays or feast +days,</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>carrying in his hand before the procession of the same church a taper +of one pound’s worth of wax, being clothed in his doublet and linen +garments only, and on the last of the said four days, after the +procession is finished, he has to offer the said taper to the high +altar of the said Church.</p></div> + +<p>Moreover he was to perform a like penance on four Fridays, going round the +market-place of Stamford, and within a month he was also to make +pilgrimage on horseback to Lincoln Cathedral and when he came within five +miles of Lincoln, to dismount and go barefoot to the cathedral and there +offer to the high altar a taper of one pound’s weight. The very evening, +however, that this severe penance was imposed, Richard Gray came before +the Bishop again and made lowly supplication that he would deign to temper +the penance; whereupon Alnwick, “moved with compassion on him,” commuted +the penance round the market-place to a payment of twenty shillings to the +nuns of St Michael’s, to be paid within a month, and another twenty +shillings to the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_466" id="Page_466">[Pg 466]</a></span> fabric of the cathedral church, to be paid within six +weeks. Gray was to bring the Bishop letters testimonial as to the payment +of the forty shillings and the performance of the penance at Lincoln, also +within six weeks. But Richard had no intention of buying expensive wax +candles, paying forty shilling fines, catching cold in his shirt at +Stamford or humiliating himself at Lincoln. When summoned to do his +penance he appealed to the court of Canterbury. The Bishop then got +licence from the commissary of the official in that court to proceed +against the delinquent and summoned him to show cause why he had not done +penance. On November 15th, 1442, the slippery Richard appeared by proxy +before the Bishop’s commissioner and said that he was “withheld by so many +and so sore infirmities of fevers and other kinds, lying in his bed every +other day, that he could not without grievous bodily harm appear in person +in or on the same day and place.” The commissioner postponed his +appearance until December 11th and eventually he appeared on that day, but +showing no cause why he had not performed his penance, and was +excommunicated again by the Bishop, at which point he drops out of +history, with his penance still unperformed<a name='fna_1467' id='fna_1467' href='#f_1467'><small>[1467]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>It was no doubt an easier matter to exact penance from a nun. The apostate +was excommunicated until she made submission and returned to her convent. +Sometimes a very obdurate sinner was transferred to do penance at another +nunnery; the punishment was a common one in the diocese of York<a name='fna_1468' id='fna_1468' href='#f_1468'><small>[1468]</small></a> and +a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_467" id="Page_467">[Pg 467]</a></span> wicked Prioress of Redlingfield was sent to Wix in 1427<a name='fna_1469' id='fna_1469' href='#f_1469'><small>[1469]</small></a>; but +nunneries not unnaturally sometimes objected to having to support at their +cost an evilly disposed woman from another house<a name='fna_1470' id='fna_1470' href='#f_1470'><small>[1470]</small></a>. More commonly the +sinner did penance in her own house. If particularly obdurate, she was +imprisoned for a time and even, if need be, shackled, in some secure place +in the convent<a name='fna_1471' id='fna_1471' href='#f_1471'><small>[1471]</small></a>. A severe penance was imposed in 1321 by Archbishop +Melton upon Maud of Terrington, an apostate nun of Keldholme, who had for +long lived in sin in the world. She was to be last in choir at all the +canonical hours, and when not in choir to be confined in solitude. She was +never to go out of the precincts of the cloister and was to be forever +debarred from speaking with lay folk and from sending or receiving +letters. She was not to be allowed to wear the black Benedictine veil, +which marked her as a nun, until such time as the Archbishop should +mitigate her penance, and should fast with bread and vegetables on +Wednesdays and bread and water on Fridays. For the rest of her life she +was never to wear a shift next her skin. On Wednesdays and Fridays she was +to go barefoot in the presence of the convent round the cloister, all +secular persons having been excluded, and there receive two beatings by +the hand of the Prioress and on each other day of the week she was to +receive one such discipline. Every week she was to say two psalters, +besides <i>Placebo</i> and <i>Dirige</i> and the commendation for the dead, which +she was to say each day for the remission of her sins. She was never to be +present at the daily consultations of the chapter,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_468" id="Page_468">[Pg 468]</a></span> or at any other +convent business, but “let her lie prone before the convent at the +entrance of the choir, to be spurned by their feet, if they will”<a name='fna_1472' id='fna_1472' href='#f_1472'><small>[1472]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>This was a particularly severe, not to say inhuman, penance and it is +unlikely that such was the rule even in the case of obdurate offenders. A +guilty nun at Crabhouse in 1514 is told to sit last among her sisters for +a month and to say seven psalters during that period<a name='fna_1473' id='fna_1473' href='#f_1473'><small>[1473]</small></a> and a novice at +Redlingfield in 1427 is to go in front of the solemn procession of the +convent on Sunday, wearing no veil and clad in white flannel<a name='fna_1474' id='fna_1474' href='#f_1474'><small>[1474]</small></a>. The +former was not an apostate, though she had had a child, and the latter was +not yet professed and had been led away by the bad example of her +Prioress; nevertheless these penances seem sufficiently mild, in +comparison with the orthodox view of their offence. Fasting and +penitential psalms and some outward mark of degradation, such as the loss +of the veil and of the place in choir and chapter, to which the nun’s +standing in the convent entitled her, were common penances. A guilty nun +was also debarred from holding any conventual office; but it must be +admitted that this salutary precaution was not always strictly carried +out. Occasionally a visitor is obliged to make a general injunction +against the holding of office by nuns convicted or suspected of +incontinence; Archbishop Courtenay mentions specifically the office of +portress<a name='fna_1475' id='fna_1475' href='#f_1475'><small>[1475]</small></a>, a necessary precaution when one remembers how often the +French and Italian <i>tourière</i> of a later<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_469" id="Page_469">[Pg 469]</a></span> date was little better than a +procuress. Frequently notorious evil-doers retained their position, and it +is surprising to notice how often persons who were obviously unsuitable +and immoral were elected to the headship of a house, or continued to hold +that position after conviction. Sabina de Apelgarth, who had been in +apostasy when a simple nun of Moxby in 1310, is found holding office in +1318, for Archbishop Melton orders her to be removed from all offices and +not to go outside the convent and couples his injunction with a general +prohibition against any office being held by a nun convicted <i>de lapsu +carnis</i>. Yet she apparently became Prioress of the house, for her removal +on account of further misconduct is noted in 1328<a name='fna_1476' id='fna_1476' href='#f_1476'><small>[1476]</small></a>. Isabel de +Berghby, Prioress of Arthington, apostatised in 1312, but returned +eighteen months later and was re-elected Prioress in 1349<a name='fna_1477' id='fna_1477' href='#f_1477'><small>[1477]</small></a>. In 1310 +Isabella de St Quintin was ordered to be removed from the office of +cellaress in the presence of the whole convent of Nunkeeling, and the nuns +were ordered not to appoint her to any other office nor allow her to leave +the house; but in 1316 Isabella de St Quintin was elected Prioress<a name='fna_1478' id='fna_1478' href='#f_1478'><small>[1478]</small></a>. +Denise Loweliche, the Prioress of Markyate, who had been so ready to add +perjury to incontinence in 1433 and had resigned only because she could +not find four nuns to swear to her innocence, was still, despite her +resignation, Prioress when Alnwick visited the house in 1442. Abbess +Elizabeth Broke of Romsey was similarly re-elected, after having been +found guilty of perjury and adultery<a name='fna_1479' id='fna_1479' href='#f_1479'><small>[1479]</small></a>. Even the wicked Prioress of +Littlemore (1517) was deprived but “allowed to perform the functions of +her office for the present, provided she did nothing without the advice of +the Bishop’s commissary” and she was still acting-Prioress and behaving as +badly as ever when the house was visited again some nine months +later<a name='fna_1480' id='fna_1480' href='#f_1480'><small>[1480]</small></a>. Moreover it was possible for an influential sinner to obtain +a dispensation reinstating her to her position and allowing her to hold +office. Some curious papal mandates to this effect are extant. Joan +Goldesburgh, a nun of Nunmonkton, is so dispensed in 1450 “to receive and +hold any dignities, even of Abbess and Prioress, even conventual, of her +order, even if they be<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_470" id="Page_470">[Pg 470]</a></span> elective and have cure of souls”<a name='fna_1481' id='fna_1481' href='#f_1481'><small>[1481]</small></a>, and two +nuns of Amesbury were restored to their voice and place in stall and +chapter, and rendered eligible for all offices even that of Abbess in 1398 +and 1424<a name='fna_1482' id='fna_1482' href='#f_1482'><small>[1482]</small></a>. On the other hand such a dispensation shows that the +penance had been rigorously enforced; one of the nuns (a serious offender +who had had children by two priests) is said to have lived laudably in the +nunnery for six years since her condemnation. Occasionally, moreover, the +office of head of the house is specifically excepted in the +dispensation<a name='fna_1483' id='fna_1483' href='#f_1483'><small>[1483]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Besides punishing offenders, the Bishops took steps to effect a general +reform of convents which they found in an unsatisfactory moral state, by +removing as far as possible the conditions which facilitated immorality. +Such steps usually consisted in forbidding the nuns to wander about freely +outside their houses and in prohibiting the visits of men, except under +safeguards. Sometimes a careful Bishop issues a special injunction against +a particular visitor, sometimes he enumerates painfully a list of +chaplains and others whose access to the precincts of a nunnery is +forbidden. These attempts to enforce enclosure have been dealt with +elsewhere<a name='fna_1484' id='fna_1484' href='#f_1484'><small>[1484]</small></a>, and a study of convent morals shows how necessary a +principle of monastic life it was and how closely the breach of it was +connected with moral decay. The attempt at reform by stricter enclosure +was, as we know, not a success. The Bishops “beat the air” in vain with +their restrictions. In the nature of the case the control exercised by any +Bishop over the monastic houses of his diocese varied according to his own +energy or leisure. If visitation were made only at rare intervals, abuses +persisted and became public scandals before they were reformed, and even +after visitation it by no means followed that abuses would be +corrected<a name='fna_1485' id='fna_1485' href='#f_1485'><small>[1485]</small></a>. The fact is that the medieval bishops were too badly +overworked to be able to keep any systematic control over the monastic +houses in their dioceses, in spite of the energy<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_471" id="Page_471">[Pg 471]</a></span> which some of them gave +to the task and in spite of a liberal use of commissioners.</p> + +<p>To pass a final judgment on the moral state of English nunneries, as +revealed by the bishops’ registers during the later middle ages, is, as +has already been suggested, a difficult task. From the monastic standard +it cannot be said to have been high, but from the human standard it is not +difficult to excuse these women, professed so young and with so little +regard for vocation, <i>suos calores macerantes juveniles</i>. The nun was not +a saint; she was “a child of our grandmother Eve, a female, or for thy +more sweet understanding, a woman”; and only a habit of making allowances +for human nature can give a right understanding of her. The explanation of +the matter seems to be that monasticism as a career is not for <i>l’homme +moyen sensuel</i>, or even for <i>la femme moyenne sensuelle</i>; and in the later +middle ages many folk of average, or more than average, passions entered +it. Indeed its whole career is from the beginning a magnificent series of +recoveries from a melancholy series of relapses. Even in the Anglo-Saxon +period, the golden age of the English nunneries, the scandal of Coldingham +has to be set against the glory of Whitby<a name='fna_1486' id='fna_1486' href='#f_1486'><small>[1486]</small></a>. In the height of the +twelfth century the misdeeds of Amesbury provoke episcopal, royal, and +papal interference and nuns from the new order of Fontevrault are brought +in to reform the house<a name='fna_1487' id='fna_1487' href='#f_1487'><small>[1487]</small></a>. In the middle of the splendid thirteenth +century that hammer of the monks, Bishop Grosseteste, who <i>in religiosos +terribiliter et in religiosas terribilius consuevit fulgurare</i>, conceived +himself justified in employing measures of incredible brutality for +assuring himself of the virtue of his nuns<a name='fna_1488' id='fna_1488' href='#f_1488'><small>[1488]</small></a>; and the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_472" id="Page_472">[Pg 472]</a></span> evidence of +bishops’ registers for the second half of the century does not give an +impression of much greater strictness of life than is found in the +nunneries of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, when monasticism had, +by the admission of its apologists, passed its prime<a name='fna_1489' id='fna_1489' href='#f_1489'><small>[1489]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Nevertheless there was a steady movement downhill in the history of the +monasteries during the last two centuries and a half before the +dissolution<a name='fna_1490' id='fna_1490' href='#f_1490'><small>[1490]</small></a>. They shared in the growing degradation of the Church in +its head and members. The “mighty lord who broke the bonds of Rome” may +have been actuated merely by a desire to break the bonds of matrimony, but +there was some need for reform among the monastic houses. It is true that +the so-called scandalous <i>comperta</i> of Henry VIII’s visitors cannot be +taken at their face value; these men had been sent to make a black case +and they made it, nor was their own character such as to encourage the +slightest belief in their words. Yet in those <i>comperta</i> themselves there +is nothing which is unfamiliar to the student of episcopal registers for +two centuries before, and charges which a Layton made with levity, an +Alnwick was forced sometimes to make with despair<a name='fna_1491' id='fna_1491' href='#f_1491'><small>[1491]</small></a>. Yet this may be<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_473" id="Page_473">[Pg 473]</a></span> +said for the nunneries of the age, over and above the allowance for human +frailty: not all, nor even the majority, were tainted with serious sin, +though all were worldly. We think a house particularly disordered, only +because we have record of its failings; of its virtues we have no record +in inquisitions which were directed towards the discovery of abuses. It is +true that this cuts both ways, and that in dioceses where few or no +registers and reports remain the fair fame of the nuns remains +unblemished, whatever their lives may have been. Happy the nunnery that +has no history. Nevertheless in this as in so many other tales of human +endeavour</p> + +<p class="poem">The evil that men do lives after them—<br /> +The good is oft interred with their bones,</p> + +<p>and it will never be known what lives of self-sacrifice and devotion may +be hidden behind the <i>Omnia bene</i> of an obscure visitation record. The +words of the sixteenth century poem are the wisest judgment on medieval +nuns:</p> + +<p class="poem">For sum bene devowte, holy and towarde,<br /> +And holden the right way to blysse;<br /> +And sum bene feble, lewde and frowarde,<br /> +Now god amend that ys amys.</p> + +<p>The dissolution of the monasteries amputated in England a limb of the +Church, which though diseased was yet far from putrid. We have no means of +guessing what the later history of the nunneries might have been. The +English nunneries compare on the whole favourably with contemporary French +and German houses, as revealed by the visitations of Rigaud and Busch, and +they certainly never reached such a laxity of morals and such a complete +absence of any spirituality as was reached by the convents of the Latin +countries at a later date. It was never, in the middle ages, the mode to +be a <i>monachino</i> as it was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_474" id="Page_474">[Pg 474]</a></span> later in France and Italy<a name='fna_1492' id='fna_1492' href='#f_1492'><small>[1492]</small></a>. The life of a +nun had not yet lost all of its original purpose and meaning and the +careers of a Virginia Maria de Leyva, of a Lucrezia Buonvisi, of an +Angélique d’Estrées, even of such a virtuous flirt as Felice Rasponi, +would not have been possible then<a name='fna_1493' id='fna_1493' href='#f_1493'><small>[1493]</small></a>. No Casanova could have found in +medieval England opportunity for those astounding intrigues with the M.M. +of Venice and the M.M. of Chambéry, which fill so large a place in his +<i>Memoirs</i> and are so significant a commentary upon monastic life in the +eighteenth century<a name='fna_1494' id='fna_1494' href='#f_1494'><small>[1494]</small></a>. The reason lies perhaps in the less inflammable +temperament of the North, but still more in the different standards of the +time. The middle ages expressed and satisfied their passions freely, but +debauchery was then less all-pervading and less elegant. Passion was not +yet degraded to fashion and the lover had not yet become the gallant. The +sins of these fifteenth century nuns are a matter of rude nature and not +of “all the adulteries of art.” That which was expelled with a pitchfork +had not yet returned with a fan. The distinction is a relevant one. A vow +broken for love may yet have force and reality; a vow broken for amusement +has none. The medieval nunneries never sank to the moral degradation of a +more refined and artificial age.</p> + + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<hr style="width: 50%;" /> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_475" id="Page_475">[Pg 475]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XII" id="CHAPTER_XII"></a>CHAPTER XII</h2> +<p class="title">THE MACHINERY OF REFORM</p> + +<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary="table"> +<tr><td>And whan they had resceyuede [t]her charge<br /> +They spared nether mud ne myer,<br /> +But roden over Inglonde brode and large,<br /> +To seke owte nunryes in every schyre.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 8em;"><i>Why I can’t be a Nun</i> (15th century).</span></td></tr></table> + +<p> </p> +<p>A community, living together under a somewhat rigid rule and obliged to +concern itself with a large measure of temporal business, has to face many +difficulties and abuses. The strictness of its discipline and the +prosperity of its affairs will necessarily depend very largely upon the +character and intelligence of the individuals who compose it. A diseased +limb may corrupt the whole body politic; or on the other hand a low state +of vitality in the body politic may render the limb liable to corruption. +Again rule and routine inevitably tend in the course of time to become +slackened, as human nature wins its way against the austerity of a +primitive ideal. Every community, therefore, needs some sort of machinery +on the one hand for keeping itself up to the mark and on the other for the +external inspection and regulation of its affairs. The monastic houses of +the middle ages were provided with internal machinery for self-reform in +the daily meeting of the whole convent in the chapter house, to transact +business and to denounce and punish faults. The external machinery was +provided by an elaborate system of visitation by ecclesiastical +authorities, sometimes by a parent house, sometimes by the chapter-general +of the order, sometimes by the bishop of the diocese; by means of such +visitation breaches of discipline and morality could be rectified and the +temporal business of the house could be scrutinised for evidence of +mismanagement.</p> + +<p>The daily routine of the chapter house is too well known to need a +detailed description here. The whole monastic community was bound by the +rule to meet every day, usually after Prime,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_476" id="Page_476">[Pg 476]</a></span> in the chapter house on the +east side of the cloister, with the head of the house (to use modern +terminology) in the chair. At this meeting a chapter of the Rule was +solemnly read, after which the corporate business of the house was +discussed. Leases, sales, and corrodies were approved or disapproved, and +the common seal of the convent was affixed to letters and grants, in the +presence of all the monks or nuns. The neglect to transact common business +by common advice in chapter was not infrequently a legitimate source of +complaint by a convent against its superior. Besides temporal business of +this kind, the moral and spiritual welfare of the convent was considered. +Wrongdoers publicly accused themselves of fault, or were publicly accused +by their fellows, and correction was administered by a “discipline,” or by +some other penance. By means of the chapter, a convent of reasonable +seriousness and goodwill could keep up its own standard of life and +control its own backsliders.</p> + +<p>Undoubtedly the chapter was a useful instrument of self-reform, but its +efficacy obviously depended entirely on whether the convent as a whole +were desirous of keeping the Rule and punishing black sheep. If the number +of sheep who were black, or even grey, preponderated and if laxity were +general in the community, the chapter would not concern itself to raise +its own standard. From the frequent injunctions of medieval bishops that +the daily meeting in the chapter should not be omitted, it would appear +that not only the public transaction of business, but also the public +confession and punishment of faults was sometimes neglected. Moreover, +unless entered into with modesty and a sense of responsibility, the right +of every member to charge another with fault was a sure source of discord, +for it certainly provided ample opportunity for frail human nature to +exhibit malice. The younger nuns were apt to indulge in what their elders +regarded as impudent criticism; private grudges found an opportunity to +vent themselves; and rival cliques sometimes turned the meeting into an +unseemly hubbub. It was perhaps for this reason that the Abbot of St +Albans, visiting Sopwell in 1338, decreed that</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>for the avoidance of evils and for the promotion and maintenance of +peace and charity, but three voices shall henceforth be heard in +chapter, to wit those of the president, of the subprioress or of +another<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_477" id="Page_477">[Pg 477]</a></span> official of the order, and of her who shall be challenged or +accused of a fault<a name='fna_1495' id='fna_1495' href='#f_1495'><small>[1495]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Another common abuse was the gossip to which such revelations in chapter +sometimes gave rise, gossip which was not confined to the ears of the +nuns. Bishop Flemyng’s injunction to Elstow in 1421-2 “that the Abbess +shall narrowly espy what secrets of chapter be in any way disclosed, +punishing severely also those who trangress in this matter”<a name='fna_1496' id='fna_1496' href='#f_1496'><small>[1496]</small></a> is only +one of many similar injunctions; and visitation reports sometimes show +considerable interference by lay folk in cloister disputes. During the +election quarrel which raged at Nunkeeling from 1316 to 1319 Archbishop +Melton accused certain nuns of revealing the secrets of the chapter to +seculars and adversaries outside, and during a similar quarrel at +Keldholme a number of laymen were cited, together with certain nuns, for +obstructing the appointment of a new prioress in 1308<a name='fna_1497' id='fna_1497' href='#f_1497'><small>[1497]</small></a>. One is left +with the impression that the nuns called in the support of their friends +and kinsfolk in the world, if they found themselves at odds with their +Prioress. In the feud between the wicked Prioress of Littlemore and her +nuns (1518) both parties had adherents in Oxford: the Prioress brought in +her friends to subdue the nuns and the nuns fled to theirs, when they +could no longer bear the Prioress<a name='fna_1498' id='fna_1498' href='#f_1498'><small>[1498]</small></a>. At Hampole, where Archbishop +Bowet found the Prioress and nuns out of all charity with each other in +1411, he even had to ordain that no nun, having any complaint against the +Prioress, was to ignore the Archbishop’s authority and call in the aid of +any secular or regular person. If any sister wished to complain and could +find another to join with her, she was to have access to the Archbishop, +the necessary expenses being given her by the Prioress. If the Prioress +refused leave or delayed it beyond three days, the two nuns were to have +access to the Archbishop, without<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_478" id="Page_478">[Pg 478]</a></span> incurring the charge of apostasy<a name='fna_1499' id='fna_1499' href='#f_1499'><small>[1499]</small></a>. +Sometimes the revelation of convent <i>secreta</i> was made in a spirit of pure +gossip, rather than with the object of obtaining external aid; the +complaint of the nuns of Catesby in 1442 that the Prioress’ mother “knows +well the secrets of the chapter and publishes them in the town; so also +does the Prioress publish them,” and that of the nuns of Gracedieu in +1440-1 that “the Prioress makes the secrets of their religious life common +among the secular folk that sit at table with her” are typical of many +others<a name='fna_1500' id='fna_1500' href='#f_1500'><small>[1500]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>The meeting of the chapter, therefore, though a useful instrument of +self-reform, when the necessary goodwill was present, was liable to +abuses. It was apt to be neglected; it gave rise to ill-feeling; and it +sometimes led to undesirable gossip, both inside and outside the house. It +is obvious, moreover, that a measure of external control was necessary to +keep up the standard of life in the many monastic houses of Europe and to +reform common breaches of discipline. This external control was exercised +in the middle ages by three distinct authorities: (1) a parent house, (2) +the chapter general of the Order and (3) the diocesan of the see.</p> + +<p>Certain houses, which had founded other houses as offshoots or colonies, +retained the right to visit and reform their daughter-houses. Some +monasteries had small outlying priories, known as “cells,” founded +originally to look after distant estates of the house; sometimes such +cells contained only one or two monks, living in an ordinary dwelling +house, and had no real existence apart from the parent house. Sometimes, +however, the cells grew and achieved an independent existence, though +still maintaining their connection with their founders. This frequently +happened to the English cells of foreign houses, and certain cells of +English houses also grew into independent priories. Among nunneries, +originally founded as cells of foreign houses, may be mentioned Lyminster +in Sussex. Few English nunneries had cells; but Seton in Coupland was a +cell of Nunburnholme. The connection between mother house and cell is +illustrated by a licence granted by Archbishop Greenfield to the Prioress +of Nunburnholme in 1313 to visit, “your cell of Seton in Coupland, which +is subject to your monastery,” taking with her two honest<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_479" id="Page_479">[Pg 479]</a></span> nuns of the +house, in order to visit the nuns of Seton, and returning without +delay<a name='fna_1501' id='fna_1501' href='#f_1501'><small>[1501]</small></a>. The visitation of the cell was usually included in that of +the mother house and the larger independent cells were often subject to +episcopal visitation.</p> + +<p>Rather different in origin from a cell was a house founded by a monastery, +less as a colony than as a distinct but dependent institution. The most +interesting example of this is provided by the great Abbey of St Albans, +which founded two nunneries, St Mary de Pré and Sopwell. Both the +nunneries were always very dependent on St Albans and are often mentioned +in the chronicles of that house. St Mary de Pré, having been founded in +the twelfth century as a hospital for leprous women living under a rule, +became later an ordinary nunnery, containing nuns, and both lay sisters +and lay brothers; in the time of Abbot Thomas de la Mare (1349-96) the +rank of sister was abolished and a higher standard of education was +insisted upon for the nuns, who were to profess the rule of St +Benedict<a name='fna_1502' id='fna_1502' href='#f_1502'><small>[1502]</small></a>. Sopwell was also founded in the twelfth century as a +Benedictine nunnery<a name='fna_1503' id='fna_1503' href='#f_1503'><small>[1503]</small></a>. In both houses nuns were admitted only by +consent of the Abbot of St Albans, who also claimed the right to appoint +their prioress. In both the temporal affairs of the convent were +administered by wardens, appointed by the Abbot from among the monks of +the abbey<a name='fna_1504' id='fna_1504' href='#f_1504'><small>[1504]</small></a>. The close connection was not always maintained without +friction. At Sopwell the nuns more than once tried to elect their own +prioress and seem to have found the Abbot somewhat high-handed<a name='fna_1505' id='fna_1505' href='#f_1505'><small>[1505]</small></a>. In +1481 Abbot Wallingford sent the archdeacon and subprior of the house to +remove the prioress from office on account of her age and infirmities and +to put<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_480" id="Page_480">[Pg 480]</a></span> Elizabeth Webbe in her place, but some years later the archdeacon +deposed Elizabeth, whereupon she brought an action against him in the +Court of Arches and was reinstated. Thereupon “two monks of St Albans, +sent by the archdeacon, came to the nunnery, broke down Elizabeth’s door +with an iron bar, beat her and put her in prison,” after which she +appealed to Archbishop Morton as Chancellor<a name='fna_1506' id='fna_1506' href='#f_1506'><small>[1506]</small></a>. She may have been at +the bottom of the famous letter written by Morton to the Abbot of St +Albans in 1490, accusing him of changing prioresses at Pré and at Sopwell +as he pleased and deposing good and religious persons for the benefit of +the evil and vicious, and stating that the Prioress of St Mary de Pré, +Helen Germyn, was a married woman who had left her husband for a lover and +that she and some of her nuns were leading immoral lives with monks of St +Albans<a name='fna_1507' id='fna_1507' href='#f_1507'><small>[1507]</small></a>. The same letter accused the monks put in as wardens of using +their opportunities to dissipate the goods of the house, and the turbulent +Prioress of Sopwell, Elizabeth, is found complaining to the Chancellor +that a deed of lease by the convent had been secretly altered to their +disadvantage by their “keeper” and his clerk, who had been bribed by a +tenant<a name='fna_1508' id='fna_1508' href='#f_1508'><small>[1508]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>It is difficult to say how much truth there was in these charges and they +certainly do not seem to show overmuch care for the reform of the daughter +houses by their august parent. But it would not be fair to judge St Albans +by this quarrel at the end of its career, and there is evidence to show +that past abbots tried conscientiously to maintain good order in the +dependent nunneries. Among other rights the abbot possessed that of +visitation, and chance has fortunately preserved an interesting set of +injunctions sent by Abbot Michael to Sopwell, after a visitation held in +1338<a name='fna_1509' id='fna_1509' href='#f_1509'><small>[1509]</small></a>. The orders given to the Warden of Sopwell by Abbot Thomas +(1349-96) have also been preserved in the <i>Gesta Abbatum</i><a name='fna_1510' id='fna_1510' href='#f_1510'><small>[1510]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Another nunnery founded by a famous abbey of monks was St Michael’s, +Stamford, founded by William of Waterville, Abbot<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_481" id="Page_481">[Pg 481]</a></span> of Peterborough in +1155; and this house remained for long dependent upon its parent +abbey<a name='fna_1511' id='fna_1511' href='#f_1511'><small>[1511]</small></a>. In its early years it was customary for the prioress in the +name of the chapter to pay an annual pension of a mark of silver to the +Abbot and to make formal recognition of subjection, once every year, on +the morrow of the Feast of St Michael. The Abbot had the right of +receiving the profession of the sisters and his consent was necessary to +the election of the prioress. He also had the appointment of the warden or +prior, who looked after the temporalities of the house. In 1270 Bishop +Gravesend sanctioned the personal visitation of the house once a year by +the abbot and two or three monks, with power to correct and reform, and +the Register of the Abbey records such visitations in 1297, 1300, 1303 and +1323. The tendency was, however, for the diocesan to oust the abbey from +the control of the house; from time to time he claimed and exercised the +right of instituting the warden, and from the end of the thirteenth +century he regularly instituted the prioress. From this time the bishops’ +registers show that the regulation and reform of the house were in the +hands of the bishop and it was duly visited by Alnwick in the fifteenth +century. The accounts of St Michael’s, Stamford, show that the nuns still +had dealings with the Abbey; but Peterborough did not retain over this +nunnery the exclusive rights of appointment and visitation, which St +Albans, owing to its exemption from diocesan control, exercised to the end +over Sopwell and St Mary de Pré. There is no mention of either of these +houses in the episcopal registers.</p> + +<p>Nunneries subject to visitation by a parent abbey were highly exceptional. +Another exceptional method of external control was visitation by the +chapter-general of the order, to which the nunnery belonged. Nuns as well +as monks were constantly legislated for by these chapters-general, but +they were very rarely visited, because (as we shall see) they were almost +all subject to visitation by the bishop of their diocese. A trace of +visitation by order of the chapter-general seems to survive in a letter +from the Abbot of Stratford (4 December, 1491), preserved among the +Cistercian documents in the archives at Dijon<a name='fna_1512' id='fna_1512' href='#f_1512'><small>[1512]</small></a>. The Abbot relates +that he had visited Cokehill, found it in a very<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_482" id="Page_482">[Pg 482]</a></span> unsatisfactory condition +and tried in vain to depose the prioress; at other times, however, +Cokehill was visited by the Bishops of Worcester. The Cistercian order +claimed exemption from episcopal visitation for male houses and we shall +see that it made occasional attempts to exert its right over nunneries +too.</p> + +<p>By far the most common method of reforming nunneries from outside was by +means of the control of the bishop of the diocese<a name='fna_1513' id='fna_1513' href='#f_1513'><small>[1513]</small></a>. It is an +interesting fact that not even the greatest and most important Benedictine +abbeys of women, such as Shaftesbury, Amesbury and Romsey, succeeded in +obtaining an exemption from episcopal jurisdiction such as was enjoyed by +St Albans and some other houses; and nunneries belonging to “exempt” +orders were invariably under episcopal control. Bishops, who would never +have dreamed of interfering with houses of Cistercian or Cluniac monks, +visited the nuns of those orders as a matter of course and no objection +was as a rule raised by the houses or by the orders. There is, it is true, +one extremely interesting case in which this right of visitation was +contested. In 1276 the nuns of Sinningthwaite contested the right of +Archbishop Giffard of York to visit them and appealed against him to the +Pope. Unfortunately the papal decision is not recorded, but as they were +regularly visited until their dissolution, it was evidently against them. +They possibly acted in collusion with the Cistercian abbots of their +diocese, for in the same year Archbishop Giffard ordered them to have +Friars Minor as their confessors, in spite of the inhibition of Cistercian +abbots, who had no jurisdiction over them<a name='fna_1514' id='fna_1514' href='#f_1514'><small>[1514]</small></a>. The Cokehill case quoted +above may<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_483" id="Page_483">[Pg 483]</a></span> represent a similar attempt of the Cistercian chapter-general +to control a nunnery belonging to the order. For the historian of the +English nunneries it is an exceedingly fortunate thing that the diocesans +enjoyed this unchallenged right of visitation over almost all the +nunneries in the kingdom; for the episcopal registers are the best source +of monastic history and an exempt house (save when it was a famous abbey +with a chronicle) is not infrequently a house without history, because +without visitation records.</p> + +<p>Since the periodical visitation by the diocesan was not only the main +method of external control and reformation, but also incidentally gave +rise to the records on which so much of this history of nunneries is +based, it is worth while to study what exactly happened when a bishop, or +his commissioners, came to inspect a nunnery. A regular routine was +followed, which can easily be reconstructed from such full records as +those kept by Bishop Alnwick of Lincoln<a name='fna_1515' id='fna_1515' href='#f_1515'><small>[1515]</small></a>. A formal summons was sent +by the bishop to the house to be visited, warning the convent to hold +itself in readiness for visitation by himself, or by one or more +commissioners (named). On the appointed day he rode up to the house, +accompanied by his clerks, and was met at the door of the church by the +convent and conducted to the high altar. Here high mass was celebrated and +the bishop, his clerks and the convent then adjourned to the chapter house +for the business of visitation. The proceedings began with the preaching +of a sermon by one of the bishop’s clerks; in houses of monks this was +given in Latin until the end of our period, but knowledge of Latin had +died out in nunneries before the fifteenth century and at Alnwick’s +visitation the sermon was always preached in the vulgar tongue, on some +such text as “<i>Go forth, O ye daughters of Zion and behold king Solomon</i>” +(Cant. iii. 11), “<i>Present your bodies a living sacrifice ... unto God</i>” +(Rom. xii. 1), or others less specifically appropriate to nuns. When this +had been finished, the head of the house was required to present a +certificate of receipt of the summons to visitation, which had to be drawn +up according to a common form; and this not infrequently caused some delay +in nunneries, where the inmates were often too ignorant of Latin<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_484" id="Page_484">[Pg 484]</a></span> to draw +up the document correctly, unless they could call in the help of a +clerk<a name='fna_1516' id='fna_1516' href='#f_1516'><small>[1516]</small></a>. The head of the house then produced the certificate of her +election, confirmation by the diocesan and installation. Here again there +was sometimes a delay, for prioresses were occasionally all at sea over +documents and the necessary certificates were apt to be lacking at the +last minute. Thus Dame Alice Dunwyche, the incompetent old Prioress of +Gracedieu, was unable to produce any evidence of her confirmation in 1440 +and the bishop had to appoint a special commissary to inquire into the +matter; three months later the commissary examined two laymen brought by +her as witnesses to her confirmation and installation<a name='fna_1517' id='fna_1517' href='#f_1517'><small>[1517]</small></a>. Meanwhile the +visitation would continue; and the last formality to be observed was the +production by the prioress of the foundation charter of the house, and the +financial balance sheet (or <i>status domus</i>) for the year, this last an +important item, since it enabled the bishop to see at a glance whether the +financial affairs of the convent were in a satisfactory condition<a name='fna_1518' id='fna_1518' href='#f_1518'><small>[1518]</small></a>. +This completed the preliminary business.</p> + +<p>There now followed the main business of the visitation, the verbal +examination of the nuns, in order to detect what abuses might stand in +need of reform. Some abuses were patent to the eyes of the bishop; he +could see garments in holes, and veils spread wide to show fair foreheads; +he might have caught the scuttle of little dogs round corners as he rode +in at the gates, or the whisk of a boarder’s murrey-coloured skirts behind +a pillar. But the bulk of his information had to be obtained by careful +cross-examination. The chapter house was cleared and he proceeded to +question the nuns separately and in private, beginning with the prioress. +Experience would teach him what were the most common breaches of +discipline about which to make specific inquiry, but the nuns were +encouraged to complain freely and the bishop’s clerks were kept busy +scribbling notes of what each shrill tale-bearer told, to be written out +afterwards under her name as <i>detecta</i>, or things discovered to the +bishop.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_485" id="Page_485">[Pg 485]</a></span>These <i>detecta</i> are an amusing commentary on life in a community and grist +(it must be admitted) to the cynic’s mill. Serious charges of immorality +are mingled with trivialities, much as the chroniclers of the period +mingle battles, monastic gossip and sea monsters cast upon the shore. The +beer is too light; swine do come into the churchyard and root up the earth +and befoul the churchyard; all corrections are made with so great +harshness and so much ado that charity and loving-kindness are banished +from the house; the nuns do hold drinkings of evenings in the +guestchamber, even after Compline; the prioress has pawned the jewels of +the house; sister so-and-so is defamed with sir so-and-so, sometime +chaplain in that place and did conceive of him and bear a child; the +buildings and tenements of the priory are dilapidated and many have fallen +to the ground because of default in repairs; secular persons do lie in the +dorter near the nuns; the nuns wear silken veils and robes; in the +prioress’ default six nuns have now left the house in apostasy; the nuns +frequent taverns and continually go into town without leave; silence is +not observed in due places; the nuns do help secular folk in garnering +their grain during the autumn season; the nuns are somewhat sleepy and +come late to matins; the prioress does not render an account. Besides this +infinite variety of complaint, the <i>detecta</i> exhibit also an infinite +variety of motive, ranging from the disciplinarian’s zeal for reform to +the private grudge of one individual against another. Sometimes the +prioress and the nuns engage in mutual recriminations: she is harsh, or +autocratic, or incompetent, they are lax or disobedient. Sometimes, on the +other hand, a whole convent declares <i>omnia bene</i>. About some houses there +still hangs a gentle atmosphere of peace and goodwill, others are rent +with feud and petty bickering, others are in a condition of very lax +morality. Human nature is truly unchanging, for all the types to be met +with in a modern community, be it school or college, ship or government +office, have their prototypes among these medieval monks and nuns. The +amateur in human nature and the social historian alike may find in these +little studied monastic <i>detecta</i> material of more absorbing interest and +entertainment than is to be found in any other class of medieval +documents.</p> + +<p>After the bishop had heard the evidence of the nuns, given<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_486" id="Page_486">[Pg 486]</a></span> thus +chaotically, the next business was to summarise, in some sort of order, +the result of the inquiry. Such complaints of the nuns as the bishop +considered worthy of notice were therefore classified as <i>comperta</i>, or +things discovered by the bishop. If any member of the convent had been +accused of serious breaches of the rule, she was summoned and the articles +of accusation were read to her, and one by one she was invited to admit or +to deny them. If she pleaded guilty, a penance was enjoined upon her. If +she denied the charge, she was ordered to find a certain number of +compurgators, who would swear to her innocence, and to produce them by a +certain hour. The number of cases in which misconduct was sufficiently +serious to make this necessary was not great. During Alnwick’s visitation +it happened at Catesby, where the prioress and Isabel Benet were charged +with immorality; the prioress denied the charge, but was unable to find +four sisters to vouch for her and was adjudged guilty; Isabel Benet +admitted misconduct, but not with the man whose name was coupled with +hers, and she seems to have cleared herself of intercourse with him by the +oath of four of the nuns<a name='fna_1519' id='fna_1519' href='#f_1519'><small>[1519]</small></a>. Usually the bishop showed himself lenient +and allowed the agitated sinner an extension of time, if she could not +find her compurgators within the period allotted to her<a name='fna_1520' id='fna_1520' href='#f_1520'><small>[1520]</small></a>. Whether +this leniency is to be attributed to Christian charity, or to a desire to +avoid scandal, is not clear; but if a prioress could not in two hours find +four nuns to swear that she was not guilty, the value of their oaths, when +they appeared after four hours’ canvassing, would not appear to be very +great. Yet it is impossible not to understand the bishop’s desire to give +a sinner the benefit of the doubt; fright and admonition alone might +reform her, and it was exceedingly difficult to deal with a really bad +prioress, when she could not be ejected from her order.</p> + +<p>The bishop having dealt with individual offenders, the whole convent was +summoned once more to the chapter house. The <i>detecta</i> and <i>comperta</i> were +read aloud to the nuns and the bishop made verbal injunctions upon points +which stood in special need of reform. He then dissolved the visitation; +or, if any further<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_487" id="Page_487">[Pg 487]</a></span> business remained to be dealt with, prorogued it until +a later date. Then he rode away again, and the fluttered convent settled +down again to gossip and to await further injunctions. For the admonitions +of the bishop at the visitation were only <i>interim</i> injunctions; his +business was not finished until he had sent to the nunnery a set of +written injunctions, embodying the reforms shown to be necessary by the +<i>comperta</i>. These written injunctions were sent to the convent shortly +after the visitation. Sometimes the clerk who brought them was ordered to +expound them, or some reverend commissioner was sent to complete at the +same time any special business arising out of the visitation. For +instance, when Peckham sent a set of injunctions on April 20th, 1284, to +the Priory of the Holy Sepulchre, Canterbury, which had been visited by +commissioners on his behalf, he also addressed a letter to his commissary +Martin, bidding him go in person to the house and expound the injunctions +to the nuns. At the same time he was ordered (1) to appoint two +coadjutresses to the prioress, who had been wasting the goods of the +house; one of these was named and Martin was particularly warned against +appointing another nun, who was said to be contumelious; (2) to beseech +the Vicar of Wickham on behalf of the Archbishop to undertake the office +of master of the house, so as to order its temporal affairs; (3) to +receive the compurgation of Isabella de Scorue, who was defamed with the +cellarer of the cathedral church and to forbid all the nuns access to the +cathedral and the cellarer access to the priory<a name='fna_1521' id='fna_1521' href='#f_1521'><small>[1521]</small></a>. These pieces of +specific and administrative business were not mentioned in Peckham’s more +general injunctions. The injunctions were left in the hands of the convent +and from that moment became as canonically binding upon the nuns, as was +their original rule; any breach of them was liable to punishment by +excommunication. The prioress was usually ordered to display them in a +place where they could be easily read by the sisters, or to have them +solemnly read aloud in chapter a certain number of times each year.</p> + +<p>It was by this machinery of visitation and injunction that the diocesans +endeavoured to control and reform the nunneries.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_488" id="Page_488">[Pg 488]</a></span> But how far was the +control adequate and the reform successful? It is obvious that the +efficacy of the visitation system depended on three things: (1) the +success of the cross-examination in drawing the real state of the convent +from the nuns, (2) the regularity with which visitation was repeated, (3) +the ability of the bishop to enforce his injunctions. As to the first of +these conditions, the extent to which breaches of discipline came to light +depended on the skill of the bishop in cross-examination on the one hand, +and on the other the honesty of the nun’s desire to assist him. If a +convent were seriously discontented the chances were that charges would be +freely made: thus Alnwick experienced no difficulty in extracting an +almost unanimous testimony against the Prioress of Catesby. But this did +not always happen; as is shown by Gray’s letter bidding his commissary +visit Markyate in 1433:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>When we some time ago made actual visitation ... of the priory of the +Holy Trinity of the Wood by Markyate ..., we, making anxious inquiry +touching the state of the same priory and the concerns of religion in +the same, found that in such our visitation certain crimes, +transgressions and offences worthy of reformation were discovered to +us, by occasion whereof ... we enjoined upon the prioress and convent +of the same place certain injunctions.... But ... it has lately come +to our hearing, as loud whispering abounds and the notoriousness of +the fact has made public, that more grievous offences than were +discovered to us in the same our visitation were before the beginning +of the same unhappily brought to pass and done in the same priory, the +which the said prioress and her sisters of their design aforethought +concealed from us undiscovered at the time of such our +visitation<a name='fna_1522' id='fna_1522' href='#f_1522'><small>[1522]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>One of the matters thus concealed was the immorality of the prioress with +the steward of the house, a fact which seems to have been notorious +throughout the neighbourhood.</p> + +<p>When such a grave defect could be successfully hidden from the bishop at +his visitation, it is obvious that he could do little against a unanimous +determination on the part of a convent to keep him in the dark. He was +really dependent upon disagreement within the house; a conscientious nun +or a nun with a grudge served him equally well. But it seems likely that +concealment was not seldom practised, for, as Mr Coulton points out, +“among the earliest and most frequently-repeated<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_489" id="Page_489">[Pg 489]</a></span> general chapter statutes +are those providing against (<i>a</i>) conspiracy of the Religious against +reformation, or (<i>b</i>) vengeance wreaked afterwards upon brethren who have +dared to reveal the truth”<a name='fna_1523' id='fna_1523' href='#f_1523'><small>[1523]</small></a>. Some of the <i>detecta</i> at Alnwick’s +visitation throw light on the efforts made (usually by the prioress) by +conspiracy and by vengeance to prevent the nuns from testifying. At +Catesby the evil prioress, Margaret Wavere, had excellent reasons for +fearing a disclosure of her way of life. Sister Juliane Wolfe deposed +“that the prioress did threaten that, if the nuns disclosed aught in the +visitation, they should pay for it in prison.” Dame Isabel Benet (by no +means a paragon of virtue herself) deposed that “in the last visitation +which was made by the Lord William Graye, the prioress said that for a +purse and certain moneys a clerk of the said bishop made known what every +nun disclosed in that visitation.” Sister Alice Kempe said that “because +the nuns at the last visitation disclosed what should be disclosed, the +prioress whipped some of them.” All of these articles the prioress denied, +but she was undoubtedly guilty and was unable to find compurgators<a name='fna_1524' id='fna_1524' href='#f_1524'><small>[1524]</small></a>. +At Legbourne the prioress took a course with which one cannot avoid a +certain sympathy. Dame Joan Gyney deposed that</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>the prioress, after she received my lord’s mandate for the visitation, +called together the chapter and said, if there were aught in need of +correction among them, they should tell it her; because she said it<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_490" id="Page_490">[Pg 490]</a></span> +was more suitable that they should correct themselves than that others +should correct them<a name='fna_1525' id='fna_1525' href='#f_1525'><small>[1525]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>At Ankerwyke Prioress Clemence Medforde, conscious of many misdeeds and of +the cordial dislike of her nuns, “did invite several outside folk from the +neighbourhood to this visitation at great cost to the house, saying to +them, ‘Stand on my side in this time of visitation, for I do not want to +resign.’” She admitted the entertainment of her friends, “but it was not +to this end”<a name='fna_1526' id='fna_1526' href='#f_1526'><small>[1526]</small></a>. Recriminations after the visitation are even commoner +than preliminary attempts to circumvent it. At Gracedieu the ill-tempered +old prioress confessed, on being confronted with the <i>detectum</i> of one of +her nuns to that effect, that she</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>since and after the visitation last held therein by his [Alnwick’s] +predecessor, did reproach her sisters, because of the disclosures at +the same visitation and did blame them therefore and has held and +holds them in hatred, by reason whereof charity and loving-kindness +were utterly banished and strivings, hatreds, back-bitings and +quarrellings have ever flourished<a name='fna_1527' id='fna_1527' href='#f_1527'><small>[1527]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>The second condition for the efficacy of episcopal visitation as a method +of reform is the regularity of such visitation. Obviously if visitations +are very rare the hold of the diocesan on a house will be weak; for much +water may flow under the bridge between one visitation and the next. The +general rule in vogue in the middle ages was that each house should be +visited once in every three years, which was in theory a very adequate +arrangement. It seems clear, however, that it was not always carried out. +The work was done by one overworked bishop in person or by commissioners +specially appointed by him for the visitation of each house. In a big +diocese, such as Lincoln or York, which abounded in monastic houses, the +work of visitation was a really considerable labour, for it was only one +part of the bishop’s multifarious duties; and it is impossible not to +conclude that the regularity of visitation differed very much from diocese +to diocese and from time to time. The bishops themselves varied very much +in energy and conscientiousness, but on the whole it is evident that they +took their duties seriously and honestly endeavoured to keep up the +standard of life in their dioceses. No one can put down the record of +Rigaud’s visitations of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_491" id="Page_491">[Pg 491]</a></span> diocese of Rouen, Greenfield’s visitations of +the diocese of York, and Alnwick’s visitations of the diocese of Lincoln, +without a profound respect for those prelates. But though they did much, +they could not do enough.</p> + +<p>There is a good deal of incidental evidence in the visitation reports, +which shows that visitations were held too seldom to be really effectual. +Gracedieu, for instance, had not been visited between 1433, when Gray +came, and 1440-1; and by this last date it had fallen into such laxity +that reform must have been difficult. Markyate was unvisited between 1433 +and 1442, in spite of the deprivation of the prioress for immorality and +the apostasy of one of the nuns in 1433. There are few houses in the +annals of English nunneries in so bad a state as Littlemore was in 1517; +yet the Prioress, forced at last to confess her misdeeds, which comprised +not only habitual incontinence but the persecution of her nuns, stated +that though these things had been going on for eight years, yet no inquiry +had been made and, as it seems, no visitation of the house had been held; +only on one occasion certain injunctions of a general kind had been sent +her<a name='fna_1528' id='fna_1528' href='#f_1528'><small>[1528]</small></a>. On the other hand the registers show that a real attempt was +often made to grapple with a really serious case. St Michael’s, Stamford, +for instance, was visited by Alnwick in 1440 and found to be in a +disorderly state; he gave careful <i>interim</i> injunctions on the spot and +sent written injunctions afterwards. The house, however, was ruled by a +thoroughly incompetent prioress, and the bishop seems to have made +inquiries and found that his reforms had not been carried out, for in 1442 +he came again,</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>and then after the cause of such his visitation had been set forth and +explained to the said prioress and nuns by the same reverend father, +to wit because his injunctions at his first visitation ... were not +duly kept, he proceeded to his preparatory inquiry.</p></div> + +<p>This inquiry showed that matters were if anything worse than before; and +in 1445 the bishop visited the house again<a name='fna_1529' id='fna_1529' href='#f_1529'><small>[1529]</small></a>. Similarly, when once +Bishop Atwater had awakened to the moral condition<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_492" id="Page_492">[Pg 492]</a></span> of Littlemore in the +next century, he took pains to reform it. The scandals were brought to +light at the visitation by his commissary Dr Horde in 1517; a few months +later the bishop summoned the prioress before him to answer the charges +made against her and after a lapse of nine months the house was visited +again in 1518<a name='fna_1530' id='fna_1530' href='#f_1530'><small>[1530]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>But if visitations were sometimes not held regularly enough to be really +effective, a still greater cause of weakness was the great difficulty +experienced by the bishops in controlling the religious houses in the +period between one visitation and the next and in enforcing their +injunctions. A bishop might send a set of the most salutary injunctions to +an undisciplined house; but how was he to secure that the nuns followed +them, save by the most solemn threats of excommunication, which they seem +often enough to have disregarded. Markyate, St Michael’s, Stamford, and +Littlemore went steadily from bad to worse between each of the visitations +made by Gray, Alnwick and Atwater respectively. In 1442</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Dame Elizabeth the prioress [of St Michael’s], being asked whether she +has observed and caused to be observed by the others my lord’s +injunctions made to them at another time, says that, so far as she has +been able she has kept them and caused them to be kept by the others: +howbeit she says that she does not lie in the dorter, or keep frater, +or even keep cloister or church according to my lord’s injunction and +this because of her bodily incapacity. And she avers that my lord +granted her a dispensation touching these things, the which my lord +utterly disavows<a name='fna_1531' id='fna_1531' href='#f_1531'><small>[1531]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>These were comparatively trivial faults; since the last visitation one of +the nuns had had a child; and at the next visitation, three years later, +the same fate was found to have overtaken another, which is a significant +commentary on the effectuality of episcopal control.</p> + +<p>The fundamental difficulty was that the bishop was obliged in the nature +of things to trust largely to the prioress and to the nuns themselves to +enforce his decrees. <i>Quis custodiet ipsos custodes?</i> Sometimes the very +women whom he singled out for special trust were subsequently found to be +worse than their sisters. Indeed it is sometimes difficult to account for +the principle on which coadjutresses were appointed. It surely seems<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_493" id="Page_493">[Pg 493]</a></span> +somewhat like tempting providence that Alnwick should have selected Isabel +Benet, the only other nun in the house who was defamed of incontinence, to +be administrator in place of the suspended Prioress of Catesby, and it is +not surprising to read of the later escapade of that lady at a dance with +the friars of Northampton and of their refusal to obey his ordinance +against private rooms<a name='fna_1532' id='fna_1532' href='#f_1532'><small>[1532]</small></a>. The only intelligible principle of the bishop +would appear to have been that applied by Henry VII to the Earl of +Kildare, “All Ireland cannot rule this man; then he shall rule all +Ireland.” It is moreover significant (as has already been pointed +out)<a name='fna_1533' id='fna_1533' href='#f_1533'><small>[1533]</small></a> that in the majority of cases a prioress, however wicked, was +suspended rather than deprived; even Denise Loweliche and Katherine Wells +remained in office after their resignation. It was indeed too embarrassing +to know what to do with a sinner. She could not be expelled from her +order; if she were kept in the same house in a subordinate position she +would probably make her successor’s life a burden; if she were transferred +to another house she would probably corrupt a hitherto unblemished flock. +The bishops did their best in the face of great difficulties, but it is +plain that the prioresses sometimes thought little enough of their +authority. The rather disreputable old Abbess of Romsey, Joyce Rowse, said +openly to her nuns that when the inquiry (held in 1492) was finished she +would do as she had done before; and she kept her word<a name='fna_1534' id='fna_1534' href='#f_1534'><small>[1534]</small></a>. At Ankerwyke +in 1441 one little nun of tender age explained to the bishop “that the +prioress doth not provide this deponent with bed-clothes, insomuch that +she lies in the straw; and when my lord had commanded this deponent to lie +in the dorter, and this deponent asked bed-clothes of the prioress, she +said chidingly to her, ‘Let him who gave you leave to lie in the dorter +supply you with raiment’”<a name='fna_1535' id='fna_1535' href='#f_1535'><small>[1535]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Though the bishops for the most part did their work conscientiously it is +difficult, in the light of the considerations which have been urged above +to conclude that their visitations had a lasting effect. But if the +visitations and the injunctions based on them were sometimes of small +value for their purpose, they have an incidental value to historians which +cannot be <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_494" id="Page_494">[Pg 494]</a></span>overestimated. There have come down to us in the bishops’ +registers a comparatively small number of complete visitation reports, +comprising <i>detecta</i> and <i>comperta</i> (or sometimes <i>comperta</i> only) and +injunctions<a name='fna_1536' id='fna_1536' href='#f_1536'><small>[1536]</small></a>, and a much larger number of injunctions, without the +<i>comperta</i> on which they were based. The similarity in wording of +episcopal injunctions, combined with the fact that the most important +collection of complete reports (Alnwick’s visitations) was until recently +unknown, has led many writers to argue that injunctions were mere general +“common form,” without any relation to specific abuses found at the house +to which they were sent, “left,” as Mr Hamilton Thompson says, “like +portentous visiting cards upon a convent, to show that the diocesan had +duly called”<a name='fna_1537' id='fna_1537' href='#f_1537'><small>[1537]</small></a>. The point is of great importance,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_495" id="Page_495">[Pg 495]</a></span> for it involves the +reliability of injunctions as evidence of the state of a particular +convent at a particular time.</p> + +<p>The answer to this view of “common form” is easily found if we study the +process by which injunctions were composed, as revealed in the great +series of visitations by Bishop Alnwick. They were drawn up with great +care by the bishop’s registrar and he based them upon two sources, the +<i>detecta</i> and <i>comperta</i> of each visitation, which had been noted down on +the spot by clerks, and the sets of injunctions sent to other religious +houses, which were regularly copied into the episcopal register as models +for future use. It is inherent in the nature of the case that monasteries +subject to the same original rule and statutory regulations and living +under almost identical conditions, should be subject to similar breaches +of discipline. It is only necessary to study those <i>detecta</i> which have +been preserved to perceive how universal, in all dioceses and among both +sexes, were (for instance) the customs of drinking after Compline, forming +separate “households,” taking unlicensed boarders, making unwise grants of +corrodies and long leases, wandering abroad in the world, and wearing +worldly garments. The registrar did not wish to invent new wording every +time these offences occurred; he used a common form for them. But “common +form” has here a different sense from that in which it is used by those +who question the value of injunctions as evidence. The registrar never +made an injunction which was not based upon a <i>detectum</i> made at the house +to which the injunction was directed. Injunctions are common form only +because they deal with common errors. If an almost similar set be sent to +two houses, it is because the houses have displayed (as is indeed only +natural) almost similar faults; and where the two sets differ, they differ +not accidentally, but of careful purpose. It was the business of the +registrar to express the injunctions in general terms, even though a fault +may have been that of a single individual, because they were intended to +be canonically binding upon the whole convent. The reason why injunctions +have survived in much greater numbers than the <i>detecta</i> upon which they +were based, is that the clerks copied into the bishop’s register only +common forms, which would be likely to be useful. The record of individual +evidence would not help them; but a carefully worded injunction might<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_496" id="Page_496">[Pg 496]</a></span> be +used over and over again, whenever the fault with which it dealt recurred +at the same or another house. No one who has studied the relation of +<i>detecta</i> and injunctions in Alnwick’s book of visitations can doubt the +value of the latter as evidence, when they appear alone; the very process +by which “Dame Alice Decun says that only two little girls, of six or +seven years, do lie in the dorter” is transmuted into the common +injunction “that ye suffre ne seculere persones wymmen ne childern lyg by +nyghte in the dormytory” is patent in the register.</p> + +<p>If the reliability of the injunctions be thus accepted, it is almost +unnecessary to point out what an invaluable source of evidence is to be +found in the bishops’ registers. Controversialists have fought <i>ad +nauseam</i> over the truth or falsehood of the “scandalous <i>comperta</i>” of +Henry VIII’s commissioners, without understanding that for nearly three +hundred years before the Dissolution the <i>comperta</i> and injunctions in the +registers give a picture of English monasticism coloured by no ulterior +motive. Even after a large number of the registers have been published, +historians are still content to paint monastic life in the later middle +ages from the monastic rule, ignoring the evidence of practice which is +always necessary to supplement the evidence of theory. Not even the +chronicles of an earlier age are more interesting; the record of Alnwick +is as valuable as that of Jocelin of Brakelonde. In dioceses where +registers were regularly kept and have survived uninjured and where +injunctions were punctiliously copied, the history of a house may be +traced throughout the whole period covered by this book. The dioceses of +Winchester, Lincoln and York are most fortunate in this respect. To select +a few examples at random, there are extant records of the visitation of +Romsey Abbey by Archbishop Peckham in 1284, by Bishop John of Pontoise in +1302, by Bishop Henry Woodlock in 1311, by Bishop William of Wykeham in +1387, by Archbishop Morton (through his vicar-general, Robert Shirbourne) +in 1492, by Dr Hede, commissary of the Prior of Canterbury, during the +vacancies of the sees of Canterbury and Winchester in 1502, by Bishop Fox +(through his vicar-general, John Dowman) in 1507, again (through Master +John Incent) in 1523 and again (through the vicar-general) in 1527<a name='fna_1538' id='fna_1538' href='#f_1538'><small>[1538]</small></a>. +It is thus<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_497" id="Page_497">[Pg 497]</a></span> possible to describe with approximate accuracy the life of +this great convent during the whole period from 1284 to the Dissolution. +Similarly records have survived of visitations of Elstow Abbey by Bishop +Gynewell in 1359, Bishop Buckingham in 1387, Archbishop Courtenay in 1389, +Bishop Flemyng in 1421-2, Bishop Gray in 1434, Bishop Alnwick in 1442-3, +and Bishop Longland in 1530 and 1531. Of Nunappleton Priory there are +recorded visitations by Archbishop Wickwane in 1281, Archbishop Melton in +1318, Archbishop Zouche in 1346, Archbishop Rotherham in 1489 and +Archbishop Lee in 1534. Moreover mandates concerning isolated pieces of +business, elections, permits to receive boarders, orders to reform +specific abuses, are scattered through the registers and provide useful +supplementary information.</p> + +<p>All houses are not as well represented. In some dioceses injunctions are +rarely recorded: the fine series of registers for Hereford yield +surprisingly few. Some houses emerge only rarely into the light with a +single set of injunctions; others (and among them important houses such as +Lacock and Amesbury) lack even a single visitation report to rescue their +inmates from oblivion. But the geographical range of the surviving reports +is sufficiently great to enable the formation of an accurate general +account of English nunneries during the later middle ages. One warning +only must be borne in mind by the reader. If it is unhistorical to write +an account of monastic houses based solely upon the rule, it is also +unhistorical to write one based solely on visitation documents. The +<i>detecta</i> made to a bishop were, and were intended to be, revelations of +faults; it was not the function of the bishop’s clerk to catalogue +virtues, though sometimes a string of “<i>omnia bene</i>,” or a curt note to +the effect that my lord, finding little in need of reformation, passed on, +bears positive witness to a convent’s good life. It must always be +remembered, in estimating the state of a house from a set of <i>detecta</i> and +injunctions, that though they are indubitably the truth, they are not the +whole truth. Goodness is after all largely a matter of proportion; and +though convents are to be found which were positively bad, in others there +were probably virtues of kindness, piety and a brave struggle against +poverty, which would counterbalance (if we knew them), the unfavourable<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_498" id="Page_498">[Pg 498]</a></span> +impression left by a string of accusations. Moreover by far the larger +number of the <i>detecta</i> witnesses to a growing worldliness and to minor +breaches of the rule, rather than to serious moral defects. If the +community concerned were other than a nunnery ostensibly following a +strict rule, we should hardly consider the faults to be faults at all. The +immorality, bad temper and financial mismanagement revealed at some houses +would be reprehensible in all communities at all ages; but in themselves +boarders, pretty clothes, pet dogs and attendance at christenings are not +heinous crimes. It is necessary, in dealing with medieval nuns as with all +other subjects, to preserve a sense of proportion and a firm hold upon +human nature.</p> + + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<hr style="width: 50%;" /> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_499" id="Page_499">[Pg 499]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XIII" id="CHAPTER_XIII"></a>CHAPTER XIII</h2> +<p class="title">THE NUN IN MEDIEVAL LITERATURE</p> + +<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary="table"> +<tr><td>“Or dient et content et fablent.”<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 8em;"><i>Aucassin et Nicolette.</i></span></td></tr></table> + +<p> </p> +<p>“La science,” said a wise Frenchman, “atteint l’exactitude; il appartient +à l’art seul de saisir la vérité.” And another, “L’histoire vit de +documents, mais les documents sont pareils aux lettres écrites avec les +encres chimiques; ils veulent, pour livrer leur secret, qu’on les +réchauffe, et les éclaire par transparence, à la flamme de la vie.” The +quotations are complementary, for what, after all, is literature but a +form of life; the quintessence of many moods and experiences, the diffused +flame concentrated and burning clearly in a polished lamp. The historian +who wishes to reach beyond accuracy to truth must warm those invisible +writings of his at the flame of literature, as well as at his own life. He +must vitalise the visitation reports for himself (it is not difficult, +they move and live almost without him); but he must make use also of the +life of writers long since dead. There is hardly a branch of literature +which has not its contribution for him. The story-teller has his tale, +which holdeth children from play and old men from the chimney corner. The +ballad-man has his own pithy judgment in the guise of an artless rhyme. +The teacher has his admonitions, whence may be learnt what men conceived +to be the nun’s ideal and purpose in this cloistered life. The moralist +has his satire, to show wherein she fell short of such lofty heights. And +the poet himself will hold his mirror up to nature, that we may see after +five hundred years what he saw with his searching eyes, when Madame +Eglentyne rode to Canterbury, or when the nuns of Poissy feasted a +cavalcade from court. The world was subject matter for all these, whether +they wrote with a purpose or without one; there is life even in the +crabbed elegiacs of Gower, grumbling his way through the <i>Vox Clamantis</i>; +there is much<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_500" id="Page_500">[Pg 500]</a></span> life in the kindly counsels of the <i>Ancren Riwle</i>; there is +God’s plenty indeed in the stories and songs which the people told. It is +the historian’s business to call in these literary witnesses to supplement +his documents. To the account-roll and the bishop’s register must be added +the song, the satire and the sermon. Alnwick’s visitations, with the story +of “Beatrix the Sacristan” behind them, have twice as much significance; +Madame Eglentyne and Margaret Fairfax lend to each other a mutual +illumination; little captured Clarice Stil needs Deschamps’ Novice of +Avernay by her side before her case can be well understood. It is of these +composite portraits that truth is put together and history made.</p> + +<p>An analysis of the classes of medieval literature in which there is +mention of nuns shows from how wide a field the historian can draw. The +most obvious of these classes is that which contains biographies and +autobiographies of saints and famous women who were nuns. Such are the +writings of the great trio who made famous the nunnery of Helfta in the +thirteenth century, the béguine Mechthild of Magdeburg and the nuns +Mechthild of Hackeborn and Gertrud the Great<a name='fna_1539' id='fna_1539' href='#f_1539'><small>[1539]</small></a>; the lives and writings +of Luitgard of Tongres<a name='fna_1540' id='fna_1540' href='#f_1540'><small>[1540]</small></a>, of St Clare<a name='fna_1541' id='fna_1541' href='#f_1541'><small>[1541]</small></a> and of St Agnes of +Bohemia<a name='fna_1542' id='fna_1542' href='#f_1542'><small>[1542]</small></a>; the memoir and letters of Charitas Pirckheimer, Abbess of a +Franciscan convent at Nuremberg, who was a sister of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_501" id="Page_501">[Pg 501]</a></span> humanist +Wilibald Pirckheimer and herself a scholar of repute<a name='fna_1543' id='fna_1543' href='#f_1543'><small>[1543]</small></a>. The +autobiographies of one or two nuns in the later sixteenth century (for +instance St Theresa<a name='fna_1544' id='fna_1544' href='#f_1544'><small>[1544]</small></a> and Felice Rasponi<a name='fna_1545' id='fna_1545' href='#f_1545'><small>[1545]</small></a>) have a certain +retrospective value; and the lives of the three béguine mystics, St +Douceline<a name='fna_1546' id='fna_1546' href='#f_1546'><small>[1546]</small></a>, St Lydwine of Schiedam<a name='fna_1547' id='fna_1547' href='#f_1547'><small>[1547]</small></a> and St Christina of +Stommeln<a name='fna_1548' id='fna_1548' href='#f_1548'><small>[1548]</small></a> afford supplementary evidence, which is interesting as +showing the similarities and dissimilarities between regular and secular +orders. For present purposes, however, these works may be neglected. Their +interest is always rather particular than general, since they deal with +great individuals, and the information which they give as to the life of +the average nun is conditioned always by the fact that a woman of genius +will mould her surroundings to her own form, even in a convent. This is +true of the medieval saints; while the careers of women such as Charitas +Pirckheimer, Felice Rasponi and St Theresa owe much of their significance +to the special circumstances of the time. An additional reason for +neglecting biographies and autobiographies lies in the fact that the class +is unrepresented in English literature belonging to this period. The short +panegyric of Euphemia of Wherwell is the sole approach to a biography of +an English nun which has survived, unless we are to count the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_502" id="Page_502">[Pg 502]</a></span> description +of Joan Wiggenhall’s building activities. For some reason which it is +impossible to explain, monasticism did not produce in England during the +later middle ages any women of sanctity or genius who can compare with the +great Anglo-Saxon abbesses<a name='fna_1549' id='fna_1549' href='#f_1549'><small>[1549]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Outside the personal records of great individuals, our informants fall (as +has already been suggested) into four classes: the people, with their +songs and stories, the teachers, with their didactic works, the moralists, +with their satires and complaints, and finally the men of letters, poets +and “makers,” for whom the nun is sometimes subject-matter. First, and +perhaps most interesting of all, must come the people and the people’s +songs, for in the literature of the continent there exists a class of +lyrics (“Klosterlieder,” “Nonnenklagen,” “Chansons de Nonnes”) which is +specially concerned with nuns<a name='fna_1550' id='fna_1550' href='#f_1550'><small>[1550]</small></a>. There is much to be learned about all +manner of things from such popular poetry. So the people feel about life, +and so (reacting upon them) it makes them feel. Songs crooned over the +housework or shouted at the plough steal back into the singer’s brain and +subtly direct his conscious outlook; this was the wise man’s meaning, who +said that he cared not who made the laws of a nation if he might make its +ballads. Now it is extremely significant that almost all the popular songs +about nuns, the songs which</p> + +<p class="poem">The spinsters and the knitters in the sun,<br /> +And the free maids that weave their thread with bones<br /> +Do use to chant,</p> + +<p>are upon one theme. They deal always with the nun unwillingly professed. +It was the complaint of the cloistered love-birds which these knitters +sang.</p> + +<p class="poem">How can a bird that is born for joy<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Sit in a cage and sing?</span></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_503" id="Page_503">[Pg 503]</a></span>What, one may ask, is the reason for this unanimity of outlook? Why do the +people see a nun only as a love-bird shut within a cage and beating its +wings against the bars? Partly, no doubt, because such songs always “dally +with the innocence of love”; the folk are capable of a deep melancholy, as +of a gaiety which is light as thistledown; but Love is and was their lord +and king, and so even the nun must be in love when they sing her. It may +be, however, that there is a deeper meaning in the <i>chansons de nonnes</i>. +The nunneries were aristocratic; the ideal of the religious life was out +of the reach of women who lived among fields and beasts of the field. +These spinsters and these knitters in the sun, who seem so gay and +peaceful, we know what their lives were like:</p> + +<p class="poem"><span style="margin-left: 8em;">Poure folke in cotes,</span><br /> +Charged with children, and chef lordes rente,<br /> +That thei with spynnynge may spare spenen hit in hous-hyre,<br /> +Bothe in mylk and in mele to make with papelotes<a name='fna_1551' id='fna_1551' href='#f_1551'><small>[1551]</small></a>;</p> + +<p>carding and combing, clouting and washing, suffering much hunger and woe +in winter time; no time to think, and hardly time to pray; but always time +to sing. “The wo of those women that wonyeth in cotes” solaced itself in +song; but when the echo of the convent bell came to the singer at her +clouting, or to her husband, as he drove his plough over the convent +acres, they recognised a peace which was founded upon their labours and +which, though it could not exist without them, they could never +share<a name='fna_1552' id='fna_1552' href='#f_1552'><small>[1552]</small></a>. If the songs which the slaves of Athens sang among<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_504" id="Page_504">[Pg 504]</a></span> +themselves in the slave quarter at night had come down to us, they would +surely have thrown a new light upon those grave philosophers, artists and +statesmen, to whom the world owes almost all that it cherishes of wisdom +and of beauty. Nor would the Athenians be less great because we knew the +slaves. Even so it is no derogation to the monastic ideal to say that the +common people, shut out of it, looked at it differently from the great +churchmen, who praised it; and, unlike those of the Athenian slaves, their +songs still live. The popular mind (these songs would seem to say) had +little sympathy for that career in which the daughters of the people had +no share. It is immaterial whether they looked upon it with the eye of the +fox in the fable, declaring that the grapes were sour, or whether the +lusty common sense of those living close to nature gave them a contempt +for the bloodless ecstasies they could not understand. At all events the +cloister mirrored in their songs is a prison and a grave:</p> + +<p class="poem">Mariez-vous, les filles,<br /> +Avec ces bons drilles,<br /> +Et n’allez jà, les filles,<br /> +Pourrir derrièr’ les grilles<a name='fna_1553' id='fna_1553' href='#f_1553'><small>[1553]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>That was how the people and the nightingale envisaged it; and no mystic +will be the less wise for pondering that brutal last line, the eternal +revolt of common sense against asceticism.</p> + +<p>All over western and southern Europe this theme was set to music, now with +gaiety and insouciance, now with bitterness. The wandering clerk goes +singing on his way:</p> + +<table style="margin-left: 15%;" border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary="table"> +<tr><td>Plangit nonna fletibus<br /> +Inenarrabilibus,<br /> +Condolens gemitibus<br /> +Dicens consocialibus:<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Heu misella!</span><br /> +<br /> +Nichil est deterius<br /> +Tali vita,<br /> +Cum enim sim petulans<br /> +Et lasciva.</td> + <td><span class="spacer"> </span></td> +<td valign="top">The nun is complaining,<br /> +Her tears are down raining,<br /> +She sobbeth and sigheth,<br /> +To her sisters she crieth:<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Misery me!</span><br /> +<br /> +O what can be worse than this life that I dree,<br /> +When naughty and lovelorn, and wanton I be.</td></tr></table> + + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_505" id="Page_505">[Pg 505]</a></span>And he can tell the nun’s desire</p> + +<table style="margin-left: 15%;" border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary="table"> +<tr><td>Pernoctando vigilo<br /> +Cum non vellem<br /> +Iuvenem amplecterer<br /> +Quam libenter!<a name='fna_1554' id='fna_1554' href='#f_1554'><small>[1554]</small></a></td> + <td><span class="spacer"> </span></td> +<td valign="top">All the night long I unwillingly wake,<br /> +How gladly a lad in mine arms would I take.</td></tr></table> + +<p>For those who know no Latin it is the same. “In this year,” [1359] says a +Limburg chronicle, “Men sang and piped this song”:</p> + +<table style="margin-left: 15%;" border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary="table"> +<tr><td>Gott geb im ein verdorben jar<br /> +der mich macht zu einer nunnen<br /> +und mir den schwarzen mantel gab<br /> +der weissen rock darunten!<br /> +<br /> +Soll ich ein nunn gewerden<br /> +dann wider meinen willen<br /> +so will ich auch einem knaben jung<br /> +seinen kummer stillen,<br /> +<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Und stillt he mir den meinen nit</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">daran mag he verliesen<a name='fna_1555' id='fna_1555' href='#f_1555'><small>[1555]</small></a>.</span></td> + <td><span class="spacer"> </span></td> +<td valign="top">God send to him a lean twelve months<br /> +Who in mine own despite,<br /> +A sooty mantle put on me,<br /> +All and a cassock white!<br /> +<br /> +And if I must become a nun,<br /> +Let me but find a page,<br /> +And if he is fain to cure my pain<br /> +His pain I will assuage.<br /> +<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His be the loss, then, if he fail</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">To still my amorous rage.</span></td></tr></table> + +<p>In Italy at Carnival time in the fifteenth century the favourite songs +tell of nuns who leave their convents for a lover<a name='fna_1556' id='fna_1556' href='#f_1556'><small>[1556]</small></a>. But above all the +theme is found over and over again in French folk songs: “the note, I +trowe, y maked was in Fraunce.” Two little thirteenth century poems have +survived to show how piquant an expression the French singers gave to it. +In one of these the singer wanders out in the merry month of May, that +time in which the “chanson populaire” is always set, in deep and +unconscious memory of the old spring festivals, celebrated by women in the +dawn of European civilisation. He goes<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_506" id="Page_506">[Pg 506]</a></span> plucking flowers, and out of a +garden he hears a nun singing to herself:</p> + +<table style="margin-left: 15%;" border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary="table"> +<tr><td>ki nonne me fist<br /> +je di trop envie<br /> +j’amaisce trop muels<br /> +ke fust deduissans<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Je sant les douls mals</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">malois soit de deu</span><br /> +<br /> +Elle s’escriait<br /> +e deus, ki m’ait mis<br /> +maix ieu en istrai<br /> +ke ne vestirai<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Je sant les douls mals</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">malois soit de deu</span><br /> +<br /> +Celui manderai<br /> +k’il me vaigne querre<br /> +s’irons a Parix<br /> +car it est jolis<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Je sant les douls mals</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">malois soit de deu</span><br /> +<br /> +quant ces amis ot<br /> +de joie tressaut,<br /> +et vint a la porte<br /> +si en gatait fors<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Je sant les douls mals</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">malois soit de deu</span></td> + <td><span class="spacer"> </span></td> +<td>Jesus lou maldie.<br /> +vespres ne complies:<br /> +moneir bone vie<br /> +et amerousete.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">leis ma senturete.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">ki me fist nonnete.</span><br /> +<br /> +comceux esbaihie!<br /> +en cest abaie!<br /> +per sainte Marie;<br /> +cotte ne gonnette.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">leis ma senturete.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">ki me fist nonnete.</span><br /> +<br /> +a cui seux amie.<br /> +en ceste abaie;<br /> +moneir bone vie,<br /> +et je seux jonete.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">leis ma senturete.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">ki me fist nonnete.</span><br /> +<br /> +la parolle oie,<br /> +li cuers li fremie,<br /> +do celle abaie:<br /> +sa douce amiete.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">leis ma senturete.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">ki me fist nonnete<a name='fna_1557' id='fna_1557' href='#f_1557'><small>[1557]</small></a>.</span></td></tr></table> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“The curse of Jesus on him who made me a nun! All unwillingly say I +vespers and compline; more fain were I to lead a happy life of gaiety +and love. <i>I feel the delicious pangs beneath my bosom. The curse of +God on him who made me be a nun!</i> She cried, God’s curse on him who +put me in this abbey. But by our Lady I will flee away from it and +never will I wear this gown and habit. <i>I feel, etc.</i> I will send for +him whose love I am and bid him come seek me in this abbey. We will go +to Paris and lead a gay life, for he is fair and I am young. <i>I feel, +etc.</i> When her lover heard her words, he leapt for joy and his heart +beat fast. He came to the gate of that abbey, and stole away his +darling love. <i>I feel, etc.</i>”</p></div> + +<p>In the other song the setting is the same;</p> + +<p class="poem">L’autrier un lundi matin<br /> +m’an aloie ambaniant;<br /> +s’antrai an un biau jardin,<br /> +trovai nonette seant.<br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_507" id="Page_507">[Pg 507]</a></span>ceste chansonette<br /> +dixoit la nonette<br /> +“longue demoree<br /> +faites, frans moinnes loialz<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Se plus suis nonette,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">ains ke soit li vespres,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">je morai des jolis malz”<a name='fna_1558' id='fna_1558' href='#f_1558'><small>[1558]</small></a>.</span></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“Lately on a Monday morn as I went wandering, I entered into a fair +garden and there I found a nun sitting. This was the song that the nun +sang: ‘Long dost thou tarry, frank, faithful monk. If I have to be a +nun longer I shall die of the pains of love before vespers.’”</p></div> + +<p>The end hardly ever varies. The nun is either taken away by a lover (as in +the first of these songs), or finds occasion to meet one without leaving +her house (as in the second); or else she runs away in the hope of finding +one like the novice of Avernay in Deschamps’ poem, who had learned nothing +during her sojourn “fors un mot d’amourette,” and who wanted to have a +husband “si comme a Sebilette.”</p> + +<p class="poem">Adieu le moniage:<br /> +Jamaiz n’y entreray.<br /> +Adieu tout le mainage<br /> +Et adieu Avernay!<br /> +Bien voy l’aumosne est faitte:<br /> +Trop tart me suy retraitte,<br /> +Certes, ce poise my,<br /> +Plus ne seray nonnette<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">(Oez de la nonnette</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Comme a le cuer joly:</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">S’ordre ne ly puet plere)<a name='fna_1559' id='fna_1559' href='#f_1559'><small>[1559]</small></a>.</span></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“Farewell nunhood, never shall I enter thy state. Farewell all the +household and farewell Avernay! The alms are given, too late have I +left the world. Of a truth this wearies me; I will be a nun no more. +(Hear this tale of the nun, whose heart was gay and whose order could +not please her).”</p></div> + +<p>It is but rarely that the singer’s sympathy is against the prisoned nun; +and although one or two charming songs may be found which convey a +warning, the moral sits all awry. A Gascon air (intended, like so many, to +accompany a dance and having the favourite refrain “Va léger, légère, va +légèrement”) threatens an altogether inadequate punishment for a nun who +enjoys the sweets of this world.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_508" id="Page_508">[Pg 508]</a></span>“Down in the meadow, +there is a convent. In it a nun lies ill.” “Tell +me, little nun, for what do you hunger?” “For white apples and for a +young lad.” “Do not eat, little nun, they will bury you not in the +church, nor even in the convent, but out in the graveyard with the +poor people”<a name='fna_1560' id='fna_1560' href='#f_1560'><small>[1560]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>A Provençal song with a haunting air tells how the Devil carried off a nun +who rebelled against her imprisonment:</p> + +<p class="poem">Dedins Aix l’y a’no moungeto,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Tant pourideto,</span><br /> +Di que s’avie soun bel amic<br /> +Sera la reino dou pays....</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“In Aix there is a little nun, a wicked little nun; she says that with +her handsome lover she will be queen of all the land. She weeps and +weeps, that wicked little nun, and every day she grows thinner and +thinner, because she may not put off her habit. But her father has +sent her a message, a solemn message, that she cannot do as she would, +that in the convent she must stay. The little nun has cursed her +father, who made her leave her handsome lover and take the veil and +habit. The little nun has cursed the trowel that made the church and +the mason who built it and the men who worked for him. The little nun +has cursed the priest who said mass and the acolytes who served him +and the congregation who listened to him. The little nun has cursed +the cloth which made the veil and the cord of St Francis and the vow +of poverty. One day when she was all alone in her room, the devil +appeared to her. ‘Welcome, my love!’ ‘I am not your love whom you +desire, my pretty. I am the devil, don’t you see? I am come to rescue +you from the convent.’ ‘You must first ask my father and also my +mother and my friends and my kinsmen, to see if they will consent.’ +‘No, I will not ask your father, nor yet your mother, nor your friends +nor your kinsmen. Now and at once we will go.’ ‘Farewell, my sister +nuns, so little and young, do not do as I did, but praise God well in +the convent.’ The devil has taken the little nun, the wicked little +nun; he has carried her high up into the sky and then he has hurled +her down into hell, down, down into hell”<a name='fna_1561' id='fna_1561' href='#f_1561'><small>[1561]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>There is a moral here to be sure, but it is the moral of a fairy tale, not +of a sermon. As to the many variants of the “Clericus et Nonna” theme in +which sometimes the nun makes love to a clerk and is repulsed and +sometimes the clerk makes love to a nun and is repulsed<a name='fna_1562' id='fna_1562' href='#f_1562'><small>[1562]</small></a> it is +possible that the Church had a hand in them all. Wandering clerks and +cloistered monks were capable of the most unabashed love-poetry; but +sometimes they chose to set themselves right with heaven.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_509" id="Page_509">[Pg 509]</a></span>In England the theme of the nun unwillingly professed is not found in +popular songs, such as abound in France, Italy and Germany. It received, +however, a literary expression towards the close of the fourteenth +century. In the pseudo-Chaucerian <i>Court of Love</i> the lover sees among +those who do sacrifice to the King and Queen of Love a wailing group of +priests and hermits, friars and nuns:</p> + +<p class="poem">This is the courte of lusty folke and gladde,<br /> +And wel becometh hire abite and arraye;<br /> +O why be som so sory and so sadde,<br /> +Complaynyng thus in blak and white and graye?<br /> +Freres they ben, and monkes, in gode faye:<br /> +Alas for rewth! grete dole it is to sene,<br /> +To se hem thus bewaile and sory bene.<br /> +<br /> +Se howe thei crye and wryng here handes white,<br /> +For thei so sone wente to religion!<br /> +And eke the nonnes with vaile and wymple plight,<br /> +Here thought is, thei ben in confusion.<br /> +“Alas,” thay sayn, “we fayne perfeccion,<br /> +In clothes wide and lake oure libertie<br /> +But all the synne mote on oure frendes be.<br /> +<br /> +For, Venus wote, we wold as fayne do ye,<br /> +That ben attired here and wel besene,<br /> +Desiren man and love in oure degree<br /> +Ferme and feithfull right as wolde the quene:<br /> +Oure frendes wikke in tender youth and grene,<br /> +Ayenst oure wille made us religious;<br /> +That is the cause we morne and waylen thus.”<br /> +<span class="spacer">·</span><span class="spacer">·</span><span class="spacer">·</span><span class="spacer">·</span><span class="spacer">·</span><span class="spacer">·</span><span class="spacer">·</span><span class="spacer">·</span><br /> +And yet agaynewarde shryked every nonne,<br /> +The pange of love so strayneth hem to cry:<br /> +“Now woo the tyme” quod thay “that we be boune!<br /> +This hatefull order nyse will done us dye!<br /> +We sigh and sobbe and bleden inwardly<br /> +Fretyng oure self with thought and hard complaynt,<br /> +That ney for love we waxen wode and faynt”<a name='fna_1563' id='fna_1563' href='#f_1563'><small>[1563]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>A kindred poem, <i>The Temple of Glas</i>, by Lydgate (who seems himself to +have become a monk of Bury at the age of fifteen) contains the same idea. +Among the lovers in the Temple are some who make bitter complaint, youth +wedded to age, or wedded without free choice, or shut in a convent:</p> + +<p class="poem"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_510" id="Page_510">[Pg 510]</a></span> +And riȝt anon I herd oþer crie<br /> +With sobbing teris and with ful pitous soune,<br /> +To fore þe goddes, bi lamentacioun,<br /> +That were constrayned in hir tender youþe<br /> +And in childhode, as it is ofte couþe,<br /> +Y-entred were into religioun,<br /> +Or þei hade yeris of discresioun,<br /> +That al her life cannot but complein,<br /> +In wide copis perfeccion to feine,<br /> +Ful couertli to curen al hir smert,<br /> +And shew þe contrarie outward of her hert.<br /> +Thus saugh I wepen many a faire maide,<br /> +That on hir freendis al þi wite þei liede<a name='fna_1564' id='fna_1564' href='#f_1564'><small>[1564]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>The same idea is also repeated in King James I of Scotland’s poem, <i>The +King’s Quair</i><a name='fna_1565' id='fna_1565' href='#f_1565'><small>[1565]</small></a>, and later (with more resemblance to the continental +songs) in the complaint of the wicked Prioress in Sir David Lyndesay’s +morality play, <i>Ane Satyre of the Thrie Estaits</i> [c. 1535]:</p> + +<p class="poem">I gif my freinds my malisoun<br /> +That me compellit to be ane Nun,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">And wald nocht let me marie.</span><br /> +<br /> +It was my freinds greadines<br /> +That gart me be ane Priores:<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Now hartlie them I warie.</span><br /> +<br /> +Howbeit that Nunnis sing nichts and dayis<br /> +Thair hart waitis nocht quhat thair mouth sayis;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">The suith I ȝow declair.</span><br /> +<br /> +Makand ȝow intimatioun,<br /> +To Christis Congregatioun<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Nunnis ar nocht necessair.</span><br /> +<br /> +Bot I sall do the best I can,<br /> +And marie sum gude honest man,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">And brew gude aill and tun.</span><br /> +<br /> +Mariage, be my opinioun,<br /> +It is better Religioun<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">As to be freir or Nun<a name='fna_1566' id='fna_1566' href='#f_1566'><small>[1566]</small></a>.</span></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_511" id="Page_511">[Pg 511]</a></span>The concentrated bitterness of <i>The Court of Love</i> and the social satire +of Lindesay are only a literary expression of the theme treated more +lightheartedly in the popular <i>chansons de nonnes</i>. The songs are one side +of the popular view of asceticism, the gay side. The serious side may be +found in the famous story of <i>The Nun who Loved the World</i>:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Some time there was a nun that hight Beatrice, a passing fair woman, +and she was sacristan of the kirk, and she had great devotion unto our +Lady; and ofttimes men desired her to sin. So at last she consented +unto a clerk to go away with him when compline was done, and ere she +departed she went unto an altar of our Lady and said unto her; “Lady, +as I have been devout unto thee, now I resign unto thee these keys, +for I may no longer sustain the temptation of my flesh.” And she laid +the keys on the altar and went her ways unto the clerk. And when he +had defouled her, within a few days he left her and went away; and she +had nothing to live on and thought shame to gang home again unto her +cloister and she fell to be a common woman. And when she had lived in +that vice fifteen years, on a day she came unto the nunnery gate, and +asked the porter if he knew ever a nun in that place that hight +Beatrice, that was sacristan and keeper of the kirk. And he said he +knew her on the best wise and said she was a worthy woman and a holy +from when she was a little bairn, “and ever has kept her clean and in +good name.” And she understood not the words of this man and went her +ways. And our Lady appeared unto her and said: “Behold, I have +fulfilled thine office these fifteen years and therefore turn again +now into thy place and be again in thine office as thou wast, and +shrive thee and do thy penance, for there is no creature here that +knows thy trespass, for I have ever been for thee in thy clothing and +in thine habit.” And anon she was in her habit and went in and shrove +her and did her penance and told all that was happened unto her<a name='fna_1567' id='fna_1567' href='#f_1567'><small>[1567]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_512" id="Page_512">[Pg 512]</a></span>This tale is interesting, because it is much more than a piece of naïve +piety. The story of Beatrice is intimately connected with the <i>chansons de +nonnes</i>; it is the serious, as they are the gay, expression of a whole +philosophy of life. The songs are, indeed, purely materialistic and do not +attempt (how should the spinsters and the knitters in the sun attempt it?) +to give a philosophical justification for their attitude. The miracle is +simple and seems on the surface to draw no moral, save that devotion to +the Virgin will be rewarded. Nevertheless the philosophy and the moral are +there; they are those of the most famous of all medieval songs, <i>Gaudeamus +igitur, juvenes dum sumus</i>. The theme of the miracle and of the songs +alike is the revolt against asceticism, the revolt of the body, which +knows how short its beauty and its life, against the spirit which lives +forever, and yet will not allow its poor yokefellow one little hour. The +fact that the story of Beatrice takes the form of a Mary-miracle is itself +significant. For the “Nos habebit humus” argument can be interpreted in +two ways. On the one hand stands the human multitude, gathering rosebuds +while it may, crying up and down the roads of the world to all who pass to +rejoice today, for “ubi sunt qui ante nos in mundo fuere?” On the other +hand stands the moralist, singing the same song:</p> + +<table style="margin-left: 15%;" border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary="table"> +<tr><td>Were beth they biforen us weren,</td></tr> +<tr><td><span style="margin-left: 1em;">Houndes ladden and hauekes beren,</span></td></tr> +<tr><td>And hadden feld and wode,</td></tr> +<tr><td><span style="margin-left: 1em;">That riche <i>levedies</i> in <i>hoere</i> bour,</span></td> + <td><span class="spacer"> </span></td> + <td>[ladies, their</td></tr> +<tr><td><span style="margin-left: 1em;">That wereden gold in hoere tressour,</span></td></tr> +<tr><td>With hoere <i>brightle</i> rode?—</td> + <td> </td> + <td>[complexion</td></tr></table> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_513" id="Page_513">[Pg 513]</a></span>—but drawing how different a moral,</p> + +<table style="margin-left: 15%;" border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary="table"> +<tr><td><i>Dreghy</i> here man, thenne, if thou wilt</td> + <td><span class="spacer"> </span></td> + <td>[endure</td></tr> +<tr><td>A luitel <i>pine</i>, that me the <i>bit</i></td> + <td> </td> + <td>[pain, bid</td></tr> +<tr><td><span style="margin-left: 1em;">Withdrau thine <i>eyses</i> ofte<a name='fna_1568' id='fna_1568' href='#f_1568'><small>[1568]</small></a>.</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td>[ease</td></tr></table> + +<p>Often for long stretches at a time the wandering clerks and the singers +were willing to leave to the moralist this heaven which was to be won by +despising earthly beauty; they were content to go to hell singing with +Aucassin and Nicolete and all the kings of the world. But at other times +they ached for heaven too and would not believe that they might win there +only by the narrow path of righteousness. So they invented a philosophical +justification for their way of life. The Church had forgotten the love +which sat with publicans and sinners; the people rediscovered it, and +attributed it not to the Son but to the Mother. At one blow they outwitted +the moralist by inventing the cult of the Virgin Mary<a name='fna_1569' id='fna_1569' href='#f_1569'><small>[1569]</small></a>. In their +hands this Mary worship became more than the worship of Christ’s mother; +it became almost a separate religion, a religion under which jongleurs and +thieves, fighters and tournament-haunters and the great host of those who +loved unwisely found a mercy often denied to them by the ecclesiastical +hierarchy. The people created a Virgin to whom justice was nothing and law +less than nothing, but to whom love of herself was all. “Imperatrix +supernorum, <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_514" id="Page_514">[Pg 514]</a></span>supernatrix infernorum,” hell was emptied under her rule and +heaven became a new place, filled with her disreputable, faulty, human +lovers. She was not only the familiar friend of the poor and humble, she +was also the confidante of the lover, of all the Aucassins and Nicoletes +of the world. It is not without significance that so great a stress was +always laid upon her personal loveliness. Her cult became the expression +of mankind’s deep unconscious revolt against asceticism, their love of +life, their passionate sense of “beauty that must die.” The story of +Beatrice has kept its undiminished attraction for the modern world largely +because in it, more than in all the other Mary-miracles, life has +triumphed and has been justified of heaven<a name='fna_1570' id='fna_1570' href='#f_1570'><small>[1570]</small></a>. Even the cold garb given +to it by ecclesiastics such as Caesarius of Heisterbach cannot conceal its +underlying idea that all love is akin, the most earthy to the most divine; +the idea which Malory expressed many years later, when he wrote of Queen +Guinevere “that while she lived she was a true lover and therefore she had +a good end.” The theme most familiar to us in the didactic literature of +the middle ages is the theme of the soul “here in the body pent”; for the +moralist has his deliberate purpose and sets down his idea more directly +and with more point than do the story-teller and the singer, who have no +aim but to say and speak and tell the tale. But when we have been moved by +the theme of the soul, let us not fail also to recognise when we meet +it—whether in the wandering scholar’s <i>Gaudeamus</i> or in the miracle of +the nun who<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_515" id="Page_515">[Pg 515]</a></span> loved the world—the theme of the body, despised and maimed +and always beautiful, crying out for its birthright. Even in the middle +ages the Greeks had not lived in vain.</p> + +<p>The miracle of Sister Beatrice leads to the consideration of another type +of popular literature, which throws much light on convent life. Sometimes +the people grow tired of singing to themselves; they want to be told +stories, which they can repeat in the long evenings, when the sun goes +down and the rushlight sends its wan uneven flicker over the floor. Even +in the households of rich men story-telling round the fire is the +favourite after-dinner occupation<a name='fna_1571' id='fna_1571' href='#f_1571'><small>[1571]</small></a>. These stories come from every +conceivable source, from the East, from the Classics, from the Lives of +the Fathers, from the Legends of the Saints, from the Miracles of the +Virgin, from the accumulated experience of generations of story-tellers. +At first their purpose is simply to amuse, and the jongleur can always get +a hearing for his <i>fabliau</i>; from village green to town market, from the +ale house to the manor and the castle hall he passes with his repertoire +of grave, gay, edifying, ribald, coarse or delightful tales and when he +has gone his enchanted audience repeats and passes on all that he has +said<a name='fna_1572' id='fna_1572' href='#f_1572'><small>[1572]</small></a>. Then another professional story-teller begins to compete with +the jongleur, a story-teller whose object is to point a moral rather than +to adorn a tale. The Church, observing that attentive audience, adopts the +practice. Preachers vie with jongleurs in illustrating their sermons by +stories, “examples” they call them. Often they use the same tales; +anything so that the congregation keep awake; and though the examples are +sometimes very edifying, they are sometimes but ill-disguised buffoonery, +and moralists cry out against the preacher, who instead of the Gospel +passes off his own inventions, jests and gibes, so that the poor sheep +return from pasture wind-fed<a name='fna_1573' id='fna_1573' href='#f_1573'><small>[1573]</small></a>.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_516" id="Page_516">[Pg 516]</a></span> But the greatest preachers win many +souls by a judicious use of stories<a name='fna_1574' id='fna_1574' href='#f_1574'><small>[1574]</small></a>, and diligent clerks make huge +collections of such <i>exempla</i>, wherein the least skilled sermon-maker may +find an illustration apt to any text<a name='fna_1575' id='fna_1575' href='#f_1575'><small>[1575]</small></a>. Didactic writers and +theologians also adopt the practice; they trust to example rather than to +precept; their ponderous tomes are alive with anecdotes, but one +half-pennyworth of bread to this intolerable deal of sack<a name='fna_1576' id='fna_1576' href='#f_1576'><small>[1576]</small></a>. Then the +literary men begin to seize upon the <i>fabliaux</i> and <i>exempla</i> for the +purpose of their art; they borrow plots from this bottomless +treasure-house; and so come the days of Boccaccio and <i>Les Cent Nouvelles +Nouvelles</i> and the short story is made at last<a name='fna_1577' id='fna_1577' href='#f_1577'><small>[1577]</small></a>.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_517" id="Page_517">[Pg 517]</a></span> They all, +jongleurs, preachers, theologians and men of letters repeat each other, +for a tale once told is everyone’s property; the people repeat them; and +so the stories circulate from lip to lip through the wide lands of Europe +and down the echoing centuries. And since these tales deal with every +subject under the sun (and with many marvels which the sun never looked +upon), it is not surprising that several of them deal with nuns.</p> + +<p>Across six centuries we can, with the aid of a sympathetic imagination, +slip into the skins of these inquisitive and child-like folk, and hear +some of the stories to which they lent such an absorbed attention. Let us</p> + +<p class="poem">Forget six counties overhung with smoke,<br /> +Forget the snorting steam and piston stroke,<br /> +Forget the spreading of the hideous town;<br /> +Think rather of the pack-horse on the down,<br /> +And dream of London, small and white and clean,<br /> +The clear Thames bordered by its gardens green.</p> + +<p>Or rather, let us imagine not London but some other little English town, +on just such an April morning as moved Chaucer and his fellow-voyagers to +seek the holy blissful martyr by way of the Tabard Inn. Having sloughed +the film of those six hundred years from off our eyes, we can see more +clearly the shadowy forms of our fathers that begat us. We can see a +motley crowd gathered in the market place, chiefly made up of women. There +are girls, demure or wistful or laughing, fresh from their spinning wheels +or from church; there are also bustling wives, in fine well-woven wimples +and moist new shoes, arm in arm with their gossips. By craning a neck we +may see that flighty minx Alison, the carpenter’s wife, “long as a mast +and upright as a bolt,” casting about her with her bold black eyes and +looking jealously at the miller’s wife from across the brook, who is as +pert as a pye and considers herself a lady. There is a good wife of beside +Bath, with a red face and ten pounds’ weight of kerchiefs on her head; a +great traveller and a great talker she is—we can hear her chattering +right across the square; it is a pity she is so deaf. There, under her own +sign-board, is the inn-keeper’s ill-tempered dame, who bullies her husband +and ramps in his face if her neighbours do not bow low to her in church; +and there is the new-made bride of yonder merchant with the forked +beard—they say she is a shrew too. There is Rose the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_518" id="Page_518">[Pg 518]</a></span> Regrater, who also +weaves woollen cloth and cheats her spinsters. There is Dame Emma, who +keeps the tavern by the river—our neighbour Glutton’s wife would like to +scratch out her eyes, for Glutton always has to be carried home from that +inn. There also are Elinor, Joan and Margery, Margaret, Alice and Cecily, +merry gossips, their hearts well cherished with muscadel. Mingled with +these good wives of the town we see, as we look about us, other folk; +portly burgesses, returning from a meeting of the borough court, full of +wine and merchant law; a couple of friars, their tippets stuffed with +knives and pins, and a fat monk, with a greyhound slinking at his heel; an +ale-taster, reeling home from duties performed too well; a Fleming or two, +ever on the lookout for snarls and sharp elbows from the true-born native +craftsmen; several pretty supercilious ladies “with browen blissful under +hood,” squired by a gay young gentleman, embroidered all over with +flowers; two giggling curly-haired clerks (Absolon and Nicholas must be +their names) ogling the carpenter’s wife and sniggering at their solemn +faced companion—that youth there, with the threadbare courtepy and a book +of Aristotle under his arm; a bailiff buying tar and salt for the home +farm and selling his butter and eggs to the townsmen; numbers of beggars +and idlers and children; and on the outskirts of the crowd little sister +Joan from St Mary’s Convent, who ought not to be out alone, but who cannot +resist stopping to hear the sermon.</p> + +<p>For we have all come running together in this year of our Lord 1380 to +hear a sermon<a name='fna_1578' id='fna_1578' href='#f_1578'><small>[1578]</small></a>. We look upon sermons as an excellent opportunity “for +to see and eek for to be seen”; in the same spirit, compact one-third of +sociability, one-third of curiosity and one-third of piety, we always +crowd</p> + +<p class="poem">To vigilies and to processiouns,<br /> +To preaching eek and to thise pilgrimages,<br /> +To pleyes of miracles and mariages<a name='fna_1579' id='fna_1579' href='#f_1579'><small>[1579]</small></a>.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_519" id="Page_519">[Pg 519]</a></span>There is the preacher under the stone market cross. He is bidding us shun +the snares of the world; if we cannot shut ourselves up in a cloister +(which is best), he says, we must make our hearts a cloister, where no +wickedness will come. He will have to tell us a story soon, for we are +restless folk and do not love to sit still on the cobbles at his feet, but +with a story he can always hold us. Sure enough he has left his theme now +and is giving us an example:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Jacobus de Vetriaco tells how some time there was a mighty prince that +was founder of a nunnery that stood near hand him; and he coveted +greatly a fair nun of the place to have her unto his leman. And not +withstanding neither by prayer nor by gift he could overcome her; and +at the last he took her away by strong force. And when men came to +take her away, she was passing feared and asked them why they took her +out of her abbey, more than her other sisters. And they answered her +again and said, because she had so fair een. And anon as she heard +this she was fain and she gart put out her een anon and laid them in a +dish and brought them unto them and said: “Lo, here is the een that +your master desires and bid him let me alone and lose neither his soul +nor mine.” And they went unto him therewith and told him and he let +her alone; and by this mean she kept her chastity. And within three +years after she had her een again, as well as ever had she, through +grace of God<a name='fna_1580' id='fna_1580' href='#f_1580'><small>[1580]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>A shudder of horror and admiration runs through us, but the preacher +continues with a second example:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“How different,” he says, “Was this most chaste and wise virgin from +that wretched nun who was sought by a noble knight, that he might +seduce her, and her abbess hid her in a certain very secret place in +the monastery. And when that knight had sought her in all the offices +and corners of the monastery and could in no wise find her he grew at +length weary and tired of the quest and turned to depart. But she, +seeing that he had stopped looking for her, because he had been unable +to find her, began to call ‘Cuckoo!’, as children are wont to cry when +they are hidden and do not wish to be found. Whereupon the knight, +hearing her, ran to the place, and having accomplished his will +departed therefrom, deriding the miserable girl”<a name='fna_1581' id='fna_1581' href='#f_1581'><small>[1581]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_520" id="Page_520">[Pg 520]</a></span>“See how evil are the ways of the world,” says our preacher; “how much +better to be simple and unworldly, like that nun of whom you may read in +the book of the wise Caesarius which he wrote to instruct novices. I will +tell you of her,”</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>In the diocese of Trèves is a certain convent of nuns named Lutzerath, +wherein by ancient custom no girl is received, but at the age of seven +years or less; which constitution hath grown up for the preservation +of that simplicity of mind, which maketh the whole body to shine. +There was lately in that monastery a maiden full-grown in body, but +such a child in worldly matters that she scarce knew the difference +twixt a secular person and a brute beast, since she had had no +knowledge of secular folk before her conversion. One day a goat +climbed upon the orchard wall, which when she saw, knowing not what it +might be, she said to a sister that stood by her: “What is that?” The +other, knowing her simplicity, answered in jest to her wondering +question, “That is a woman of the world,” adding, “when secular women +grow old they sprout to horns and beards.” She, believing it to be the +truth, was glad to have learned something new<a name='fna_1582' id='fna_1582' href='#f_1582'><small>[1582]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>All this time the preacher has been illustrating his sermon with any story +that came into his head. But he has been doing more; he has been +describing for the information of posterity the raw material (so utterly +different in different individuals), out of which the unchanging pattern +of the nun had to be moulded. However we are not (for the moment) +posterity; and we grow weary of this praise of austerity and simplicity. +But, brother John, we say (interrupting) here are we, living in the world; +you would not have us tear out our eyes when our husbands would be +fondling us? You would not have us take our good Dame Alison for a goat, +which is (heaven save us) but a brute beast and no Christian? and what if +we cry cuckoo sometimes, we girls, for a lover? there are some we know +that have married five husbands at the church door, and still think +themselves right holy women, and make pilgrimages to St James beyond the +sea, and will ever go first to the offering on Sunday. What have your nuns +to do with us? Tell us rather what we young fresh folk may do to be saved; +or how we good housewives should bear ourselves day by day. And that I +will (says the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_521" id="Page_521">[Pg 521]</a></span> preacher with some acerbity). Shame upon you, with your +chattering tongues. You cannot even keep quiet at mass; and at home it is +well known to me how ye pester your husbands, with your screeching and +scolding, and how ye chatter all day to your gossips, not minding what +lewd words ye speak. Remember therefore holy St Gregory’s example of the +nun who spake naughty words, which brother Robert of Brunne of the order +of Sempringham found in the French book and set into fair English rhymes:</p> + +<p class="poem">Seynt Gregori of a nunne tellys<br /> +Þat ȝede to helle for no þyng ellys<br /> +But for she spake ever vyleyny<br /> +Among her felaws al ahy.<br /> +Þys nunnë was of dedys chaste,<br /> +But þat she spake wurdys waste<br /> +She madë many of here felawys<br /> +Þenke on synnë for here sawys.</p> + +<p>And then she died, and she was buried at the steps of the altar; and in +the night the sacristan of the place was awakened by a great crying and +weeping, and beheld fiends around that wretched nun, who burnt half her +body and left the other half unscathed:</p> + +<p class="poem">Seynt Gregorye seyþ þat hyt was synge<br /> +Þat half here lyfë was nat dygne;<br /> +for þoghe here dedys werë chaste,<br /> +Here wurdys were al vyle and waste.<br /> +<span class="spacer">·</span><span class="spacer">·</span><span class="spacer">·</span><span class="spacer">·</span><span class="spacer">·</span><span class="spacer">·</span><br /> +See how her tungge madë here slayn<br /> +and foulë wurdys broghte here to payn<a name='fna_1583' id='fna_1583' href='#f_1583'><small>[1583]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Mind therefore your tongues, and do not whisper so lightly among +yourselves when you sit in the tavern (unknown to your husbands, fie upon +you!), and stuff yourselves with capons and Spanish wine. Nay more, have a +care that greed does not destroy you. <i>Gula</i>, he is one of the seven sins +that be most deadly. Look to it lest you one day receive the devil into +your bodies, with a mouthful of hot spices:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>For the same blessed Gregory “telleth of a certain nun who omitted to +make the sign of the cross when she was eating a lettuce, and the +devil entered into her; and when he was ordered by a holy man to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_522" id="Page_522">[Pg 522]</a></span> come +forth he replied: ‘What fault is it of mine and why do you rebuke me? +I was sitting upon the lettuce and she did not cross herself and so +ate me with it’”<a name='fna_1584' id='fna_1584' href='#f_1584'><small>[1584]</small></a>. How different, now, was the reward of that +saintly nun of whom Caesarius telleth. For when “a pittance, to wit +fried eggs, was being distributed by the cellaress to the whole +convent, she was by some chance neglected. But indeed I deem not that +it befel by chance, but rather by divine ordering, that the glory of +God might be manifest in her. For she bore the deprivation most +patiently, rejoicing in the neglect, and therefore, when she was +returning thanks to God, that great Father-Abbot set before her an +invisible pittance; whereof the unspeakable sweetness so filled her +mouth, her throat and all her body, that never in her life had she +felt aught like to it. This was bodily sweetness, but next God visited +her mind and soul so copiously with spiritual sweetness ... that she +desired to go without pittances for all the days of her life”<a name='fna_1585' id='fna_1585' href='#f_1585'><small>[1585]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Thus our preacher might be supposed to speak, but all nun tales are not so +edifying; the ribald jongleur was fond of them too. A good example of the +nun theme used as a <i>conte gras</i> is Boccaccio’s famous tale of the abbess, +who went in the dark to surprise one of her nuns with a lover; but having, +when aroused, had with her in her own cell a priest (brought thither in a +chest) she inadvertently put upon her head instead of her veil the +priest’s breeches. She called all her nuns, seized the guilty girl and +came to the chapter house to reprimand her; and</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“the girl happened to raise her eyes, when she saw what the abbess bore +upon her head, and the laces of the breeches hanging down on each side +of her neck, and being a little comforted with that, as she +conjectured the fact, she said: “Please, madam, to button your coif, +and then tell me what you would have.” “What coif is it that you +mean,” replied she, “you wicked woman, you? Have you the assurance to +laugh at me? Do you think jests will serve your turn in such an affair +as this?” The lady said once more, “I beg, madam, that you would first +button your coif and then speak as you please.” Whereupon most of the +sisterhood raised up their eyes to look at the abbess, and she herself +put up her hand. The truth being thus made evident, the accused nun +said, “The abbess is in fault likewise,” which obliged the mother to +change her manner of speech from that which she had begun, saying that +it was impossible to resist the temptations that assail the flesh. +Therefore she bade them, as heretofore, secretly to make the best +possible use of their time”<a name='fna_1586' id='fna_1586' href='#f_1586'><small>[1586]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_523" id="Page_523">[Pg 523]</a></span>Another famous tale of Boccaccio’s concerns the young man who pretended to +be dumb and was made gardener at a nunnery<a name='fna_1587' id='fna_1587' href='#f_1587'><small>[1587]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>In a different category from these stories sacred and profane are the +didactic works, wherein churchmen set down the reasons for which a +conventual life was to be preferred to all others, or the spirit in which +such a life was to be lived. In this class fall poems and treatises in +praise of virginity and books of devotion or admonition addressed to nuns. +The former are fairly common in the middle ages<a name='fna_1588' id='fna_1588' href='#f_1588'><small>[1588]</small></a> and, since they +throw little light on the actual life of a professed nun, need not be +considered at great length. Among the most graceful are a series of little +German songs, probably composed by clerks and generally classed with +folk-songs, though they are as different as possible from the popular +<i>Nonnenklagen</i>. The longest of these poems tells of a fair and noble lady +who walked in a garden and cried out at the beauty of the flowers, vowing +that could she but see the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_524" id="Page_524">[Pg 524]</a></span> artist who created so much loveliness, she +would thank him as he deserved. At that moment a youth entered the garden +and greeted her courteously, answering her cry of surprise by saying that +neither stone walls nor doors could withstand him, and that all the lovely +flowers in the garden were his and he made them, for “I am called Jesus +the flower-maker.” Then the lady was stirred to the heart and cried: “O my +dearest lord, with all my faith I love thee and I will ever be true to +thee till my life ends.” But “the youth withdrew himself and went his way +to a convent which lay close by, and by reason of his great power he +entered speedily into it.” The lady did not linger, but fled after him to +the convent and in great woe knocked upon the gates, crying, “Ye have shut +him in who is mine only joy.” Then the nuns in the convent bespake her +wrathfully saying:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“Why dost thou lament so loudly? thou speakest foolishness. Our +convent is locked and no man entered therein. If thou hast lost him, +the loss is thine and thou must bear it.” “Ye have let in the man to +whom I am vowed. With mine own eyes I saw him pass through the gate. +Ye have let in mine own dear lord. Were the whole world mine I would +give it up ere I gave up him. Ye have let in the man to whom I am +vowed and truly I say to you that I will have him again. I will keep +the vow which I sware to him and never shall my deathless loyalty +fail.”</p></div> + +<p>Then the maidens in the convent became wroth and they said:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“Thou spakest foolish things and against our honour. Our convent is +shut and no man is allowed therein and the dear Lord Jesus knoweth +well that this is true.” “How little ye know him,” said the lovely +lady, “Ye have spoken the name of mine own dear lord. Ye have named +him and well is he known to me; he is also called Jesus the +flower-maker.”</p></div> + +<p>The maidens in the convent deemed then that her words were of God and +marvelled thereat:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“Let Jesus our beloved lord stay with us for ever, for all who are in +this convent have vowed themselves to him.” “If all ye who are in the +convent have vowed yourselves to him, then will I stay with you all my +days and I will keep the troth I plighted with him and never will I +waver in my firm faith in him”<a name='fna_1589' id='fna_1589' href='#f_1589'><small>[1589]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_525" id="Page_525">[Pg 525]</a></span>Another song contrasts the love of the lord of many lands with that of the +lord of life, to the disparagement of the former<a name='fna_1590' id='fna_1590' href='#f_1590'><small>[1590]</small></a>. A similar contrast +between earthly and heavenly love is the <i>motif</i> of the beautiful English +poem called <i>A Luue Ron</i>, made by the Franciscan Thomas of Hales at the +request of a nun<a name='fna_1591' id='fna_1591' href='#f_1591'><small>[1591]</small></a>; of a somewhat similar (though poetically inferior) +poem entitled <i>Clene Maydenhod</i><a name='fna_1592' id='fna_1592' href='#f_1592'><small>[1592]</small></a>; and of a coarse and brutal treatise +in praise of virginity known as <i>Hali Meidenhad</i><a name='fna_1593' id='fna_1593' href='#f_1593'><small>[1593]</small></a>. This alliterative +homily of the thirteenth century is startlingly different from the two +other contemporary works in middle English, with which its subject would +cause it to be compared. It has none of the delicate purity of the <i>Luue +Ron</i>, nor even of the mystical, ascetic visions of Mary of Oignies, +Luitgard of Tongres, Mechthild of Magdeburg, and the many saints and song +writers who realised the marriage of the soul with Christ in the concrete +terms of human passion<a name='fna_1594' id='fna_1594' href='#f_1594'><small>[1594]</small></a>. Neither, on the other hand, has it the +moderation and urbanity of the <i>Ancren Riwle</i>, though the same hand was +once supposed to have written both treatises. The author of <i>Hali +Meidenhad</i> persuades his spiritual daughter to vow her virginity to God by +no better means than a savage and entirely materialistic attack upon the +estate of matrimony. He admits that wedlock is lawful for the weak, for</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>this the wedded sing, that through God’s goodness and mercy of his +grace, though they have driven downwards, they halt in wedlock and +softly alight in the bed of its law, for whosoever falleth out of the +grace of maidenhood, so that the curtained bed of wedlock hold them +not, drive down to the earth so terribly that they are dashed limb +from limb, both joint and muscle<a name='fna_1595' id='fna_1595' href='#f_1595'><small>[1595]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>And again:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>of the three sorts, maidenhood and widowhood and thirdly wedlockhood, +thou mayst know by the degrees of their bliss, which and by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_526" id="Page_526">[Pg 526]</a></span> how much +it [maidenhood] surpasses the others. For wedlock has its fruit +thirtyfold in heaven, widowhood sixtyfold; maidenhood with a +hundredfold overpasses both. Consider then, hereby, whosoever from her +maidenhood descended into wedlock, by how many degrees she falleth +downward<a name='fna_1596' id='fna_1596' href='#f_1596'><small>[1596]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>This comparative moderation of tone does not, however, last long and the +author proceeds to draw a picture of the discomforts of wifehood and of +motherhood so gross and so entirely one-sided that it is difficult to +imagine any sensible girl being converted by it:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Ask these queens, these rich countesses, these saucy ladies, about +their mode of life. Truly, truly, if they rightly bethink themselves +and acknowledge the truth, I shall have them for witnesses that they +are licking honey off thorns. They buy all the sweetness with two +proportions of bitter.... And what if it happen, as the wont is, that +thou have neither thy will with him [thy husband] nor weal either and +must groan without goods within waste walls and in want of bread must +breed thy row of bairns?... or suppose now that power and plenty were +rife with thee and thy wide walls were proud and well supplied and +suppose that thou hadst many under thee, herdsmen in hall, and thy +husband were wroth with thee, and should become hateful, so that each +of you two shall be exasperated against the other, what worldly good +can be acceptable to thee? When he is out thou shalt have against his +return sorrow, care and dread. While he is at home, thy wide walls +seem too narrow for thee; his looking on thee makes thee aghast; his +loathsome voice and his rude grumbling fill thee with horror. He +chideth and revileth thee and he insults thee shamefully; he beateth +thee and mawleth thee as his bought thrall and patrimonial slave. Thy +bones ache and thy flesh smarteth, thy heart within thee swelleth of +sore rage, and thy face outwardly burneth with vexation<a name='fna_1597' id='fna_1597' href='#f_1597'><small>[1597]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Then, after an unquotable passage, the author considers the supposed joys +of maternity and gives a brutal and painfully vivid account of the +troubles of gestation and childbirth and of the anxieties of the mother, +who has a young child to rear. He seems to feel that some apology is +needed for his brutality, for he adds:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Let it not seem amiss to thee that we so speak for we reproach not +women with their sufferings, which the mothers of us all endured at +our own births; but we exhibit them to warn maidens, that they be the +less inclined to such things and guard themselves by a better +consideration of what is to be done<a name='fna_1598' id='fna_1598' href='#f_1598'><small>[1598]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_527" id="Page_527">[Pg 527]</a></span>The point of view is a strange one. No girl of moderate strength of +character, good sense and idealism would shirk marriage solely for the +purely material reasons set down by the author. One cannot but wonder at +the lack of spiritual imagination which can display convent life as the +easy, comfortable, leisured existence, the primrose path which a harassed +wife and mother cannot hope to follow<a name='fna_1599' id='fna_1599' href='#f_1599'><small>[1599]</small></a>, thus inevitably securing for +the brides of Christ all who are too lazy and too cowardly to undertake an +earthly marriage. Self-sacrifice and high endeavour alike are outside the +range of the narrow materialist who wrote <i>Hali Meidenhad</i>. His treatment +represents the ugly, just as <i>A Luue Ron</i> represents the beautiful side of +medieval praise of virginity and of monastic life.</p> + +<p>Of all treatises for the use of nuns the most personal and the most +interesting is the thirteenth century <i>Ancren Riwle</i> (Anchoresses’ Rule). +The book was originally written for the use of three anchoresses, but the +language of the original version (the English version is by most scholars +considered to be a translation from a French original), the author and the +anchoresses for whom it was written are alike uncertain<a name='fna_1600' id='fna_1600' href='#f_1600'><small>[1600]</small></a>. The +conjecture that it was written by Richard Poore, Bishop of Salisbury from +1217 to 1229, is discredited by recent research. It is usually said that +the book was compiled for the anchoresses of Tarrant Keynes<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_528" id="Page_528">[Pg 528]</a></span> in +Dorsetshire; but this view rests upon the evidence of a rubric attached to +a Latin version of the rule, which states that it was written by Simon of +Ghent Bishop of Salisbury (who died in 1313) for his sisters, anchoresses +at Tarrant; but though the Latin translation was doubtless due to Simon of +Ghent, there is no evidence that the original anchoresses lived at +Tarrant; and the most recent research seeks to identify them with Emma, +Gunilda and Cristina, who were anchoresses at Kilburn about 1130 and whose +settlement developed into Kilburn Priory. The book is certainly of English +origin, though the original seems to have been written in French. It must +be noticed that the women for whom the <i>Ancren Riwle</i> was intended were +anchoresses and not professed nuns; the essence of their life was +solitude, whereas nuns were essentially members of a community. But the +moment an anchoress ceased to live alone and took to herself companions +the distinction between anchorage and convent tended to disappear; several +English nunneries originated in voluntary settlements of two or three +women, who desired to lead a solitary life withdrawn from the world. +Nine-tenths of the <i>Ancren Riwle</i> is equally applicable to a community of +recluses and to a community of nuns and may therefore with advantage be +used to illustrate convent life. The treatise has a dual character. It is +partly a theological work, telling the three sisters how to think and feel +and believe. It is partly a practical guide to the ordering of their +external lives. The author cares for the stalling and feeding of Brother +Ass the Body, as well as of his rider the Soul. His book is divided into +eight parts, of which the first seven are concerned with the religious and +spiritual welfare of the anchoress and the eighth part is (in his own +words) “entirely of the external rule; first of meat and drink and of +other things relating thereto; thereafter of the things that ye may +receive and what things ye may keep and possess; then of your clothes and +of such things as relate thereto; next of your tonsure and of your works +and of your bloodlettings; lastly the rule concerning your maids, and how +you ought kindly to instruct them”<a name='fna_1601' id='fna_1601' href='#f_1601'><small>[1601]</small></a>. This mixture of soul and body, +of spiritual and practical, is amusingly illustrated in the chapter on +confession, when he gives the following summary of all mentioned and known +sins,</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_529" id="Page_529">[Pg 529]</a></span>as of pride, of ambition or of presumption, of envy, of wrath, of +sloth, of carelessness, of idle words, of immoral thoughts, of any +idle hearing, of any false joy, or of heavy mourning, of hypocrisy, of +meat and of drink, too much or too little, of grumbling, of morose +countenance, of silence broken, of sitting too long at the parlour +window, of hours ill said, or without attention of heart, or at a +wrong time; of any false word, or oath; of play, of scornful laughter, +of dropping crumbs, or spilling ale, or letting a thing grow mouldy, +or rusty, or rotten; clothes not sewed, wet with rain, or unwashen; a +cup or a dish broken, or anything carelessly looked after which we are +using, or which we ought to take care of; or of cutting or of +damaging, through heedlessness<a name='fna_1602' id='fna_1602' href='#f_1602'><small>[1602]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>The author of the <i>Ancren Riwle</i> shows throughout true religious feeling, +compact of imagination and passion, but (as the above passage shows) he +never loses hold on reality. He is sober and full of common sense, almost +one had said a man of the world. He brings to his assistance (what writers +on holy maidenhood so often lack) a sound knowledge of human nature, a +sense of humour and a most observant eye. His psychological power appears +in his account of some of the sins to which the nun is exposed, in his +picture of the backbiter, for instance, or in the passage in which he +explains that the worst temptations of the nun come not (as she expects) +during the first two years of her profession, when “it is nothing but +ball-play,” but after she has followed the life for several years; for +Jesus Christ is like the mortal lover, gentle when he is wooing his bride, +who begins to correct her faults as soon as he is sure of her love, till +in the end she is as he would have her be and there is peace and great +joy.<a name='fna_1603' id='fna_1603' href='#f_1603'><small>[1603]</small></a> Not only is the <i>Ancren Riwle</i> full of flashes of wisdom such +as these. It is illustrated throughout by a profusion of metaphors and +homely illustrations drawn from the author’s own observation of the busy +world outside the anchorage. Moreover it contains passages of a high and +sustained eloquence almost unmatched in contemporary literature, such as +the famous allegory of the wooing of the soul by Christ, under the guise +of a king relieving a lady who loved and scorned him from the castle where +she was besieged<a name='fna_1604' id='fna_1604' href='#f_1604'><small>[1604]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Even more interesting than the spiritual counsels of the <i>Ancren Riwle</i> +are its practical counsels. The moderation and humanity of this most +unfanatical author are never more striking<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_530" id="Page_530">[Pg 530]</a></span> than when he is dealing with +the domestic life of the anchoresses. When laying down the general rule +that no flesh nor lard should be eaten, except in great sickness, and that +they should accustom themselves to little drink, he adds: “nevertheless, +dear sisters, your meat and drink have seemed to me less than I would have +it. Fast no day upon bread and water, except ye have leave”<a name='fna_1605' id='fna_1605' href='#f_1605'><small>[1605]</small></a>, and +again:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Wear no iron, nor haircloth nor hedgehog skins and do not beat +yourselves therewith, nor with a scourge of leather thongs nor leaded; +and do not with holly nor with briars cause yourselves to bleed +without leave of your confessor and do not, at one time, use too many +flagellations<a name='fna_1606' id='fna_1606' href='#f_1606'><small>[1606]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>When he describes the sin of idle gossip, he breaks off with “Would to +God, dear sisters, that all the others were as free as ye are of such +folly”<a name='fna_1607' id='fna_1607' href='#f_1607'><small>[1607]</small></a>. Nothing could be more sensible than his regulations for +their behaviour after the quarterly blood-letting:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>When ye are let blood ye ought to do nothing that may be irksome to +you for three days; but talk with your maidens and divert yourselves +together with instructive tales. Ye may often do so when ye feel +dispirited, or are grieved about some worldly matter, or sick. Thus +wisely take care of yourselves when you are let blood and keep +yourselves in such rest that long thereafter ye may labour the more +vigorously in God’s service and also when ye feel any sickness, for it +is great folly, for the sake of one day, to lose ten or twelve.</p></div> + +<p>He clearly has no belief in the theory of the medieval ascetic that +filthiness is next to godliness, for he bids his dear sisters “wash +yourselves wheresoever it is necessary, as often as ye please”<a name='fna_1608' id='fna_1608' href='#f_1608'><small>[1608]</small></a>. Some +of the precepts in this section of the <i>Riwle</i> are obviously more closely +applicable to anchoresses than to nuns; for instance the instructions +against hospitality and almsgiving. Others are equally suitable for both:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Of a man whom ye distrust, receive ye neither less nor more—not so +much as a race of ginger.... Carry ye on no traffic. An anchoress that +is a buyer and a seller selleth her soul to the chapman of hell. Do +not take charge of other men’s property in your house, nor of their +cattle, nor their clothes, neither receive under your care the church +vestments, nor the chalice, unless force compel you, or great fear, +for oftentimes much harm has come from such caretaking. Let no man +sleep within your walls.... Because no man seeth you, nor do ye see +any man, ye may be well content with your clothes, be they<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_531" id="Page_531">[Pg 531]</a></span> white, be +they black; only see they be plain and warm and well made—skins well +tawed; and have as many do you need, for bed and also for back.... +Have neither ring nor brooch, nor ornamented girdle, nor gloves, nor +any such thing that is not proper for you to have. I am always the +more gratified, the coarser the works are that ye do. Make no purses +to gain friends therewith, nor blodbendes of silk; but shape and sew +and mend church vestments and poor people’s clothes.... Ye shall not +send, nor receive, nor write letters without leave. Ye shall have your +hair cut four times a year to disburden your head; and be let blood as +oft and oftener if it is necessary; but if anyone can dispense with +this, I may well suffer it.<a name='fna_1609' id='fna_1609' href='#f_1609'><small>[1609]</small></a></p></div> + +<p>There follows a short account of the kind of servants who should attend +upon the anchoresses and the way in which these must behave and be ruled; +and then the author ends characteristically:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>In this book read every day, when ye are at leisure—every day, less +or more; for I hope that, if ye read it often, it will be very +beneficial to you, through the grace of God, or else I shall have ill +employed much of my time. God knows, it would be more agreeable to me +to set out on a journey to Rome, than to begin to do it again.... As +often as ye read anything in this book, greet the Lady with an Ave +Mary for him who made this rule, and for him who wrote it and took +pains about it. Moderate enough I am, who ask so little<a name='fna_1610' id='fna_1610' href='#f_1610'><small>[1610]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>And six centuries later, as we lay down this delightful little book, we +cannot but agree that the claim is “moderate enough.”</p> + +<p>Other didactic works addressed to nuns may be considered more briefly, for +the majority are purely devotional and throw little light upon the daily +life of the nun. The largest and most important book in English is the +<i>Myroure of Oure Ladye</i>, written for the Brigittine sisters of Syon +Monastery at Isleworth by the famous theologian and chancellor of Oxford, +Thomas Gascoigne (1403-58)<a name='fna_1611' id='fna_1611' href='#f_1611'><small>[1611]</small></a>. It consists of a devotional treatise on +the divine service, followed by a translation and explanation of the +<i>Hours and Masses of Our Lady</i> as used by the sisters. The first treatise +is profusely illustrated throughout by <i>exempla</i> taken from Caesarius of +Heisterbach and similar sources and makes lively reading. Speaking of +attendance at divine service Gascoigne remarks:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>They that have helthe and strengthe and ar nor lettyd by obedience, +they ought to be full hasty and redy to come to this holy seruyce and +lothe to be thense. They ought not to spare for eny slowth or dulnes +of the body, ne yet though they fele some tyme a maner of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_532" id="Page_532">[Pg 532]</a></span> payne in +the stomacke or in the hed, for lacke of sleape or indygestyon.... For +lyke as they that styrre up themselfe with a quycke and a feruent wyll +thyderwarde ar holpe fourth and comforted by oure lordes good aungels; +right so fendes take power ouer them that of slowthe kepe them thense, +as ye may se by the example of a monke that was suffycyently stronge +in body but he was slepy, and dul to ryse to mattyns. Often he was +spoken to for to amende, and on a nyght he was callyd sharpely to +aryse and come to the quyer. Then he was wrothe and rose up hastly and +wente towarde the pryue dortour. And whan he came to the dore, there +was redy a company of fendes comynge to hym warde, that cryed agenst +hym wyth ferefull noyse and hasty, often saynge and cryyng: Take hym, +take hym, gette hym, holde hym; And with thys the man was sodenly +afrayde and turned agayne and ran to chyrche as fast as he myght, lyke +a man halfe mad and out of hys wytte for dreade. And when he was come +in to hys stalle, he stode a whyle trembelyng and pantyng, and sone +after he fel doune to the grounde, and lay styll as dede a longe tyme +without felyng or sturyng. Then he was borne to the farmery and after +he was come agayne to hym self he tolde his bretherne what him eyled +and from thense fourth he wolde be in the quyer wyth the fyrste. And +so I trowe wolde other that ar now slowthefull, yf they were hastyd on +the same wyse.</p></div> + +<p>The prevalence of such stories shows how common was the misdemeanour +against which they are directed. It may be noted that as preface to the +second part of the <i>Myroure</i> there stands an excellent little dissertation +on the value and method of reading<a name='fna_1612' id='fna_1612' href='#f_1612'><small>[1612]</small></a>. It is unnecessary to deal +further with the other didactic works in English intended for the use of +nuns, since their interest is purely religious<a name='fna_1613' id='fna_1613' href='#f_1613'><small>[1613]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Before leaving the subject of didactic treatises it is however necessary +to mention one little English prose work, for though not addressed to +nuns, it throws some light upon the organisation<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_533" id="Page_533">[Pg 533]</a></span> of a convent and in +particular provides a very complete list of obedientiaries. This is the +<i>Abbey of the Holy Ghost</i>, which was printed by Wynkyn de Worde in 1500 +and has been erroneously attributed to various authors, including Richard +Rolle of Hampole and John Alcock, Bishop of Ely († 1480)<a name='fna_1614' id='fna_1614' href='#f_1614'><small>[1614]</small></a>. The +allegory of a ghostly abbey seems to have been popular in the middle ages. +It had already been used by the béguine Mechthild in the thirteenth +century and it would be interesting to determine whether there is any +direct connection between her treatise <i>Von einem geistlichen closter</i> and +the <i>Abbey of the Holy Ghost</i>. In her convent Charity is abbess, Meekness +her chaplain, Peace prioress, Kindliness subprioress, Hope chantress, +Wisdom schoolmistress, Bounty cellaress, Mercy chambress, Pity +infirmaress, Dread portress and Obedience provost or priest<a name='fna_1615' id='fna_1615' href='#f_1615'><small>[1615]</small></a>. The +English book is addressed to men and women who are unable to take regular +vows in some monastic order, and the allegory is carried out in great +detail.</p> + +<p>The study of didactic literature addressed to nuns, in order to assist +them in a godly way of life, leads to the consideration of another type of +didactic literature, didactic however with an <i>arrière-pensée</i>, being +concerned to point out and to condemn evils which had crept into +monasteries. This is the work of the satirists and moralists, who +castigated by scorn or by condemnation the irregularities of the different +orders. Like didactic writers they describe an ideal, but an ideal which +emerges only from their attack on the dark reality, like sparks of light +which the blacksmith’s hammer beats from iron. Occasionally they<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_534" id="Page_534">[Pg 534]</a></span> use the +gay satire of the writer of fabliaux; their condemnation is an +undercurrent beneath a lightly flowing stream, their moral is implicit, +they poke fun at the erring monk or nun, rather than chastise them. It is +so in that delicious poem, <i>The Land of Cokaygne</i><a name='fna_1616' id='fna_1616' href='#f_1616'><small>[1616]</small></a>, which French wit +begat in the thirteenth century upon English seriousness<a name='fna_1617' id='fna_1617' href='#f_1617'><small>[1617]</small></a>. <i>The Land +of Cokaygne</i> is partly an attack on the luxury of monastic houses, and +partly an ebullition of irresponsible gaiety and humour, which might just +as well (one feels) have taken another form. The author has perhaps in his +mind the idea of the imaginary abbey of the Virtues, which was so popular +among serious writers, but he puts it to a very different use. Far in the +sea by West Spain, he says, there is a land which is called Cokaygne +[<i>coquina</i>, kitchen]. No land under heaven is like it for goodness. +Paradise may be merry and bright, but Cokaygne is fairer; for what is +there in Paradise but grass and flower and green branches? though there be +joy and great delight there, there is no meat but fruit, no hall or bower +or bench, nothing but water to drink. But in Cokaygne there is plenty of +meat and drink of the best, with no need to labour for it; in Cokaygne +there is muckle joy and bliss and many a sweet sight, for it is always day +there and always life; there is no anger, no animals, no insects</p> + +<p class="poem">(N’is there fly, flea no louse,<br /> +In cloth in town, bed, no house),</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_535" id="Page_535">[Pg 535]</a></span>no vile worm or snail, no thunder, sleet, hail, rain or wind, no +blindness. All is game and joy and glee there. There are great rivers of +oil and milk and honey and wine—but as for water, it is used only for +washing.</p> + +<p>Then the satire becomes slightly more pointed:</p> + +<table style="margin-left: 15%;" border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary="table"> +<tr><td>There is a well-fair abbey,</td></tr> +<tr><td>Of white monkes and of grey,</td></tr> +<tr><td>There beth bowers, and halls:</td></tr> +<tr><td>All of pasties beth the walls,</td></tr> +<tr><td>Of flesh, of fish, and a rich meat,</td></tr> +<tr><td>The likefullest that man may eat.</td></tr> +<tr><td>Flouren cakes beth the <i>shingles</i> all</td> + <td><span class="spacer"> </span></td> + <td>[tiles</td></tr> +<tr><td>Of church, cloister, bowers and hall.</td></tr> +<tr><td>The pinnes beth fat <i>puddings</i></td> + <td> </td> + <td>[sausages</td></tr> +<tr><td>Rich meat to princes and kings.</td></tr></table> + +<p>All may have as much as they will of the food. There is also in the abbey +a fair cloister, with crystal pillars, adorned with green jasper and red +coral. In the meadow near by is a tree, most “likeful for to see.”</p> + +<table style="margin-left: 15%;" border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary="table"> +<tr><td>The root is ginger and galingale,</td></tr> +<tr><td>The scions beth all <i>sedwale</i>.</td> + <td><span class="spacer"> </span></td> + <td>[zedoary</td></tr> +<tr><td><i>Trie</i> maces beth the flower,</td> + <td> </td> + <td>[choice</td></tr> +<tr><td>The rind, <i>canel</i> of sweet odour;</td> + <td> </td> + <td>[cinnamon</td></tr> +<tr><td>The fruit <i>gilofre</i> of good smack</td> + <td> </td> + <td>[cloves</td></tr> +<tr><td>Of <i>cucubes</i> there is no lack.</td> + <td> </td> + <td>[cubebs (a spice)</td></tr></table> + +<p>There are also red roses and lilies that never fade. There are in the +abbey four springs of <i>treacle</i> (i.e. any rich electuary), <i>halwei</i> +(healing water), balsam and spiced wine, ever running in full stream, and +the bed of the stream is all made of precious stones, sapphire, pearl, +carbuncle, emerald, beryl, onyx, topaz, amethyst, chrysolite, chalcedony +and others. There also are many birds, throstle, thrush and nightingale, +goldfinch and woodlark, which sing merrily day and night. Better still</p> + +<table style="margin-left: 15%;" border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary="table"> +<tr><td>... I do you mo to wit,</td></tr> +<tr><td>The geese y-roasted on the spit,</td></tr> +<tr><td>Flee to that abbey, God it wot,</td></tr> +<tr><td>And <i>gredith</i> “Geese all hot! all hot!”</td> + <td><span class="spacer"> </span></td> + <td>[cry</td></tr> +<tr><td>Hi bringeth garlek, great plentee,</td></tr> +<tr><td>The best y-dight that man may see.</td></tr> +<tr><td>The <i>leverokes</i> that beth <i>couth</i></td> + <td> </td> + <td>[larks, well-known</td></tr> +<tr><td>Lieth adown to manis mouth;</td></tr> +<tr><td>Y-dight in stew full <i>swithe</i> well,</td> + <td> </td> + <td>[quickly</td></tr> +<tr><td>Powder’d with gingelofre and canell.</td></tr></table> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_536" id="Page_536">[Pg 536]</a></span>The writer, having set his monks in the midst of this abundance of good +things, proceeds to describe their daily life. When they go to mass, he +says, the glass windows turn into bright crystal to give them more light, +and when the mass is ended and the books are laid away again, the crystal +turns back again into glass:</p> + +<p class="poem">The young monkes each day<br /> +After meat goeth to play;<br /> +N’is there hawk, no fowl so swift,<br /> +Better fleeing by the lift,<br /> +Than the monkes, high of mood,<br /> +With their sleeves and their hood.<br /> +When the abbot seeth them flee,<br /> +That he holds for much glee,<br /> +Ac natheless, all there among,<br /> +He biddeth them light to evesong.</p> + +<p>And if the monks pursue for too long their airy gambols, he recalls them +by means of an improvised drum, the nature of which is best not indicated +to a more squeamish generation. Then the monks alight in a flock and so +“wend meekly home to drink,” in a fair procession.</p> + +<p>So far the Paradise has been without an Eve. But the author will provide +these jolly monks with companions worthy of their humour:</p> + +<table style="margin-left: 15%;" border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary="table"> +<tr><td>Another abbey is thereby,</td></tr> +<tr><td>Forsooth a great fair nunnery:</td></tr> +<tr><td>Up a river of sweet milk,</td></tr> +<tr><td>Where is plenty great of silk.</td></tr> +<tr><td>When the summer’s day is hot,</td></tr> +<tr><td>The young nunnes taketh a boat,</td></tr> +<tr><td>And doth them forth in that river,</td></tr> +<tr><td>Both with oarés and with steer.</td></tr> +<tr><td>When they beth far from the abbey</td></tr> +<tr><td>They maketh them naked for to play,</td></tr> +<tr><td>And lieth down into the brim,</td></tr> +<tr><td>And doth them slily for to swim.</td></tr> +<tr><td>The young monks that <i>hi</i> seeeth,</td> + <td><span class="spacer"> </span></td> + <td>[them</td></tr> +<tr><td>They doth them up and forth they fleeeth,</td></tr> +<tr><td>And cometh to the nuns anon.</td></tr> +<tr><td>And each monke him taketh one,</td></tr> +<tr><td>And <i>snellich</i> beareth forth their prey</td> + <td> </td> + <td>[quickly</td></tr> +<tr><td>To the mochil grey abbey,</td></tr> +<tr><td>And teacheth the nuns an orison</td></tr> +<tr><td>With <i>jambleue</i> up and down.</td> + <td> </td> + <td>[gambols</td></tr></table> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_537" id="Page_537">[Pg 537]</a></span>The monk that acquits him best among the ladies may have twelve wives in a +year, if he will, and if he can outdo all his companions</p> + +<p class="poem">Of him is hope, God is wot,<br /> +To be soon father abbot!</p> + +<p>But whoever will come to this delectable country must first serve a hard +penance; seven years must he wade in swines’ muck up to the chin ere he +win there. Fair and courteous lordings, good luck to you in the test!</p> + +<p>More of a fairy tale than a satire, this jovial and good humoured poem was +immensely popular in the middle ages. Another thirteenth century lampoon +on the monastic orders, written in French in the reign of Edward I, is + +less well known, possibly because its satire, while still essentially gay, +is more obvious than that of <i>The Land of Cokaygne</i>. The poem is known as +<i>L’Ordre de Bel-Eyse</i><a name='fna_1618' id='fna_1618' href='#f_1618'><small>[1618]</small></a>. The author has had the happy idea (not +however a new one)<a name='fna_1619' id='fna_1619' href='#f_1619'><small>[1619]</small></a> of combining all the characteristic vices of the +different orders into one glorious Order of Fair Ease, to which belong +many a gentleman and many a fair lady, but no ribald nor peasant. From the +Order of Sempringham it borrows one custom, that of having brothers and +sisters together, but while at Sempringham there must be between them (“a +thing which displeases many”) ditches and high walls, in the Order of Fair +Ease there must be no wall and no watchword to prevent<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_538" id="Page_538">[Pg 538]</a></span> the brethren from +visiting the sisters at their pleasure; their intimacy must be separated +by nothing, says this precursor of Rabelais, not by linen nor wool, nor +even by their skins! And all who enter the order must feast well and in +company, thrice a day and oftener. From the canons of Beverley they have +taken the custom of drinking well at their meat and long afterwards (the +pun is on <i>bever</i>, to drink), from the Hospitallers that of going clad in +long robes and elegant shoes, riding upon great palfreys that amble well. +From the Canons they borrow the habit of eating meat, but whereas the +canons eat it thrice a week these brethren are bound to eat it daily. From +the Black Monks (as from the canons of Beverley) they take their heavy +drinking, and if a brother be visited by a friend who shall know how to +carouse in the evening, he shall sleep late in the morning (for the sake +of his eyesight), till the evil fumes have issued from his head. From the +secular Canons (“who willingly serve the ladies”) they have taken a rule +which is more needful than any other to solace the brethren—that each +brother must make love to a sister before and after matins; a point which +is elaborated with cheerful indecency, under the guise of borrowing from +the Grey Monks their manner of saying prayers. From the Carthusians they +take the custom of shutting each monk up in his cell to repose himself, +with fair plants on his window-ledge for his solace, and his sister +between his arms. The Friars Minor are founded in poverty, which they seek +by lodging ever with the chief baron, or knight, or churchman of the +countryside, where they can have their full; and so must the brethren of +Fair Ease do likewise. The Preachers go preaching in shoes and if they are +footsore they ride at ease on horseback; but the brethren of Fair Ease are +vowed always to ride, and always they must preach within doors and after +they have dined. This is our Order of Fair Ease; he who breaks it shall be +chastised and he who makes good use of it shall be raised to the dignity +of abbot or prior to hold it in honour, for thus do the Augustine canons, +who know so many devices. Now ends our Order, which agrees with all good +orders, and may it please many all too well!<a name='fna_1620' id='fna_1620' href='#f_1620'><small>[1620]</small></a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_539" id="Page_539">[Pg 539]</a></span>The inventors of these two imaginary orders were not serious or embittered +moralists. Cokaygne lies upon the bonny road to Elfland; and Bel Eyse is a +coarser, stupider Abbey of Theleme<a name='fna_1621' id='fna_1621' href='#f_1621'><small>[1621]</small></a>, whose inmates lack that instinct +for honour and noble liberty which makes Gargantua’s “Fais ce que +vouldras” an ideal as well as a satire. As a rule the medieval satirists +of monasticism deal in grave admonitions, or in violent reproaches. But +one contemporary poem, hailing this time from France, may be added to the +two English works in which the frailties of nuns are treated in a jesting +spirit. This is a piece by the famous trouvère Jean de Condé entitled <i>La +messe des oisiaus et li plais des chanonesses et des grises +nonains</i><a name='fna_1622' id='fna_1622' href='#f_1622'><small>[1622]</small></a>. The poem begins with an account of a mass sung in due form +by all the birds and followed by a feast presided over by the goddess +Venus. After this unwieldy introduction comes the main theme, which +consists of a lawsuit brought by the nobly born canonesses against the +grey Cistercian nuns, for the judgment of Venus. A canoness speaks first +on behalf of her order, attended by several gentlemen and knights, who are +proud to claim her acquaintance:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“Queen,” she says, “Deign to hear us and to receive us favourably, for +we have ever been thy faithful subjects and we shall continue ever to +serve thee with ardour. For long noblemen held it glorious to have our +love; the honour cost them nothing and was celebrated by round-tables, +feasts and tourneys. But now the grey nuns are stealing our lovers +from us. They are easy mistresses, exacting neither many attentions +nor long service and sometimes men are base enough to prefer them to +us. We demand justice. Punish their insolence, that henceforward they +may not raise their eyes to those who were created for us and for whom +we alone are made.”</p></div> + +<p>Venus then bids a grey nun speak and the grey nun’s words are dry and to +the point:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Has not nature made us too for love? are not there among us many who +are as fair, as young, as attractive and as loving as they. Do not<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_540" id="Page_540">[Pg 540]</a></span> +doubt it. True their dress is finer than ours, but in affairs of the +heart we serve as well as they. They say we steal their lovers. In +truth it is they who by their pride and haughtiness drive those lovers +away; we do but reconquer them by courtesy and gentleness. We do not +seek them in love; but we have pleased them and they return to us. +And, if they are to be believed, that studied elegance, which must be +costly, has sometimes offered them a love less pure and disinterested +than that which they find with us.</p></div> + +<p>This last charge pricks the canonesses and their faces grow scarlet with +rage:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>What? do these serving girls add insult to injury? Do they dare to +claim to be as good lovers as we, who have ever had the usage and +maintenance of love? Their bodies, clad in wool, are not of such +lordship as to be compared to ours and grave shame were it if a man +knew not how to choose the highest. Bold and foolish grey-robes, great +ill have you done. Without your importunities and officious advances +no great lord or knight or man of honour would think of you. This is +your secret and to the shame of love it is spoken, for you degrade +thus the joys which he would have true lovers long desire in vain. You +have your monks and lay brothers; love them, give them heavy alms and +share your pittances with them: you are welcome to them for our part. +But as to gentlemen, leave them to us, who are gentlewomen.</p></div> + +<p>The grey nun replies quietly that her cause is too good to be weakened by +insults, which can only offend the assembly and the respect due to the +goddess, and that love considers neither birth nor wealth:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Our grey robes of Cîteaux are not as fine as your vair-lined mantles +and rich adornments; but in such things we do not wish to compare +ourselves with you. It is in the heart and in love that we claim to be +as good as you.</p></div> + +<p>There follows a hum of discussion in the assembly, some taking one side +and some the other, but most favouring the grey nuns. Then Venus rises to +give judgment and makes a long speech on the theme that all are equal in +her eyes:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“White-robed canonesses,” she concludes, “I have always held your +services dear. Your grace, your elegance, your fine manners will +always bring you lovers; keep them, but do not drive from my court +these modest nuns, who serve me with so much constancy and whose +hearts burn for me the more ardently, owing to the constraint under +which they live. You are finer and know better, perhaps, how to +entertain; but sometimes the labourer’s humble hackney goes further +than the palfrey of the knight. It lies with yourselves alone to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_541" id="Page_541">[Pg 541]</a></span> keep +your lovers. Imitate your rivals and be gentle and gracious as they +are and you will not have to fear for the fidelity of a single lord.”</p></div> + +<p>Obviously hitherto the poem has had none of the characteristics of a moral +piece. The <i>débat</i> was a common literary device, the law court presided +over by Venus a favourite literary theme. Jean de Condé is merely +concerned to amuse the court of Hainault with a polished poem cast in this +familiar mould, just as at other times he might regale it with the +<i>fabliau</i> of <i>Les Braies au Prestre</i> or the <i>dit</i> of <i>La Nonnette</i>. Any +satirical value which the poem has is due simply to the implication in his +choice of parties to the suit; that is to say it is no more a satire than +are the numerous <i>fabliaux</i>, which have for their subject the peccadillos +of the Church. But the trouvère, even an aristocrat of the confraternity, +such as Jean, who would have held in utter scorn the mere buffoon at the +street corner, was never able to forget that he plied a dangerous trade, a +“trop perilous mester.” He was continually aware of the necessity to put +himself right with Heaven, lest haply Aucassin spoke truth and to hell +went the harpers and singers; for the Church’s condemnation of his tribe +was unequivocal. Therefore at the end of Venus’ speech Jean de Condé +abruptly tacks on a most untimely moral, which gives a sudden seriousness +to his poem. He will sit in the seat of the moralists. So he interprets +the whole debate according to a theological and moral allegory, even going +so far as to compare the strife between the canonesses and the grey nuns +with the resentment of the first workers against those who came last, in +the parable of the Vineyard! He concludes with a bitter reproach against +moral disorders among the nuns, accusing them of paying service to Venus +to their damnation, and bidding “canonesses, canons, priests, monks, nuns +and all folk of their sort” to give up the evil love of the world, which +passes away like a dream, and to cling to the love of God which endureth +for ever. A strange point of view; but one which would strike no sense of +incongruity in an audience accustomed to the moralisation of the <i>Gesta +Romanorum</i> and of many another profane story, forced to do pious service +as an <i>exemplum</i>. It is the spirit which built cathedrals and filled them +with grotesques.</p> + +<p>Jean de Condé was not really a moralist, even in the sense in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_542" id="Page_542">[Pg 542]</a></span> which the +authors of <i>The Land of Cokaygne</i> and <i>The Order of Fair Ease</i> deserve the +name. But there were a number of genuine moralists in the last three +centuries of the middle ages, who shook sober heads over the misdeeds of +nuns<a name='fna_1623' id='fna_1623' href='#f_1623'><small>[1623]</small></a>. In two thirteenth century French “Bibles,” by Guiot de Provins +and the Seigneur de Berzé respectively<a name='fna_1624' id='fna_1624' href='#f_1624'><small>[1624]</small></a>, their chastity is impugned +and the author of <i>Les Lamentations de Matheolus</i> (c. 1290) goes to the +root of the matter and attributes their immorality to the ease with which +they are able to wander about outside their convents. They are continually +inventing stories, he says, in order to escape for a moment from the +cloister; their father, mother, cousin, sister, brother is ill; so they +receive <i>congé</i> to wander about where they will—“par le pais s’en vont +esbattre.” Moreover he has hard words for the rapacity of nuns in love; +distrust them, he warns, for they pluck and shear their lovers worse than +thieves or than Breton pirates; you must be always giving, giving, giving +with those ladies—it is the usage of their convent; you have to reward +the messenger and the mistress, the chambermaid, the matron and the +companion<a name='fna_1625' id='fna_1625' href='#f_1625'><small>[1625]</small></a>. The mention of the companion shows that the precaution of +sending the nuns out in twos was not always successful, and Gui de Mori +(writing about the same time) has the same tale to tell; the nun’s lover +has to give to two at least, to her and to her companion; and since nuns +have plenty of spare time, they are fond of feeding love by the exchange +of messages, which mean more <i>douceurs</i> from the purse of the luckless +gallant<a name='fna_1626' id='fna_1626' href='#f_1626'><small>[1626]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>The most interesting of all French moralists who deal with nuns is, +however, Gilles li Muisis, Abbot of the Benedictine monastery of St Martin +of Tournai, who began about 1350 to write a “Register” of his thoughts +upon contemporary life and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_543" id="Page_543">[Pg 543]</a></span> morality, one section of which concerns “Les +maintiens des nonnains”<a name='fna_1627' id='fna_1627' href='#f_1627'><small>[1627]</small></a>. Like Matheolus, Gilles li Muisis considers +that the root of all evils is the ease with which nuns are able to leave +their convents:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“Of old,” he says, “the nun was approved by God and man, when she kept +her cloister and wandered little in the world; but now I see them go +out often, whereat I am greatly displeased, for if this thing were +stopped many scandals would cease and it were greatly to the profit of +their souls.”</p></div> + +<p>He represents the “très doulces nonnains” as behaving “like ladies”; they +keep open house for visitors; and the young men go in more easily than the +old and guilty love is born. They exchange messages and letters with their +lovers; moreover they very often take <i>congé</i> without any other reason +than the desire to meet these young men, and the sight of nuns upon every +road sets men’s tongues chattering. They ought to sit at home, spinning +and sewing and mending their wimples: instead they hurry from stall to +stall, spending their money on fine cloths and collars. The Pope would do +well if he enclosed them. The young nuns are the worst of all; they are +forever pestering their abbesses for leave to go out; they will have all +their elders at their will, cellaress, treasuress, subprioress. Everything +is topsy-turvy now and all are in the same rank, those who are lettered +and those who are not; the young desire to have a finger in every pie. +Even their vow of poverty these nuns will not keep. They will have incomes +of their own and if they have none they grumble until they obtain one +somehow: “It is for this reason,” they say, “that we desire the money—our +houses are growing poor and everywhere we grow weak.” But it is not so, +for they want it in order to be able to go out more often. “I recognise,” +says Gilles, “and it is true, that nuns have many duties to fulfil, for +there is great resort of guests to their houses, and if it were possible +without harm to diminish these expenses, one might do something to help +them.” But it is necessary to remember that the ownership of private +property is a sin; canon law condemns it, and if there is a rule +permitting these private incomes I have never met it. Moreover one sees +every day the evil results of such possessions.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_544" id="Page_544">[Pg 544]</a></span>What is the result of this laxity of morals, of this continual wandering +of nuns in the world? Secular folk everywhere talk about them and miscall +them:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“Religious ladies,” says Gilles, “if you often heard what people say +about many of you, the hearts of good nuns would be dismayed, for the +world has but a poor opinion of you. And why? because men see the nuns +wandering so often; see them packing up all these goods in their carts +and going up and down the hills and dales. It is not you alone who are +slandered; everywhere it is the same; the folk of holy church are held +in little respect and men complain because they have so many +possessions and such fat endowments. But be assured, all of you, when +you go along the highways, that people look and see how well you are +shod and how daintily you are clad; and they hurl evil words against +you. ‘Look at those nuns, who are more like fairies. They are attired +even better than other women. They go about the roads, so that men may +gaze upon them; what they covet is to be well stared at. God! well +they know how to entertain men. They have left their cloisters and are +going to enjoy themselves. Better were it for them if they prayed for +people, instead of going to chatter with their friends.’”</p></div> + +<p>Even those who keep company with these nuns are at the same time disturbed +and a little dismayed by their behaviour. “Such men go about with them and +have their will of them; but pay them behind their backs with fierce +slanders....” So the worthy abbot continues, and every word that he says +is borne out by the unimpeachable evidence of the visitation reports. His +long lament is the most interesting of all moral works which have the +behaviour of nuns as their subject and it would be possible to annotate +almost every verse with a visitation <i>compertum</i> or injunction.</p> + +<p>Serious writers in condemnation of nuns were not lacking in England as +well as in France in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, when, as +Gilles li Muisis complained, “les gens de Saint-Eglise petits sont +deportées.” Langland’s pungent satire on the convent where Wrath was +Potager has already been quoted<a name='fna_1628' id='fna_1628' href='#f_1628'><small>[1628]</small></a>. Gower, for whom the world was still +more out of joint, has a long passage concerning nuns in that portentous +monument of dulness, the <i>Vox Clamantis</i>, and draws a pessimistic picture +of their weakness and the readiness with which they yield to +temptation<a name='fna_1629' id='fna_1629' href='#f_1629'><small>[1629]</small></a>.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_545" id="Page_545">[Pg 545]</a></span> Like monks, he says, the nuns are bound to chastity, +but since they are by nature more frail than man, they must not be +punished as severely as men if they break their vows; for the foot of +woman cannot stand or step firmly like the foot of man and she has none of +those virtues of learning, understanding, constancy and moral excellence, +with which the more admirable sex is endowed:</p> + +<p class="poem">Nec scola, nec sensus, constancia nullaque virtus<br /> +Sicut habent homines, in muliere vigent!</p> + +<p>He proceeds to illustrate the moral superiority of the male by the +statement that nuns are often led astray by priests, who enter their +convents as confessors or visitors, and under guise of a reforming +visitation make the frail women worse than they were before. “I should +hold this a most damnable crime,” says Gower, “were it not that—really, +woman falls so easily!”</p> + +<p class="poem">Hoc genus incesti dampnabile grande putarem<br /> +Sit nisi quod mulier de leuitate cadit<a name='fna_1630' id='fna_1630' href='#f_1630'><small>[1630]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>After further reflections in this strain, he bursts into a long panegyric +of virginity and then passes on to attack the manners of the friars.</p> + +<p>Far more interesting than Gower’s conventional moralising is a poem +entitled <i>Why I can’t be a Nun</i>, and written early in the fifteenth +century<a name='fna_1631' id='fna_1631' href='#f_1631'><small>[1631]</small></a>. The favourite device of a ghostly abbey, peopled by +personified qualities, is here employed, but the inmates of the convent +are chiefly vices and such virtues as have a place among the nuns are +treated with scant respect by their companions. The poem is unfortunately +incomplete and begins abruptly in the middle of a sentence, but the gist +of the missing introduction is clear enough. The author represents herself +as a young girl named Katherine, whose desire to become a professed nun +has been opposed by her father. The father charges a number of messengers +to visit all the nunneries of England<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_546" id="Page_546">[Pg 546]</a></span> and the poem opens with the +departure of these messengers, full of zeal to accomplish their task, and +their return with the news that the nuns were ready to do his will. +Whereupon her father told Katherine that she could not be a nun, and +merely laughing at her protests, went his way. Then she mourned and was +sad and thought that fortune was against her; and one May morning, when +her sorrow was more than she could bear, she walked in a fair garden, +where she was wont to go daily to watch the flowers and the birds with +their bright feathers, singing and making merry on the green bough; and +going into an arbour, she set herself upon her knees and prayed to God to +help her in her distress.</p> + +<p>At last she fell asleep in the garden and in her sleep a fair lady came to +her and called her by her name and bade her awake and be comforted. This +lady was called Experience and told Katherine that she had come to take +pity on her and teach her, saying:</p> + +<p class="poem">Kateryne, thys day schalt thow see<br /> +An howse of wommen reguler,<br /> +And diligent loke that thow be,<br /> +And note ryȝt welle what þou seest there.</p> + +<p>Then they went through a green meadow till they came to a beautiful +building and entered boldly by the gates; and it was a house of nuns, “of +dyuers orderys bothe old and yong,” but not well governed, after the rule +of sober living, for self-will reigned there and caused discord and +debate:</p> + +<p class="poem">And what in that place I saw<br /> +That to religion schulde not long,<br /> +Peradventure ȝe wolde desyre to know,<br /> +And who was dwellyng hem among.<br /> +Sum what counseyle kepe I schalle,<br /> +And so I was tawȝt whan I was yong,<br /> +To here and se, and sey not all.</p> + +<p>Then follows an enumeration of the inmates of the convent:</p> + +<p class="poem">But there was a lady, that hyȝt dame pride;<br /> +In grete reputacion they her toke<br /> +And pore dame mekenes sate be syde<br /> +To her vnnethys ony wolde loke,<br /> +But alle as who sethe I her forsoke,<br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_547" id="Page_547">[Pg 547]</a></span>And set not by her nether most ne lest;<br /> +Dame ypocryte loke vpon a boke<br /> +And bete her selfe vpon the brest.<br /> +On every syde than lokede vp I<br /> +And fast I cast myne ye abowte;<br /> +Yf I cowde se, beholde or aspy,<br /> +I wolde have sene dame deuowte.<br /> +And sche was but wyth few of that rowȝt;<br /> +For dame slowthe and dame veyne glory<br /> +By vyolens had put her owte;<br /> +And than in my hert I was fulle sory.<br /> +But dame envy was there dwellyng<br /> +The whyche can sethe stryfe in every state.<br /> +And a nother lady was there wonnyng<br /> +That hyȝt dame love vnordynate,<br /> +In that place bothe erly and late<br /> +Dame lust, dame wantowne, and dame nyce,<br /> +They ware so there enhabyted, I wate,<br /> +That few token hede to goddys servyse.<br /> +Dame chastyte, I dare welle say,<br /> +In that couent had lytylle chere,<br /> +But oft in poynt to go her way,<br /> +Sche was so lytelle beloved there;<br /> +But sum her loved in hert fulle dere,<br /> +And there weren that dyd not so,<br /> +And sum set no thyng by her,<br /> +But ȝafe her gode leue for to go....<br /> +And in that place fulle besyly<br /> +I walked whyle I myȝt enduer,<br /> +And saw how dame enevy<br /> +In every corner had grete cure;<br /> +Sche bare the keyes of many a dore.<br /> +And than experience to me came,<br /> +And seyde, kateryne, I the ensuer,<br /> +Thys lady ys but seldom fro home.<br /> +Than dame pacience and dame charyte<br /> +In that nunry fulle sore I sowȝt;<br /> +I wolde fayne have wyst where they had be,<br /> +For in that couent were they nowȝt;<br /> +But an owte chamber for hem was wrowȝt,<br /> +And there they dweldyn wyth-owtyn stryfe,<br /> +And many gode women to them sowȝt<br /> +And were fulle wylfulle of her lyfe.</p> + +<p>There was also another lady, Dame Disobedience, and says Katherine:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Of all the faults that Experience showed me, this lack of obedience +grieved me most, so that I might no longer abide for shame, for I saw +that they had obedience in no reverence and that few or none<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_548" id="Page_548">[Pg 548]</a></span> took +heed of her; and I sped at great speed out of the gates, to escape +from that convent so full of sin.</p></div> + +<p>Then Katherine and the Lady Experience sat down upon the grass, where they +could behold the place, and they began to talk:</p> + +<p class="poem">And than I prayed experience for to have wyst<br /> +Why sche schewed me thys nunery,<br /> +Sche seyde “now we bene here in rest,<br /> +I thenk for to tellen the why,<br /> +Thy furst desyre and thyne entent<br /> +Was to bene a nune professede,<br /> +And for thy fader wolde not consent,<br /> +Thyne hert wyth mornyng was sore oppressede,<br /> +And thow wyst not what to do was best;<br /> +And I seyde, I wolde cese thy grevaunce,<br /> +And now for the most part in every cost<br /> +I have schewed the nunnes gouernawnce.<br /> +For as thou seest wythin yonder walle<br /> +Suche bene the nunnes in euery warde,<br /> +As for the most part, I say not alle,<br /> +God forbede, for than hyt were harde,<br /> +For sum bene devowte, holy and towarde,<br /> +And holden the ryȝt way to blysse;<br /> +And sum bene feble, lewde and frowarde,<br /> +Now god amend what ys amys!<br /> +And now keteryne, I have alle do<br /> +For thy comfort that longeth to me,<br /> +And now let vs aryse and go<br /> +Vn-to the herber there I come to the.</p> + +<p>There Experience departed and Katherine awakened from her dream, +determined never to be a nun, unless the faults that she had seen were +amended.</p> + +<p>Then follows a long exhortation to the nuns. They are adjured (by the +well-worn example of Dinah) not to wander from their convents, and are +reminded that the habit does not make the nun:</p> + +<p class="poem">Yowre barbe, your wympplle and your vayle,<br /> +Yowre mantelle and yowre devowte clothyng,<br /> +Maketh men wythowten fayle<br /> +To wene ȝe be holy in levyng.<br /> +And so hyt ys an holy thyng<br /> +To bene in habyte reguler;<br /> +Than, as by owtewarde array in semyng,<br /> +Beth so wythin, my ladyes dere.<br /> +A fayre garland of yve grene<br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_549" id="Page_549">[Pg 549]</a></span>Whyche hangeth at a tavern dore,<br /> +Hyt ys a false token as I wene,<br /> +But yf there by wyne gode and sewer;<br /> +Ryȝt so but ȝe your vyes forbere,<br /> +And alle lewde custom be broken,<br /> +So god me spede, I yow ensewer<br /> +Ellys yowre habyte ys no trew token.</p> + +<p>The poem ends as abruptly as it began with a catalogue of holy women, +whose lives are worthy of imitation, St Clare, St Edith, St Scolastica and +St Bridget, “that weren professed in nunnes habyte,” and a bevy of English +saints, St Audrey, St Frideswide, St Withburg, St Mildred, St Sexburg and +St Ermenild. Whether or not the author really was a woman, the poem seems +to show some knowledge of monastic life; and a certain sincerity and +rugged directness render it more impressive than Gower’s long-winded +accusations.</p> + +<p>There remain to be considered two satires which were written on the very +eve of the Reformation and perhaps have a particular significance by +reason of the cataclysm, which was so soon to effect what all the +denunciations of the moralists had failed to do. These are the dialogues +on “The Virgin averse to Matrimony” and “The Penitent Virgin” in Erasmus’ +<i>Colloquies</i> (c. 1526) and a morality (which has already been mentioned) +by the Scottish poet Sir David Lyndesay, entitled <i>Ane Pleasant Satyre of +the Thrie Estaits, in commendatioun of vertew and vituperatioun of vyce</i> +(c. 1535). Erasmus’ dialogues are (as might be expected) strongly +anti-monastic and the two which concern nuns are intended to attack those +“kidnappers” as he calls them:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>that by their allurements draw young men and maids into monasteries, +contrary to the minds of their parents, making a handle either of +their simplicity or superstition, persuading them there is no hope of +salvation out of a monastery.</p></div> + +<p>The dialogue entitled “The Virgin averse to Matrimony”<a name='fna_1632' id='fna_1632' href='#f_1632'><small>[1632]</small></a> takes place +between Eubulus and a seventeen-year old girl, Katherine, who like that +other Katherine, the heroine of <i>Why I can’t be a Nun</i>, has set her heart +upon entering a convent, but has encountered the opposition of her +parents:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“What was it,” asks Eubulus, “that gave the first rise to this fatal +resolution?” “Formerly,” replies Katherine, “when I was a little<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_550" id="Page_550">[Pg 550]</a></span> +girl, they carried me into one of these cloisters of virgins, carried +me all about it and shewed me the whole college. I was mightily taken +with the virgins, they looked so charmingly pretty, just like angels; +the chapels were so neat and smelt so sweet, the gardens looked so +delicately well-ordered, that, in short, which way soever I turned my +eye everything seemed delightful. And then I had the prettiest +discourse with the nuns; and I found two or three that had been my +play-fellows when I was a child and I have a strange passion for that +sort of life ever since.”</p></div> + +<p>Eubulus argues with the girl. She can live as purely in her father’s house +as in a nunnery; more purely indeed—and he makes a grave indictment +against the morality of nuns<a name='fna_1633' id='fna_1633' href='#f_1633'><small>[1633]</small></a>. Moreover she has no right to run +contrary to the wishes of her parents and to exchange their authority for +that of a fictitious father and a strange mother:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“The matter in question here,” he says, “is only the changing of a +habit or of such a course of life, which in itself is neither good nor +evil. And now consider but this one thing, how many valuable +privileges you lose together with your liberty. Now, if you have a +mind to read, pray or sing, you may go into your own chamber as much +and as often as you please. When you have enough of retirement you may +go to church, hear anthems, prayers and sermons and if you see any +matron or virgin remarkable for piety, in whose company you may get +good, if you see any man that is endowed with singular probity from +whom you may learn what will make for your bettering, you may have +their conversation; and you may choose that preacher that preaches +Christ most purely. When once you come into a cloister all these +things, which are the greatest assistance in the promotion of true +piety, you lose at once.” “But,” says Katherine, “in the meantime I +shall not be a nun.” “What signifies the name?” replies Eubulus. +“Consider the thing itself. They make their boast of obedience and +will you not be praiseworthy in being obedient to your parents, your +bishop and your pastor, whom God has commanded you to obey? Do you +profess poverty? And may not you too, when all is in your parents’ +hands? Although the virgins of former times were in an especial manner +commended by holy men for their liberality towards the poor; but they +could never have given anything if they had possessed nothing. Nor +will your charity be ever the less for living with your parents. And +what is there more in a convent than these? A veil, a linen shift +turned into a stole, and certain ceremonies,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_551" id="Page_551">[Pg 551]</a></span> which of themselves +signify nothing to the advancement of piety and make nobody more +acceptable in the eyes of Christ, who only regards the purity of the +mind.” “Are you then against the main institution of a monastic life?” +asks Katherine. “By no means,” answers Eubulus. “But as I will not +persuade anybody against it that is already engaged in this sort of +life to endeavour to get out of it, so I would most undoubtedly +caution all young women, especially those of generous tempers, not to +precipitate themselves unadvisedly into that state from whence there +is no getting out afterwards. And the rather because their charity is +more in danger in a cloister than out of it; and beside that, you may +do whatever is done there as well at home.”</p></div> + +<p>But Katherine remains unpersuaded.</p> + +<p>In the next dialogue, called “The Penitent Virgin”<a name='fna_1634' id='fna_1634' href='#f_1634'><small>[1634]</small></a> Eubulus and +Katherine meet again, and Katherine informs her friend how she has entered +the nunnery, but has repented and gone home to her parents before being +fully professed:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“How did you get your parents’ consent at last?” asks Eubulus. “First +by the restless solicitations of the monks and nuns and then by my own +importunities and tears, my mother was at length brought over; but my +father stood out stiffly still. But at last being plyed by several +engines, he was prevailed upon to yield; but yet, rather like one that +was forced than that consented. The matter was concluded in their +cups, and they preached damnation to him, if he refused to let Christ +have his spouse.... I was kept close at home for three days; but in +the mean time there were always with me some women of the college that +they call <i>convertites</i>, mightily encouraging me to persist in my holy +resolution and watching me narrowly, lest any of my friends or kindred +should come at me and make me alter my mind. In the meanwhile my habit +was making ready, and the provision for the feast.” “Did not your mind +misgive you yet?” asks Eubolus. “No, not at all; and yet I was so +horridly frightened that I had rather die ten times over than suffer +the same again.... I had a most dreadful apparition.” “Perhaps,” +remarks Eubulus slyly, “it was your evil genius that pushed you on to +this.” “I am fully persuaded it was an evil spirit,” replies +Katherine. “Tell me what shape it was in? Was it such as we use to +paint with a crooked beak, long horns, harpies claws and swinging +tail?” “You can make game of it,” says poor Katherine, “but I had +rather sink into the earth than see such another.” “And were your +women solicitresses with you then?” “No, nor I would not so much as +open my lips of it to them, though they sifted me most particularly +about it, when they found me almost dead with the surprise.” “Shall I +tell you what it was?” says Eubulus. “These women had certainly +bewitched you,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_552" id="Page_552">[Pg 552]</a></span> or conjured your brain out of your head rather<a name='fna_1635' id='fna_1635' href='#f_1635'><small>[1635]</small></a>. +But did you persist in your resolution for all this?” “Yes, for they +told me that many were thus troubled upon their first consecrating +themselves to Christ; but if they got the better of the Devil that +bout, he’d let them alone for ever after.” “Well, what pomp were you +carried out with?” “They put on all my finery, let down my hair and +dressed me just as if it had been for my wedding.... I was carried +from my father’s house to the college by broad daylight and a world of +people staring at me.” “O these Scaramouches,” interrupts Eubulus, +“how they know how to wheedle the poor people!”</p></div> + +<p>Katherine then tells him that she remained only twelve days in the +nunnery, and after six changed her mind and besought her father and mother +to take her away, which they eventually did. But what she saw that made +her recant she refuses to tell Eubulus, though he announces himself well +able to guess what it was. The dialogue ends on a significant note, “In +the meanwhile you have been at a great charge.” “Above four hundred +crowns.” “O these guttling nuptials!”<a name='fna_1636' id='fna_1636' href='#f_1636'><small>[1636]</small></a></p> + +<p>The racy dialogues of Erasmus illustrate the characteristic hostility of +the new learning towards contemporary monastic orders, and embody the main +charges which were customarily made against them, viz. the undue pressure +brought to bear upon young people to take vows for which they were not +necessarily suited, the avarice of the convents and the immorality of +their inmates. Sir David Lyndesay’s <i>Satyre of the Thrie Estaits</i> dwells +more specifically upon the latter accusation. In this lively castigation +of the vices of the day, which was acted for nine hours before the court +of King James V of Scotland at Cupar in 1535, Chastity comes upon the +stage, lamenting that she has long been banished, unheeded and unfriended +and that neither the temporal estate, nor the spiritual estate nor the +Princes will befriend her. Diligence bids her seek refuge among the nuns, +who are sworn to observe chastity, pointing to a Prioress of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_553" id="Page_553">[Pg 553]</a></span> renown, +sitting among the other spiritual lords. “I grant,” says Chastity,</p> + +<p class="poem"><span style="margin-left: 5.5em;">ȝon Ladie hes vowit Chastitie</span><br /> +For hir professioun; thairto sould accord.<br /> +Scho maid that vow for ane Abesie,<br /> +Bot nocht for Christ Jesus our Lord.<br /> +Fra tyme that thay get thair vows, I stand for’d,<br /> +Thay banische hir out of thair cumpanie:<br /> +With Chastitie thay can mak na concord,<br /> +Bot leids thair lyfis in Sensualitie.<br /> +I sall obserue our counsall, gif I may.<br /> +Cum on, and heir quhat ȝon Ladie will say,<br /> +My prudent, lustie, Ladie Priores,<br /> +Remember how ȝe did vow Chastitie.<br /> +Madame, I pray ȝow, of your gentilnes,<br /> +That ȝe wald pleis to haif of me pitie,<br /> +And this ane nicht to gif me harberie:<br /> +For this I mak ȝow supplicacioun.<br /> +Do ȝe nocht sa, Madame, I dreid, perdie!<br /> +It will be caus of depravatioun.</p> + +<p>But the Prioress has given her allegiance to the notorious Lady +Sensuality, who, serving Queen Venus, has corrupted the court of King +Humanity and especially his clergy. “Pass hynd, Madame,” she says,</p> + +<p class="poem"><span style="margin-left: 4.5em;">Be Christ I ȝe cum nocht heir:</span><br /> +ȝe are contrair to my cumplexioun ...<br /> +Dame Sensuall hes geuin directioun<br /> +ȝow till exclude out of my cumpany.</p> + +<p>Chastity then applies in vain to the Lords of Spirituality for shelter; an +abbot jeers at her and a parson bids her</p> + +<p class="poem">Pas hame amang the Nunnis and dwell,<br /> +Quhilks ar of Chastitie the well.<br /> +I traist thay will, with Buik and bell<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Ressaue ȝow in thair Closter;</span></p> + +<p>to which Chastity replies:</p> + +<p class="poem">Sir, quhen I was the Nunnis amang,<br /> +Out of thair dortour thay mee dang,<br /> +And wold nocht let me bide se lang<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">To say my Pater noster<a name='fna_1637' id='fna_1637' href='#f_1637'><small>[1637]</small></a>.</span></p> + +<p>At the end of the play the evil counsellors of King Humanity and +corruptors of his Estates are punished by Sir Commonweal,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_554" id="Page_554">[Pg 554]</a></span> with the +assistance of Good Counsel and Correction. Correction, with his Scribe, +examines the spiritual lords as to how they keep their vows, and thus +interrogates the Prioress:</p> + +<p class="poem">Quhat say ȝe now, my Ladie Priores?<br /> +How have ȝe vsit ȝour office, can ȝe ges?<br /> +Quhat was the caus ȝe refusit harbrie<br /> +To this young lustie Ladie Chastitie?</p> + +<p>and the Prioress replies:</p> + +<p class="poem">I wald have harborit hir, with gude intent;<br /> +Bot my complexioun therto wald not assent.<br /> +I do my office efter auld vse and wount:<br /> +To ȝour Parliament I will mak na mair count<a name='fna_1638' id='fna_1638' href='#f_1638'><small>[1638]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>The punishment of Flattery the Friar, the Prioress and the other prelates +follows; and the Sergeants proceed to divest her of her habit, gaily +adjuring her:</p> + +<table style="margin-left: 15%;" border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary="table"> +<tr><td style="white-space: nowrap"><span style="margin-left: 3em;">Cum on, my Ladie Priores.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 4em;">We sall leir ȝow to dance—</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 3em;">And that within ane lytill space—</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 4em;">Ane new pavin of France</span><br /> +(<i>Heir sall thay spuilȝe the Priores; and scho sall haue</i><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 3em;"><i>ane kirtill of silk under hir habite.</i>)</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 3em;">Now, brother, be the Masse!</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 4em;">Be my iudgement, I think</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 3em;">This halie Priores</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 4em;">Is turnit in ane <i>cowclink</i><a name='fna_1639' id='fna_1639' href='#f_1639'><small>[1639]</small></a>.</span></td> + <td><span class="spacer"> </span></td> + <td valign="bottom">[courtesan</td></tr></table> + +<p>The Prioress then makes a lament, which has already been quoted, blaming +her friends for making her a nun, and declaring that nuns are not +necessary to Christ’s congregation and would be better advised to marry. +Finally the Acts of Parliament of King Correction and King Humanity, for +the better regulation of the realm, are proclaimed; and these include a +condemnation of nunneries:</p> + +<p class="poem"><span style="margin-left: 4em;">Because men seis, plainlie,</span><br /> +This wantoun Nunnis ar na way necessair<br /> +Till Common-weill, not ȝit to the glorie<br /> +Of Christ’s kirk, thocht thay be fat and fair.<br /> +And als, that fragill ordour feminine<br /> +Will nocht be missit in Christ’s Religioun;<br /> +Thair rents vsit till ane better fyne<br /> +For Common-weill of all this Regioun<a name='fna_1640' id='fna_1640' href='#f_1640'><small>[1640]</small></a>.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_555" id="Page_555">[Pg 555]</a></span>The date when these words were first proclaimed from a stage is +significant; it was 1535, the year of the visitation of the monasteries in +England. The confiscation of those rents was soon to be an accomplished +fact; but it was a king rather than a commonweal that reaped the benefit.</p> + +<p>There remains for consideration only one other class of literature which +speaks of the nun. It is interesting to see the part which she plays in +literature proper, outside popular songs and stories, or popular and +didactic works written for purposes of edification. Considering the +important part played by monastic institutions in the life of the upper +classes it is perhaps surprising that the part played by the nun in +secular literature is so small. But the explanation lies in the definitely +romantic basis of the greater part of such literature, combined with the +fact that it was aristocratic in origin and therefore inherited a respect +for the nunneries, which prevented a romantic treatment of the nun, such +as is found in the <i>chansons de nonnes</i>. Even so it is to be remarked that +the treatment is romantic with a difference; the nun is willingly +professed, pious, aloof, but it is because death or misfortune has put an +end to lovers’ joys; the type of nun who appears in this literature has +retreated to a convent at the close of a life spent in the world. If the +nun unwillingly professed has always been a favourite theme, so also has +the broken-hearted wife or lover, hiding her sorrows in the silent +cloister; from the twelfth to the nineteenth century she remains +unchanging, from Belle Doette and Guinevere to the Lady Kirkpatrick:</p> + +<p class="poem">To sweet Lincluden’s holy cells<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Fu’ dowie I’ll repair:</span><br /> +There peace wi’ gentle patience dwells—<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Nae deadly feuds are there.</span><br /> +In tears I’ll wither ilka charm,<br /> +Like draps o’ balefu’ dew,<br /> +And wail a beauty that could harm<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">A knight sae brave and true<a name='fna_1641' id='fna_1641' href='#f_1641'><small>[1641]</small></a>.</span></p> + +<p>The anonymous twelfth century romance of Belle Doette contains some +charming verses, describing her grief at her husband’s death and her +determination to enter a cloister:</p> + +<p class="poem"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_556" id="Page_556">[Pg 556]</a></span> +Bèle Doette a pris son duel a faire:<br /> +“Tant mari fustes, cuens Do, frans de bon aire!<br /> +Por vostre amor vestirai je la haire,<br /> +Ne sor mon cors n’avra pelice vaire.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">E or en ai dol.</span><br /> +Por vos devenrai nonne en l’eglyse Saint Pol.<br /> +<br /> +Por vos ferai une abbaie téle<br /> +Quant iért li jors que la feste iért nomée<br /> +Se nus i vient qui ait s’amor fausee<br /> +Ja del mostier ne savera l’entree.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">E or en ai dol.</span><br /> +Por vos devenrai nonne en l’eglyse Saint Pol.<br /> +<br /> +Bèle Doette prist s’abaise a faire,<br /> +Qui mout est grande et ades sera maire:<br /> +Toz cels et celes vodra dedans atraire<br /> +Qui por amor sévent peine et mal traire.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">E or en ai dol.</span><br /> +Por vos devenrai nonne en l’eglyse Saint Pol”<a name='fna_1642' id='fna_1642' href='#f_1642'><small>[1642]</small></a>.<br /> +<br /> +Lovely Doette, she weeps a husband fair.<br /> +“O count, my lord, frank wast thou, debonair!<br /> +For thy dear love I’ll wear a shirt of hair,<br /> +Never again be clad in robe of vair.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Great grief have I.</span><br /> +Now in St Paul’s a nun I’ll live and die.<br /> +<br /> +For thy dear love an abbey I will raise.<br /> +And when therein first sounds the song of praise<br /> +If one shall come who falsely love betrays<br /> +Ne’er shall she find an entrance all her days.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Great grief have I.</span><br /> +Now in St Paul’s a nun I’ll live and die.<br /> +<br /> +Lovely Doette, she makes her abbey so.<br /> +Great now it is and greater still shall grow.<br /> +And lovers all into that church shall go<br /> +Who for love’s sake know pain and bitter woe.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Great grief have I.</span><br /> +Now in St Paul’s a nun I’ll live and die.”</p> + +<p>To English readers the supreme representative of this type must always be +Malory’s Guinevere:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>And when queen Guenever understood that king Arthur was slain, and all +the noble knights, Sir Mordred and all the remnant, then the queen +stole away and five ladies with her, and so she went to Almesbury, and +there she let make herself a nun, and wore white clothes and black, +and great penance she took, as ever did sinful lady in this land, and +never creature could make her merry, but lived in fasting, prayers and +alms-deeds, that all manner of people marvelled<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_557" id="Page_557">[Pg 557]</a></span> how virtuously she +was changed. Now leave we queen Guenever in Almesbury a nun in white +clothes and black, and there she was abbess and ruler as reason would.</p></div> + +<p>There follows that incomparable chapter of parting, when Launcelot seeks +his queen in her nunnery:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>and then was queen Guenever ware of Sir Launcelot as he walked in the +cloister, and when she saw him there she swooned thrice, that all the +ladies and gentlewomen had work enough to hold the queen up. So when +she might speak, she called ladies and gentlewomen to her, and said, +Ye marvel, fair ladies, why I make this fare. Truly, she said, it is +for the sight of yonder knight that yonder standeth: wherefore, I pray +you all, call him to me. When Sir Launcelot was brought to her, then +she said to all the ladies, Through this man and me hath all this war +been wrought, and the death of the most noblest knights of the world; +for through our love that we have loved together is my noble lord +slain. Therefore, Sir Launcelot, wit thou well I am set in such a +plight to get my soul’s health; and yet I trust, through God’s grace, +that after my death to have a sight of the blessed face of Christ and +at doomsday to sit at his right side, for as sinful as ever I was are +saints in heaven. Therefore, Sir Launcelot, I require thee and beseech +thee heartily, for all the love that ever was betwixt us, that thou +never see me more in the visage; and I command thee on God’s behalf +that thou forsake my company and to thy kingdom thou turn again and +keep well thy realm from war and wrack. For as well as I have loved +thee, mine heart will not serve me to see thee; for through thee and +me is the flower of kings and knights destroyed.</p></div> + +<p>And so on, through the last parting, and the last kiss refused, and the +lamentation “as they had been stung with spears,” through the six long +years of fasting and penance, till the day when Guinevere died and a +vision bade Launcelot seek her corpse.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>And when Sir Launcelot was come to Almesbury, within the nunnery, +queen Guenever died but half an hour before. And the ladies told Sir +Launcelot that queen Guenever told them all, or she passed, that Sir +Launcelot had been priest near a twelvemonth—And hither he cometh as +fast as he may to fetch my corpse; and beside my lord king Arthur he +shall bury me. Wherefore the queen said in hearing of them all, I +beseech Almighty God that I may never have power to see Sir Launcelot +with my worldly eyes. And thus, said all the ladies, was ever her +prayer these two days, till she was dead<a name='fna_1643' id='fna_1643' href='#f_1643'><small>[1643]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>This is a different romance from that of the gay <i>chansons de nonnes</i>, but +it is romance all the same. There is little in common between Queen +Guinevere and the lady who was loved and rescued by a king in the <i>Ancren +Riwle</i><a name='fna_1644' id='fna_1644' href='#f_1644'><small>[1644]</small></a>.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_558" id="Page_558">[Pg 558]</a></span>One of the last—as it is one of the most graceful—pieces of courtly +literature concerned with a convent is the delightful <i>Livre du dit de +Poissy</i>, in which the French poetess Christine de Pisan tells of a +journey, which she took in 1400, to visit her daughter, a nun at the +famous convent of Poissy. This Dominican abbey, founded in 1304, was +exceedingly rich and the special favourite of the kings of France, for it +had been put under the protection of St Louis. The number of nuns, +originally fixed at a hundred and twenty, soon rose to two hundred, and +the aristocratic character of the house was very marked, for its inmates +had to be of noble birth and to receive a special authorisation from the +king before they could be admitted. At the time of Christine de Pisan’s +visit Marie de Bourbon, aunt of Charles VI, was prioress, and the convent +also contained the nine year old Marie de France, his daughter (who took +the veil at the age of five) and her cousin Catherine d’Harcourt. There +were no nunneries so large and so rich in England at this late date; but +Christine’s description may serve to suggest what great houses like +Shaftesbury and Romsey must have been like in the earlier days of their +prime. Her account of the convent, with its fine buildings and gardens, +its church, its rich lands and its gracious and dignified way of life +forms a useful counterpoise to the bald and unidealised picture presented +by the <i>comperta</i> of visitations; for assuredly truth lies somewhere +between the <i>comperta</i>, which deal solely with faults, and the poem, which +deals solely with virtues.</p> + +<p>Christine describes the brilliant cavalcade of lords and ladies riding in +the spring morning through beautiful scenery, enlivening their journey +with laughter and song and talk of love, until they came to the great +abbey of Poissy. She describes their reception by the Prioress Marie de +Bourbon and by the king’s little daughter “joenne et tendre”:</p> + +<p class="poem">Par les degrez de pierre, que moult pris,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">En hault montames</span><br /> +Ou bel hostel royal, que nous trouvames<br /> +Moult bien pare, et en sa chambre entrames<br /> +De grant beaulty.</p> + +<p>The Prioress’ lodging was evidently such as befitted a royal princess, +even though she were a humble nun. Christine <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_559" id="Page_559">[Pg 559]</a></span>describes the manner of life +of the nuns, how no man might enter the precincts to serve or see them, +save a relative, and how they never left the convent and seldom saw +strangers from the world:</p> + +<p class="poem">Et de belles plusiers y a comme angelz.<br /> +Si ne vestent chemises, et sus langes<br /> +Gisent de nuis; n’ont pas coultes a franges<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 4em;">Mais materas</span><br /> +Qui sont couvers de biaulx tapis d’Arras<br /> +Bien ordenées, mais ce n’est que baras,<br /> +Car ils sont durs et emplis de bourras,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 4em;">Et la vestues</span><br /> +Gisent de nuis celles dames rendues,<br /> +Qui se lievent ou elles sont batues<br /> +A matines; la leurs chambres tendues<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 4em;">En dortouer</span><br /> +Ont près a près, et en refectouer<br /> +Disnent tout temps, ou a beau lavourer.<br /> +Et en la court y a le parlouer<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 4em;">Ou a trellices</span><br /> +De fer doubles a fenestres coulices,<br /> +Et la en droit les dames des offices<br /> +A ceulz de hors parlent pour les complices<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 4em;">Et necessaires</span><br /> +Qu’il leur convient et fault en leurs affaires.<br /> +Si ont prevosts, seigneuries et maires,<br /> +Villes, Chastiaulx, rentes de plusieurs paires<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 4em;">Moult bien assises;</span><br /> +Et riches sont, ne nulles n’y sont mises<br /> +Fors par congié de roy qui leurs franchises<br /> +Leur doit garder et maintes autres guises<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 4em;">A la en droit.</span></p> + +<p>Christine then tells how the Prioress invited the party to “desjuner” and +how in a fair room they were served with rich wines and meats, in vessels +of gold, and were waited upon by the nuns. Then the nuns led them through +the buildings and grounds of the convent, showing them all the beauties of +this “paradise terestre.” She gives an extremely minute and interesting +picture of Poissy as it was in 1400, the vaulted cloister with its carven +pillars, surrounding a square lawn with a tall pine in the middle; the +spacious frater, with glass windows; the fine chapter house; the stream of +fresh water carried in pipes through all the different buildings; the +great storehouses, cellars, ovens and other offices; the large, airy +dorter; and finally the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_560" id="Page_560">[Pg 560]</a></span> magnificent church, with its tall pillars and +vaulted roof, its hangings, images, paintings and ornaments of glittering +gold. She tells of the services held there, when the nuns knelt within a +screen in the nave and the townsfolk and visitors and priests outside it. +She gives a detailed account of the clothes worn by the nuns; a woman she, +and not to be content with Malory’s simple “white clothes and black.” +Finally she describes the wide gardens and woods of the convent, +surrounded by a high wall and full of fruit-trees and birds and deer and +coneys, with two fishponds, well-stocked with fish. In the exploration of +these delights the day passed quickly. The gay party retired at nightfall +to a neighbouring inn and early the next day paid a farewell visit to the +hospitable nuns, who gave them gifts of belts and purses embroidered by +themselves:</p> + +<p class="poem"><span style="margin-left: 6em;">Et reprendre</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 4em;">De leurs joyaulx</span><br /> +Il nous covint, non fermillez n’aniaulx<br /> +Mais boursetes ouvrees a oysiaulx<br /> +D’or et soies, ceintures et laz biaulx,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 4em;">Moult bien ouvrez,</span><br /> +Qui autre part ne sont telz recouvrez.<br /> +</p> + +<p>Then lords and ladies took horse again and, debating of love, rode back to +Paris<a name='fna_1645' id='fna_1645' href='#f_1645'><small>[1645]</small></a>.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_561" id="Page_561">[Pg 561]</a></span>Against this courtly idyll of monastic life one more picture of a nun must +be set as complement and as contrast. It is deservedly well known; but no +study of the nun in medieval literature would be complete without quoting +in full Chaucer’s description of Madame Eglentyne, a masterpiece of +humorous observation, sympathetic without being idealised, gently +sarcastic without being bitter. It is a fitting note on which to close +this book:</p> + +<p class="poem"><span style="margin-left: 2em;">Ther was also a Nonne, a Prioresse,</span><br /> +That of her smyling was ful simple and coy;<br /> +Hir grettest ooth was but by seynt loy;<br /> +And she was cleped madame Eglentyne.<br /> +Ful wel she song the service divyne,<br /> +Entuned in hir nose ful semely;<br /> +And Frensh she spak ful faire and fetisly,<br /> +After the scole of Stratford atte Bowe,<br /> +For Frensh of Paris was to hir unknowe.<br /> +At mete wel y-taught was she with-alle;<br /> +She leet no morsel from hir lippes falle,<br /> +Ne wette hir fingres in hir sauce depe.<br /> +Wel coude she carie a morsel and wel kepe,<br /> +That no drope ne fille up-on hir brest.<br /> +In curteisye was set ful muche hir lest.<br /> +Hir over lippe wyped she so clene,<br /> +That in hir coppe was no ferthing sene<br /> +Of grece, whan she dronken hadde hir draughte.<br /> +Ful semely after hir mete she raughte,<br /> +And sikerly she was of greet disport,<br /> +And ful plesaunt and amiable of port,<br /> +And peyned hir to countrefete chere<br /> +Of court, and been estatlich of manere,<br /> +And to be holden digne of reverence.<br /> +But, for to speken of hir conscience,<br /> +She was so charitable and so pitous,<br /> +She wolde wepe, if that she sawe a mous<br /> +Caught in a trap, if it were deed or bledde.<br /> +Of smale houndes had she, that she fedde<br /> +With rosted flesh, or milk and wastel-breed.<br /> +But sore weep she if oon of hem were deed,<br /> +Or if men smoot it with a yerde smerte:<br /> +And al was conscience and tendre herte.<br /> +Ful semely hir wimpel pinched was;<br /> +Hir nose tretys; hir eyen greye as glas;<br /> +Hir mouth ful smal, and ther-to softe and reed;<br /> +But sikerly she hadde a fair forheed;<br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_562" id="Page_562">[Pg 562]</a></span>It was almost a spanne brood, I trowe;<br /> +For, hardily, she was nat undergrowe.<br /> +Ful fetis was hir cloke, as I was war.<br /> +Of smal coral aboute hir arm she bar<br /> +A peire of bedes, gauded al with grene;<br /> +And ther-on heng a broche of gold ful shene,<br /> +On which ther was first write a crouned A,<br /> +And after, <i>Amor vincit omnia</i><a name='fna_1646' id='fna_1646' href='#f_1646'><small>[1646]</small></a>.<br /> +</p> + + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<hr style="width: 50%;" /> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_563" id="Page_563">[Pg 563]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="APPENDIX_I" id="APPENDIX_I"></a>APPENDIX I</h2> +<p class="title">ADDITIONAL NOTES TO THE TEXT</p> + + +<p> <a name="note_a" id="note_a"></a></p> +<p class="center">NOTE A.</p> +<p class="center">THE DAILY FARE OF BARKING ABBEY.</p> + +<p>The <i>Charthe</i> [charter] <i>longynge to the office of the Celeresse of the +Monasterye of Barkinge</i><a name='fna_1647' id='fna_1647' href='#f_1647'><small>[1647]</small></a> is one of the most interesting domestic +documents which has survived from the middle ages. The <i>Ménagier de Paris</i> +gives a first rate account of the work of a housewife who has to provide +for a private household. The <i>Charthe</i> sets forth the duties of a +housewife who has to feed a large institution. No bursar of a college or +housekeeper of a school can fail to read it with a sympathetic smile. Like +a good business woman the nameless cellaress, who drew it up for the +guidance of her successors, sets out first of all the sources of revenue +by which the charges of her office were supported. These are of three +sorts: (1) the rents from thirteen rural manors, together with certain +annual rents from the canons of St Paul’s, the priory of St Bartholomew’s +and the lessees of various tenements in London, which were supposed to +yield her a little over £95 per annum; (2) “the issues of the Larder,” to +wit all the ox skins, “inwards” of oxen, tallow coming from oxen and +messes of beef, which she sells; and (3) “the foreyn receyte,” to wit the +money received for the sale of hay at any farm belonging to her office. +These represent only her money revenues; but she also received the greater +part of meat and dairy produce consumed by the convent from the home farm +and from the demesnes of the manors appropriated to her. The <i>Charthe</i> +warns her to be certain of hiring pasture for her oxen at such times as it +is needful, to see that her hay is duly mown and made and to keep all the +buildings belonging to her office in repair, both those within the +monastery and those at the outlying manors and farms.</p> + +<p>The <i>Charthe</i> throws some light upon the domestic staff employed in +working the department. An important gentleman called the steward of the +household had the general supervision of its business affairs; he kept an +eye on the bailiffs and rent collectors of the cellaress’s manors and +presided at their courts. The cellaress solemnly presented him with a +“reward” of 20<i>d.</i> every time that he returned with the pecuniary proceeds +of justice, and on Christmas day. The management of the department was +done by the head cellaress herself, with an under-cellaress to assist her +and a clerk to keep her<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_564" id="Page_564">[Pg 564]</a></span> accounts and write her business letters, at a +wage of 13<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i> The kitchen was in the special charge of a nun +kitchener and the actual cooking was done by a “yeoman cook,” a “groom +cook” and a “pudding wife”<a name='fna_1648' id='fna_1648' href='#f_1648'><small>[1648]</small></a>; she paid her yeoman cook a wage of +26<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i>, her pudding wife, 2<i>s.</i> a year and bought her groom cook a +gown at Christmas. She wisely gave a Christmas box to each of the +underlings, great and small, with whom she had to do, 20<i>d.</i> to the +Abbess’ gentlewoman, 16<i>d.</i> to every gentleman, “and to every yoman as it +pleaseth her for to doo, and gromes in like case”; moreover it was her +pleasant duty to hand to herself as cellaress and to her under-cellaress +20<i>d.</i> apiece.</p> + +<p>The <i>Charthe</i> gives exceedingly minute directions as to the conventual +housekeeping. Barking Abbey was a large house, consisting at the time this +document was drawn up of thirty-seven ladies. The Abbess dwelt in state in +her own apartments, with a gentlewoman to wait upon her and a private +kitchen, with its own staff, which was not under the control of the +cellaress. The cellaress, however, sent in to the Abbess 4 lbs. of almonds +and eight cakes called “russheaulx” in Lent, eight chickens at Shrovetide, +one pottle of wine called Tyre<a name='fna_1649' id='fna_1649' href='#f_1649'><small>[1649]</small></a> on Maundy Thursday and a sugar loaf +on Christmas Day; while the Abbess’ kitchen had to provide the convent +with “pittances” and “liveries” of pork, bacon, mutton or eggs on certain +days of the year, as will appear hereafter. From the convent kitchen the +cellaress had to purvey for: (1) the ladies of the convent, (2) the +prioress, two cellaresses and kitchener, who receive a double allowance of +almost all food given out, and (3) the priory.</p> + +<p>The <i>Charthe</i> sets forth exactly how much is to be delivered to each +person, the separate allowances of meat being called “messes.” It will be +convenient to consider the stores to be provided under the five headings +of: (1) meat, (2) grain, (3) butter and eggs, (4) fish and condiments for +Advent and Lenten fare, and (5) pittances, or extra delicacies provided on +certain days of the year. It is to be noted that the <i>Charthe</i> deals for +the most part with the special fare appropriate to special occasions. +There is no mention of the daily allowance of bread and beer made on the +premises; the only fish mentioned is salt fish for Lent; the only +vegetables are dried peas and beans; the only fowls are for a special +pittance on St Alburgh’s day.</p> + +<p>(1) <i>Meat.</i> The chief meat food of the convent, eaten three times a week +(on Sunday, Tuesday and Thursday), except in Advent and Lent and on +vigils, was beef. The cellaress had to purvey 22 “gud oxen” by the year +for the convent. These oxen were fed on her own pastures, and, says the +cellaress, “she shall slay but every fortnyght and yf sche be a good +huswyff”; accordingly at the end of the first week, she must look and see +if she has enough beef to last out the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_565" id="Page_565">[Pg 565]</a></span> fortnight and if not she must buy +what she needs in the market. It would seem that besides the beef provided +by the cellaress from the convent kitchen the convent had an extra +allowance of beef provided from some source not mentioned in the +<i>Charthe</i>, or else that they did not always eat each week what was +delivered to them. For the cellaress sets down as follows the entry which +her clerk is to make in her book each week: on Saturday 20 Sept. +(doubtless the day on which she was writing) she answers for four or five +messes remaining in store of the week before, and of 63 messes of beef +from an ox slain the same week, also of 80 messes of beef bought by her of +the convent “of that they lefte behynd of ther lyvere, paying for every +mess 1½<i>d.</i>,” total 147 messes, whereof she delivers to each lady for +the three meat days three messes and to the priory six messes. After beef +the meat food most commonly eaten consisted in various forms of pig’s +flesh. At Martinmas the cellaress had to ask at the abbess’ kitchen for a +pittance of pork for each lady and also a livery of “sowsse”<a name='fna_1650' id='fna_1650' href='#f_1650'><small>[1650]</small></a>, thus +defined: “every lady to have three thynges, that is to sey, the cheke, the +ere and the fote is a livery; the groyne and two fete ys anodyer leveray; +soe a hoole hoggs sowsse shall serve three ladyes.” At the same time she +had to give them “of sowce of hyre owne provisione two thynges to every +lady, so that a hoole hog sowce do serve four ladyes.” She also had to +provide pork from her own kitchin for two anniversary pittances (of which +more anon) and she notes that every hog yields 20 messes. Moreover on +Christmas Day she had to ask at the abbess’ kitchen for “livery bacon” for +the convent, four messes for each lady; a flitch was reckoned to provide +ten messes. Of mutton the convent ate very little. Three times a year, +between the feasts of the Assumption (Aug. 15) and of St Michael (Sept. +29), the abbess’ kitchen had to provide “pittance mutton” for the ladies, +a mess to each, “and every mutton yields twelve messes”; and twice a year +on certain anniversaries the cellaress had to provide a similar allowance +out of her own kitchen.</p> + +<p>(2) <i>Grain.</i> Under this heading comes three quarters of malt, to be brewed +into ale for the festal seasons of St Alburgh’s<a name='fna_1651' id='fna_1651' href='#f_1651'><small>[1651]</small></a> (or Foundress’) Day +(Oct. 11) and Christmas; one quarter and seven bushels of wheat to be +baked into bread or cakes for various pittances; two bushels of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_566" id="Page_566">[Pg 566]</a></span> dried +peas to be eaten in Lent and one bushel of dried beans “against +Midsummer.” The brewer and baker were paid a tip of 20<i>d.</i> and 6<i>d.</i> +respectively, when they had to make the extra pittance beer and bread. The +convent also had a livery of oatmeal from the cellaress, four dishes +delivered once a month.</p> + +<p>(3) <i>Butter and Eggs.</i> The cellaress had to provide the convent with +butter at certain times, to every lady and double one “cobet,” every dish +containing three cobets. What was called “feast butter” was payable on St +Alburgh’s Day, Easter, Whitsunday and Trinity Sunday. What was called +“storing butter” was payable five times a year, “to wit Advent and four +times after Christmas.” What was called “fortnight butter” was payable +once for every fortnight lying between Trinity Sunday and Holy Rood Day +(Sept. 14). The cellaress was also responsible for providing the convent +with money to buy eggs (“ey silver”); each lady had weekly from Michaelmas +(Sept. 29) to All Hallows’ Day (Nov. 1), 1½<i>d.</i>, from All Hallows’ Day +to Advent, 1¾<i>d.</i>, from Advent to Childermas Day (Dec. 28), 1¼<i>d.</i>, +from Childermas Day to Ash Wednesday, 1¾<i>d.</i>, and from Easter to +Michaelmas, 1½<i>d.</i>; also an extra allowance of ½<i>d.</i> on each vigil of +the year, when no meat was eaten. Out of this “ey silver” the nuns had to +purvey eggs for themselves as best they might; but the cellaress had to +give the priory each week in the year 32 eggs or else 2¾<i>d.</i> in money, +except in the four Advent weeks when she provided only 16 and in Lent, +when none were due; for every vigil she gave them eight eggs, “or else +1¾<i>d.</i> and the fourth part of ¼<i>d.</i>” in money. At the five principal +feasts of the year the abbess left her hall and dined in state in the +frater, to wit on Easter Day, Whit Sunday, Assumption Day, St Alburgh’s +Day and Christmas Day; and on these occasions the cellaress had to ask the +clerk of the abbess’ kitchen for “supper eggs” for the convent, two for +each lady.</p> + +<p>(4) <i>Lenten Fare.</i> For Lent and Advent the cellaress had to provide the +convent with their diet of fish, enlivened for their comfort with dried +fruits and rice. She laid in two cades of red herring for Advent, a cade +being 600 (counting six score to the 100).</p> + +<p>For Lent she purveyed seven cades of red herring and three barrels +(containing 1000 at six score to the hundred) of white herring. To every +lady she gave four a day (i.e. in all 28 a week), and to the priory she +gave four on every day except Sunday, when she gave them fish, and Friday, +when they had figs and raisins. She also had to lay in 18 salt fish +(nature unspecified), out of which she provided each lady with a mess and +the priory with two messes every other week in Lent, each fish producing +seven messes; in the alternate weeks they received salt salmon, of which +she laid in fourteen or fifteen, each salmon yielding nine messes. To +spice this Lenten fare she bought 1200 lbs. of almonds, three “peces” and +24 lbs. of figs, one “pece” of raisins, 28 lbs. of rice and 12 gallons of +mustard. Each lady received 2 lbs. of almonds and ½ lb. of rice to last +for the whole of Lent, and every week 1 lb. of figs and raisins.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_567" id="Page_567">[Pg 567]</a></span>(5) <i>Pittances</i>, or extra allowances of more delicate food, were due to +the nuns on certain feasts of the Church and on the anniversaries of five +benefactors, viz. Sir William Vicar, Dame Alys Merton, “dame Mawte the +kynges daughter,” dame Maud Loveland and William Dun. The pittances on the +anniversaries of William Vicar and William Dun were of mutton; on each +occasion the cellaress had to lay in three “carse” of mutton, and for +William Dun’s pittance she had to make sure also of 12 gallons of good +ale. For the pittances of Dame Alice Merton and Maud the king’s daughter +(which fell in the winter) she had to purvey four bacon hogs, each hog +producing 20 messes, also six <i>grecys</i><a name='fna_1652' id='fna_1652' href='#f_1652'><small>[1652]</small></a>, six <i>sowcys</i> and six +<i>inwardys</i>; also 100 eggs for “white puddings,” together with bread, +pepper and saffron for the same, and “marrow bones for white +wortys”<a name='fna_1653' id='fna_1653' href='#f_1653'><small>[1653]</small></a>; also three gallons of good ale. Evidently the convent had a +royal feast on those days and had good cause to remember their former +abbesses. There are no details as to Dame Maud Loveland’s pittance. +Another red letter day was Foundress’ Day (Oct. 11). On this occasion the +abbess’ kitchen had to provide each lady of the convent with half a goose, +the two chantresses, as well as the four usual recipients, receiving +doubles, and with a hen or a cock, the fratresses and the subprioress also +receiving doubles. Moreover the cellaress had to give the ladies +“frumenty”<a name='fna_1654' id='fna_1654' href='#f_1654'><small>[1654]</small></a>, for which she laid in wheat and three gallons of milk.</p> + +<p>On the feast of the Assumption of the Virgin (Aug. 15) each received half +a goose. At Shrovetide the cellaress gave each lady “for their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_568" id="Page_568">[Pg 568]</a></span> +cripcis<a name='fna_1655' id='fna_1655' href='#f_1655'><small>[1655]</small></a> and for their crumkakers 2<i>d.</i>”; she had also to purvey +eight chickens for the abbess and “bonnes”<a name='fna_1656' id='fna_1656' href='#f_1656'><small>[1656]</small></a> for the convent and also +four gallons of milk. On Shere or Maundy Thursday she had 12 “stub” eels +and 60 “shaft” eels baked with wheat and 8 lbs. of rice; and she sent the +abbess a bottle of Tyre and the convent two gallons of red wine; +unglorified by a name. On Palm Sunday they had “russheaulx”<a name='fna_1657' id='fna_1657' href='#f_1657'><small>[1657]</small></a>, for +which she provided 21 lbs. of figs. These were little highly spiced pies +(rather like mince pies), of which the chief ingredients were figs and +flour, and besides providing them in kind on Palm Sunday the cellaress had +to pay the ladies “Ruscheaw silver, by xvj times payable in the yere to +every lady and doubill at eche time ½<i>d.</i>, but it is paid nowe but at +two times, that is to say at Ester and Michelmes.” On Easter Eve they had +three gallons of ale and one gallon of red wine. On St Andrew’s Day and on +every Sunday in Lent they had fish (doubtless fresh fish, as a welcome +change from salted herrings).</p> + + +<p> <a name="note_b" id="note_b"></a></p> +<p class="center">NOTE B.</p> +<p class="center">SCHOOL CHILDREN IN NUNNERIES.</p> + +<p>The subject is of such interest from the point of view of educational as +well as of monastic history, that I have thought it worth while to print +in full all the references to convent education in England (c. 1250-1537), +which I have been able to find. For the convenience of the reader I have +translated references in Latin and Old French and have arranged the houses +under counties. Doubtful references are marked with an asterisk.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_569" id="Page_569">[Pg 569]</a></span><span class="smcap">Bedfordshire.</span></p> + +<p>1. <i>Elstow.</i></p> + +<p class="hang2">Late 12th century. Bishop Hugh of Lincoln sent a little boy, Robert of +Noyon, here. “He seemed to be about five years old, or a little older; and +after a short space of time (the Bishop) sent him to Elstow to be taught +his letters (<i>literis informandum</i>).” <i>Magna Vita S. Hugonis Episcopi +Lincolniensis</i> (Rolls Ser.), p. 146.</p> + +<p class="hang2">1359. Gynewell enjoins boarders to be sent away on pain of +excommunication. “But boys up to the completion of their sixth year and +girls up to the completion of their tenth year, ... we do not wish to be +understood or included in the above (prohibition).” <i>Linc. Epis. Reg. +Memo. Gynewell</i>, f. 139<i>d</i>.</p> + +<p class="hang2">1421-2. Flemyng enjoins “that henceforward you admit or allow to be +admitted or received to lodge or stay within the limits of the cloister, +no persons male or female, ... who are beyond the twelfth year of their +age.” <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 49.</p> + +<p class="hang2">c. 1432. Gray enjoins that all secular persons shall be removed from the +cloister precincts, “... males to wit, who have passed their tenth year, +or females who have passed their fourteenth.” <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 53.</p> + +<p class="hang2">1442-3. “Dame Rose Waldegrave says that ... certain nuns do sometimes have +with them in the quire in time of mass the boys whom they teach, and these +do make a noise in quire during divine service.” <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 90.</p> + +<p>2. <i>Harrold.</i></p> + +<p class="hang2">1442-3. At Bishop Alnwick’s visitation “Dame Alice Decun says that only +two little girls of six or seven years do lie in the dorter.” Another nun +says the same. The Bishop forbids adult boarders, “ne childere ouere xj +yere olde men and xij yere olde wymmen wythe owten specyalle leue of us or +our successours bysshops of Lincolne fyest asked and had; ne that ye +suffre ne seculere persones, wymmen ne childern, lyg by nyght in the +dormytory.” <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 130-1.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Buckinghamshire.</span></p> + +<p>3. <i>Burnham.</i></p> + +<p class="hang2">c. 1431-6. Gray enjoins “that henceforward no secular women who are past +the fourteenth year of their age, and no males at all, be admitted in any +wise to lie by night in the dorter or be suffered so to lie.... That you +henceforth admit or suffer to be admitted and received to lodge in the +said monastery no women after they have completed the fourteenth year of +their age and no males after the eighth year of their age.... That you +remove wholly from the said monastery all ... secular folk, male and +female, who, being lodgers in the said monastery, have passed the ages +aforesaid.” <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 24.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_570" id="Page_570">[Pg 570]</a></span></p> + +<p class="hang2">1519. Atwater enjoins “that infants and small children be not admitted +into the dorter of the nuns.” <i>Linc. Epis. Reg. Visit. Atwater</i>, f. 42<i>d</i>.</p> + +<p>*4. <i>Little Marlow.</i></p> + +<p class="hang2">c. 1530? Margaret Vernon, Prioress of Little Marlow and friend of +Cromwell, was entrusted by him with the care of his little son Gregory. +Several of her letters are preserved, but they are undated and it is +difficult to gather from those which refer to Gregory Cromwell whether +they were written before or after the dissolution of Little Marlow. There +was in any case no question of her teaching the boy herself. He had with +him a tutor, Mr Copland, and the Prioress writes to tell Cromwell that Mr +Copland every morning gives Gregory and Nicholas Sadler, his schoolfellow, +their Latin lesson, “which Nicholas doth bear away as well Gregory’s +lesson as his own, and maketh him perfect against his time of rendering, +at which their Master is greatly comforted.” Master Sadler also had with +him a “little gentlewoman,” whom Margaret wished permission to educate +herself. In another letter she speaks of a proposed new tutor for Gregory +and expresses anxiety that he should be one who would not object to her +supervision. “Good master Cromwell, if it like you to call unto your +remembrance, you have promised me that I should have the governance of +your child till he be twelve years of age, and at that time I doubt not +with God’s grace but he shall speak for himself if any wrong be offered +unto him, whereas yet he cannot but by my maintenance; and if he should +have such a master which would disdain if I meddled, then it would be to +me great unquietness, for I assure you if you sent hither a doctor of +divinity yet will I play the smatterer, but always in his well doing to +him he shall have his pleasure, and otherwise not.” Wood, <i>Letters of +Royal and Illustrious Ladies</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, 57-9.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Cambridgeshire.</span></p> + +<p>5. <i>Swaffham Bulbeck.</i></p> + +<p class="hang2">1483. The following references to boarders in the account roll of the +Prioress Margaret Ratclyff for 22 Edw. IV almost certainly indicate +children. “By Richard Potecary of Cambridge 11<i>s.</i> for board for 22 weeks, +at 6<i>d.</i> per week. By 11<i>s.</i> received from John Kele of Cambridge for 22 +weeks, viz. 6<i>d.</i> per week. By £1 received from William Water of ... his +son for 40 weeks, viz. 6<i>d.</i> per week. By 13<i>s.</i> received from Thomas Roch +... his son for 26 weeks, viz. 6<i>d.</i> per week. By 15<i>s.</i> received from +Manfeld for the board of his son for 30 weeks, viz. 6<i>d.</i> per week. By £1 +received from ... of Cambridge for the board of his daughter for 40 weeks, +viz. 6<i>d.</i> per week. By 8<i>s.</i> from ... of Chesterton for the board of his +son for 16 weeks. viz. 6<i>d.</i> per week. From ... Parker of Walden for the +board of his son for 12 weeks. By 3<i>s.</i> received from ... the merchant +for the board of his daughter for 6 weeks, viz. 6<i>d.</i> per week.” Dugdale, +<i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, pp. 439-60.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_571" id="Page_571">[Pg 571]</a></span>*6. <i>St Radegund’s, Cambridge.</i></p> + +<p class="hang2">1481-2. The account roll for 1481-2 contains the item “And she answers for +20<i>s.</i> received from Richard Woodcock for the commons of 2 daughters of +the said Richard, as for [<i>blank</i>] weeks, at [<i>blank</i>] per week.” Gray, +<i>Priory of St Radegund’s, Cambridge</i>, p. 176. This is probably a child, +because I am inclined to think that payments so worded, as from a father +for a son or daughter, usually refer to children. Unfortunately the nuns +of this priory kept the details of their receipts from boarders on a +separate sheet, and entered only the total, thus: “And by £1. 12. 1 +received for the board or repast of divers gentlefolk, particulars of +whose names are noted in the paper book of accounts displayed above this +account.” <i>Ib.</i> p. 163 (see also, p. 147). These separate papers are +unluckily lost, so no details are available.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Derbyshire.</span></p> + +<p>*7. <i>King’s Mead, Derby.</i></p> + +<p class="hang2">Dr J. C. Cox says “Evidence of this priory being used as a boarding school +occurs in the private muniments of the Curzon, Fitzherbert and Gresley +families.” <i>V.C.H. Derby</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 44 (note 14). Without more exact +reference it is impossible to say whether this is correct, because adult +boarders are so often confused with schoolchildren.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Devon.</span></p> + +<p>8. <i>Cornworthy.</i></p> + +<p class="hang2">c. 1470. Petition from Thomasyn Dynham, Prioress of Cornworthy concerning +two children at school in her house, whose fees have not been paid for +five years. See description in text (above, p. <a href="#Page_269">269</a>).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Essex.</span></p> + +<p>9. <i>Barking.</i></p> + +<p class="hang2">1433. Katherine de la Pole, Abbess of Barking, petitions Henry V, “for as +much as she, afore this tyme hath bene demened and reuled, by th’advis of +youre full discrete counsail, to take upon hir the charge, costes and +expenses of Edmond ap Meredith ap Tydier and Jasper ap Meredith ap Tydier, +being yit in her kepyng, for the which cause she was payed, fro the xxvii +day of Juyll, the yere of youre full noble regne xv, unto the Satterday +the last day of Feverer, the yere of your saide regne xvii, l livres: and +after the saide last day of Feverer, youre saide bedewoman hath borne the +charges as aboven unto this day and is behynde of the payement for the +same charge ... the somme of lii livres xii sols,” she asks for payment. +Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, 437 (note <i>m</i>), (quoted from Rymer, <i>Foedera</i>, <span class="smcaplc">X</span>, p. +828).</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_572" id="Page_572">[Pg 572]</a></span></p> + +<p class="hang2">1527. Sir John Stanley made his Will on June 20, 1527, and in 1528, after +a solemn act of separation with his wife, entered a monastery. The will is +largely concerned with provisions for the education of his son and heir, +who was at that time three years old. He set aside the proceeds of a +certain manor “whych is estemed to be of the yerly valewe of xl li., to +the onely use and fyndynge of my said sonne and heyre apparaunte, tyll he +comme and be of the full ayge of xxi<sup>ti</sup>, yeres; and I woll that my sayd +sonne and heyr shalbe in the custodye and kepynge of the saide Abbes of +Barckynge, tyll he accomplyshe and be of thayge of xij yeres and after the +sayd ayge of xij yeres I woll that he shalbe in the custodye and guydynge +of the sayd Abbot of Westmynster, tyll he come and be of hys full ayge of +xxi<sup>ti</sup> yeres.” The Abbess and Abbot were to have £15 yearly for the use +of their houses in return for their pains and £20 yearly was to be paid +them “to fynde my sayd sonne and heyre and hys servauntes, mete, drynke +and wayges convenyent and all other thynges necessare un to theym, durynge +and by all the tyme that he shalbe in the rule and guydynge of the sayd +Abbesse and of the sayd Abbot.” <i>Archaeol. Journ.</i> <span class="smcaplc">XXV</span> (1868), pp. 81-2.<br /> +<br /> +It should be noted that there is nothing to suggest that these boys were +being taught by the nuns; they were young noblemen attached to a +noblewoman’s household to learn breeding.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Hampshire.</span></p> + +<p>10. <i>St Mary’s, Winchester.</i></p> + +<p class="hang2">1536. Henry VIII’s commissioners, who visited the house 15th May, found +here twenty-six “chyldren of lordys, knyghttes and gentylmen brought up yn +the saym monastery.” For the list of names (given in Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, +p. 457), see above p. <a href="#Page_266">266</a>.</p> + +<p>11. <i>Romsey.</i></p> + +<p class="hang2">1311. Bishop Woodlock decreed “There shall not be in the dormitory with +the nuns any children, either boys or girls, nor shall they be led by the +nuns into the choir, while the divine office is celebrated.” Liveing, +<i>Records of Romsey Abbey</i>, p. 104.</p> + +<p class="hang2">*1387. William of Wykeham enjoins (in an injunction dealing with various +manifestations of the <i>vitium proprietatis</i>) “Moreover let not the nuns +henceforth presume to call their own rooms or pupils (<i>discipulas</i>), +hitherto assigned to them or so assigned in future, on pretext of such +assignation, which is rather to be deemed a matter of will than of +necessity; nathless it is lawful for the abbess to assign such rooms and +pupils according to merit as she thinks fit, etc., etc.” But this more +probably refers to young nuns or novices. The word <i>discipula</i> is used in +this sense in Alnwick’s visitation of Gracedieu. (See above, p. <a href="#Page_80">80</a>.)</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_573" id="Page_573">[Pg 573]</a></span>12. <i>Wherwell.</i></p> + +<p class="hang2">1284. Archbishop Peckham forbids boarders, adding “Let not virgins be +admitted to the habit and veil (<i>induendae virgines et velandae</i>) before +the completion of their fifteenth year and let not any boy be permitted to +be educated with the nuns.” <i>Reg. Epis. J. Peckham</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 653.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Herefordshire.</span></p> + +<p>13. <i>Lymbrook.</i></p> + +<p class="hang2">1422. Bishop Spofford writes: “Wee ordayne and charge you under payne of +unobedyence that no suster hald nor receyfe ony surgyner, man or woman +weddyd, other maydens of lawful age to be wedded, knave chyldren aboven +eght yeer of age.” <i>Reg. Thome Spofford</i> (Cant. and York. Soc.), p. 82.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Hertfordshire.</span></p> + +<p>14. <i>Flamstead.</i></p> + +<p class="hang2">1530. At the visitation of Longland one nun “reported that young girls +were allowed to sleep in the dormitory.... The Prioress was enjoined ... +to exclude children of both sexes from the dormitory.” <i>V.C.H. Herts.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, +p. 433.</p> + +<p>15. <i>Sopwell.</i></p> + +<p class="hang2">*1446. In the Warden’s Accounts of 1446 there is entered payment of 22/6 +for Lady Anne Norbery, for the commons of her daughter, apparently a +boarder here. (<i>Rentals and Surveys</i>, R. 294.) <i>V.C.H. Herts.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 425 +(note 41).</p> + +<p class="hang2">1537. At the time of the Dissolution two children were living in the +priory. <i>Ib.</i> p. 425.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Kent.</span></p> + +<p>16. <i>Dartford.</i></p> + +<p class="hang2">In 1527 was confirmed the concession made to sister Elizabeth Cresner by +F. Antoninus de Ferraria, formerly vicar of Garsias de Lora, Master +General of the Dominican order (1518-24), that she might receive any well +born matrons, widows of good repute, to dwell perpetually in the +monastery, with or without the habit, according to the custom of the +monastery; and also that she might receive young ladies and give them a +suitable training, according to the mode heretofore pursued. <i>Archaeol. +Journ.</i> (1882) <span class="smcaplc">XXXIX</span>, p. 178.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Leicestershire.</span></p> + +<p>17. <i>Gracedieu.</i></p> + +<p>The following references to boarders occur in the Gracedieu accounts +(<i>P.R.O. Minister’s Accounts</i>, 1257/10).</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_574" id="Page_574">[Pg 574]</a></span></p> + +<p class="hang2">1413-14. “Item received from William Roby for the board of his daughter on +the Feast of the Holy Trinity vj s viij d. Item received from Robert +Penell for the board of his daughter on the same day v s. Item received +for the board of Cecily Nevell on St James’ Day in part payment vj s viij +d” (p. 7).</p> + +<p class="hang2">1414-15. “Item received from Giles Jurdon for the board of his daughter in +Whitsun week vij s. Item received from Thomas Hinte for the food of a +certain daughter of his, in part payment of liij s iiij d,—xl s. Item +received for the board of Isabel Jurdon xj s, Alice Strelley xxij s, Alice +Grey xiij s iiij d, Robert Drewe xxvj s iiij d, Philip Scargell xxxiij s +vj d, Alice Smyth, iij s iiij d and Dame Joan Scargell iiij s—cxiij s ix +d” (p. 79). There is a supplementary list for this year written on a loose +sheet: “Item, first, received for the board of Isabel Jurdon for the half +year, in part payment ix s. Item received for the board of Alice Strelley +from the feast of the Finding of the Holy Cross to the feast of [St Peter] +in Chains in the following year, vj s viij d. Item received for the board +of Alice Gray from the feast of the Holy Trinity to the feast of the +Purification of the blessed Virgin Mary xiij s iiij d. Item received for +the board of Alice Strelley for ij quarters of the year and v weeks, at +the Feast of St Gregory xv s iiij d. Item received for the board of the +daughter of Robert Drowe for half a year, xxvj s viij d. Item received for +the board of Philip Scargell, in part payment, from the feast of St John +etc., paid for the quarter xxij s iiij d, whence at the Feast of Corpus +Christi xxij s iiij d. Item received for the board of Isabel Jurdon at the +feast of the Translation of St Thomas of Canterbury, in part payment—ij +s. Item received for the board of Alice Smyth in part payment at vj s viij +d for the quarter, iij s iiij d. Item received for the board of Dame +Skargeyle for two weeks, ij s per week, iiij s. Item received for the +board of Philyppe Skergell from the feast of St Laurence to the feast of +St Michael, for the half quarter xj s ij d. Total, cxiij s x d.”</p> + +<p class="hang2">1416-17. “Item received for the board of the daughter of William Rowby, as +for the purchase of one ox—xiij s iiij d.”</p> + +<p class="hang2">1417-18. “Item received for the board of Mary de Ecton on the feast of All +Saints, in part payment of a larger sum, xxxiij s iiij d. Item received +for the board of Joan Vilers on the Feast of St Andrew the Apostle vj s +viij d. Item received for the board of Katerine Standych on the morrow of +the Epiphany vj s viij d. Item received for the board of the daughters of +Robert Nevell, knight, on the feast of St Hilary x s. Item received for +the board of Joan Villars on the feast of St Hilary xx d. Item received +for the board of Mary de Ecton on the Sunday next before the feast of St +Valentine xx s. Item received from Joan Villers for her board on the +second sunday of Lent vj s viij d. Item received from Katerine Standych in +full payment of her board on Whitsunday x s. Item received for the board +of the daughters of Robert Neuel on Good Friday x s. Item received from +Mary Ecton for her board on the feast of the Purification of the B.V. then +owing vj s. Item received from Joan Colyar in part payment of xx s owing +for J. Dalby xij s” (p. 179).</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_575" id="Page_575">[Pg 575]</a></span></p> + +<p>These accounts obviously contain ordinary adult boarders as well as +children. Moreover in some cases the visitors seem merely to have come for +the great feasts and not to have stayed for any length of time, a practice +which does not suggest schooling. Mr Coulton has analysed the accounts +closely. He writes: “The records of four years give us, at the most +liberal interpretation, only nineteen children, whose total sojourn +amounted to 648 weeks; that is an average of three pupils all the year +round and one extra for two or three months of the time.” He adds: “I +have, of course ruled out ‘Dame Joan Scargill,’ who paid 2<i>s.</i> a week, or +four times the sum paid by a child, and Philip Scargill, who paid eighteen +pence and was pretty evidently the Dame’s husband; but I have included +five others on p. 89, though they are distinctly labelled as +<i>perhendinantes</i>, and the sums they pay would in any case have suggested +boarders rather than schoolgirls. If these were omitted (and I note that +Abbot Gasquet also interprets them as merely boarders), this would bring +down the average of actual children to about two at any given time.” +(<i>Monastic Schools in the Middle Ages</i>, p. 27.) He infers the weekly rate +of pay (where it can be inferred with any certainty) to be 6<i>d.</i> a week +for children and 1<i>s.</i> or more for their elders. (<i>Ib.</i> p. 39.)</p> + +<p class="hang2">1440-1. At Bishop Alnwick’s visitation the prioress deposed “that a male +child of seven years sleeps in the dorter with the cellaress.” Alnwick +makes an injunction forbidding boarders, “save childerne, males the ix and +females the xiij yere of age, whome we licencede yow to hafe for your +relefe.” <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 119, 125.</p> + +<p>18. <i>Langley.</i></p> + +<p class="hang2">1440. At Bishop Alnwick’s visitation Dame Margaret Mountgomerey “says that +secular children, female only, do lie of a night in the dorter.” The +Bishop forbids boarders “men, women ne childerne” without licence. <i>Linc. +Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 175-6.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Lincolnshire.</span></p> + +<p>19. <i>Heynings.</i></p> + +<p class="hang2">1347. Bishop Gynewell writes to Heynings: “Item we command you on your +obedience that henceforth no secular female child who has passed the tenth +year of her age and no male child, of whatever age he may be, be received +to dwell among you; and that no child lie in your dorter with the ladies, +nor anywhere else whereby the convent might be disturbed.” (<i>Linc. Epis. +Reg. Memo. Gynewell</i>, f. 34<i>d</i>.)</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_576" id="Page_576">[Pg 576]</a></span></p> + +<p class="hang2">1387. Bishop Bokyngham writes: “Item, for the removal of all fleshly +wantonness (<i>carnis pruritus quoscumque</i>), we will and ordain that secular +children and especially males shall henceforth in no wise be permitted to +sleep with the nuns, but let an honest place be set aside for them outside +the cloister, if by our recent and special grace they should chance to be +staying there.” (<i>Linc. Epis. Reg. Memo. Bokyngham</i>, f. 397<i>d</i>.)</p> + +<p class="hang2">1442. Alnwick enjoins at his visitation and afterwards in his written +injunctions “that fro this day forthe ye receyve no sudeiournauntes that +passe a man x yere, a woman xiiij yere of age, wythowten specyalle leve of +hus or our successours bysshops of Lincolne asked and had.” (<i>Linc. +Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 134-5.)</p> + +<p>20. <i>Gokewell.</i></p> + +<p class="hang2">1440. At Alnwick’s visitation the Prioress “says that they have no +boarders above ten years of age of female and eight years of male sex.” +(<i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 117.)</p> + +<p>21. <i>Legbourne.</i></p> + +<p class="hang2">1440. Alnwick ordains “that fro hense forthe ye suffre no seculere +persone, woman ne childe, lyg be night in the dormytorye.” (<i>Alnwick’s +Visit.</i> MS. f. 68.)</p> + +<p>22. <i>Nuncoton.</i></p> + +<p class="hang2">1531. Bishop Longland enjoins: “and that ye suffre nott eny men children +to be brought upp, nor taught within your monastery, nor to resorte to eny +of your susters, nouther to lye within your monastery, nor eny person +young ne old to lye within your dorter, but oonly religious women.” +(<i>Archaeologia</i>, <span class="smcaplc">XLVII</span>, p. 58.)</p> + +<p>23. <i>Stixwould.</i></p> + +<p class="hang2">1440. At Alnwick’s visitation: “Dame Alice Thornton says that young +secular folk female, of eight or ten years old, do lie in the dorter, but +in separate beds.... Also she says that, as she believes, there are males +and females, about eighteen in number, who board with divers nuns, not +passing fourteen or sixteen years in age.... Dame Maud Shirwode speaks of +the children that lie in the dorter.” Alnwick in his injunctions forbids +seculars (“women ne childern”) to lie in the dorter or to be received as +boarders without licence. (<i>Alnwick’s Visit.</i> MS. 75<i>d</i>, 76.)</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Middlesex.</span></p> + +<p>24. <i>St Helen’s, Bishopsgate</i> (<i>London</i>).</p> + +<p class="hang2">1298. The Prioress’ account for 25-6 Edward I, contains the following +items which probably refer to child boarders. “And by xx s received from +Dionisia Miles for her daughter [<i>gap</i>] ... after the Nativity of St John +the Baptist. And by one mark received for the niece of Robert Morton [?].” +<i>P.R.O. Ministers’ Accounts</i>, 1258/2.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_577" id="Page_577">[Pg 577]</a></span></p> + +<p class="hang2">1432. The injunctions sent by the Dean and Chapter of St Paul’s to St +Helen’s contain the item: “Also we ordeyne and injoyne yow, prioresse and +convent, that noo seculere be lokkyd with inne the boundes of the +cloystere; ne no seculere persones come withinne aftyr the belle of +complyne, except wymment servaunts and mayde childeryne lerners.... Also +we ordeyne and injoine that nonne have ne receyve noo schuldrin wyth hem +into the house forseyde, but yif that the profite of the comonys turne to +the vayle of the same howse.” (Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, pp. 553-4, wrongly +dated 1439.)</p> + +<p>*25. <i>Stratford “atte Bowe.”</i></p> + +<p class="hang2">1346. In the will of John Hamond, pepperer, occurs the legacy: “To his +niece the daughter of Thomas Hamond, residing with the nuns of Stratford, +he leaves a sum of money for her maintenance.” (Sharpe, <i>Cal. of Wills ... +in the Court of Hustings, London</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 516.) The girl <i>may</i> have been a +nun, but if so the legacy is curiously worded.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Norfolk.</span></p> + +<p>26. <i>Carrow.</i></p> + +<p class="hang2">In Rye, W., <i>Carrow Abbey</i> (1889), pp. 49-52, is a list of boarders at +Carrow, compiled by Norris from account rolls now lost. Some of these were +almost certainly children; I should suggest that those described as “son +of” or “daughter of” N. or M. are children. On these lists, see G. G. +Coulton, <i>Mon. Schools in the Mid. Ages</i> (Med. Studies, No. 10), p. 7.</p> + +<p>27. <i>Thetford.</i></p> + +<p class="hang2">1532. At Nykke’s visitation it was discovered that “John Jerves, +gentleman, has a daughter being brought up (<i>nutritam</i>) in the priory and +he pays nothing.” (<i>Visit. of Dioc. of Norwich</i>, ed. Jessopp (Camden +Soc.), p. 304.)</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Northamptonshire.</span></p> + +<p>28. <i>Catesby.</i></p> + +<p class="hang2">1442. At Alnwick’s visitation the Prioress, Margaret Wavere, deposed that +“sister Agnes Allesley has six or seven young folk of both sexes that do +lie in the dorter.” Alnwick makes the usual injunction against boarders, +“ouer thage of x yeere, if thei be men, wommene ouer thage of a xj yere.” +<i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 46, 51.</p> + +<p>29. <i>St Michael’s, Stamford.</i></p> + +<p class="hang2">1440. At Alnwick’s first visitation the sacrist “says that the prioress +has seven or eight children, some male, some female, of twelve years of +age and less, to her board and to teach them.” Alnwick forbids secular +persons (“women ne childrene”) to lie in the dorter and boarders (“yong ne +olde”) to be received without licence. (<i>Alnwick’s Visit.</i> MS. ff. +83-83<i>d</i>.)</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_578" id="Page_578">[Pg 578]</a></span></p> + +<p class="hang2">1442. At Alnwick’s second visitation: “Dame Maud Multone says that little +girls of seven or five years of age do lie in the dorter, contrary to my +lord’s injunction.” (<i>Ib.</i> f. 39<i>d</i>.)</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Oxfordshire.</span></p> + +<p>30. <i>Godstow.</i></p> + +<p class="hang2">1358. Bishop Gynewell writes: “Item we ordain that no lady of your said +house shall have children, save only one or two females sojourning with +them.” (<i>Linc. Epis. Reg. Memo. Gynewell</i>, f. 100.)</p> + +<p class="hang2">1445. Bishop Alnwick forbids boarders to be received “but if ye hafe lefe +of hus or our successours, bysshope of Lincolne, but if it be yong +childerne, a man not ouere ix yere of age and a woman of xii yere of age.” +(<i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 115.)</p> + +<p>31. <i>Littlemore.</i></p> + +<p class="hang2">1445. The Prioress says that “the daughter of John fitz Aleyn, steward of +the house, and Ingram Warland’s daughter are boarders in the house and +each of them pays fourpence a week.” These are clearly children, for +another boarder “sometime the serving woman of Robert fitz Elys” is +mentioned and she pays eightpence a week. Alnwick makes the usual +injunction forbidding boarders “ouere the age of a man of nyne yere ne +woman of xij yere, ne noght thaym wythe owten specyalle lefe of vs or our +successours.” (<i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 217-8.)</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Staffordshire.</span></p> + +<p>32. <i>Fairwell.</i></p> + +<p class="hang2">1367. Bishop Robert Stretton of Lichfield enjoined that “no nun was to +keep with her for education more than one child, nor any male child over +seven years of age and even that may not be done without the Bishop’s +leave. If any have more they are to be removed before the Feast of +Purification next.” (<i>Reg. Robert de Stretton</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 119.)</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Somerset.</span></p> + +<p>33. <i>Cannington.</i></p> + +<p class="hang2">1407. The will of Thomas Woth contains the following legacy: “To the +Prioress of Canyngton 40 marks to provide (<i>inveniendum</i>) Elizabeth my +daughter, if she shall happen to live to the age of ten years.” He also +leaves Elizabeth 11 marks as a marriage dowry. (<i>Somerset Medieval Wills</i>, +ed. F. W. Weaver (Somerset Rec. Soc.), <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 28.)</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Suffolk.</span></p> + +<p>34. <i>Redlingfield.</i></p> + +<p class="hang2">1514. At Bishop Nykke’s visitation Dame Grace Sampson deposed that “boys +(<i>pueri</i>) sleep in the dorter and are harmful to the convent,” and another +nun said the same. The Bishop ordained “that boys shall not lie in the +dorter.” (<i>Visit. of Dioc. of Norwich</i>, ed. Jessopp (Camden Soc.), pp. +139-40.)</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_579" id="Page_579">[Pg 579]</a></span><span class="smcap">Warwickshire.</span></p> + +<p>35. <i>Polesworth.</i></p> + +<p class="hang2">1537. Henry VIII’s commissioners addressed a letter to Cromwell on behalf +of this house, representing among other things “the repayre and resort +that ys made to the gentylmens childern and studiounts that ther doo lif, +to the nombre sometyme of xxx<sup>ti</sup> and sometyme xl<sup>ti</sup> and moo, that their +be right vertuously brought upp.” (Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 363.) The house +at this time contained an abbess and twelve nuns.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Yorkshire.</span></p> + +<p>36. <i>Arden.</i></p> + +<p class="hang2">1306. Archbishop Greenfield decreed that no girls or boarders were to be +taken without special licence of the Archbishop. All girls staying in the +house without authority were to be removed within eight days. (<i>V.C.H. +Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 113.)</p> + +<p>37. <i>Arthington.</i></p> + +<p class="hang2">1315. Archbishop Greenfield decreed that no boys or secular persons were +to sleep in the dorter with the nuns.</p> + +<p class="hang2">1318. Archbishop Melton repeated the decree. (<i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. +188.)</p> + +<p>38. <i>Esholt.</i></p> + +<p class="hang2">1315. Archbishop Greenfield decreed that all women boarders over the age +of twelve were to be removed within six days and no more taken without +special licence.</p> + +<p class="hang2">1318. Archbishop Melton repeated the decree. (<i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. +161.)</p> + +<p class="hang2">1537. Among the debts owing to the Priory at the Dissolution was one of +33<i>s.</i> from Walter Wood of Timble, in the parish of Otley, for his child’s +board for a year and a half, ended at Lent, 28 Hen. VIII. (<i>Yorks. +Archaeol. Journ.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IX</span>, p. 321, note 23.)</p> + +<p>39. <i>Hampole.</i></p> + +<p class="hang2">1313. Archbishop Greenfield granted the convent licence to receive a young +girl Agnes de Langthwayt as a boarder, at the instance “nobilis viri Ade +de Everyngham.”</p> + +<p class="hang2">1314. He issued a decree that no male children over five years of age +should be permitted in the house, “as the Archbishop finds has been the +practice.” (<i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, pp. 163-4.)</p> + +<p>40. <i>Marrick.</i></p> + +<p class="hang2">1252. Archbishop Gray forbade any girl or woman to be taken as boarder or +to be taught without special licence. (<i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 117.)</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_580" id="Page_580">[Pg 580]</a></span>41. <i>Moxby.</i></p> + +<p class="hang2">1314. Archbishop Greenfield forbade boarders or girls over twelve to be +taken without licence. (<i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 239.)</p> + +<p>42. <i>Nunappleton.</i></p> + +<p class="hang2">1489. Archbishop Rotheram enjoined: “Item þat yee take noe perhendinauntes +or sogerners into your place from hensforward, but if þei be children or +ellis old persones, by which availe by liklyhod may growe to your place.” +(<i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, 173, and Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">V</span>, p. 654).</p> + +<p>43. <i>Nunburnholme.</i></p> + +<p class="hang2">1318. Archbishop Melton forbade persons of either sex over twelve years of +age to be maintained as boarders. (<i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 119.)</p> + +<p>44. <i>Nunkeeling.</i></p> + +<p class="hang2">1314. Archbishop Greenfield forbade boarders to be taken, or girls to be +kept in the house after the age of twelve years. (<i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. +120.)</p> + +<p>*45. <i>Nunmonkton.</i></p> + +<p class="hang2">1429. Isabel Salvayn leaves “xiij s iiij d to be paid for Alice Thorp at +Nunmunkton for her board.” (<i>Test. Ebor.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 419.)</p> + +<p>46. <i>Rosedale.</i></p> + +<p class="hang2">1315. Archbishop Greenfield decreed, under pain of the greater +excommunication, that no nun was to cause a girl or boy to sleep under any +consideration in the dorter, and if any nun broke this command, the +Prioress, under pain of deposition, was to signify her name without delay +to the Archbishop. (<i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 174.)</p> + +<p>47. <i>St Clement’s, York.</i></p> + +<p class="hang2">1310. Archbishop Greenfield forbade girls over twelve as boarders.</p> + +<p class="hang2">1317. Archbishop Melton forbade little girls, or males of any age, or +secular women to sleep in the dorter with the nuns. (<i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, +p. 129.)</p> + +<p>48. <i>Sinningthwaite.</i></p> + +<p class="hang2">1315. Archbishop Greenfield enjoined the Prioress and Subprioress not to +permit boys or girls to eat flesh meat in Advent or Sexagesima, or during +Lent eggs or cheese, in the refectory, contrary to the honesty of +religion, but at those seasons when they ought to eat such things, they +were to be assigned other places in which to eat them.</p> + +<p class="hang2">1319. Archbishop Melton forbade girls over twelve to be retained without +special licence. (<i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 177.)</p> + +<p>*49. <i>Swine.</i></p> + +<p class="hang2">1345. Peter del Hay of Spaldynton leaves in his will “to Joan my daughter +residing (<i>manenti</i>) in Swyn vj s viij d.” (<i>Test. Ebor.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 12.) This +is probably a boarder in the convent, perhaps a child.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_581" id="Page_581">[Pg 581]</a></span></p> + +<p class="hang2">15th century. Thorold Rogers (<i>Six Centuries of Work and Wages</i> (1909), p. +166), says: “During the course of the [fifteenth] century I find it was +the practice of country gentlefolks to send their daughters for education +to the nunneries, and to pay a certain sum for their board. A number of +such persons are enumerated as living <i>en pension</i> at the small nunnery of +Swyn in Yorkshire. Only one roll of expenditure for this religious house +survives in the Record Office, but it is quite sufficient to prove and +illustrate the custom.” I have been unable to trace this roll in the +Record Office.</p> + + +<p> <a name="note_c" id="note_c"></a></p> +<p class="center">NOTE C.</p> +<p class="center">NUNNERY DISPUTES.</p> + +<p>Other instances of nunnery disputes may be quoted, among which Peckham’s +letter to the Holy Sepulchre, Canterbury, is a good example: “If there be +any nun above you who is quarrelsome and sharp and is of custom unbearable +towards her sisters, we order her to be separated from the communion of +the convent according to the form of the rule, and to be kept in some +solitary place (so that meanwhile no man or woman have conversation with +or access to her) until she shall be brought back to humility of spirit +and show herself amiable and devout to all. Therefore let there cease +among you quarrels, altercations and sharp words, which stain and deform +the splendours of monastic honour. And for such contumelious members who +have to be separated as aforesaid we assign that dark room under the +dorter, if you have none other more suitable”<a name='fna_1658' id='fna_1658' href='#f_1658'><small>[1658]</small></a>. The nuns of Wroxall +in 1338 were warned to “cease from scoldings, reproofs and other evil +words” and were particularly told not to speak “en reproce ne en vilenie” +of a certain Dame Margaret de Acton, who had evidently been guilty of some +serious fault, but had been duly corrected by the Visitor<a name='fna_1659' id='fna_1659' href='#f_1659'><small>[1659]</small></a>; and in +the same year it was ordained at Sopwell that “if it happen that any one +scold ... let her be placed in silence by all and do penance for three +days”<a name='fna_1660' id='fna_1660' href='#f_1660'><small>[1660]</small></a>. At Heynings in 1392 Bokyngham ordered “that all the nuns +treat their sisters affably, not with an austere but with a benignant +countenance and with sisterly affection, nor visit them with railing and +hurtful words in public, especially in the presence of laymen, nor +threaten or scold them, on pain, etc”<a name='fna_1661' id='fna_1661' href='#f_1661'><small>[1661]</small></a>. At Elstow in 1421-2 there was +an injunction against the formation of cliques, upon the need for which +light is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_582" id="Page_582">[Pg 582]</a></span> thrown by the <i>detecta</i> at Alnwick’s visitation of +Gracedieu<a name='fna_1662' id='fna_1662' href='#f_1662'><small>[1662]</small></a>, “That no nun make any secret cabals or say or imagine +anything by way of insinuation or disparagement, whereby charity, unity or +the comeliness of religion may be hindered or troubled in the +convent”<a name='fna_1663' id='fna_1663' href='#f_1663'><small>[1663]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>The <i>detecta</i> at visitations often give details as to the ill-temper or +insubordination of individuals. At Wothorpe in 1323 Bishop Burghersh +“ordered inquiry into certain irregularities within the priory, caused by +the discords raised among the nuns by sister Joan de Bonnwyche”<a name='fna_1664' id='fna_1664' href='#f_1664'><small>[1664]</small></a>. At +Littlemore one of the nuns deposed that Dame Agnes Marcham “is very +quarrelsome and rebellious and will not do her work like the others”; it +appears that the convent resented the fact that although she had worn the +habit of profession for twelve years she was not expressly professed and +refused to make public profession; she on her part asserted that “she does +not mean to make express profession while she stays in that place, because +of the ill-fame which is current thereabouts concerning that place and +also because of the barrenness and poverty which in likelihood will betake +the place on account of the slenderness of the place’s revenues,” and she +proceeded to give details of the access to the priory of two scholars of +Oxford and a parish chaplain<a name='fna_1665' id='fna_1665' href='#f_1665'><small>[1665]</small></a>. It is difficult to tell who was in the +right; Littlemore certainly was a place of ill-repute and went from bad to +worse, but Agnes Marcham had stayed there for half her lifetime (she had +entered at the age of thirteen and was twenty-six or twenty-eight at the +time of the visitation) and it looks as though she had really no intention +of departing, but found the threat to do so useful<a name='fna_1666' id='fna_1666' href='#f_1666'><small>[1666]</small></a>. At Godstow in +the same year it was sister Maud, a laywoman, who caused trouble; she was +very rebellious against the abbess and rumour ran high in the convent that +she had “obtained a bull from the apostolic see to the prejudice of the +monastery and without the abbess’s knowledge”<a name='fna_1667' id='fna_1667' href='#f_1667'><small>[1667]</small></a>. At Easebourne (1524) +the subprioress Alice Hill said that three of the younger nuns were +disobedient to her in the absence of the Prioress; but the three +delinquents and another nun deposed that “Lady Alice Hill is too haughty +and rigorous and cannot bear patiently with her sisters” and the Visitor +apparently considered that the complaint was justified, for</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>afterwards Lady Alice Hill, subprioress, appeared and humbly submitted +herself to correction, in the presence of the said prioress and +co-sisters, upon what has been discovered against her in the +visitation. Afterwards my lord enjoined her that from henceforth she +should conduct herself well and religiously in all things towards the +said prioress and nuns; and as to the other portion of her penance he +adjourned it for a time. After doing which (he) enjoined all to be +obedient to the Lady Prioress and in her absence to the said +subprioress<a name='fna_1668' id='fna_1668' href='#f_1668'><small>[1668]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>The difficulty was perhaps the old one, that crabbed age and youth cannot +live together. At Rusper, when the same Visitor came there,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_583" id="Page_583">[Pg 583]</a></span> it was found +that the four sisters were disturbed by the intrigues of an external +visitor, for the nuns deposed “that a certain William Tychenor hath +frequent access to the said priory and there sows discord between the +prioress, sisters and other persons living there”<a name='fna_1669' id='fna_1669' href='#f_1669'><small>[1669]</small></a>; sometimes the lay +servants of a house seem to have stirred up quarrels among their +mistresses and in 1302 John of Pontoise ordered the nuns of Wherwell “to +punish well secular persons, both sisters and others, whoever they may be, +who reply improperly and impudently to the religious ladies, and +especially those who sow quarrels and disputes among the ladies”<a name='fna_1670' id='fna_1670' href='#f_1670'><small>[1670]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Injunctions as to the making of corrections usually had in view the +prevention of ill feeling, by ensuring that such corrections should not be +made in a harsh or unfair manner and should take place only in the +chapter-house and not in the presence of strangers. It will be remembered +that the wicked prioress of Catesby, Margaret Wavere, used to rebuke and +reproach her nuns before secular folk, and treat them with great cruelty; +her the Bishop charged</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>vnder payne of cursyng that moderly and benygnely ye trete your +susters, specyally in correctyng thaire defautes, so that ye make your +correcyones oonly in the chaptre hous of suche defautz and excesse as +be open and in presence of your sustres<a name='fna_1671' id='fna_1671' href='#f_1671'><small>[1671]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Bokyngham sent a long and detailed injunction on the subject to Elstow in +1387:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>In making corrections the abbess, prioress, and others of superior +rank shall so observe a moderate and modest temperance and an +equitable reasonableness, that having laid aside all hatred and malice +and excessive rigour, they shall in charitable zeal proceed to (deal +with) the complaints, offences and faults reported to them and shall +hear the accused parties, silencing or repelling their excuses, +punishing, correcting and reforming their offences and excesses, grave +and venial, without harshness or railing words and quarrels or abuse, +according as the quality of the fault, the compunction of the +delinquents and the repetition or frequency of the offence demand it. +And when faults and offences have been punished and excesses corrected +let them not reiterate fresh reproaches, but treat their fellow-nuns +affably, not with an austere but with a benignant countenance, nor +visit them with railing and insulting words in public, especially in +the presence of laymen, nor scold them when they have committed +excesses, but only in the chapter deal with all that concerns the +discipline of regular observance<a name='fna_1672' id='fna_1672' href='#f_1672'><small>[1672]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>For an injunction to the nuns on obedience see Woodlock’s injunction to +Romsey in 1311:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Item, because they are unaware that amongst the vows of religion the +vow of obedience is the greater, it is ordered that the younger +ladies<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_584" id="Page_584">[Pg 584]</a></span> reverently obey the seniors and especially their presidents +and if any rebels are found they shall be sharply rebuked in chapter +before all and, the fault growing, the penalty of disobedience shall +be increased<a name='fna_1673' id='fna_1673' href='#f_1673'><small>[1673]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>At Rosedale, where in 1306 the nuns had been warned not to quarrel, it was +enacted nine years later that</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>any nun disobedient or rebellious in receiving correction was for each +offence to receive a discipline from the president in chapter and say +the seven penitential psalms with the litany, and if still rebellious +the archbishop would impose a still more severe penance<a name='fna_1674' id='fna_1674' href='#f_1674'><small>[1674]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>It is to be feared that these quarrels sometimes got to blows. Besides the +notorious instances of Margaret Wavere and Katherine Wells, the +excommunication of three nuns of St Michael’s, Stamford, for laying +violent hands upon a novice may be quoted<a name='fna_1675' id='fna_1675' href='#f_1675'><small>[1675]</small></a>. Of another kind were the +assaults of a certain nun of Romsey, who was excommunicated for attacking +a vicar in church<a name='fna_1676' id='fna_1676' href='#f_1676'><small>[1676]</small></a>, and of a Prioress of Rowney. It appears from the +court rolls of Munden Furnivall (1370) that the latter “had been guilty of +a hand to hand scuffle with a chaplain, called Alexander of Great Munden; +each was fined for drawing blood from the other and the lady also for +raising the hue and cry unjustly”<a name='fna_1677' id='fna_1677' href='#f_1677'><small>[1677]</small></a>. In both cases the nun was blamed, +but it is perhaps permissible to quote in this connection an anecdote told +by Thomas of Chantimpré:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>When I was in Brussels, the great city of Brabant, there came to me a +maiden of lowly birth, but comely, who besought me with many tears to +have mercy upon her. When therefore I had bidden her tell me what +ailed her, then she cried out amidst her sobs: “Alas, wretched that I +am! for a certain priest would fain have ravished me by force, and he +began to kiss me against my will; wherefore I smote him with the back +of my hand, so that his nose bled; and for this, as the clergy now +tell me, I must needs go to Rome.” Then I, scarce withholding my +laughter, yet speaking as in all seriousness, affrighted her as though +she had committed a grievous sin; and at length, having made her swear +that she would fulfil my bidding, I said, “I command thee, in virtue +of thy solemn oath, that if this priest or any other shall attempt to +do thee violence with kisses or embraces, then thou shalt smite him +sore with thy clenched fist, even to the striking out, if possible, of +his eye; and in this matter thou shalt spare no order of men, for it +is as lawful for thee to strike in defence of thy chastity, as to +fight for thy life.” With which words I moved all that stood by, and +the maiden herself, to vehement laughter and gladness<a name='fna_1678' id='fna_1678' href='#f_1678'><small>[1678]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>The list of faults given in the “Additions to the Rules” of Syon Abbey, +contains several references to ill temper, though such references are, to +be sure, no more proof that the faults were committed than are the model +forms of self-examination (“Have I committed murder?”) sometimes given +to-day to children in preparation<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_585" id="Page_585">[Pg 585]</a></span> for the Communion service. Among +“greuous defautes” are mentioned, “if any suster say any wordes of +despyte, reprefe, schame or vylony to any suster or brother,” “if any sowe +dyscorde amonge the sustres and brethren,” “if any be founde a preuy +rouner or bakbyter.” Among “more greuous defautes” are:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>if any whan thei fal chydyng or stryuyng togyder, if the souereyne or +priores, or any serche say thus—“<i>Sit nomen domini benedictum</i>” wyl +not cese, knokkyng themselfe upon their brestes, answerynge and saynge +mekely, and withe a softe spyryte “<i>Mea culpa</i>” ... and so utterly +cese, if any manesche by chere or wordes to smyte another at any tyme, +or for to auenge her own injurye, or els by ungodly wordes repreve +another of her contre, or kynrede, or of any other sclaunderous +fortune, or chaunse fallen at any tyme.</p></div> + +<p>Among “most greuous defautes” are:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>If any ley vyolente hande upon her souereyne or spituosly smyte or +wounde her or elles make any profer to smyte be sygne or token +leftying up her fest, stykke, staffe, stone, or any other wepen what +ever it be, or else schofte, pusche, or sperne any suster from her +withe armes or scholders, handes or fete, violently, in wrekyng of her +oun wrethe<a name='fna_1679' id='fna_1679' href='#f_1679'><small>[1679]</small></a>.</p></div> + + +<p> <a name="note_d" id="note_d"></a></p> +<p class="center">NOTE D.</p> +<p class="center">GAY CLOTHES.</p> + +<p>A council at London in 1200 had restrained the black nuns from wearing +coloured headdresses<a name='fna_1680' id='fna_1680' href='#f_1680'><small>[1680]</small></a> but the standard English decree on the subject +was that issued by the council of Oxford in 1222.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Since it is necessary that the female sex, so weak against the wiles +of the ancient enemy, should be fortified by many remedies, we decree +that nuns and other women dedicated to divine worship shall not wear a +silken wimple, nor dare to carry silver or golden tiring-pins in their +veil. Neither shall they, nor monks nor regular canons, wear belts of +silk, or adorned with gold or silver, nor henceforth use burnet or any +other unlawful cloth. Also let them measure their gown according to +the dimension of their body, so that it does not exceed the length of +the body, but let it suffice them to be clad, as beseems them, in a +robe reaching to the ankles; and let none but a consecrated nun wear a +ring and let her be content with one alone<a name='fna_1681' id='fna_1681' href='#f_1681'><small>[1681]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Fifteen years later a synod declared:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Item, we forbid to monks, regular canons and nuns coloured garments or +bed clothes, save those dyed black. And when they ride, let them use +decent saddles and bridles and saddle-cloths<a name='fna_1682' id='fna_1682' href='#f_1682'><small>[1682]</small></a>. And nuns are not +to use<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_586" id="Page_586">[Pg 586]</a></span> trained and pleated dresses, or any exceeding the length of +the body, nor delicate or coloured furs; nor shall they presume to +wear silver tiring-pins in their veil<a name='fna_1683' id='fna_1683' href='#f_1683'><small>[1683]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>These regulations were repeated almost word for word by William of Wykeham +in his injunctions to Romsey and Wherwell in 1387<a name='fna_1684' id='fna_1684' href='#f_1684'><small>[1684]</small></a>. With them may be +compared the rule as to dress in force at Syon Abbey in the fifteenth +century:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>whiche (clothes) in nowyse schal be ouer curyous, but playne and +homly, witheoute weuynge of any straunge colours of silke, golde or +syluer, hauynge al thynge of honeste and profyte, and nothyng of +vanyte, after the rewle; ther knyves unpoynted and purses beyng double +of lynnen clothe and not of sylke<a name='fna_1685' id='fna_1685' href='#f_1685'><small>[1685]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>The unsuccessful efforts of monastic Visitors to enforce these rules have +been described; a few instances may be added here to show the directions +in which the nuns erred. Peckham wrote to Godstow:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Concerning the garments of the nuns let the rule of St Benedict be +carefully observed. For which reason we forbid them ever in future to +wear cloth of burnet, nor gathered tunics nor to make themselves +garments of an immoderate width with excessive pleats (<i>nec etiam +birrorum immoderantia vestes sibi faciant latitudine fluctuantes</i>); +with this nevertheless carefully observing what was aforetime ordained +in such matters by the Council of Oxford<a name='fna_1686' id='fna_1686' href='#f_1686'><small>[1686]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Buckingham’s injunction to Elstow in 1387 gives some interesting details; +he forbade the nuns to wear any other veil than that of profession, or to +“adorn their countenances” by arranging it in a becoming fashion, +spreading out the white veil, which was meant to be worn underneath:</p> + +<p class="poem">(Ainsi qu’il est pour le monde et les cours<br /> +Un art, un goût de modes et d’atours,<br /> +Il est aussi des modes pour le voile;<br /> +Il est un art de donner d’heureux tours<a name='fna_1687' id='fna_1687' href='#f_1687'><small>[1687]</small></a><br /> +À l’étamine, à la plus simple toile.)<a name='fna_1688' id='fna_1688' href='#f_1688'><small>[1688]</small></a></p> + +<p>They were not to wear gowns of black wide at the bottom, or turned back +with fur at the wrists<a name='fna_1689' id='fna_1689' href='#f_1689'><small>[1689]</small></a>, and they were in no wise to use “wide +girdles or belts plaited (<i>spiratis</i>) or adorned with silver, nor wear +these above their tunics open to the gaze of man”<a name='fna_1690' id='fna_1690' href='#f_1690'><small>[1690]</small></a>. Curious details +are also given by Bishop Spofford, writing to the nuns of Lymbrook in +1437; their habit was to “be formed after relygyon in sydnesse and +wydnesse, forbedyng long traynes in mantellys and kyrtellys and almaner of +spaires and open semes in the same kyrtellys”<a name='fna_1691' id='fna_1691' href='#f_1691'><small>[1691]</small></a>. “Large collars, +barred girdles and laced shoes” were forbidden at Swine in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_587" id="Page_587">[Pg 587]</a></span> 1298<a name='fna_1692' id='fna_1692' href='#f_1692'><small>[1692]</small></a>, +red dresses and long supertunics “like secular women” at Wilberfoss in +1308<a name='fna_1693' id='fna_1693' href='#f_1693'><small>[1693]</small></a>; at Nunmonkton in 1397 (after Margaret Fairfax’s fashionable +clothes had been discovered) a general injunction was made to the nuns +“not to use henceforth silken clothes, and especially silken veils, nor +precious furs, nor rings on their fingers, nor tunics laced-up or fastened +with brooches nor any robes, called in English ‘gownes,’ after the fashion +of secular women”<a name='fna_1694' id='fna_1694' href='#f_1694'><small>[1694]</small></a>. These Northern houses were continually in need of +admonition, sometimes their slashed tunics, sometimes their barred +girdles, sometimes their shoes being condemned<a name='fna_1695' id='fna_1695' href='#f_1695'><small>[1695]</small></a>. Bishop Alnwick found +silken veils at Langley, Studley and Rothwell<a name='fna_1696' id='fna_1696' href='#f_1696'><small>[1696]</small></a>; Bishop Fitzjames +forbade silver and gilt pins and kirtles of fustian or worsted at Wix in +1509<a name='fna_1697' id='fna_1697' href='#f_1697'><small>[1697]</small></a>; and at Carrow in 1532 the subprioress complained that some of +the nuns not only wore silk girdles, but had the impudence to commend the +use thereof<a name='fna_1698' id='fna_1698' href='#f_1698'><small>[1698]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Nor could nuns always resist the temptation to let their shorn hair grow +again, e.g. at the visitation of Romsey by the commissary of the Prior of +Canterbury in 1502, the cellaress deposed “that Mary Tystede and Agnes +Harvey wore their hair long”<a name='fna_1699' id='fna_1699' href='#f_1699'><small>[1699]</small></a>. Eudes Rigaud had some difficulty in +this matter with the frivolous nuns of his diocese of Rouen; at +Villarceaux in 1249 he recorded: “They all wear their hair long to their +chins,” and at Montivilliers he had to condemn ringlets<a name='fna_1700' id='fna_1700' href='#f_1700'><small>[1700]</small></a>. One is +reminded of the scene in <i>Jane Eyre</i>, where Mr Brocklehurst visits Lowood:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Suddenly his eye gave a blink, as if he had met something that either +dazzled or shocked its pupil; turning, he said in more rapid accents +than he had hitherto used: “Miss Temple, Miss Temple, what—<i>what</i> is +that girl with curled hair? Red hair, ma’am, curled—curled all over?” +and extending his cane he pointed to the awful object, his hand +shaking as he did so. “It is Julia Severn,” replied Miss Temple, very +quietly. “Julia Severn, ma’am! And why has she, or any other, curled +hair? Why, in defiance of every precept and principle of this house, +does she conform to the world so openly—here in an evangelical, +charitable establishment—as to wear her hair a mass of curls?... Tell +all the first form to rise up and direct their faces to the wall.”... +He scrutinised the reverse of these living medals some five minutes, +then pronounced sentence. These words fell like the knell of doom: +“All those top-knots must be cut off.”</p></div> + +<p>Or, as Eudes Rigaud expressed it some seven centuries earlier: “Quod comam +non nutriatis ultra aures.”</p> + + +<p> <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_588" id="Page_588">[Pg 588]</a></span><a name="note_e" id="note_e"></a></p> +<p class="center">NOTE E.</p> +<p class="center">CONVENT PETS IN LITERATURE.</p> + +<p>It would be possible to compile a pretty anthology of convent pets, which +have played a not undistinguished part in literature. The best known of +all, perhaps, are Madame Eglentyne’s little dogs, upon which Chaucer +looked with a kindly unepiscopal eye:</p> + +<p class="poem">Of smale houndes had she, that she fedde<br /> +With rosted flesh, or milk and wastel-breed,<br /> +But sore weep she if oon of hem were deed,<br /> +Or if men smoot it with a yerde smerte:<br /> +And al was conscience and tendre herte<a name='fna_1701' id='fna_1701' href='#f_1701'><small>[1701]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>The tender-hearted Prioress risked a terrible fate by so pampering her +dogs, if we are to believe the awful warning related by the knight of La +Tour-Landry, to wean his daughters from similar habits:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Ther was a lady that had two litell doggis, and she loued hem so that +she toke gret plesaunce in the sight and feding of hem. And she made +euery day dresse and make for her disshes with soppes of mylke, and +after gaue hem flesshe. But there was ones a frere that saide to her +that it was not wel done that the dogges were fedde and made so fatte, +and the pore pepill so lene and famished for hunger. And so the lady, +for his saieing, was wrothe with hym, but she wolde not amende it. And +after she happed she deied, and there fell a wonder meruailous sight, +for there was seyn euer on her bedde ij litell blake dogges, and in +her deyeng thei were about her mouthe and liked it, and whanne she was +dede, there the dogges had lyked it was al blacke as cole, as a +gentillwoman tolde me that sawe it and named me the lady<a name='fna_1702' id='fna_1702' href='#f_1702'><small>[1702]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Poor Madame Eglentyne!</p> + +<p>The anthologist would, however, have to go further back than Chaucer, into +the eleventh century, and begin with that ill-fated donkey, which belonged +to sister Alfrâd of Homburg, and which the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_589" id="Page_589">[Pg 589]</a></span> wit of a nameless goliard and +the devotion of the monks of St Augustine’s, Canterbury, have preserved +for undying fame<a name='fna_1703' id='fna_1703' href='#f_1703'><small>[1703]</small></a>:</p> + +<table style="margin-left: 15%;" border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary="table"> +<tr><td>Est unus locus</td> + <td><span class="spacer"> </span></td> + <td>There is a township</td></tr> +<tr><td>Hôinburh dictus,</td> + <td> </td> + <td>(Men call it Homburg)</td></tr> +<tr><td>in quo pascebat</td> + <td> </td> + <td>There ’twas that Alfrâd</td></tr> +<tr><td>asinam Alfrâd</td> + <td> </td> + <td>Pastured her she-ass,</td></tr> +<tr><td>viribus fortem</td> + <td> </td> + <td>Strong was the donkey,</td></tr> +<tr><td>atque fidelem.</td> + <td> </td> + <td>Mighty and faithful.</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td>Que dum in amplum</td> + <td> </td> + <td>And as it wandered</td></tr> +<tr><td>exiret campum,</td> + <td> </td> + <td>Out to the meadow,</td></tr> +<tr><td>vidit currentem</td> + <td> </td> + <td>It spied a greedy</td></tr> +<tr><td>lupum voracem,</td> + <td> </td> + <td>Wolf that came running,</td></tr> +<tr><td>caput abscondit,</td> + <td> </td> + <td>Head down and tail turned,</td></tr> +<tr><td>caudam ostendit.</td> + <td> </td> + <td>Off the ass scampered.</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td>Lupus occurrit:</td> + <td> </td> + <td>Up the wolf hurried,</td></tr> +<tr><td>caudam momordit,</td> + <td> </td> + <td>Seized tail and bit it.</td></tr> +<tr><td>asina bina</td> + <td> </td> + <td>Quickly the donkey</td></tr> +<tr><td>levavit crura</td> + <td> </td> + <td>Lifted its hind legs,</td></tr> +<tr><td>fecitque longum</td> + <td> </td> + <td>With the wolf bravely,</td></tr> +<tr><td>cum lupo bellum.</td> + <td> </td> + <td>Long did it battle.</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td>Cum defecisse</td> + <td> </td> + <td>Then when at last it</td></tr> +<tr><td>vires sensisset,</td> + <td> </td> + <td>Felt its strength failing,</td></tr> +<tr><td>protulit magnam</td> + <td> </td> + <td>Raised it a mighty</td></tr> +<tr><td>plangendo vocem</td> + <td> </td> + <td>Noise of lamenting,</td></tr> +<tr><td>vocansque suam</td> + <td> </td> + <td>Calling its mistress,</td></tr> +<tr><td>moritur domnam.</td> + <td> </td> + <td>So died the donkey.</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td>Audiens grandem</td> + <td> </td> + <td>Hearing the mighty</td></tr> +<tr><td>asine vocem</td> + <td> </td> + <td>Voice of her donkey</td></tr> +<tr><td>Alfrâd cucurrit,</td> + <td> </td> + <td>Alfrâd came running.</td></tr> +<tr><td>“sorores,” dixit,</td> + <td> </td> + <td>“Come, sisters” cried she</td></tr> +<tr><td>“cito venite,</td> + <td> </td> + <td>“Sisters, come quickly,</td></tr> +<tr><td>me adiuvate!</td> + <td> </td> + <td>Come now and help me!</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td>Asinam caram</td> + <td> </td> + <td>My darling donkey</td></tr> +<tr><td>misi ad erbam.</td> + <td> </td> + <td>Out to grass put I.</td></tr> +<tr><td>illius magnum</td> + <td> </td> + <td>I hear a mighty</td></tr> +<tr><td>audio planctum,</td> + <td> </td> + <td>Sound of complaining.</td></tr> +<tr><td>spero cum sevo</td> + <td> </td> + <td>Sure with a cruel</td></tr> +<tr><td>ut pugnet lupo.”</td> + <td> </td> + <td>Wolf is it fighting!”</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td>Clamor sororum</td> + <td> </td> + <td>Heard is her crying</td></tr> +<tr><td>venit in claustrum,</td> + <td> </td> + <td>In the nuns’ cloister,</td></tr> +<tr><td>turbe virorum</td> + <td> </td> + <td>Men come and women,</td></tr> +<tr><td>ac mulierum</td> + <td> </td> + <td>Crowding together,</td></tr> +<tr><td>assunt, cruentum</td> + <td> </td> + <td>All that the bloody</td></tr> +<tr><td>ut captent lupum.</td> + <td> </td> + <td>Wolf may be taken.</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td>vAdela namque</td> + <td> </td> + <td>Adela also,</td></tr> +<tr><td>soror Alfrâde,</td> + <td> </td> + <td>sister of Alfrâd,</td></tr> +<tr><td>Rîkilam querit,</td> + <td> </td> + <td>Rîkila seeketh,</td></tr> +<tr><td>Agatham invenit,</td> + <td> </td> + <td>Agatha findeth,</td></tr> +<tr><td>ibant ut fortem</td> + <td> </td> + <td>All go to vanquish</td></tr> +<tr><td>sternerent hostem.</td> + <td> </td> + <td>The mighty foeman.</td></tr> +<tr><td> <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_590" id="Page_590">[Pg 590]</a></span></td></tr> +<tr><td>At ille ruptis</td> + <td> </td> + <td>But he tore open</td></tr> +<tr><td>asine costis</td> + <td> </td> + <td>Sides of the donkey,</td></tr> +<tr><td>sanguinis undam</td> + <td> </td> + <td>Flesh and blood gobbled</td></tr> +<tr><td>carnemque totam</td> + <td> </td> + <td>All up together,</td></tr> +<tr><td>simul voravit,</td> + <td> </td> + <td>Then helter-skeltered</td></tr> +<tr><td>silvam intravit.</td> + <td> </td> + <td>Back to the forest.</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td>Illud videntes</td> + <td> </td> + <td>And when they saw him</td></tr> +<tr><td>cuncte sorores</td> + <td> </td> + <td>Wept all the sisters,</td></tr> +<tr><td>crines scindebant,</td> + <td> </td> + <td>Tearing their tresses,</td></tr> +<tr><td>pectus tundebant,</td> + <td> </td> + <td>Beating their bosoms,</td></tr> +<tr><td>flentes insontem</td> + <td> </td> + <td>Weeping the guiltless</td></tr> +<tr><td>asine mortem.</td> + <td> </td> + <td>Death of their donkey.</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td>Denique parvum</td> + <td> </td> + <td>Long time a tiny</td></tr> +<tr><td>portabat pullum;</td> + <td> </td> + <td>Foal it had carried.</td></tr> +<tr><td>illum plorabat</td> + <td> </td> + <td>Sadly wept Alfrâd</td></tr> +<tr><td>maxime Alfrâd,</td> + <td> </td> + <td>Thinking upon it,</td></tr> +<tr><td>sperans exinde</td> + <td> </td> + <td>All her hopes ended</td></tr> +<tr><td>prolem crevisse.</td> + <td> </td> + <td>Of rearing the offspring.</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td>Adela mitis</td> + <td> </td> + <td>Adela gentle,</td></tr> +<tr><td>Fritherûnque dulcis</td> + <td> </td> + <td>Fritherûn charming,</td></tr> +<tr><td>venerunt ambe,</td> + <td> </td> + <td>Both came together,</td></tr> +<tr><td>ut Alverâde</td> + <td> </td> + <td>That they might strengthen</td></tr> +<tr><td>cor confirmarent</td> + <td> </td> + <td>Sad heart of Alfrâd,</td></tr> +<tr><td>atque sanarent.</td> + <td> </td> + <td>Strengthen and heal it.</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td>“Delinque mestas,</td> + <td> </td> + <td>“Leave now thy gloomy</td></tr> +<tr><td>soror, querelas!</td> + <td> </td> + <td>Wailing, O sister!</td></tr> +<tr><td>lupus amarum</td> + <td> </td> + <td>Wolf never heedeth</td></tr> +<tr><td>non curat fletum:</td> + <td> </td> + <td>Thy bitter weeping.</td></tr> +<tr><td>dominus aliam,</td> + <td> </td> + <td>The Lord will give thee</td></tr> +<tr><td>dabit tibi asinam.”</td> + <td> </td> + <td>Another donkey.”</td></tr></table> + +<p>Exquisite ending! “The Lord will give thee another donkey.” With what +delighted applause must the unknown jongleur have been greeted by the +monks or nobles, who first listened after dinner to this little +masterpiece of humour.</p> + +<p>All the convent pets who are famed in literature came by a coincidence to +a bad end. Our anthologist would seize on two other hapless creatures, +both of them birds, Philip Sparrow and the never-to-be-forgotten +Vert-Vert. Philip Sparrow needs no introduction to English readers; +Skelton was never in happier vein than when he sang the dirge of that pet +of Joanna Scrope, boarder at Carrow Priory, dead at the claws of a +“vylanous false cat.” Space allows only a few lines of the long poem to be +quoted here. It begins with the office for the dead, sung by the mourning +mistress over her bird:</p> + +<p class="poem"><i>Pla ce bo</i>,<br /> +Who is there, who?<br /> +<i>Di le xi</i>,<br /> +Dame Margery;<br /> +<i>Fa, re, my, my</i>,<br /> +Wherefore and why, why?<br /> +For the sowle of Philip Sparowe,<br /> +That was late slayn at Carowe,<br /> +Among the Nones Blake,<br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_591" id="Page_591">[Pg 591]</a></span>For that swete soules sake,<br /> +And for all sparowes soules,<br /> +Set in our bederolles<br /> +<i>Pater noster qui</i>,<br /> +With an <i>Ave Mari</i>,<br /> +And with the corner of a Crede<br /> +The more shalbe your mede.<br /> +<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Whan I remembre agayn</span><br /> +How mi Philyp was slayn,<br /> +Neuer halfe the payne<br /> +Was betwene you twayne,<br /> +Pyramus and Thesbe,<br /> +As than befell to me:<br /> +I wept and I wayled,<br /> +The tearys doune hayled;<br /> +But nothynge it auayled<br /> +To call Phylyp agayne,<br /> +Whom Gyb our cat hath slayne.<br /> +<span class="spacer">·</span><span class="spacer">·</span><span class="spacer">·</span><span class="spacer">·</span><span class="spacer">·</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">It was so prety a fole,</span><br /> +It wold syt on a stole,<br /> +And lerned after my scole<br /> +For to kepe his cut,<br /> +With, Phyllyp, kepe your cut!<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">It had a veluet cap,</span><br /> +And wold syt upon my lap,<br /> +And seke after small wormes,<br /> +And somtyme white bred crommes;<br /> +And many tymes and ofte<br /> +Betwene my brestes softe<br /> +It wolde lye and rest;<br /> +It was propre and prest.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Somtyme he wolde gaspe</span><br /> +Whan he sawe a waspe;<br /> +A fly or a gnat,<br /> +He wolde flye at that;<br /> +And prytely he wold pant<br /> +Whan he saw an ant;<br /> +Lord, how he wolde pry<br /> +After the butterfly!<br /> +Lorde, how he wolde hop<br /> +After the grassop!<br /> +And whan I sayd, Phyp, Phyp,<br /> +Than he wold lepe and skyp,<br /> +And take me by the lyp.<br /> +Alas, it wyll me slo,<br /> +That Phillyp is gone me fro!<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;"><i>Si in i qui ta tes</i>,</span><br /> +Alas, I was euyll at ease!<br /> +<i>De pro fun dis cla ma vi</i>,<br /> +Whan I sawe my sparowe dye!<br /> +<span class="spacer">·</span><span class="spacer">·</span><span class="spacer">·</span><span class="spacer">·</span><span class="spacer">·</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">That vengeaunce I aske and crye,</span><br /> +By way of exclamacyon,<br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_592" id="Page_592">[Pg 592]</a></span>On all the hole nacyon<br /> +Of cattes wyld and tame;<br /> +God send them sorowe and shame!<br /> +That cat specyally<br /> +That slew so cruelly<br /> +My lytell prety sparowe<br /> +That I brought vp at Carowe ...<a name='fna_1704' id='fna_1704' href='#f_1704'><small>[1704]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>It is impossible for a cat-lover to leave the whole nation of cats under +this terrific curse. Yet literature will supply no nunnery cat beside the +unhappy Gyb and the uncharacterised cat of the <i>Ancren Riwle</i>. We must +needs turn to the monks, and borrow the truer estimate of feline qualities +made in the eighth century by an exiled Irish student, who sat over his +books in a distant monastery of Carinthia, and wrote upon the margin of +his copy of St Paul’s Epistles this little poem on his white cat:</p> + +<p class="poem">I and Pangur Bán, my cat,<br /> +’Tis a like task we are at;<br /> +Hunting mice is his delight,<br /> +Hunting words I sit all night.<br /> +<br /> +Better far than praise of men<br /> +’Tis to sit with book and pen;<br /> +Pangur bears me no ill-will,<br /> +He, too, plies his simple skill.<br /> +<br /> +’Tis a merry thing to see<br /> +At our tasks how glad are we,<br /> +When at home we sit and find<br /> +Entertainment to our mind.<br /> +<br /> +Oftentimes a mouse will stray<br /> +In the hero Pangur’s way;<br /> +Oftentimes my keen thought set<br /> +Takes a meaning in its net.<br /> +<br /> +’Gainst the wall he sets his eye<br /> +Full and fierce and sharp and sly;<br /> +’Gainst the wall of knowledge I<br /> +All my little wisdom try.<br /> +<br /> +When a mouse darts from its den,<br /> +O! how glad is Pangur then;<br /> +O! what gladness do I prove<br /> +When I solve the doubts I love.<br /> +<br /> +So in peace our task we ply,<br /> +Pangur Bán, my cat, and I;<br /> +In our arts we find our bliss,<br /> +I have mine and he has his.<br /> +<br /> +Practice every day has made<br /> +Pangur perfect in his trade;<br /> +I get wisdom day and night,<br /> +Turning darkness into light<a name='fna_1705' id='fna_1705' href='#f_1705'><small>[1705]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>O cat! even at the cost of relevancy we have done thee honour.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_593" id="Page_593">[Pg 593]</a></span>Two little tragedies of the cloister are concerned with parrots—yet with +what different birds and what different mistresses! In the twelfth century +Nigel Wireker tells of an ill-bred and ill-fated parrot, kept in a +nunnery, who told tales about the nuns and was poisoned by them for his +pains:</p> + +<p class="poem"><span style="margin-left: 6em;">Saepe mala</span><br /> +Psittacus in thalamum domina redeunte puellas<br /> +Prodit et illorum verba tacenda refert;<br /> +Nescius ille loqui; sed nescius immo tacere<br /> +Profert plus aequo Psittacus oris habens.<br /> +Hinc avibus crebro miscente aconita puella<br /> +Discat ut ante mori quam didicisse loqui;<br /> +Sunt et aves aliae quae toto tempore vitae<br /> +Religiosorum claustra beata colunt<a name='fna_1706' id='fna_1706' href='#f_1706'><small>[1706]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Quite other was the fate of Vert-Vert, whose tragedy told with exquisite +irony by Gresset in the eighteenth century deserves a place on every shelf +and in every heart which holds <i>The Rape of the Lock</i>. Vert-Vert was a +parrot who belonged to the nuns of Nevers, the most beautiful, most +amiable, the most devout parrot in the world. The convent of Nevers +spoiled Vert-Vert as no bird has ever been spoiled:</p> + +<p class="poem">Pas n’est besoin, je pense, de décrire<br /> +Les soins des sœurs, des nonnes, c’est tout dire;<br /> +Et chaque mère, après son directeur,<br /> +N’aimait rien tant. Même dans plus d’un cœur,<br /> +Ainsi l’écrit un chroniqueur sincère,<br /> +Souvent l’oiseau l’emporta sur le père.<br /> +Il partageait, dans ce paisible lieu,<br /> +Tous les sirops dont le cher père en Dieu,<br /> +Grâce aux bienfaits des nonnettes sucrées,<br /> +Réconfortait ses entrailles sacrées.<br /> +Objet permis à leur oisif amour,<br /> +Vert-Vert était l’âme de ce séjour....<br /> +Des bonnes sœurs égayant les travaux,<br /> +Il béquetait et guimpes et bandeaux;<br /> +Il n’était point d’agréable partie<br /> +S’il n’y venait briller, caracoler,<br /> +Papillonner, siffler, rossignoler;<br /> +Il badinait, mais avec modestie;<br /> +Avec cet air timide et tout prudent<br /> +Qu’une novice a même en badinant.</p> + +<p>He fed in the frater, and between meals the nuns’ pockets were always full +of bon-bons for his delectation. He slept in the dorter, and happy the nun +whose cell he honoured with his presence; Vert-Vert always chose the young +and pretty novices. Above all he was learned; he talked like a book, and +all the nuns had taught him their chants and their prayers:</p> + +<p class="poem">Il disait bien son Benedicite,<br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_594" id="Page_594">[Pg 594]</a></span>Et <i>notre mère</i>, et <i>votre charité</i>; ...<br /> +Il était là maintes filles savantes<br /> +Qui mot pour mot portaient dans leurs cerveaux<br /> +Tous les noëls anciens et nouveaux.<br /> +Instruit, formé par leurs leçons fréquentes,<br /> +Bientôt l’élève égala ses régentes;<br /> +De leur ton même, adroit imitateur<br /> +Il exprimait la pieuse lenteur,<br /> +Les saints soupirs, les notes languissantes<br /> +Du chant des sœurs, colombes gémissantes.<br /> +Finalement Vert-Vert savait par cœur<br /> +Tout ce que sait une mère de chœur.</p> + +<p>Small wonder that the fame of this pious bird spread far and wide; small +wonder that pilgrims came from all directions to the abbey parlour to hear +him talk. But alas, it was this very fame which led to his undoing. The +physical tragedy of Philip Sparrow, an unlearned bird of frivolous tastes, +pales before the moral tragedy of Vert-Vert. One day his renown reached +the ears of a distant convent of nuns at Nantes, many miles further down +the river Loire; and they conceived a violent desire to see him:</p> + +<p class="poem">Désir de fille est un feu qui dévore,<br /> +Désir de nonne est cent fois pire encore.</p> + +<p>They wrote to their fortunate sisters of Nevers, begging that Vert-Vert +might be sent in a ship to visit them. Consternation at Nevers. The grand +chapter was held; the younger nuns would have preferred death to parting +with the darling parrot, but their elders judged it impolitic to refuse +and to Nantes must Vert-Vert go for a fortnight. The parrot was placed on +board a ship; but the ship</p> + +<p class="poem">Portait aussi deux nymphes, trois dragons,<br /> +Une nourrice, un moine, deux Gascons:<br /> +Pour un enfant qui sort du monastère,<br /> +C’était échoir en dignes compagnons.</p> + +<p>At first Vert-Vert was confused and silent among the unseemly jests of the +women and the Gascons and the oaths of the boatmen. But too soon his +innocent heart was acquainted with evil; desiring always to please he +repeated all that he heard; no evil word escaped him; by the end of his +journey he had forgotten all that he had learned in the nunnery, but he +had become a pretty companion for a boatload of sinners. Nantes was +reached; Vert-Vert (all unwilling) was carried off to the convent, and the +nuns came running to the parlour to hear the saintly bird. But horror upon +horrors, nothing but oaths and blasphemies fell from Vert-Vert’s beak. He +apostrophised sister Saint-Augustin with “la peste te crève,” and</p> + +<p class="poem">Jurant, sacrant d’une voix dissolue,<br /> +Faisant passer tout l’enfer en revue,<br /> +Les B, les F, voltigeaient sur son bec.<br /> +Les jeunes sœurs crurent qu’il parlait grec.</p> + +<p>The scandalised nuns dispatched Vert-Vert home again without delay. His +own convent received him in tears. Nine of the most venerable<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_595" id="Page_595">[Pg 595]</a></span> sisters +debated his punishment; two were for his death; two for sending him back +to the heathen land of his birth; but the votes of the other five decided +his punishment:</p> + +<p class="poem">On le condamne à deux mois d’abstinence,<br /> +Trois de retraite et quatre de silence;<br /> +Jardins, toilette, alcôve et biscuits,<br /> +Pendant ce temps, lui seront interdits.</p> + +<p>Moreover the ugliest lay sister, a veiled ape, an octogenarian skeleton, +was made the guardian of poor Vert-Vert, who had always preferred the +youngest and coyest of the novices. Little remains to be told. Vert-Vert, +covered with shame and taught by misfortune, became penitent, forgot the +dragoons and the monk, and showed himself once more “plus dévot qu’un +chanoine.” The happy nuns cut short his penance; the convent kept fête, +the dorters were decked with flowers, all was song and tumult. But alas, +Vert-Vert, passing too soon from a fasting diet to the sweets that were +pressed upon him:</p> + +<p class="poem">Bourré de sucre, et brûlé de liqueurs<br /> +Vert-Vert, tombant sur un tas de dragées,<br /> +En noir cyprès vit ses roses changées<a name='fna_1707' id='fna_1707' href='#f_1707'><small>[1707]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Doubtless so godly an end consoled the nuns for his untimely death. Yet +one hardly knows which to prefer, the regenerate or the unregenerate +Vert-Vert. The appreciative reader, remembering the inspired volubility +with which (after such short practice) he greeted the nuns of Nantes, is +almost moved to regret the destruction of what one of Kipling’s soldiers +would call “a wonderful gift of language.” There is an apposite passage in +Jasper Mayne’s comedy of <i>The City Match</i> (1639), in which a lady +describes the missionary efforts of her Puritan waiting-woman:</p> + +<p class="poem"><span style="margin-left: 6em;">Yesterday I went</span><br /> +To see a lady that has a parrot: my woman<br /> +While I was in discourse converted the fowl,<br /> +And now it can speak nought but Knox’s works;<br /> +<i>So there’s a parrot lost</i>.</p> + + +<p> <a name="note_f" id="note_f"></a></p> +<p class="center">NOTE F.</p> +<p class="center">THE MORAL STATE OF LITTLEMORE PRIORY IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY.</p> + +<p>Littlemore Priory, near Oxford, in the early sixteenth century, was in +such grave disorder that it may justly be described as one of the worst +nunneries of which record has survived. Its state was, as usual, largely +due to a particularly bad prioress, Katherine Wells.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_596" id="Page_596">[Pg 596]</a></span> The following +account of it is taken from the record of Bishop Atwater’s visitations in +1517 and 1518, the first held by his commissary Edmund Horde, the second +by the bishop in person<a name='fna_1708' id='fna_1708' href='#f_1708'><small>[1708]</small></a>.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>The <i>comperta</i> are that the prioress had ordered the five nuns under +her to say that all was well; she herself had an illegitimate +daughter, and was still visited by the father of the child, Richard +Hewes, a priest in Kent<a name='fna_1709' id='fna_1709' href='#f_1709'><small>[1709]</small></a>; that she took the “pannes, pottes, +candilsticks, basynes, shetts, pelous, federe bedds etc.” the property +of the monastery, to provide a dowry for this daughter; that another +of the nuns had, within the last year, an illegitimate child by a +married man of Oxford; that the prioress was excessive in punishments +and put the nuns in stocks when they rebuked her evil life; that +almost all the jewels were pawned, and that there was neither food, +clothing nor pay for the nuns; that one who thought of becoming a nun +at Littlemore was so shocked by the evil life of the prioress that she +went elsewhere. A few months afterwards the bishop summoned the +prioress to appear before him, and after denying the charges brought +against her, she finally admitted them; her daughter, she said, had +died four years before, but she owned that she had granted some of the +plate of the monastery to Richard Hewes. In her evidence she stated +that though these things had been going on for eight years, no inquiry +had been made, and, as it seems, no visitation of the house had been +held; only, on one occasion, certain injunctions of a general kind had +been sent her. As a punishment she was deposed from the post of +prioress, but was allowed to perform the functions of the office for +the present, provided that she did nothing without the advice of Mr +Edmund Horde.</p> + +<p>But some months later when the bishop himself made a visitation “to +bring about some reformation,” things were as scandalous as ever. The +prioress complained that one of the nuns “played and romped +(<i>luctando</i>)” with boys in the cloister and refused to be corrected. +When she was put in the stocks, three other nuns broke the door and +rescued her, and burnt the stocks; and when the prioress summoned aid +from the neighbourhood, the four broke a window and escaped to +friends, where they remained two or three weeks; that they laughed and +played in church during mass, even at the elevation. The nuns +complained that the prioress had punished them for speaking the truth +at the last visitation; that she had put one in the stocks without any +cause; that she had hit another “on the head with fists and feet, +correcting her in an immoderate way,” and that Richard Hewes had +visited the priory within the last four months. From the evidence it +is clear that the state of things was well known in Oxford, where each +party seems to have had its adherents.</p></div> + +<p>Several morals may be drawn from this lurid story. It shows how +inadequate, in some cases, was the episcopal machinery for control and +reform of religious houses. It shows that the “scandalous <i>comperta</i>” of +Henry VIII’s commissioners some sixteen years later were in no way untrue +to type. It shows also that Wolsey was not entirely unjustified in his +desire to dissolve the house and to use its revenues for educational +purposes; he may have been no more disinterested than was his master +later, but in the case of Littlemore at least it is difficult not to +approve him.</p> + + +<p> <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_597" id="Page_597">[Pg 597]</a></span><a name="note_g" id="note_g"></a></p> +<p class="center">NOTE G.</p> +<p class="center">THE MORAL STATE OF THE YORKSHIRE NUNNERIES IN THE FIRST HALF OF THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY.</p> + +<p>It is possible to study in some detail the nunneries in the diocese of +York during the first half of the fourteenth century, or roughly between +the years 1280 and 1360. The Archbishops’ Registers for most of the period +have survived, and have either been printed or drawn upon very fully in +the admirable accounts of monastic houses given in the <i>Victoria County +History of Yorkshire</i>. As these accounts are not very widely known and as +Yorkshire contained an unusual number of nunneries (twenty-seven) it is +worth while to give some description of the state of these houses during a +troubled period in their career.</p> + +<p>Reasons have been suggested elsewhere for some of the disorder which +prevailed among the monastic houses of the North. They were most of them +both small and poor and, what is of greater significance, they lay in the +border country, exposed to the forays of the Scots, and continually +disturbed by English armies or raiders, riding north to take revenge. Life +was not easy for nuns who might at any moment have to flee before a raid +and whose lands were constantly being ravaged; they grew more and more +miserably poor and as usual poverty seemed to go hand in hand with laxity. +Moreover the conditions of life set its stamp upon the character of the +ladies from whom convents were recruited. These Percies and Fairfaxes and +Mowbrays and St Quintins schooled their hot blood with difficulty to +obedience and chastity and the Yorkshire nunneries were apt to reflect the +fierce passions of the Border, quick to love and quick to fight. There +were no more quarrelsome nunneries in the kingdom, witness their election +fights<a name='fna_1710' id='fna_1710' href='#f_1710'><small>[1710]</small></a>, and none in which discipline was more lax. During these +sixty years nineteen out of the twenty-seven houses came before the +Archbishop of York’s notice, at one time or another, in connection with +cases of immorality and apostasy.</p> + +<p>It is evident at once, from a study of the registers, that seven houses, +i.e., Basedale, Keldholme, Kirklees and Swine of the Cistercian order, +Arthington and Moxby of the Cluniac order and St Clement, York, of the +Benedictine order were in a serious condition<a name='fna_1711' id='fna_1711' href='#f_1711'><small>[1711]</small></a>. At Basedale in 1307 +the Prioress Joan de Percy was deprived for dilapidation of the goods of +the house and perpetual and notorious misdeeds; whereupon she promptly +left the nunnery, taking some of her partisans among the nuns with her. +The Archbishop wrote to his official, bidding him warn them to return and +not to go outside the cloister precincts and “in humility to take heed to +the salutary monitions of their prioress”; but humility dwelt not in the +breast of a Percy and in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_598" id="Page_598">[Pg 598]</a></span> 1308 Joan was packed off to Sinningthwaite, “as +she had been disobedient at Basedale.” The troubles of the house were not +ended; for the same year Agnes de Thormondby a nun, confessed that she had +on three separate occasions allowed herself to be “deceived by the +temptations of the flesh,” a vivid commentary on the <i>régime</i> of Joan +Percy. In 1343 another well-born Prioress is in trouble at the house and +the Archbishop issues a commission “to inquire into the truth of the +articles urged against Katherine Mowbray and if her demerits required it +to depose her, and the commission was repeated two years later, nothing +apparently having been done”<a name='fna_1712' id='fna_1712' href='#f_1712'><small>[1712]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>The state of Keldholme was even worse. In 1287 Archbishop Romanus ordered +the nuns to receive back an apostate, Maud de Tiverington. In 1299 a +similar order was issued on behalf of Christiania de Styvelington. In 1308 +began the violent election struggle over Emma of York and Joan of +Pickering, which has already been described. In the course of the struggle +four nuns were sent as rebels to other convents in 1308 and two in 1309, +and from the nature of the penance imposed on the last two it would seem +that they had been guilty of immorality. In 1318 Mary de Holm, who was one +of the ejected rebels of 1308 and had been censured for disobedience to +the new prioress in 1315, was sentenced to do penance “for the vice of +incontinence committed by her with Sir William Lyly, chaplain”<a name='fna_1713' id='fna_1713' href='#f_1713'><small>[1713]</small></a>; and +in 1321, Maud of Terrington (who may be the Maud of Tiverington who +apostatised in 1287), was given a heavy penance for incontinence and +apostasy<a name='fna_1714' id='fna_1714' href='#f_1714'><small>[1714]</small></a>. The history of the house during the stormy years from 1308 +to 1321 shows how far from being a home of peace and good living a nunnery +might be; and illustrates well the difficulty of reforming it while even +one incorrigible rebel and sinner such as Mary de Holm dwelt there.</p> + +<p>The state of Arthington was very similar. Here in 1303 Custance de +Daneport of Pontefract had apostatised and was to be received back; +trouble seems to have begun in that year, for the Prioress Agnes de +Screvyn resigned. In 1307 a visitation revealed considerable disorder and +Dionisia de Hevensdale and Ellen de Castleford were forbidden to go +outside the convent precincts. In 1312 the subprioress and convent were +ordered to render due obedience to the Prioress Isabella de Berghby, who +was given Isabella Couvel as a coadjutress. Evidently she resented having +to share her authority in temporal matters with another nun, for soon +afterwards Isabella de Berghby and Margaret de Tang are said to have cast +off their habits and left the convent. Eighteen months later a new +prioress was appointed and the two runaways returned and did penance. In +1315 there is mention of quarrels among the nuns and in 1319 Margaret de +Tang once more engaged the attention of the Archbishop and was sent to +Nunkeeling and prescribed the usual penalty for immorality. In 1321 she +was again in trouble; she had apostatised<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_599" id="Page_599">[Pg 599]</a></span> and committed grave +misdemeanours; and was again sent back to her convent, to be imprisoned +and if necessary chained there, until she showed signs of repentance. In +1349 Isabella de Berghby, in spite of her past apostasy, was once more +elected Prioress<a name='fna_1715' id='fna_1715' href='#f_1715'><small>[1715]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>At Moxby, the other Cluniac house in the diocese, Archbishop Greenfield +ordered the Prioress to receive back Sabina de Apelgarth, who had +apostatised, but was returning in a state of penitence. Her penitence was +of the usual type of these Yorkshire ladies and her reputation did not +prevent her from rising to the high rank in the convent, for in 1318 +Archbishop Melton ordered her to be removed from office and ordained that +henceforward no one convicted of incontinence was to hold any +office<a name='fna_1716' id='fna_1716' href='#f_1716'><small>[1716]</small></a>. In 1321 a penance was pronounced on Joan de Brotherton for +having been twice in apostasy; but a note in the margin of the register +where the penance is entered takes her history a stage further: +“Memorandum quod dominus Walterus de Penbrige, stans cum domina regina, +postea impregnavit eandem”<a name='fna_1717' id='fna_1717' href='#f_1717'><small>[1717]</small></a>. The next year a Scottish raid dispersed +the nuns; Sabina de Apelgarth and Margaret de Neusom were sent to +Nunmonkton; Alice de Barton, the Prioress, to Swine; Joan de Barton and +Joan de Toucotes to Nunappleton; Agnes Ampleford and Agnes Jarkesmill to +Nunkeeling; Joan de Brotherton and Joan Blaunkfront to Hampole<a name='fna_1718' id='fna_1718' href='#f_1718'><small>[1718]</small></a>. This +disturbance did not improve their morals. In 1325 the Prioress Joan de +Barton resigned, having been found guilty of incontinence with the +inevitable chaplain. The nuns could find no better successor for her than +Sabina de Apelgarth and in 1328 that lady was once more in difficulties; +the Archbishop removed her “for certain reasons” and imposed the usual +penance for immorality and Joan de Toucotes became Prioress in her stead. +At the same time Joan Blaunkfront’s penance was relaxed, so she too had +apparently fallen; lovely and white-browed she must have been, from her +name (“But sikerly she hadde a fair foreheed”), nor could she bear to hide +her beauties beneath the hideous garb of a nun. Seventeen long years +afterwards, when the forehead was growing wrinkled and the beauty fading, +she wished to reconcile herself with the God whom she had flouted. She had +powerful friends and could afford to petition the Pope himself, and in +1345 Clement VI gave orders for Joan Blankefrontes, nun of Moxby, who had +left her order, to be reconciled to it<a name='fna_1719' id='fna_1719' href='#f_1719'><small>[1719]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Kirklees, known to romance as the house where a wicked prioress bled Robin +Hood to death, was in a deplorable state about the same time. In 1306 +Archbishop Greenfield wrote to the house bidding them take back Alice +Raggid, who, several times led astray by the temptations of the flesh, had +left her convent for the world; in 1313<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_600" id="Page_600">[Pg 600]</a></span> a similar order was made for +Elizabeth de Hopton. The two nuns seem, however, to have been +incorrigible, for in 1315 the Archbishop wrote to the Prioress saying that +public rumour had reached his ears that some of the nuns of the house, and +especially Elizabeth de Hopton, Alice “le Raggede” and Joan de Heton, were +wont to admit both secular and religious men into the private parts of the +house and to hold many suspicious conversations with them. He forbids +these or any other nuns to admit or talk with any cleric or layman save in +a public place and in the presence of the Prioress, subprioress or two +other nuns; and he specially warns a certain Joan de Wakefeld to give up +the private room, which she persists in inhabiting by herself. He refers +also to the fact that these and other nuns were disobedient to the +Prioress, “like rebels refusing to accept her discipline and punishment.” +On the same day he imposed a special penance on Joan de Heton for +incontinence with Richard del Lathe and Sir Michael, “called Scot,” a +priest, and on the unhappy Alice Raggid for the same sin with William de +Heton of Mirfield, possibly a relative of her fellow nun<a name='fna_1720' id='fna_1720' href='#f_1720'><small>[1720]</small></a>. Here again +we have an incorrigible offender, guilty of apostasy and immorality off +and on during ten years. Swine was not much better. In 1289 a nun of the +great St Quintin family was in disgrace, probably (though not certainly) +for immorality. In 1290 there was the usual trouble over a new Prioress +and Elizabeth de Rue was sent to Nunburnholme under the charge of a +brother of the house and a horseman, apparently for immorality as well as +contumacy. At the same time another nun, Elizabeth Darrains, had part of +her penance lightened; but in 1291 she was sent away to Wykeham Priory. In +1306 John, son of Thomas the Smith, of Swine, was charged with having +seduced Alice Martel, a nun of the house, and in 1310 Elizabeth de Rue +(whom we have seen was in trouble twenty years before) was said to have +sinned with two monks from the Abbey of Meaux. The house had evidently not +improved very much at a later date, for in 1358 Alice de Cawode had twice +been out in apostasy<a name='fna_1721' id='fna_1721' href='#f_1721'><small>[1721]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Even close to the city of York itself, the Benedictine house of St +Clement’s or Clementhorpe did not escape the prevalent decay of morals. In +1300 the Archbishop rehearses unsympathetically a romantic tale of how +“late one evening certain men came to the priory gate, leading a saddled +horse; here Cecily a nun, met them and, throwing off her nun’s habit, put +on another robe and rode off with them to Darlington, where Gregory de +Thornton was waiting for her; and with him she lived for three years and +more.” In 1310 Greenfield mitigated a penance, of the kind usually imposed +for immorality, upon another nun Joan de Saxton. In 1318 there is mention +of Joan of Leeds, another apostate, and in 1324 the Prioress resigned +after<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_601" id="Page_601">[Pg 601]</a></span> serious trouble in the house, details of which have not been +preserved. In 1331 Isabella de Studley (who had been made a nun there by +express permission of the primate in 1315) was found guilty of apostasy +and fleshly sin, besides blasphemy and other misdeeds; she had apparently +been sent to Yedingham for a penance some time before and was now allowed +to return, with the warning that if she disobeyed, quarrelled or +blasphemed any more she would be transferred permanently to another +house<a name='fna_1722' id='fna_1722' href='#f_1722'><small>[1722]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>These houses were all clearly extremely immoral, but there is evidence of +less extreme trouble in other houses in the same diocese. At Arden Joan de +Punchardon had become a mother in 1306 and Clarice de Speton confessed +herself guilty with the bailiff of Bulmershire in 1311<a name='fna_1723' id='fna_1723' href='#f_1723'><small>[1723]</small></a>. At Thicket +Alice Darel of Wheldrake was an apostate in 1303 and in 1334 Joan de +Crackenholme was said to have left her house several times<a name='fna_1724' id='fna_1724' href='#f_1724'><small>[1724]</small></a>. At +Wilberfoss Agnes de Lutton was in trouble in 1312<a name='fna_1725' id='fna_1725' href='#f_1725'><small>[1725]</small></a>. At Esholt +Beatrice de Haukesward left the house pregnant in 1303<a name='fna_1726' id='fna_1726' href='#f_1726'><small>[1726]</small></a>. At Hampole +Isabella Folifayt was guilty in 1324, and Alice de Reygate in 1358<a name='fna_1727' id='fna_1727' href='#f_1727'><small>[1727]</small></a>. +At Nunappleton Maud of Ripon apostatised in 1309 and in 1346 Katherine de +Hugate, a nun, went away pregnant and a lay sister was said to have been +several times in the same condition<a name='fna_1728' id='fna_1728' href='#f_1728'><small>[1728]</small></a>. At St Stephen’s, Foukeholm, a +nun Cecilia, who had run away with a chaplain, returned of her own accord +in 1293 and another apostate, Elena de Angrom, returned in 1349<a name='fna_1729' id='fna_1729' href='#f_1729'><small>[1729]</small></a>. +Agnes de Bedale, an apostate, was sent back in 1286; and in 1343 Margaret +de Fenton, who left the house pregnant, had her penance mitigated “because +she had only done so once,” a startling commentary on the state of the +Yorkshire houses<a name='fna_1730' id='fna_1730' href='#f_1730'><small>[1730]</small></a>. At Rosedale an apostate Isabella Dayvill was sent +back to do penance in 1321<a name='fna_1731' id='fna_1731' href='#f_1731'><small>[1731]</small></a>. Of Nunmonkton there is little record +during the first half of the century, but it was in a bad state at the +end<a name='fna_1732' id='fna_1732' href='#f_1732'><small>[1732]</small></a>; at Wykeham also there seems to have been no case of apostasy in +the fourteenth century, but in the fifteenth century the Prioress Isabella +Wykeham was removed for serious immorality in 1444 and in 1450 two nuns +had gone on an unlicensed pilgrimage to Rome, which had led to one of them +living with a married man in London<a name='fna_1733' id='fna_1733' href='#f_1733'><small>[1733]</small></a>.</p> + + +<p> <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_602" id="Page_602">[Pg 602]</a></span><a name="note_h" id="note_h"></a></p> +<p class="center">NOTE H.</p> +<p class="center">THE DISAPPEARANCE OR SUPPRESSION OF EIGHT NUNNERIES PRIOR TO 1535.</p> + +<p>It seems clear that even before the Dissolution proper decay was manifest +in some of the smaller nunneries; numbers were dwindling and morals were +not always beyond suspicion. At all events in the forty years before Henry +VIII’s first act of dissolution, no less than eight nunneries<a name='fna_1734' id='fna_1734' href='#f_1734'><small>[1734]</small></a>, all +of which had at one time been reasonably flourishing, faded away or were +dissolved. Something may, and indeed must, be allowed for the ulterior +motives of those who desired the revenue of these houses; but it is +impossible to suspect men like John Alcock, Bishop of Ely, John Fisher, +Bishop of Rochester, even Cardinal Wolsey, of being willing without any +excuse to suppress helpless nunneries in order to endow their new +collegiate foundations with the spoils. Some truth there must be in the +allegations of ill behaviour brought against certain of these houses; and +the reduction in numbers seems to point to a decay, more spontaneous than +forced.</p> + +<p>The first of the houses thus to be dissolved was St Radegund’s, Cambridge, +the accounts of which we have so often quoted. In 1496 John Alcock, Bishop +of Ely, visited the house and found but two sisters left there; and he +thereupon obtained letters patent from Henry VII to convert the nunnery +into a college, founded (like the nunnery) in honour of the Virgin, St +John the Evangelist and St Radegund, but called henceforward Jesus +College. Some light is thrown by these letters patent on the condition of +the convent in 1496. It is therein stated that the king,</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>as well by the report of the Bishop as by public fame, that the priory +... together with all its lands, tenements, rents, possessions and +buildings, and moreover the properties, goods, jewels and other +ecclesiastical ornaments anciently of piety and charity given and +granted to the same house or priory, by the neglect, improvidence, +extravagance and incontinence of the prioresses and women of the said +house, <i>by reason of their proximity to the university of Cambridge</i>, +have been dilapidated, destroyed, wasted, alienated, diminished, and +subtracted; in consequence of which the nuns are reduced to such want +and poverty that they are unable to maintain and support divine +services, hospitality and other such works of mercy and piety, as by +the primary foundation and ordinance of their founders are required; +that they are reduced in number to two only, of whom one is elsewhere +professed, the other is of ill-fame, and that they can in no way +provide for their own sustenance and relief, insomuch as they are fain +to abandon their house and leave it in a manner desolate<a name='fna_1735' id='fna_1735' href='#f_1735'><small>[1735]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_603" id="Page_603">[Pg 603]</a></span>The next nunneries to disappear were Bromhale in Windsor Forest and +Lillechurch or Higham in Kent. Their dissolution was begun in 1521 and +completed in 1524, when their possessions were granted to St John’s +College, Cambridge, the foundation of which was then being carried out by +John Fisher, Bishop of Rochester, as executor of the Lady Margaret. Only +three nuns were left in Bromhale and Wolsey directed the Bishop of +Salisbury to “proceed against enormities, misgovernance and slanderous +living, long time heretofore had, used and continued by the prioress and +nuns”<a name='fna_1736' id='fna_1736' href='#f_1736'><small>[1736]</small></a>; but there is no further evidence as to the moral condition of +the convent. The moral as well as the financial decay of Lillechurch is +more certain, for the resignations of the three nuns who remained, +together with the depositions of those who accused them of want of +discipline, have survived. Their revenues were stated to be in great decay +and divine service, hospitality and almsgiving had almost ceased. Moreover +it was said that “the same priory was situated in a corner out of sight of +the public and was much frequented by lewd persons, especially clerks, +whereby the nuns there were notorious for the incontinence of their life,” +two of them having borne children to one Edward Sterope, vicar of Higham. +Some witnesses were heard as to one of them, including a nurse who had +taken charge of her baby and a former servant of the nunnery, who had been +sent by the bishop to investigate the matter. “He entered the cloister of +the aforesaid priory, where he saw the lady sitting and weeping and said +to her ‘Alas madam, howe happened this with you?’ and she answered him, +‘And [if] I had been happey [i.e. lucky] I myght a caused this thinge to +have ben unknowen and hydden’”<a name='fna_1737' id='fna_1737' href='#f_1737'><small>[1737]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>The next nunneries to be suppressed were a group which went to enrich +Cardinal Wolsey’s foundations. The Cardinal’s policy of dissolving small +decayed houses in order to devote their revenues to collegiate +foundations, especially to his new college at Oxford, was by no means +generally approved and a passage in Skelton’s bitterly hostile <i>Colin +Clout</i> refers particularly to the case of the nunneries:</p> + +<p class="poem">And the selfe same game<br /> +Begone ys nowe with shame<br /> +Amongest the sely nonnes:<br /> +My lady nowe she ronnes,<br /> +Dame Sybly our abbesse,<br /> +Dame Dorothe and lady Besse,<br /> +Dame Sare our pryoresse,<br /> +Out of theyr cloyster and quere<br /> +With an heuy chere,<br /> +Must cast vp theyr blacke vayles<a name='fna_1738' id='fna_1738' href='#f_1738'><small>[1738]</small></a>.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_604" id="Page_604">[Pg 604]</a></span>The nunneries dissolved were Littlemore (1525), Wix (1525), Fairwell +(1527), and St Mary de Pré, St Albans, of which all went to Cardinal +College, except Fairwell, which went to Lichfield Cathedral. Of these +Littlemore, under the evil prioress Katherine Wells, had been in a state +of great disorder since 1517<a name='fna_1739' id='fna_1739' href='#f_1739'><small>[1739]</small></a>, while Cardinal Morton’s famous letter +of 1490 showed that there was at least suspicion of immoral relations +between the nuns of St Mary de Pré and the monks of St Albans<a name='fna_1740' id='fna_1740' href='#f_1740'><small>[1740]</small></a>. Of +the other two nunneries little is known at this time, save that they were +very small; there were four nuns at Wix. Another house, Davington in Kent, +vanished only a few months before the act would have dissolved it; in 1535 +it was found before the escheator of the county that no nuns were left in +it<a name='fna_1741' id='fna_1741' href='#f_1741'><small>[1741]</small></a>.</p> + + +<p> <a name="note_i" id="note_i"></a></p> +<p class="center">NOTE I.</p> +<p class="center">CHANSONS DE NONNES.</p> + +<p>The theme of the nun in popular poetry deserves a more detailed study than +it has yet received, both on account of the innate grace of the <i>chansons +de nonnes</i> and on account of their persistence into modern times. The +earliest examples (with the exception of the two old French poems quoted +in the text) occur in German literature, always rich in folk song. With +the song from the <i>Limburg Chronicle</i> and the Latin <i>Plangit nonna +fletibus</i> should be compared the following amusing little poem:</p> + +<p class="poem"><span style="margin-left: 1em;">Ich solt ein nonne werden</span><br /> +ich hatt kein lust dazu<br /> +ich ess nicht gerne gerste<br /> +wach auch nicht gerne fru;<br /> +gott geb dem kläffer unglück vil<br /> +der mich armes mägdlein<br /> +ins kloster haben wil!<br /> +<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Ins kloster, ins kloster</span><br /> +da kom ich nicht hinein,<br /> +da schneidt man mir die har ab,<br /> +das bringt mir schwäre pein;<br /> +gott geb dem kläffer unglück vil<br /> +der mich armes mägdlein<br /> +ins kloster haben wil!<br /> +<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Und wenn es komt um mitternacht</span><br /> +das glöcklein das schlecht an,<br /> +so hab ich armes mägdlein<br /> +noch keinen schlaf getan;<br /> +gott geb dem kläffer unglück vil<br /> +der mich armes mägdlein<br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_605" id="Page_605">[Pg 605]</a></span>ins kloster haben wil!<br /> +<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Und wenn ich vor die alten kom</span><br /> +so sehn sie mich sauer an,<br /> +so denk ich armes mägdlein<br /> +hett ich ein jungen man<br /> +und der mein stäter bule sei<br /> +so war ich armes mägdlein<br /> +des fasten und betens frei.<br /> +<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Ade, ade feins klösterlein,</span><br /> +Ade, nu halt dich wol!<br /> +ich weiss ein herz allerliebsten mein<br /> +mein herz ist freuden vol;<br /> +nach im stet all mein zuversicht,<br /> +ins kloster kom ich nimmer nicht,<br /> +ade, feins klösterlein!<a name='fna_1742' id='fna_1742' href='#f_1742'><small>[1742]</small></a></p> + +<p>From the time of the Minnesingers comes a charming, plaintive little song, +which rings its double refrain on the words “Lonely” and “O Love, what +have I done?” It tells how the nun, behind a cold grating, thinks of her +lover as she chants her psalter; and how her father and mother visit her +and pray together, clad like gay peacocks, while she is shrouded in cord +and cowl; and how</p> + +<p class="poem">At even to my bed I go—<br /> +The bed in my cell is lonely.<br /> +And then I think (God, where’s the harm?)<br /> +Would my true love were in my arm!<br /> +O Love—what have I done?<a name='fna_1743' id='fna_1743' href='#f_1743'><small>[1743]</small></a></p> + +<p>A thirteenth century poem, hailing from Bavaria or Austria, strikes a more +tragic note:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Alas for my young days, alas for my plaint. They would force me into a +convent. Nevermore then shall I see the grass grow green and the green +clover flowers, nevermore hear the little birds sing. Woe it is, and +dead is my joy, for they would part me from my true love, and I die of +sorrow. <i>Alas, alas for my grief, which I must bear in secret!</i> +Sisters, dear sisters, must we be parted from the world? Deepest woe +it is, since I may never wear the bridal wreath and must make moan for +my sins, when I would fain be in the world and would fain wear a +bright wreath upon my hair, instead of the veil that the nuns wear. +<i>Alas, alas for my grief, which I must bear in secret!</i> I must take +leave of the world, since the day of parting is come. I must look +sourly upon all joy, upon dancing and leaping and good courage, birds +singing and hawthorn blooming. If the little birds had my sorrow well +might they sit silent in the woods and upon the green branches. <i>Alas, +alas for my grief, which I must bear in silence</i><a name='fna_1744' id='fna_1744' href='#f_1744'><small>[1744]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_606" id="Page_606">[Pg 606]</a></span>A sixteenth century French song has something of the same serious tone, +though it is more sophisticated and less poignant than the medieval German +version:</p> + +<p class="poem">Une jeune fillette<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">de noble cœur</span><br /> +gratieuse et honeste<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">de grand valeur,</span><br /> +contre son gré l’on a rendu nonette<br /> +point ne le voloit estre<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">par quoy vit en langueur.</span></p> + +<p>One day after Compline she was sitting alone and lamenting her fate and +she called on the Virgin to shorten her life, which she could endure no +longer:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>If I were married to my love, who has so desired me, whom I have so +desired, all the night long he would hold me in his arms and would +tell me all his thought and I would tell him mine. If I had believed +my love and the sweet words he said to me, alack, alack, I should be +wedded now. But since I must die in this place let me die soon. O poor +heart, that must die a death so bitter! Fare you well, abbess of this +convent, and all the nuns therein. Pray for me when I am dead, but +never tell my thought to my true love. Fare you well, father and +mother and all my kinsfolk; you made me a nun in this convent; in life +I shall never have any joy; I live unhappy, in torment and in +pain<a name='fna_1745' id='fna_1745' href='#f_1745'><small>[1745]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Usually, however, the <i>chanson de nonne</i> is more frivolous than this and +all ends happily. A well defined group contains songs in the form of a +round with a refrain, meant to be sung during a dance<a name='fna_1746' id='fna_1746' href='#f_1746'><small>[1746]</small></a>. One of the +prettiest has a refrain rejecting the life of a nun for the best of +reasons:</p> + +<p class="poem">Derrière chez mon père<br /> +Il est un bois taillis<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">(Serai-je nonnette, oui ou non?</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Serai-je nonnette? je crois que non!)</span><br /> +<br /> +Le rossignol y chante<br /> +Et le jour et la nuit.<br /> +Il chante pour les filles<br /> +Qui n’ont pas d’ami,<br /> +Il ne chante pas pour moi,<br /> +J’en ai un, dieu mercy<a name='fna_1747' id='fna_1747' href='#f_1747'><small>[1747]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Another (first found in a version belonging to the year 1602) has the +dance-refrain:</p> + +<p class="poem"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_607" id="Page_607">[Pg 607]</a></span> +Trépignez vous, trépignez,<br /> +Trépignez vous comme moy,</p> + +<p>and the words seem to trip of themselves:</p> + +<p class="poem">Mon père n’a fille que moy—<br /> +Il a juré la sienne foy<br /> +Que nonnette il fera de moy,<br /> +Et non feray, pas ne voudray.<br /> +J’amerois mieux mary avoir<br /> +Qui me baisast la nuit trois fois.<br /> +L’un au matin et l’autre au soir,<br /> +L’autre a minuit, ce sont les trois<a name='fna_1748' id='fna_1748' href='#f_1748'><small>[1748]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Another song of the same date has the refrain:</p> + +<p class="poem"><span style="margin-left: 4em;">Je le diray,</span><br /> +Je le diray, diray, ma mère,<br /> +Ma Mère, je le diray,</p> + +<p>and tells the same tale:</p> + +<p class="poem">Mon père aussi ma mère<br /> +Ont juré par leur foy<br /> +Qu’ils me rendront nonnette<br /> +Tout en despit de moy.<br /> +La partie est mal faite<br /> +Elle est faite sans moy.<br /> +J’ay un amy en France<br /> +Qui n’est pas loin de moy,<br /> +Je le tiens par le doigt.<br /> +La nuit quand je me couche<br /> +Se met auprès de moy,<br /> +M’apprend ma patenostre,<br /> +Et aussi mon <i>ave</i>,<br /> +Et encore autre chose<br /> +Que je vous celeray.<br /> +De peur que ne l’oublie<br /> +Je le recorderay!<a name='fna_1749' id='fna_1749' href='#f_1749'><small>[1749]</small></a></p> + +<p>The passage of years never diminished the popularity of these gay little +songs; age could not wither them, and when nineteenth century scholars +began to collect the folk songs sung in the provinces of France, they +found many <i>chansons de nonnes</i> still upon the lips of the people. In +Poitou there is a round whose subject is still the old distaste of the +girl for the convent:</p> + +<p class="poem">Dans Paris l’on a fait faire<br /> +Deux ou trois petits couvents.<br /> +Mon père ainsi que ma mère<br /> +Veulent me mettre dedans,<br /> +(Point de couvent, je ne veux, ma mère,<br /> +C’est un amant qu’il me faut vraiment.)</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_608" id="Page_608">[Pg 608]</a></span>She begs her parents to wait another year; perhaps at the end of a year +she will find a lover; and she will take him quickly enough:</p> + +<p class="poem">Il vaut mieux conduire à vêpres<br /> +Son mari et ses enfants,<br /> +Que d’être dedans ces cloétres<br /> +A faire les yeux dolents;<br /> +A jeûner tout le carême,<br /> +Les quatre-temps et l’avent;<br /> +Et coucher dessus la dure<br /> +Tout le restant de son temps.<br /> +Serais-je plus heureuse<br /> +Dans les bras de mon amant?<br /> +Il me conterait ses peines,<br /> +Ses peines et ses tourments.<br /> +Je lui conterais les miennes,<br /> +Ainsi passerait le temps<a name='fna_1750' id='fna_1750' href='#f_1750'><small>[1750]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Another round from the same district sings the plaint of a girl whose +younger sister has married before her; “lads are as fickle as a leaf upon +the wind, girls are as true as silver and gold; but my younger sister is +being married. I am dying of jealousy, for they are sending me into a +convent”:</p> + +<p class="poem">Car moi, qui suis l’aînée<br /> +On me met au couvent.<br /> +Si ce malheur arrive<br /> +J’mettrai feu dedans!<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">(Vous qui menez la ronde,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Menez-le rondement.)<a name='fna_1751' id='fna_1751' href='#f_1751'><small>[1751]</small></a></span></p> + +<p>Many folk-songs take the form of a dialogue between a mother and daughter, +sometimes (as in two of the rounds quoted above) preserved only in the +refrain. An old song taken down at Fontenay-le-Marmion contains a +charmingly frivolous conversation. “Mother,” says the daughter of fifteen, +“I want a lover.” “No, no, no, my child, none of that,” says her mother, +“you shall go to town to a convent and learn to read.” “But tell me, +mother, is it gay in a convent?”:</p> + +<p class="poem">“Dites-moi, ma mère, ah! dites-moi donc,<br /> +Dedans ce couvent, comme s’y comporte-t-on?<br /> +Porte-t-on des fontanges et des beaux habits,<br /> +Va-t-on à la danse, prend-on ses plaisis?”<br /> +<br /> +“Non, non, non, ma fille, point de tout cela;<br /> +Une robe noire et elle vous servira,<br /> +Une robe noire et un voile blanc;<br /> +Te voilà, ma fille, à l’état du couvent.”</p> + +<p>“No, mother, to a convent I will not go; never will I leave the lad I +love”; as she speaks her lover enters. “Fair one, will you keep your +promise?” “I will keep all the promises I ever made to you, in my youth I +will keep them; it is only my mother who does not<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_609" id="Page_609">[Pg 609]</a></span> wish it—but all the +same, do not trouble yourself, for it shall be so. My father is very +gentle when he sees me cry; I shall speak to him of love and I shall soon +make him see that without any more delay I must have a lover”<a name='fna_1752' id='fna_1752' href='#f_1752'><small>[1752]</small></a>. In +another of these dialogues the seventeen-year-old girl begs her mother to +find her a husband. “You bold wicked girl,” says the mother:</p> + +<p class="poem">Effrontée, hélas! que vous êtes!<br /> +Si je prends le manche à balai,<br /> +Au couvent de la sœur Babet<br /> +Je te mets pour la vie entière,<br /> +Et à grands coups de martinet<br /> +On apaisera votre caquet!</p> + +<p>But “Mother,” says the girl, “When you were my age, weren’t you just the +same? When love stole away your strength and your courage, didn’t you love +your sweetheart so well that they wanted to put you into a convent? don’t +you remember, mother, that you once told me that it was high time my dear +father came forward, for you had more than one gallant?” The horrified +mother interrupts her, “I see very well that you have a lover”:</p> + +<p class="poem">Mariez-vous, n’en parlons plus<br /> +Je vais vous compter mille écus!<a name='fna_1753' id='fna_1753' href='#f_1753'><small>[1753]</small></a></p> + +<p>Another group of songs (in narrative form and more <i>banal</i> than the rounds +and dialogues) deals with the escape from the convent. Among folk-songs +collected in Velay and Forez there is one in which the girl is shut in a +nunnery, whence her lover rescues her by the device of dressing himself as +a gardener and getting employment in the abbess’s garden<a name='fna_1754' id='fna_1754' href='#f_1754'><small>[1754]</small></a>; and +another in which a soldier returns from the Flemish wars to find his +mistress in a convent and takes her away with him in spite of the +remonstrances of the abbess<a name='fna_1755' id='fna_1755' href='#f_1755'><small>[1755]</small></a>. In a version from Low Normandy (which +probably goes back to the seventeenth century) the lover invokes the help +of a chimney sweep, who goes to sweep the convent chimneys and pretends to +be seized with a stomach-ache, so that the abbess hurries away for a +medicine bottle and enables him to pass the young man’s letter to his +mistress; on a second visit the sweep carries the girl out in his sack, +under the very nose of the reverend mother<a name='fna_1756' id='fna_1756' href='#f_1756'><small>[1756]</small></a>. An Italian version is +less artificial:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>In this city there is a little maid, a little maid in love. They wish +to chastise her until she loves no more. Says her father to her +mother: “In what manner shall we chastise her? Let us array her in +grey linen and put her into a nunnery.” In her chamber the fair maiden +stood listening. “Ah, woe is me,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_610" id="Page_610">[Pg 610]</a></span> for they would make me a nun!” +Weeping she wrote a letter and when she had sealed it well, she gave +it to her serving man, and bade him bear it to her lover. The gentle +gallant read the letter and began to weep and sigh: “I had but one +little love and now they would make her a nun!” He goes to the stable +where his horses are and saddles the one he prizes most. “Arise, black +steed, for thou art the strongest and fairest of all; for one short +hour thou must fly like a swallow down by the sea.” The gentle gallant +mounts his horse and spurs forward at a gallop. He arrives just as his +fair one is entering the nunnery. “Hearken to me, mother abbess, I +have one little word to say.” As he spake the word to the maiden, he +slipped the ring on her finger. “Is there in this city no priest or no +friar who will marry a maiden without her banns being called?” +“Goodbye to you, Father, goodbye to you, Mother, goodbye to you all my +kinsfolk. They thought to make me a nun, but with joy I am become a +bride”<a name='fna_1757' id='fna_1757' href='#f_1757'><small>[1757]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Another very ribald Italian folk-song of the fourteenth or fifteenth +century is specially interesting because it is founded upon Boccaccio’s +famous tale of the Abbess and the breeches. It is somewhat different from +the usual nun-song; less plaintive and more indecent, as befits its origin +in a <i>conte gras</i>; it is a <i>fabliau</i> rather than a song, but it is worth +quoting:</p> + +<p class="poem">Kyrie, kyrie, pregne son le monache!<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">lo andai in un monastiero,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">a non mentir ma dir el vero,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">ov’ eran done secrate:</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">diezi n’ eran tute inpiate,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">senza [dir de] la badesa,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">che la tiritera spesa</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">faceva con un prete.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 8em;">Kyrie, etc.</span><br /> +<br /> +Or udirete bel sermona:<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">ciascuna in chiesa andone,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">lasciando il dileto</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">che si posava in sul leto;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">per rifare la danza</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">ciascuno aspetta l’ amanza</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">che diè retonare.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 8em;">Kyrie, etc.</span><br /> +<br /> +Quando matutin sonava<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in chiesa nesuna andava,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">[poi] ch’ eran acopiate</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">qual con prete e qual con frate:</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">con lui stava in oracione</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">e ciascuno era garzone</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">che le serviva bene.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 8em;">Kyrie, etc.</span><br /> +<br /> +Sendo in chiesia tute andate,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">e tute erano impregnate,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">qual dal prete e qual dal frate,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">l’ una e l’ altra guata;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">ciascuna cred’ esser velata</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">lo capo di benda usata;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">avrino in capo brache.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 8em;">Kyrie, etc.</span><br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_611" id="Page_611">[Pg 611]</a></span><br /> +E l’ una a l’ altra guatando<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">si vengon maravigliando;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">credean che fore celato,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">alor fu manifestato</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">questo eale convenente:</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">a la badessa incontenente</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">ch’ ognun godesse or dice.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 8em;">Kyrie, etc.</span><br /> +<br /> +Or ne va, balata mia,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">va a quel monastiero,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">che vi si gode in fede mia</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">e questo facto è vero;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">ciascuna non li par vero,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">e quale [è] la fanziulla</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">ciascuna si trastulla</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">col cul cantano kyrie.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 8em;">Kyrie, etc.<a name='fna_1758' id='fna_1758' href='#f_1758'><small>[1758]</small></a></span></p> + +<p>One characteristic form of the nun-theme has already been referred to in +the text: the dialogue between the clerk and the nun, in which one prays +the other for love and is refused. A terse version in which the nun is +temptress exists in Latin and evidently enjoyed a certain popularity:</p> + +<table style="margin-left: 15%;" border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary="table"> +<tr><td valign="top"><i>Nonna.</i></td> + <td><span class="spacer"> </span></td> + <td>Te mihi meque tibi genus, aetas et decor aequa[n]t:<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Cur non ergo sumus sic in amore pares?</span></td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top"><i>Clericus.</i></td> + <td> </td> + <td>Non hac ueste places aliis nec uestis ametur:<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Quae nigra sunt, fugio, candida semper amo.</span></td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top"><i>N.</i></td> + <td> </td> + <td>Si sim ueste nigra, niueam tamen aspice carnem:<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Quae nigra sunt, fugias, candida crura petas.</span></td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top"><i>C.</i></td> + <td> </td> + <td>Nupsisti Christo, quem non offendere fas est:<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Hoc uelum sponsam te notat esse Dei.</span></td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top"><i>N.</i></td> + <td> </td> + <td>Deponam uelum, deponam cetera quaeque:<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Ibit et ad lectum nuda puella tuum.</span></td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top"><i>C.</i></td> + <td> </td> + <td>Si uelo careas, tamen altera non potes esse:<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Vestibus ablatis non mea culpa minor.</span></td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top"><i>N.</i></td> + <td> </td> + <td>Culpa quidem, sed culpa leuis tamen ipsa fatetur<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Hoc fore peccatum, sed ueniale tamen.</span></td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top"><i>C.</i></td> + <td> </td> + <td>Uxorem uiolare uiri graue crimen habetur,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Sed grauius sponsam te uiolare Dei.</span></td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top"><i>N.</i></td> + <td> </td> + <td>Cum non sit rectum uicini frangere lectum<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Plus reor esse reum zelotypare Deum<a name='fna_1759' id='fna_1759' href='#f_1759'><small>[1759]</small></a>.</span></td></tr></table> + +<p>In the Cambridge Manuscript there is a famous dialogue, half-Latin and +half-German, in which a clerk prays a nun to love him in springtime, while +the birds sing in the trees, but she replies: “What care I for the +nightingale? I am Christ’s maid and his betrothed.”<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_612" id="Page_612">[Pg 612]</a></span> Almost the whole of +the dialogue, in spite of the nun’s irreproachable attitude, has been +deleted with black ink by the monks of St Augustine’s, Canterbury, who +were accustomed thus to censor matter which they considered unedifying; +but modern scholars have been at infinite pains to reconstruct it<a name='fna_1760' id='fna_1760' href='#f_1760'><small>[1760]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>It is rare to find in popular songs the idea of the convent as a refuge +for maidens crossed in love; but some pretty poems have this theme. In a +sixteenth century song a girl prefers a convent, if she cannot have the +man she loves best, but she wishes her lover could be with her there:</p> + +<p class="poem">Puis que l’on ne m’at donne<br /> +A celuy que j’aymois tant,<br /> +avant la fin de l’annee<br /> +quoy que facent mes parens,<br /> +je me rendray capucine<br /> +capucine en un couvent.<br /> +<br /> +Si mon amis vient les feste<br /> +a la grille regardant,<br /> +je luy feray de la teste<br /> +la reverence humblement<br /> +come pauvre capucine;<br /> +je n’oserois aultrement.<br /> +<br /> +S’il se pouvait par fortune<br /> +se couler secretement<br /> +dedans ma chambre sur la brune,<br /> +je lui dirois mon tourment<br /> +que la pauvre capucine<br /> +pour luy souffre en ce couvent.<br /> +<br /> +Mon dieu, s’il se pouvoit faire<br /> +que nous deux ensemblement<br /> +fussions dans ung monastere<br /> +pour y passer nostre temps,<br /> +capucin et capucine<br /> +nous vindrions tous deux content.<br /> +<br /> +L’on me vera attissee<br /> +d’ung beau voille de lin blanc;<br /> +mais je seray bien coiffee<br /> +dans le cœur tout aultrement,<br /> +puis que l’on m’a capucine<br /> +mise dedans ce couvent.<br /> +<br /> +N’est ce pas une grand raige<br /> +quand au gre de ses parens<br /> +il faut prendre en mariaige<br /> +ceulx qu’on n’ayme nullement?<br /> +j’ameroy mieulx capucine<br /> +estre mise en ce couvent<a name='fna_1761' id='fna_1761' href='#f_1761'><small>[1761]</small></a>.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_613" id="Page_613">[Pg 613]</a></span>Somewhat similar is the song (first printed in 1640) of the fifteen +year-old girl married to a husband of sixty:</p> + +<p class="poem">M’irai-je rendre nonette<br /> +Dans quelque joly couvent,<br /> +Priant le dieu d’amourette<br /> +Qu’il me donne allegement<br /> +Ou que j’aye en mariage<br /> +Celuy là que j’aime tant?<a name='fna_1762' id='fna_1762' href='#f_1762'><small>[1762]</small></a></p> + +<p>A round, with the refrain</p> + +<p class="poem">Ah, ah, vive l’amour!<br /> +Cela ne durera pas toujours,</p> + +<p>goes with a delightful swing:</p> + +<p class="poem">Ce matin je me suis levée<br /> +Plus matin que ma tante;<br /> +J’ai descendu dans mon jardin<br /> +Cueillire la lavande.<br /> +Je n’avais pas cueilli trois brins<br /> +Que mon amant y rentre;<br /> +Il m’a dit trois mots en latin:<br /> +Marions nous ensemble.<br /> +—Si mes parents le veul’ bien,<br /> +Pour moi je suis contente.<br /> +Si mes parents ne le veul’ pas<br /> +Dans un couvent j’y rentre.<br /> +Tous mes parents le veul’ bien,<br /> +Il n’y a que ma tante.<br /> +Et si ma tante ne veut pas<br /> +Dans un couvent je rentre.<br /> +Je prierai Dieu pour mes parents<br /> +Et le diable pour ma tante!<a name='fna_1763' id='fna_1763' href='#f_1763'><small>[1763]</small></a></p> + +<p>In another song, with the refrain</p> + +<p class="poem">Je ne m’y marieray jamais<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Je seray religieuse,</span></p> + +<p>the girl laments her own coyness which has lost her her lover<a name='fna_1764' id='fna_1764' href='#f_1764'><small>[1764]</small></a>. +Sometimes, on the other hand, it is the lover’s falseness which drives her +to enter a convent. In a song, which first occurs about 1555, the maiden +laments “qu’amours sont faulses”:</p> + +<p class="poem">Je m’en iray rendre bigotte<br /> +Avec les autres,<br /> +Et porteray le noir aussi le gris<br /> +(sont les couleurs de mon loyal amy)<br /> +si porteray les blanches patenostres<br /> +comme bigotte<a name='fna_1765' id='fna_1765' href='#f_1765'><small>[1765]</small></a>.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_614" id="Page_614">[Pg 614]</a></span>In another very graceful little ditty the lover goes through the world in +rain and wind, seeking his true love and finds her at last in a green +valley:</p> + +<p class="poem">Je luy ay dit “doucette,<br /> +où vas tu maintenant?<br /> +(m’amour)”<br /> +“m’en vois rendre nonnette<br /> +(helas)<br /> +en un petit couvent.<br /> +<br /> +Puis que d’aultre que moy<br /> +vous estes amoureux.<br /> +(m’amour)<br /> +qui faict qu’en grand esmoy<br /> +(helas)<br /> +mon cœur soit langoureux.<br /> +<br /> +Helas, toute vestue<br /> +je seray de drap noir<br /> +(m’amour)<br /> +monstrant que despourveue<br /> +(helas)<br /> +je vis en desespoir”<a name='fna_1766' id='fna_1766' href='#f_1766'><small>[1766]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Moreover the convent also plays its part in that numerous class of folk +songs, which tells of the discomfiture of a too bold gallant by the wits +of a girl. An early example occurs in 1542:</p> + +<p class="poem">L’autrier, en revenant de tour<br /> +Sus mon cheval qui va le trou,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Par dessoubs la couldrette</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">L’herbe y croit folyette.</span><br /> +<br /> +Je m’en entray en ung couvent<br /> +Pour prendre mes esbatemens.<br /> +Par ung petit guinchet d’argent<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Je vis une nonnette,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Vray Dieu, tant jolyette.</span><br /> +<br /> +Dessoubz les drabs quand je la vys<br /> +Blanche comme la fleur du lys,<br /> +Je masseitys aupres du lit<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">En lui disans: nonnette</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Serez vous ma miette?</span><br /> +<br /> +Chevalier, troup me detenez,<br /> +D’en faire a vostre voulente<br /> +Si m’en laissez ung peu aller,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Tant que je soye parée,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Tost seray retournée.</span><br /> +<br /> +Sire chevalier, rassemblez<br /> +A l’ésperirer vous resemblez,<br /> +Qui tient la proye enmy ses pieds<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Et puis la laisse enfuire</span><br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_615" id="Page_615">[Pg 615]</a></span><span style="margin-left: 2em;">Ainsi faictes vous, sire.</span><br /> +<br /> +La nonnette si s’en alla<br /> +A son abbesse racompta<br /> +Là en ces bois a ung musart<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Qui d’amour m’a priée,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Je luy suis eschappée.</span><br /> +<br /> +Le chevallier il demeura<br /> +Soulz la branche d’ung olivier<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Attendant la nonnette—</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Encore y peust il estre!<a name='fna_1767' id='fna_1767' href='#f_1767'><small>[1767]</small></a></span></p> + +<p>Folk-songs, like flowers, spring up—or perhaps are transplanted—in the +same form in different lands and under different skies; they laugh at +political divisions and are a living monument to the solidarity of Europe. +Thus a song taken down from the lips of a Piedmontese <i>contadina</i> in the +nineteenth century is almost exactly the same as the sixteenth century +French poem just quoted, even to such details as the olive and the fowler:</p> + +<p class="poem">Gentil galant cassa’nt ël bosc,<br /> +S’è riscuntrà-se’nt üna múnia,<br /> +L’era tan bela, frësca e biunda.<br /> +Gentil galant a j’à ben dit:<br /> +—Setè-ve sì cun mi a l’umbreta,<br /> +Mai pi viu sarì munigheta.<br /> +—Gentil galant, spetei-me sì,<br /> +Che vada pozè la tunicheta<br /> +Poi turnrò con vui a l’umbreta—<br /> +A l’à spetà-la tre dì, tre nóit<br /> +Sut a l’umbreta de l’oliva.<br /> +E mai pi la múnia veniva.<br /> +Gentil galant va al munastè,<br /> +L’à pica la porta grandeta;<br /> +J’e sortì la madre badessa.<br /> +—Coza cerchei-vo, gentil galant?<br /> +—Mi ma cerco na munigheta,<br /> +Ch’a m’à promess d’avnì a l’umbreta.<br /> +—J’avie la quaja dnans ai pè,<br /> +V’la sì lassà-v-la vulè via.<br /> +Cozi l’à faít la múnia zolia<a name='fna_1768' id='fna_1768' href='#f_1768'><small>[1768]</small></a>.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_616" id="Page_616">[Pg 616]</a></span>Another version, still sung in many parts of France, is called <i>The Ferry +Woman</i>. In this a girl ferrying a gentleman from court across a stream, +promises him her love in return for two thousand pounds, but bids him wait +till they land and can climb to the top room of a house. But when the +gallant leaps ashore she pushes off her boat, taking the money with her +and crying: “Galant, j’t’ai passé la rivière:</p> + +<p class="poem"><span style="margin-left: 2em;">Avec ton or et ton argent</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Je vais entrer dans un couvent,</span><br /> +Dans un couvent de filles vertueuses<br /> +Pour être un jour aussi religieuse!<br /> +<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">“Si je passe par le couvent,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">J’irai mettre le feu dedans,</span><br /> +Je brûlerai la tour et la tournière<br /> +Pour mieux brûler la belle batelière”<a name='fna_1769' id='fna_1769' href='#f_1769'><small>[1769]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Occasionally the references to nuns in folk-songs have even less +significance. Thus one of the metamorphoses gone through by the girl, who +(in a very common folk theme) assumes different shapes to elude her lover, +is to become a nun:</p> + +<p class="poem">“Si tu me suis encore<br /> +Comme un amant<br /> +Je me ferai nonne<br /> +Dans un convent,<br /> +Et jamais tu n’auras<br /> +Mon cœur content.”<br /> +<br /> +“Si tu te fais nonne<br /> +Dans un couvent<br /> +Je me ferai<br /> +Moine chantant<br /> +Pour confesser la nonne<br /> +Dans le couvent”<a name='fna_1770' id='fna_1770' href='#f_1770'><small>[1770]</small></a>.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_617" id="Page_617">[Pg 617]</a></span>Again in <i>Le Canard Blanc</i> occur the question and answer:</p> + +<p class="poem">Que ferons nous de tant d’argent?<br /> +Nous mettrons nos filles au couvent<br /> +Et nos garçons au régiment.<br /> +Si nos fill’s ne veul’ point d’couvent<br /> +Nous les marierons richement<a name='fna_1771' id='fna_1771' href='#f_1771'><small>[1771]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>One very curious song deserves quotation, a Florentine carnival song of +the time of Lorenzo the Magnificent, written by one Guglielmo called <i>Il +Giuggiola</i>. It retails the woes of some poor “Lacresine” or “Lanclesine” +who have come to Rome on a pilgrimage and been robbed of all their money +on the way, and the ingenious suggestion has been made that “Lacresine” is +a corruption of “Anglesine” and that the song is supposed to be sung by +English nuns; certainly it is in broken Italian, such as foreigners would +use:</p> + +<p class="poem">Misericordia et caritate<br /> +Alle pofer Lacresine<br /> +Che l’argente pel chammine<br /> +Tutt’a spese et consumate.<br /> +<br /> +Del paese basse Magne,<br /> +Dove assai fatiche afute<br /> +Tutte noi pofer compagne<br /> +Per ir Rome sian fenute.<br /> +Ma per tanto esser piofute,<br /> +Non pofer Lanclesine.<br /> +<br /> +Nelle parte di Melane<br /> +State noi mal governate,<br /> +Che da ladri et gente strane<br /> +Nostre robe star furate;<br /> +Talche noi tutte bitate<br /> +[Non mai più far tal chammine.]<br /> +Pero pofer Lanclesine<br /> +Buon messer dà caritate.<br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_618" id="Page_618">[Pg 618]</a></span><br /> +Queste pofer Nastasie<br /> +Le fu tutte rotte stiene<br /> +Talchè sue gran malattie<br /> +Per vergognia sotto tiene.<br /> +Così zoppe far conviene<br /> +Con fatiche suo chammine<br /> +Però pofer Lanclesine<br /> +Buon messer dà caritate.<br /> +<br /> +Chi è dijote San Branchatie<br /> +Che star tant’ in ciel potente,<br /> +Per afer sue sancte gratie<br /> +Voglia a noi donare argente,<br /> +Che le pofer malcontente<br /> +Pessin compier lor chammine,<br /> +Però pofer Lanclesine<br /> +Buon messer dà caritate<a name='fna_1772' id='fna_1772' href='#f_1772'><small>[1772]</small></a>.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“Pity and charity for poor English ladies, who have spent and used up +all their money on the road. From the land of low Germany, where we +have had great difficulties, all we poor sisters are on our way to +Rome, but because it has rained so hard, we have not been able to +continue our road. <i>Therefore, good sirs, give alms to us poor English +ladies.</i> In the district of Milan ill-used were we, for thieves and +strangers stole all our goods; so buffetted were we, never again will +we go on such a journey. <i>Therefore, good sirs, give alms to us poor +English ladies.</i> Poor Anastasia was so knocked about, that in shame +she hides her ill and must needs continue her road limping. +<i>Therefore, good sirs, give alms to us poor English ladies.</i> Whoever +is a devotee of St Pancras, who is so powerful in heaven, whoever +wishes to have his grace, let him give us money, so that we poor +miserable creatures may get to our journey’s end; <i>therefore, good +sirs, give alms to us poor English ladies</i>.”</p></div> + +<p>Sometimes the nun is found playing a part in the romantic +ballad-literature of Europe. A Rhineland legend of the dance of death, +interesting because it embodies the names and dates of the actors, has for +its setting a convent; it is thus summarised by Countess +Martinengo-Cesaresco<a name='fna_1773' id='fna_1773' href='#f_1773'><small>[1773]</small></a>:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>In the fourteenth century Freiherr von Metternich placed his daughter +Ida in a convent on the island of Oberwörth, in order to separate her +from her lover, one Gerbert, to whom she was secretly betrothed. A +year later the maiden lay sick in the nunnery, attended by an aged lay +sister. “Alas!” she said “I die unwed though a betrothed wife.” +“Heaven forfend!” cried her companion, “then you would be doomed to +dance the death-dance.” The old sister went on to explain that +betrothed maidens who die without having either married or taken +religious vows, are condemned to dance on a grassless spot in the +middle of the island, there being but one chance of escape, the coming +of a lover, no matter whether the original betrothed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_619" id="Page_619">[Pg 619]</a></span> or another, with +whom the whole party dances round and round till he dies; then the +youngest of the ghosts makes him her own and may henceforth rest in +her grave. The old nun’s gossip does not delay the hapless Ida’s +departure, and Gerbert, who hears of her illness on the shores of the +Boden See, arrives at Coblenz only to have tidings of her death. He +rows over to Oberwörth; it is midnight in midwinter. Under the +moonlight dance the unwed brides, veiled and in flowing robes; Gerbert +thinks he sees Ida among them. He joins the dance; fast and furious it +becomes, to the sound of a wild unearthly music. At last the clock +strikes and the ghosts vanish—only one, as it goes, seems to stoop +and kiss the youth, who sinks to the ground. There the gardener finds +him on the morrow, and in spite of all the care bestowed upon him by +the sisterhood, he dies before sundown.</p></div> + +<p>Another German ballad, taken down from oral recitation, at the beginning +of the nineteenth century, opens with a good swing:</p> + +<p class="poem">Stund ich auf hohen bergen<br /> +Und sah ich über den Rhein<br /> +Ein Schifflein sah ich fahren,<br /> +Drei Ritter waren drein.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“I stood upon a high mountain and looked out over the Rhine, and I saw +three knights come sailing in a little boat. The youngest was a lord’s +son, and fain would have wed me, young as he was. He drew a little +golden ring from off his finger, “Take this, my fair, my lovely one, +but do not wear it till I am dead.” “What shall I do with the little +ring, if I may not wear it?” “O say you found it out in the green +grass.” “O that would be a lie and evil. Far sooner would I say that +the young lord was my husband.” “O maiden, were you but wealthy, came +you but of noble kin, were we but equals, gladly would I wed you.” +“Though I may not be rich yet am I not without honour, and my honour I +will keep, until one who is my equal comes for me.” “But if your equal +never comes, what then?” “Then I will go into a convent and become a +nun.” There had not gone by a quarter of a year when the lord had an +evil dream; it seemed to him that the love of his heart was gone into +a convent. “Rise up, rise up, my trusty man, saddle horses for thee +and me. We will ride over mountains and through valleys—the maid is +worth all the world.” And when they came to the convent, they knocked +at the door of the tall house, “Come forth, my fair, my lovely one, +come forth for but a minute.” “Wherefore should I come forth? Short +hair have I, my locks they have cut off—for a long year has passed.” +Despair filled the lord’s heart; he sank upon a stone and wept +glittering tears and could never be glad again. With her snow-white +little hands she dug the lord a grave and the tears fell for him out +of her brown eyes. And to all young men this happens who seek after +great wealth. They set their love upon beautiful women; but beauty and +riches go not always hand in hand”<a name='fna_1774' id='fna_1774' href='#f_1774'><small>[1774]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>It is a strange thing that in all the ballad and folk-song literature of +England and Scotland there should be one and only one reference to a nun. +But that reference is a profoundly interesting one, for it is to be found +in the fine ballad of the <i>Death of Robin Hood</i>, which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_620" id="Page_620">[Pg 620]</a></span> tells how the +great outlaw came to his end through the treachery of the Prioress of +Kirklees:</p> + +<p class="poem">When Robin Hood and Little John<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;"><i>Down a-down, a-down, a-down</i>,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Went o’er yon bank of broom</span><br /> +Said Robin Hood to Little John,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">“We have shot for many a pound:</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;"><i>Hey down, a-down, a-down</i>.</span><br /> +<br /> +“But I am not able to shoot one shot more,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">My broad arrows will not flee;</span><br /> +But I have a cousin lives down below,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Please God, she will bleed me.”</span><br /> +<br /> +“I will never eat nor drink,” he said,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">“Nor meat will do me good,</span><br /> +Till I have been to merry Kirkleys<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">My veins for to let blood.</span><br /> +<br /> +“The dame prior is my aunt’s daughter,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">And nigh unto my kin;</span><br /> +I know she wo’ld me no harm this day<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">For all the world to win.”</span><br /> +<br /> +“That I rede not,” said Little John,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">“Master, by th’ assent of me,</span><br /> +Without half a hundred of your best bowmen<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">You take to go with yee.”</span><br /> +<br /> +“An thou be afear’d, thou Little John,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">At home I rede thee be.”</span><br /> +“An you be wrath, my deare mastèr<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">You shall never hear more of me.”</span><br /> +<br /> +Now Robin is gone to merry Kirkleys<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">And knocked upon the pin;</span><br /> +Up then rose Dame Prioress<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">And let good Robin in.</span><br /> +<br /> +Then Robin gave to Dame Prioress<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Twenty pounds in gold,</span><br /> +And bade her spend while that did last,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">She sho’ld have more when she wo’ld.</span><br /> +<br /> +“Will you please to sit down, cousin Robin;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">And drink some beer with me?”—</span><br /> +“No, I will neither eat nor drink<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Till I am blooded by thee.”</span><br /> +<br /> +Down then came Dame Priorèss<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Down she came in that ilk,</span><br /> +With a pair of blood-irons in her hand,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Were wrappèd all in silk.</span><br /> +<br /> +“Set a chafing dish to the fire,” she said,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">“And strip thou up thy sleeve.”</span><br /> +—I hold him but an unwise man<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">That will no warning ’leeve.</span><br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_621" id="Page_621">[Pg 621]</a></span><br /> +She laid the blood-irons to Robin’s vein,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Alack the more pitye!</span><br /> +And pierc’d the vein, and let out the blood<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">That full red was to see.</span><br /> +<br /> +And first it bled the thick, thick blood,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">And afterwards the thin,</span><br /> +And well then wist good Robin Hood<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Treason there was within.</span><br /> +<br /> +And there she blooded bold Robin Hood<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">While one drop of blood wou’d run;</span><br /> +There did he bleed the livelong day,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Until the next of morn.</span></p> + +<p>Then Robin, locked in the room and too weak to escape by the casement, +blew three weak blasts upon his horn, and Little John came hurrying to +Kirklees and burst open two or three locks and so found his dying master. +“A boon, a boon!” cried Little John:</p> + +<p class="poem">“What is that boon,” said Robin Hood<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">“Little John, thou begs of me?”—</span><br /> +“It is to burn fair Kirkleys-hall<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">And all their nunnerye.”</span><br /> +<br /> +“Now nay, now nay,” quoth Robin Hood,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">“That boon I’ll not grant thee;</span><br /> +I never hurt woman in all my life,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Nor men in their company.”</span><br /> +<br /> +“I never hurt maid in all my time,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Nor at mine end shall it be;</span><br /> +But give me my bent bow in my hand,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">And a broad arrow I’ll let flee;</span><br /> +And where this arrow is taken up<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">There shall my grave digg’d be”<a name='fna_1775' id='fna_1775' href='#f_1775'><small>[1775]</small></a>.</span></p> + +<p>So died bold Robin Hood. The English boy nurtured on his country’s +ballads, has little cause to love the memory of the nun.</p> + + +<p> <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_622" id="Page_622">[Pg 622]</a></span><a name="note_j" id="note_j"></a></p> +<p class="center">NOTE J.</p> +<p class="center">THE THEME OF THE NUN IN LOVE IN MEDIEVAL POPULAR LITERATURE.</p> + +<p>It may be of interest to note some further examples of the nun in love as +a theme for medieval tales, and in particular: (1) other versions of the +eloping nun theme, (2) the story of the abbess who was with child and was +delivered by the Virgin, and (3) some other <i>contes gras</i>.</p> + +<p>(1) Various versions of the eloping nun tale enjoyed popularity, though +never as great popularity as was enjoyed by the story of Beatrice the +Sacristan. An old French version in the form of a miracle play tells of a +knight, who loved a nun and persuaded her to leave her convent with him; +but she saluted the Virgin’s image in passing and twice the image +descended from its pedestal and barred her way when she tried to pass the +door, until at last she ran by without saluting it and escaped with her +lover. They married and had two children and lived happily together for +several years. Then one day Our Lady came down from heaven to seek her +faithless friend. She bade the nun return and the husband, hearing this, +was moved in his heart and said “since for love of me thou didst leave thy +convent, for love of thee I will leave the world and become a monk.” Thus +they departed together and their babies were left to cry for mother and +father in vain<a name='fna_1776' id='fna_1776' href='#f_1776'><small>[1776]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>In another story the nun, trying to insert the key of the convent into the +lock and make her escape, was prevented by some invisible object, which +formed a barrier between her and the lock; she beat and pushed in vain and +at last turned to go, and saw in her path, the Virgin with white hands +bleeding. “Behold,” said the Virgin, “it was I who withstood thee and see +what thou hast done to me”<a name='fna_1777' id='fna_1777' href='#f_1777'><small>[1777]</small></a>. In another a nun, the sacristan of a +convent, was tempted by a clerk and agreed to meet him after Compline. But +when she was trying to pass through the door of the chapel, she saw Christ +standing in the arch, with hands outspread, as though upon the cross. She +ran to another doorway and to another and to another, but in each she +found the crucifix. Then, coming to herself, she recognised her sin and +flung herself before an image of the Virgin to ask pardon. The image +turned away its face; then, as the trembling nun redoubled her entreaties, +stretched out its arm and dealt her a buffet saying: “Foolish one, whither +wouldst thou go? return to thy dorter.” And so powerful was the Virgin’s +blow that the nun was knocked down thereby and lay unconscious upon the +floor of the chapel until<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_623" id="Page_623">[Pg 623]</a></span> morning<a name='fna_1778' id='fna_1778' href='#f_1778'><small>[1778]</small></a>. In another version the nun +falls asleep on the night upon which the elopement is fixed and has a +vivid dream of the pains of hell, from which she is rescued by the Virgin, +who exhorts her to chastity, so that she awakes and sends away her lover’s +messenger<a name='fna_1779' id='fna_1779' href='#f_1779'><small>[1779]</small></a>. In another the Virgin’s image prevents the nun from going +through one door, but she escapes by another and is seduced<a name='fna_1780' id='fna_1780' href='#f_1780'><small>[1780]</small></a>. A more +rational version makes the nun strike her head so violently against the +lintel of the door, by which she is trying to escape, that she is rendered +unconscious and when she recovers her senses the temptation has gone from +her and she returns to her bed<a name='fna_1781' id='fna_1781' href='#f_1781'><small>[1781]</small></a>. In another the nun packs her clothes +into two bundles and passes them out of the window to her lover, climbing +out after them herself; but thieves intercept her and her bundles and +carry them off into a wood. The unhappy nun calls upon the Virgin for help +and forthwith falls into a deep sleep, from which she awakes to find +herself back in her dorter, with the bundles beside her<a name='fna_1782' id='fna_1782' href='#f_1782'><small>[1782]</small></a>. A rather +different tale of the nun turned courtesan makes her return after many +years to her convent, where by meditating upon the childhood of Christ she +is reconverted<a name='fna_1783' id='fna_1783' href='#f_1783'><small>[1783]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>(2) Another theme, which is almost as widespread as that of the eloping +nun, is that known as <i>l’abbesse grosse</i>. In this an abbess, who was famed +for the strict discipline which she kept among her nuns, fell in love with +her clerk and became his mistress, so that she soon knew herself to be +with child:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Then it happened that she waxed great and drew near her time and her +sisters the nuns perceived, and were passing fain thereof, because she +was so strait unto them, that they might have a cause to accuse her +in. And her accusers gart write unto the bishop and let him wit +thereof and desired him to come unto their place and see her. So he +granted and the day of him coming drew near. And this abbess, that was +great with child, made mickle sorrow and wist never what she might do; +and she had a privy chapel within her chamber, where she was wont +daily as devoutly as she couth [knew how] to say Our Lady’s matins. +And she went in there and sparred the door unto her and fell devoutly +on knees before the image of Our Lady and made her prayer unto her and +wept sore for her sin and besought Our Lady for to help her and save +her, that she were not shamed when the bishop came. So in her prayers +she happened to fall on sleep, and Our Lady, as her thought, appeared +unto her with two angels, and comforted her and said unto her in this +manner of wise: “I have heard thy prayer and I have gotten of my son +forgiveness of thy sin and deliverance of thy<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_624" id="Page_624">[Pg 624]</a></span> confusion.” And anon +she was delivered of her child and Our Lady charged these two angels +to have it unto an hermit and charged him to bring it up unto it was +seven years old; and they did as she commanded them; and anon Our Lady +vanished away. And then this abbess wakened and felt herself delivered +of her child and whole and sound.</p></div> + +<p>In the sequel the bishop came to the house and could find no sign that the +abbess was with child and was about to punish her accusers, when she told +him the whole tale. He sent messengers to the hermit and there the child +was found; and (in fairy tale phrase, for what are these but religious +fairy tales), they all lived happy ever afterwards<a name='fna_1784' id='fna_1784' href='#f_1784'><small>[1784]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>(3) Ribald stories on the same theme are, naturally enough, common in +medieval literature, which never spared the Church. A few of the more +interesting may here be added to those quoted or referred to in the text. +The <i>Cento Novelle Antiche</i> contains a curious tale of a Countess and her +maidens, who, having disgraced themselves with a porter, retired to hide +their shame in a nunnery; the story continues thus:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>They became nuns and built a convent that is called the Convent of +Rimini. The fame of this convent spread and it became very wealthy. +And this story is narrated as true, viz. they had a custom that when +any cavaliers passed by that had rich armour the abbess and her +attendants met them on the threshold and served them with all sorts of +good fare and accompanied them to table and to bed. In the morning +they provided them with water for washing and then gave them a needle +and thread of silk for them to thread and if they could not accomplish +this in three tries, she took from them all their armour and +accoutrement and sent them away empty, but if they succeeded she +allowed them to retain their possessions and gave them presents of +jewellery, etc.<a name='fna_1785' id='fna_1785' href='#f_1785'><small>[1785]</small></a></p></div> + +<p>Francesco da Barberino in his book of deportment, <i>Del reggimento e +costumi di donne</i>, has a tale of a convent in Spain, which Satan receives +permission to tempt; accordingly his emissary Rasis sends into the house +three young men, disguised as nuns, to whom all the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_625" id="Page_625">[Pg 625]</a></span> nuns and the Abbess +in turn succumb<a name='fna_1786' id='fna_1786' href='#f_1786'><small>[1786]</small></a>. In one Italian version of an extremely widespread +theme, found among the <i>Novelle</i> of Masuccio Guardata da Salerno +(1442-1501), a Dominican friar deceives a devout and high-born nun. The +story is thus summarised by A. C. Lee:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>In one of her books of devotion were some pictures of saints, amongst +others the third person of the Trinity; from the mouth of this figure +he makes proceed the words in letters of gold, “Barbara, you will +conceive of a holy man and give birth to the fifth evangelist.” He +acts as the holy man and on the lady becoming <i>enceinte</i> he deserts +her<a name='fna_1787' id='fna_1787' href='#f_1787'><small>[1787]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Among medieval French stories may be mentioned those which occur in <i>Les +Cent Nouvelles Nouvelles</i>, a fifteenth century collection of tales, +probably written by Antoine de la Sale in imitation of the <i>Cento +Novelle</i>. No. XV, concerning the relations between two neighbouring houses +of monks and nuns respectively, is too gross to be summarised; No. XXI is +the story of the sick abbess, who was recommended by her physician to take +a lover and out of respect for her all her nuns did the same; No. XLVI is +one of the many tales of a Jacobin friar, who haunted a convent and +obtained the favours of a nun<a name='fna_1788' id='fna_1788' href='#f_1788'><small>[1788]</small></a>. These are really prose fabliaux; and +verse fabliaux on this theme are not wanting, for example Watriquet +Brassenal’s story of <i>The Three Canonesses of Cologne</i><a name='fna_1789' id='fna_1789' href='#f_1789'><small>[1789]</small></a> and the most +indecent fabliau of <i>The Three Ladies</i><a name='fna_1790' id='fna_1790' href='#f_1790'><small>[1790]</small></a>. There is a rather delightful +and merry little German poem called <i>Daz Maere von dem Sperwaere</i>, which +is a version of the popular French fabliau of <i>The Crane</i><a name='fna_1791' id='fna_1791' href='#f_1791'><small>[1791]</small></a>. In this +thirteenth century poem a little nun, who has never seen the world, looks +over her convent wall and sees a knight with a sparrow hawk; she begs for +it and he says he will sell it her for “love,” a thing of which she has +never heard. He teaches her what it is and gives her the sparrow hawk. But +the nun, her schoolmistress, is so angry with her, that she watches on the +wall again and next time the knight passes, she makes him give her back +her “love” and take the sparrow hawk again<a name='fna_1792' id='fna_1792' href='#f_1792'><small>[1792]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>English versions of these tales are extremely rare; for the English were +always less adroit than the French and the Italians in the matter of +<i>contes gras</i>. The nun theme occasionally appears, however, in the +sixteenth century; Boccaccio’s “breeches” story is in Thomas Twyne’s <i>The +Schoolmaster</i> (1576)<a name='fna_1793' id='fna_1793' href='#f_1793'><small>[1793]</small></a> and the behaviour of nuns and “friars” at<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_626" id="Page_626">[Pg 626]</a></span> +Swineshead Abbey forms a comic interlude in <i>The Troublesome Raigne of +King John</i> (1591), which was one of the sources used by Shakespeare in his +more famous play. In Scene <span class="smcaplc">X</span> of the old play Philip Falconbridge comes to +Swineshead, with his soldiers, and bids a friar show him where the abbot’s +treasure is hid. They break open a chest and a nun is discovered inside +it. The friar cries:</p> + +<p class="poem">Oh, I am undone<br /> +Fair Alice the nun<br /> +Hath took up her rest<br /> +In the Abbot’s chest.<br /> +<i>Santa benedicite</i>,<br /> +Pardon my simplicity<br /> +Fie, Alice, confession<br /> +Will not salve this transgression.</p> + +<p>Philip remarks:</p> + +<p class="poem">What have we here? a holy nun? so keep me God in health,<br /> +A smooth-faced nun, for aught I know, is all the abbot’s wealth.</p> + +<p>The nun begs for the life of the first friar and offers in exchange to +show Philip a chest containing the hoard of an ancient nun. They pick the +lock and discover a friar within. The first friar cries:</p> + +<p class="poem">Friar Laurence, my lord;<br /> +Now holy water help us:<br /> +Some witch or some devil is sent to delude us:<br /> +<i>Haud credo, Laurentius</i>,<br /> +That thou shouldst be pen’d thus<br /> +In the press of a nun:<br /> +We are all undone,<br /> +And brought to discredence,<br /> +If thou be Friar Laurence.</p> + +<p>Philip’s comment is pertinent:</p> + +<p class="poem">How goes this gear? the friar’s chest fill’d with a sausen nun.<br /> +The nun again locks friar up to keep him from the sun.<br /> +Belike the press is purgatory, or penance passing grievous:<br /> +The friar’s chest a hell for nuns! How do these dolts deceive us?<br /> +Is this the labour of their lives, to feed and live at ease?<br /> +To revel so lasciviously as often as they please?<br /> +I’ll mend the fault, or fault my aim, if I do miss amending;<br /> +’Tis better burn the cloisters down than leave them for offending.</p> + +<p>Eventually, Friar Laurence buys his freedom for a hundred pounds<a name='fna_1794' id='fna_1794' href='#f_1794'><small>[1794]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>In conclusion may be mentioned the entertaining little English <i>fabliau</i>, +which was at one time attributed to Lydgate, called <i>The Tale of the Lady +Prioress and her three Suitors</i>; this is not a <i>conte gras</i>, but recounts +the adroit expedient, by which a prioress succeeded in ridding herself of +her three wooers, a knight, a parson and a merchant<a name='fna_1795' id='fna_1795' href='#f_1795'><small>[1795]</small></a>.</p> + + +<p> <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_627" id="Page_627">[Pg 627]</a></span><a name="note_k" id="note_k"></a></p> +<p class="center">NOTE K.</p> +<p class="center">NUNS IN THE <i>DIALOGUS MIRACULORUM</i> OF CAESARIUS OF HEISTERBACH.</p> + +<p>The <i>Dialogus Miraculorum</i>, written between 1220 and 1235 by Caesarius, +Prior and Teacher of the Novices in the Cistercian Abbey of Heisterbach in +the Siebengebirge, is one of the most entertaining books of the middle +ages<a name='fna_1796' id='fna_1796' href='#f_1796'><small>[1796]</small></a>. Caesarius in a prologue describes how it came to be written +and the plan upon which it is arranged, taking as his text a quotation +from John vi. 12: “Gather up the fragments lest they perish”:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Since I was wont to recite to the novices, as in duty bound, some of +the miracles which have taken place in our time and daily are taking +place in our order, several of them besought me most instantly to +perpetuate the same in writing. For they said that it would be an +irreparable disaster if these things should perish from forgetfulness +which might be an edification to posterity. And since I was all +unready to do so, now for lack of the Latin tongue, now by reason of +the detraction of envious men, there came at length the command of my +own abbot, to say naught of the advice of the abbot of Marienstatt, +which it is not lawful for me to disobey. Mindful also of the +aforesaid saying of the Saviour, while others break up whole loaves +for the crowd (that is to say, expound difficult questions of the +Scriptures or write the more signal deeds of modern days) I, +collecting the falling crumbs, from lack not of good will but of +scholarship, have filled with them twelve baskets. For I have divided +the whole book into as many divisions. The first division tells of +conversion, the second of contrition, the third of confession, the +fourth of temptation, the fifth of demons, the sixth of the power of +simplicity, the seventh of the blessed Virgin Mary, the eighth of +divers visions, the ninth of the sacrament of the body and blood of +Christ, the tenth of miracles, the eleventh of the dying, the twelfth +of the pains and glories of the dead. Moreover in order that I might +the more easily arrange the examples, I have introduced two persons in +the manner of a dialogue, to wit a novice asking questions and a monk +replying to them.... I have also inserted many things which took place +outside the [Cistercian] order, because they were edifying, and like +the rest had been told to me by religious men. God is my witness that +I have not invented a single chapter in this dialogue. If anything +therein perchance fell about otherwise than I have written it, the +fault should rather be imputed to those who told it to me<a name='fna_1797' id='fna_1797' href='#f_1797'><small>[1797]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>It will be seen from this sketch that the book is really a collection of +stories grouped round certain subjects which they are intended to +illustrate and connected by a slender thread of dialogue. Such<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_628" id="Page_628">[Pg 628]</a></span> +collections of <i>exempla</i> are nearly always valuable, but the work of +Caesarius is particularly so, because he does not confine himself to +“stock” stories, but relates many with details of time and place, drawn +from his own experience and from that of his friends. The book is full of +local colour and gives an exceedingly vivid picture of lay and +ecclesiastical life in medieval Germany. For our purpose it is interesting +because it contains many <i>exempla</i> concerning nuns, and any reader +attracted by this particular class of didactic literature may be glad to +add some more stories to those quoted in the text.</p> + +<p>Caesarius has much to say of the devil, a very visible and audible and +tangible devil and one who can be smelt with the nose. His tales of +devil-haunted nuns display a side of convent life about which English +records are in the main silent; but that they represent with fair accuracy +the sufferings of some half-hysterical, half-mystical women cannot be +doubted by anyone familiar with the lives of medieval saints and mystics, +such as Mary of Oignies, Christina of Stommeln and Lydwine of Schiedam. He +tells in his section on “Confession” of a nun Alice or Aleidis, who had +led an ill life in the world, but had repented her when her lover, a +priest, hanged himself, and had taken the veil at Langwaden in the diocese +of Cologne:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Once when she was standing in the dorter and looking out of the +window, she beheld a young man, nay rather a devil in the form of a +young man, standing hard by a well, which was near the wall of the +dorter; who in her sight set one foot upon the wooden frame which +surrounded the well, and as it were flying with the other, conveyed +himself to her in the window, and tried to seize her head with his +extended hand; but she fell back stricken with terror and almost in a +faint, and cried out and hearing her call, her sisters ran to her and +placed her upon her bed. And when they had gone away again and she had +recovered her breath and lay alone, the demon was once more with her, +and began to tempt her with words of love, but she denied him, +understanding him to be an evil spirit. Then he answered “Good +Aleidis, do not say so, but consent to me, and I will cause you to +have a husband, honest, worthy, noble and rich. Why do you torture +yourself with hunger in this poor place, killing yourself before your +time by vigils and many other discomforts? Return to the world and use +those delights which God created for man; you shall want for nothing +under my guidance.” Then said she, “I grieve that I followed thee for +so long; begone for I will not yield to thee.”</p></div> + +<p>Then the foul fiend blew with his nostrils and spattered her with a foul +black pitch and vanished. Neither the sign of the cross, nor sprinkling +with holy water, nor censing with incense prevailed against this +particular demon; he would retreat for a time and return again as soon as +Aleidis ceased to employ these weapons against him. She was in despair, +when one day</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>One of the sisters, of maturer years and wisdom than the others, +persuaded her when the demon tried to approach her to hurl the angelic +salutation<a name='fna_1798' id='fna_1798' href='#f_1798'><small>[1798]</small></a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_629" id="Page_629">[Pg 629]</a></span> in a loud voice in his face; and when she had done +so the devil, as though struck by a dart or driven by a whirlwind, +fled away and from that hour never dared to approach her.</p></div> + +<p>Another time the same Aleidis went to confession, hoping thus to rid +herself forever of her tormentor:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>And behold as she was hastening along the road, the devil stood in her +path and said: “Aleidis, whither away so fast?” And she replied: “I go +to confound myself and thee.” Then said the devil: “Nay, Aleidis, do +not so! Turn again!” And she replied: “Oft hast thou put me to +confusion, now will I confound thee. I will not turn back.” And when +he could turn her back neither by blandishments nor by threats, he +followed her to the place of confession flying in the air above her in +the form of a kite; and as soon as she bent her knee before the Prior +and opened her lips in confession, he vanished, crying and howling and +was never seen or heard by her from that hour. Behold here ye have a +manifest example of what virtue lieth in a pure confession. These +things were told to me by the lord Hermann, Abbot of +Marienstatt<a name='fna_1799' id='fna_1799' href='#f_1799'><small>[1799]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>In his section “De Daemonibus” Caesarius has a yet more startling +collection of stories about devils. The trials of sister Euphemia are +described as having been related to him by the nun herself, at the +instance of her abbess:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>When the aforesaid nun was a little maid in her father’s house, the +devil ofttimes appeared to her visibly in divers shapes, and in divers +ways affrighted and saddened her tender age. And since she feared to +be driven mad she expressed her wish to be converted<a name='fna_1800' id='fna_1800' href='#f_1800'><small>[1800]</small></a> into our +order. One night the devil appeared to her in the form of a man and +tried to dissuade her, saying: “Euphemia, do not be converted, but +take a young and handsome husband and with him thou shalt taste the +joys of the world. Thou shalt not want for rich garments and delicate +meats. But if thou enter the order, thou wilt be forever poor and +ragged, thou wilt suffer cold and thirst, nor will it ever be well +with thee henceforth in this world.” To which she replied: “How would +it be with me if I should die amidst those delights, which thou dost +promise me?” To these words the devil made no reply, but seizing the +maid and carrying her to the window of the chamber wherein she was +lying, he sought to throw her out. And when she said the angelic +salutation the enemy let her go, saying, “If thou goest to the +cloister, I will ever oppose thee. For hadst thou not in that hour +called upon <i>that woman</i> I should have slain thee.” And having spoken +thus, squeezing her tightly, he sprang out of the window in the shape +of a great dog and was seen no more. Thus was the virgin delivered by +invoking the Virgin Mother of God. How harassing the devil is to those +who have been converted and in how many and divers ways he vexes and +hinders them, the following account shall show. When the aforesaid +maiden had been made a nun, one night as she lay in her bed and was +wakeful, she saw around her many demons in the form of men. And one of +them of an aspect most foul was standing at her head, two at her feet +and the fourth opposite her. And he cried in a loud voice to the +others: “Why are you standing still? Take her wholly up as she lies +and come.” And they replied: “We cannot. She has called upon <i>that +woman</i>.”... Now the same demon, after she had said the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_630" id="Page_630">[Pg 630]</a></span> angelic +salutation, seized the maiden by her right arm, and squeezed her so +tightly as he dragged at it, that his grasp was followed by a swelling +and the swelling by a bruise. Now when she had her left hand free, she +in her great simplicity dared not make the sign of the cross +therewith, deeming that a sign with the left hand would avail her +nought. But now, driven by necessity, she signed herself with that +hand, and put the demons to flight. Delivered from them she ran half +fainting to the bed of a certain sister, and, breaking silence, told +her what she had seen and suffered. Then, as I was informed by the +lady Elizabeth of blessed memory, abbess of the same convent, the +sisters laid her in her bed, and reading over her the beginning of the +Gospel of St John, found her restored on the morrow. Now in the +following year, in the dead of night when the same nun was lying awake +on her couch, she saw at a distance the demons in the shape of two of +the sisters who were most dear to her; and they said to her: “Sister +Euphemia, arise, come with us to the cellar to draw beer for the +convent.” But she suspecting them, both on account of the lateness of +the hour and of their breach of silence, began to tremble, and, +burying her head in the bedclothes, replied nothing. Straightway one +of the malignant spirits drew near and laying hold of her breast with +his hand, squeezed it until the blood burst forth from her mouth and +nose. Then the demons, taking the shape of dogs, leaped out of the +window. When the sisters, rising for matins, beheld her worn out, as +it were pale and bloodless, they inquired of her the reason by signs; +and when they had learned it from her, they were much perturbed, both +on account of the cruelty of the demons and of the distress of the +virgin. Two years before this, when a new dorter had been made for the +convent and the beds had been placed therein, the same nun saw a demon +in the shape of a deformed and very aged mannikin, going round the +whole dorter and touching each of the beds, as though to say: “I will +take careful note of each place, for they shall not be without a visit +from me”<a name='fna_1801' id='fna_1801' href='#f_1801'><small>[1801]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>The abbey of Hoven, which sheltered Euphemia, seems to have been subjected +to a continual siege by devils; or perhaps, as the more materially-minded +might suggest, Euphemia’s malady was contagious. Sister Elizabeth of the +same house had a short way with such gentry:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“In the same monastery,” says Caesarius, “was a nun named Elizabeth, +who was oftentimes haunted by the devil. One day she saw him in the +dorter, and since she knew him, she boxed his ears. Then said he: +‘Wherefore dost thou strike me so hardly?’ and she replied: ‘Because +thou dost often disturb me,’ to which the devil replied: ‘Yesterday I +disturbed thy sister the chantress far more, but she did not hit me.’ +Now she had been much agitated all day, from which it may be gathered +that anger, rancour, impatience, and other vices of the sort are often +sent by the devil. On another<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_631" id="Page_631">[Pg 631]</a></span> occasion when the same Elizabeth, very +late for matins (owing, as afterwards appeared, to the machinations of +the devil), was hurrying along to the belfry, bearing a lighted candle +in her hand, just as she was about to enter the door of the chapel, +she saw the devil in the shape of a man, dressed in a hooded tunic, +standing in front of her. Thinking that some man had got in, she +recoiled in alarm and fell down the dorter stairs, so that for some +days she lay ill of the sudden fright as well as of the fall.... And +when she was asked the cause of her fall and her scream and had +expounded this vision, she added: ‘If I had known that it was the +devil and not a man, I would have given him a good cuff.’ By that +time, however, she had girded her loins with strength and strengthened +her arm against the devil”<a name='fna_1802' id='fna_1802' href='#f_1802'><small>[1802]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Not all the visions seen by these nuns of whom Caesarius writes were evil +visions. He has several tales to tell of appearances of the Virgin Mary +and of the saints. Besides the well-known story of Sister Beatrice and of +the nun whose ears were boxed by the Virgin, the most charming +Mary-miracle related by Caesarius tells of a nun who genuflected with such +fervour to the blessed Mother that she strained her leg; and as she lay +asleep in the infirmary, she saw before her the Virgin, bearing a pyx of +ointment in her hand; and the Virgin anointed her knee with it, till the +sweet odour brought the sisters running to find out the cause; but the nun +held her peace and bade them leave her. Sleeping again, she found herself +once more in the company of the Virgin, who led her into the orchard, and</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>placing her hand beneath the nun’s chin, said to her, “Now do thou +kneel down upon thy knee”; and when she had done so our Lady added: +“Henceforth do thou bow thy knee thus, modestly and in a disciplined +manner,” showing her how. And she added: “Every day thou shouldst say +to me the sequence ‘Ave Dei Genitrix,’ and at each verse thou shouldst +bow thy knee. For I take great delight therein.” And the nun, waking, +looked upon her knee, to see whether aught had been accomplished in +the vision, and in great surprise she saw that it was whole<a name='fna_1803' id='fna_1803' href='#f_1803'><small>[1803]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Another pretty story tells how, when a certain sister was reading her +psalter before a wooden statue of the Virgin and child, “the little boy +suddenly came to her and as though he would know what she was reading, +peeped into her book and went back again”<a name='fna_1804' id='fna_1804' href='#f_1804'><small>[1804]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Sometimes it is not the Virgin or her Son but a patron saint who<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_632" id="Page_632">[Pg 632]</a></span> appears +to a nun who holds him in veneration. Caesarius tells the following tale +of a nun who specially venerated St John the Baptist:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>More than all the saints she took delight in him. Nor did it suffice +her to think upon him, to honour him with prayers and devotions, to +declare his prerogatives to her sisters, but in order to perpetuate +his memory she made verses concerning his annunciation and nativity +and the joy of his parents. For she was learned and sought therefore +to describe in verse anything which she had read concerning his +sanctity. Moreover she exhorted and besought all secular persons with +whom she spoke to call their children John or Zacharias, if they were +boys, Elizabeth if they were girls. Now when she was about to die John +a monk of the Cloister came to visit her, and knowing her affection +towards St John, said: “My aunt, when you are dead, which mass would +you have me say first for your soul, the mass for the dead or of St +John the Baptist?” To which she without any hesitation replied: “Of St +John, of St John!” And when she was at the point of death, having +compassion upon the sister who was tending her, she said: “Go +upstairs, sister, and rest for a little.” When the sister had done so +and was resting in a light sleep, she heard in her slumber a voice +saying, “Why liest thou here? St John the Baptist is below with Sister +Hildegunde”—for that was her name. Roused by this voice the sister, +not waiting to put on her clothes, came down in her shift and found +the nun already dead; and round her was so sweet a perfume that the +sister doubted not that St John had been there, to accompany the soul +of his beloved to the angelic host<a name='fna_1805' id='fna_1805' href='#f_1805'><small>[1805]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Some of Caesarius’ anecdotes show an amusing rivalry, if not among the +company of heaven, at least among their votaries on earth. Two delightful +stories may be quoted to show how deep-rooted is the competitive instinct, +which, baulked in one direction by the prohibition of property, showed +itself in hot disputes as to the rival merits of patron saints:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>There were and I think still are, in Fraulautern in the diocese of +Trèves, two nuns, of whom one took special delight in St John the +Baptist and the other in St John the Evangelist. Whenever they met, +they contended together concerning which was the greater, so that the +mistress was scarce able to restrain them. The one declared the +privileges of her beloved in the presence of all, the other set up +against them the very real prerogatives of hers.</p></div> + +<p>One night, however, before matins St John the Baptist appeared to his +worshipper in her sleep and set forth a list of the virtues of the other +St John, declaring that the latter was far greater than he, and bidding +her the next morning call her sister before the mistress and seek her +pardon for having so often annoyed her because of him. That morning after +matins, however, St John the Evangelist also visited his champion in her +sleep and after retailing all St John the Baptist’s claims to superiority, +assured her that the latter was far greater and gave her a similar order +to ask pardon of her sister:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“On the morrow,” says Caesarius, “they came separately to the mistress +and revealed what they had seen. Then together prostrating themselves +and asking pardon of each other as they had been bidden, they were +reconciled by the mediation of their spiritual mother, who warned +them<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_633" id="Page_633">[Pg 633]</a></span> that henceforth they should not contend about the merits of the +saints, which are known to God alone”<a name='fna_1806' id='fna_1806' href='#f_1806'><small>[1806]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>In spite of this excellent moral, however, Caesarius has very clear ideas +himself as to the respective merits of certain saints; and, if we are to +believe him, even St John the Evangelist was sometimes guilty of a +scandalous neglect of duty:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“It is not long ago,” says he, “that a certain nun of the monastery of +Rheindorf near Bonn, by name Elizabeth, went the way of all flesh. Now +this monastery is of the rule of St Benedict the Abbot. But the said +Elizabeth delighted specially in St John the Evangelist, lavishing on +him all the honour she could. She had a sister in the flesh in the +same monastery, who was called Aleidis. One night when the latter was +sitting upon her bed after matins and saying the office of the dead +for the soul of her sister, she heard a voice near her. And when she +demanded who was there, the voice replied, ‘I am Elizabeth, thy +sister.’ Then said she, ‘How is it with thee, sister, and whence +comest thou?’ and it answered, ‘Ill indeed has it been with me, but +now it is well.’ Aleidis asked, ‘Did St John in whom thou didst so +ardently delight avail thee aught?’—and it replied, ‘Truly, naught. +It was our holy father Benedict who stood by me. For he bent his knee +on my behalf before God’”<a name='fna_1807' id='fna_1807' href='#f_1807'><small>[1807]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>St John the Evangelist, it will be perceived, suffered from the +incalculable disadvantage of never having thought of founding a monastic +order.</p> + +<p>Caesarius narrates a great many other <i>exempla</i> concerning nuns, but I +have quoted the most characteristic. There never was a book so full of +meat; and it is greatly to be regretted that no translation has as yet +placed it within the reach of all who are interested, not only in medieval +life but in the medieval point of view<a name='fna_1808' id='fna_1808' href='#f_1808'><small>[1808]</small></a>.</p> + + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<hr style="width: 50%;" /> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_634" id="Page_634">[Pg 634]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="APPENDIX_II" id="APPENDIX_II"></a>APPENDIX II</h2> +<p class="title">VISITATION OF NUNNERIES IN THE DIOCESE OF ROUEN BY ARCHBISHOP EUDES RIGAUD, 1248-1269</p> + + +<p>For twenty-seven years in the thirteenth century the Archbishopric of +Rouen was held by a man who was at once a scholar and a man of action, a +great saint and a great reformer. Eudes Rigaud (Odo Rigaldi), “the Model +of Good Life,” as he was afterwards called, was among the most able and +energetic churchmen produced by the middle ages. Salimbene, that gossiping +friar of Parma to whom we owe perhaps the most entertaining chronicle of +all the middle ages, describes him thus:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Now this Brother Rigaud was of our order [Franciscan] and one of the +most learned men in the world. He had been doctor of theology in the +convent [at Paris]: being a most excellent disputator and a most +gracious preacher. He wrote a work on the Sentences; he was a friend +of St Louis, King of France, who indeed laboured that he might be made +Archbishop of Rouen. He loved well the Order of the Friars Preachers, +as also his own of the Friars Minor and did them both much good; he +was foul of face but gracious in mind and works, for he was holy and +devout and ended his life well; may his soul, by God’s mercy, rest in +peace<a name='fna_1809' id='fna_1809' href='#f_1809'><small>[1809]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>This great scholar, with an admirable devotion to duty, renounced for ever +the leisure of a man of books, and spent his life, from the moment that he +became Archbishop, in a ceaseless peregrination of his diocese; and by a +dispensation of providence (so the historian must think) he kept a diary. +For twenty-one years (1248-1269) he moved about from parish to parish, +from monastery to monastery, inquiring into the life and discipline of +secular and of regular clergy alike, hearing complaints, giving +injunctions, removing (though seldom) offenders, and making notes of the +results of his visits, place by place and day by day, in his great +<i>Regestrum Visitationum</i><a name='fna_1810' id='fna_1810' href='#f_1810'><small>[1810]</small></a>. His diocese was in a bad state; and his +discouragement sometimes found its way into the official record of his +inquisitions. The few words which betray his feelings, together with the +particularity and detail with which the visits are recorded, make the +register of Eudes Rigaud a very human document.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_635" id="Page_635">[Pg 635]</a></span>It would be beyond the scope of this book to enter into any discussion of +the general picture of the medieval church which it leaves upon the mind. +But it is both useful and interesting to detach those parts of it which +deal with the nunneries visited and reformed (with varying success) by the +Archbishop. In the first place the records of his visitations, though not +as complete as those of the visitations of the Lincoln diocese by Bishop +Alnwick in the early fifteenth century, or of the diocese of Norwich by +Bishops Goldwell and Nykke, during the late fifteenth and early sixteenth +centuries, or of the Sede Vacante visitations of the Winchester diocese by +Dr Hede in 1502, are nevertheless a great deal more detailed than any +series of English visitation records of an equally early date. The report +of Walter Giffard’s visitation of Swine in 1267-8, which comprises both +the <i>comperta</i> and the injunctions based upon them, is indeed fuller than +any of Rigaud’s notes, which contain only <i>comperta</i> and <i>ad interim</i> +injunctions<a name='fna_1811' id='fna_1811' href='#f_1811'><small>[1811]</small></a>; but this is an isolated case. The only other thirteenth +century documents at all comparable with those of Rigaud are Peckham’s +injunctions to Barking (1279), Godstow (1279 and 1284), Wherwell (1284) +and Romsey (? 1284), and Wickwane’s injunctions to Nunappleton (1281) and +these are the final injunctions only, the <i>comperta</i> upon which they were +based having disappeared. There is, so far as it is possible to ascertain, +no English register of the thirteenth century recording regular +visitations of all the nunneries in a diocese over a period of years and +the study of Rigaud’s register is therefore of unique interest. In the +second place it is of special interest to English readers because of the +close connection which at one time existed between the religious houses of +England and Normandy. Most of the alien priories in England were cells of +Norman houses and several of the nunneries visited by Rigaud had +possessions in England. Stour in Dorset was a cell of St Léger de Préaux, +founded by Roger de Beaumont as early as William I’s reign<a name='fna_1812' id='fna_1812' href='#f_1812'><small>[1812]</small></a>. +Levenestre or Lyminster in Sussex was founded some time before 1178 as a +cell of Almenèches probably by Roger de Montgomery Earl of Arundel, +to whom the mother house owed its foundation and was apparently the only +alien priory in England in which a community of nuns actually resided +during the later middle ages.<a name='fna_1813' id='fna_1813' href='#f_1813'><small>[1813]</small></a> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_636" id="Page_636">[Pg 636]</a></span> In 1255 Almenèches possessed twenty-five +marks of annual rent in England<a name='fna_1814' id='fna_1814' href='#f_1814'><small>[1814]</small></a>. The great Abbaye aux Dames at Caen +had two cells in England, Horstead in Norfolk (which afterwards became +part of the endowment of King’s College, Cambridge, and was founded in +William II’s reign<a name='fna_1815' id='fna_1815' href='#f_1815'><small>[1815]</small></a>) and Minchinhampton in Gloucestershire +(afterwards cell of Syon)<a name='fna_1816' id='fna_1816' href='#f_1816'><small>[1816]</small></a>. In Rigaud’s day this house had rents to +the value of £160 sterling in England<a name='fna_1817' id='fna_1817' href='#f_1817'><small>[1817]</small></a> and at the visitation of 1256 +the Abbess did not appear, because she was absent there<a name='fna_1818' id='fna_1818' href='#f_1818'><small>[1818]</small></a>. French +moreover was still the language of daily speech in thirteenth century +England, and there was constant intercourse between the two countries. It +is not unreasonable to expect that we may learn something to our purpose +by a comparison of French and English nunneries.</p> + +<p>The Register includes visitations of fourteen religious houses of +women<a name='fna_1819' id='fna_1819' href='#f_1819'><small>[1819]</small></a>. Seven of these were visited with great regularity during the +twenty-one years covered by the Register; the Priory of St Saëns fourteen +times, the abbey of Bival and the priory of St Aubin each thirteen times, +the abbey of Montivilliers twelve times, the abbeys of Villarceaux and St +Amand of Rouen each eleven times and the priory of Bondeville ten times. +Of the others the abbeys of St Léger de Préaux and St Désir de Lisieux +(both in the diocese of Lisieux) and St Sauveur of Evreux each received +four visits and the abbeys of St Mary of Almenèches and the Holy Trinity +of Caen three. Two other houses, St Paul by Rouen (a dependent cell of +Montivilliers) and Ariete (a very poor and small Benedictine house), +appear to have been visited only once. For the most part these nunneries +were large houses, often having lay sisters and sometimes lay brothers +attached to them. The Archbishop made very careful notes of the temporal +affairs of each and generally entered in his Register the number of nuns +and lay sisters and often also the number of secular maidservants in the +employ of each house. The largest of all was the Abbaye aux Dames or Holy +Trinity at Caen, “one of the great nunneries of Christendom”; in Rigaud’s +time its numbers ranged between sixty-five<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_637" id="Page_637">[Pg 637]</a></span> and eighty. St Sauveur of +Evreux and Montivilliers both contained at least sixty nuns and the other +houses were all comparatively large, with the exception of St Saëns, +Villarceaux, St Aubin and Ariete. Even these, however, were large compared +with some of the small nunneries in England.</p> + +<p>The financial condition of many of these houses was very bad, and there is +evidence both of the poverty and of the bad management which seem to have +been characteristic of nunneries everywhere. The care with which Rigaud +entered into his diary, at almost every visitation, the debts owed by a +house and the condition of its stores, makes it possible to follow with +some ease the financial progress of the nunneries from year to year. Some +houses were evidently in a flourishing condition; the abbey at Caen was +very rich and never in difficulties (its debts were suddenly assessed at +the huge sum of £1700 in 1267 but at the previous visitations it had been +stated that more was owed to the nuns than they owed). Montivilliers was +also well managed and in a good condition; here again the debts due to it +were larger than those which it owed, and on several occasions the +Archbishop found a good round sum in the treasury, a plentiful supply of +stores and some valuable plate, which the nuns had been rich enough to +purchase recently. Similarly St Désir de Lisieux and St Léger de Préaux, +though debts are mentioned, were evidently living well within their +respective incomes of £500 and £700 (in rents). But the other houses +display a lamentable list of debts growing heavier and heavier. In spite +of St Amand’s income of £1000 to £1200, its debts rose from £200 in 1248 +to £900 in 1269. Almenèches, with an income of a little over £500, had +debts to the amount of £500 in 1260. Bondeville obviously had a quite +insufficient income (it was given as £93 in 1257); on three occasions its +debts reached the sum of £140 and on two other occasions they were £200 +and £250. St Saëns, St Aubin, Bival and Villarceaux (it is significant +that these are the houses whose moral record was bad) were always in +difficulties. Bival went steadily from bad to worse; its debts rose from +£40 in 1251 to £60 in 1268 and in 1269 they had exactly doubled themselves +(£120) since the previous visitation. The debts of St Saëns rose from £60 +in 1250 to £100 in 1269; and in 1260 they stood at £350. At Villarceaux +(the income of which was placed at £100 in 1249) the debts ranged between +£30 in 1251 and £100 in 1264 and 1265. At St Aubin the actual sums of +money owed by the nuns were small, ranging between £5 and £40 (except in +1257 when their debts were assessed at £1000, which is probably a +mistake), but the house was evidently in grave financial straits. When +even a wealthy house such as St Sauveur of Evreux could not keep out of +debt (the amount owed by it varied from £200 to £600), one cannot wonder +that smaller and poorer houses were deeply involved. Occasionally the +diary throws some light on special causes of impoverishment; thus the nuns +of St Amand were in debt to the large sum of £400 in 1254 and the reason +given was “on account of a conduit (<i>aqueductum</i>), which they<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_638" id="Page_638">[Pg 638]</a></span> had to make +again, because it was needed”<a name='fna_1820' id='fna_1820' href='#f_1820'><small>[1820]</small></a>; St Sauveur of Evreux was burdened +with the payment of about £40 in pensions<a name='fna_1821' id='fna_1821' href='#f_1821'><small>[1821]</small></a>; and in 1263 the nuns of +St Aubin complained that they owed some £20 “for a certain ferm (or +payment) by which they held themselves to be greatly burdened”<a name='fna_1822' id='fna_1822' href='#f_1822'><small>[1822]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Other evidence besides that of debts is not wanting to show that some of +the houses were in great financial straits. The Archbishop constantly gave +poverty as a reason for limiting the number of nuns, e.g. at St Aubin, +Bival and Villarceaux<a name='fna_1823' id='fna_1823' href='#f_1823'><small>[1823]</small></a>. At Almenèches poverty was given as a reason +for the imperfect observance of the rule<a name='fna_1824' id='fna_1824' href='#f_1824'><small>[1824]</small></a>. At St Saëns (1262) and at +Villarceaux (1264) the roofs of the monastic buildings were in need of +repair<a name='fna_1825' id='fna_1825' href='#f_1825'><small>[1825]</small></a>; in the latter year the roofs of the buildings at St Aubin +were <i>male cooperte</i> also and that of the nave of the church was so bad +that the nuns could hardly stay there in rainy weather<a name='fna_1826' id='fna_1826' href='#f_1826'><small>[1826]</small></a>. Bondeville +was so badly in need of repairs in 1257 that it was said that £80 would +not suffice for the work<a name='fna_1827' id='fna_1827' href='#f_1827'><small>[1827]</small></a>. Sometimes the devices by which the nuns +strove to gain a little ready money are noted down in Rigaud’s diary. At +Villarceaux in 1254 a book of homilies and some silken copes were in +pledge to the Prior of Serqueu<a name='fna_1828' id='fna_1828' href='#f_1828'><small>[1828]</small></a>; at Bival in 1269 the old abbess had +pledged a chalice which the new abbess was ordered to redeem<a name='fna_1829' id='fna_1829' href='#f_1829'><small>[1829]</small></a>; and at +Bondeville in 1257 the nuns had pawned two chalices “for their +needs”<a name='fna_1830' id='fna_1830' href='#f_1830'><small>[1830]</small></a>. When they tried to borrow money outright matters were even +worse; at Villarceaux in 1266, Rigaud notes, “they owed £100, of which £20 +was owed to the Jews and Caursini (<i>Catturcensibus</i>) of Mantes at +usury”<a name='fna_1831' id='fna_1831' href='#f_1831'><small>[1831]</small></a>. Sometimes they were reduced to selling part of their +property, as at St Saëns, where they sold a wood at Esquequeville<a name='fna_1832' id='fna_1832' href='#f_1832'><small>[1832]</small></a>, +and at Bondeville, where they parted with land to the value of £300<a name='fna_1833' id='fna_1833' href='#f_1833'><small>[1833]</small></a>. +But they were apparently bad women of business, for at the latter house in +1257 the Archbishop complained that they had pledged a certain tithe for +£75 for three years, whereas its real value was £40 per annum<a name='fna_1834' id='fna_1834' href='#f_1834'><small>[1834]</small></a>; and +in 1256 it transpired that the nuns of Bival had given up the manor of +Pierremains (without Rigaud’s consent) to a certain Master William of the +Fishponds (<i>de Vivariis</i>) for £50, while it was really worth £140<a name='fna_1835' id='fna_1835' href='#f_1835'><small>[1835]</small></a>. +Perhaps the difficulty found by so many of the houses in collecting the +debts due to them may be set down in part to the incompetence of the nuns. +At St Amand, for instance, in 1262, as much as £377 7<i>s.</i> seems to have +been owing to the nuns at a time when they themselves were £142 in debt, +and at the next two visitations complaint was made of debts (described in +1264 as “bad” debts, <i>debitis male solubilibus</i>) owing to them<a name='fna_1836' id='fna_1836' href='#f_1836'><small>[1836]</small></a>. +Other nunneries were from time to time owed large<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_639" id="Page_639">[Pg 639]</a></span> sums of money, +religiously recorded by Rigaud in his diary. The case of St Saëns +illustrates this difficulty particularly well; in 1261 the nuns had sold +part of their wood at Esquequeville for £350 and had received £240 of the +total sum owing to them; the next year the £110 left owing had swelled +with interest to £160; in 1264 £40 was said to be owing on the same sale +and £55 on a sale of fallen trees and wood (<i>de caablo</i>); but in 1267 the +Archbishop noted, “A great sum of money is to come to them from the sale +of woods,” and in 1269 the amount still owing on the sale had risen with +interest to £100, while £80 was owing to the nuns from another +source<a name='fna_1837' id='fna_1837' href='#f_1837'><small>[1837]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Another instance of the incompetence of the nuns was their laxity in the +matter of keeping accounts, in which the Rouen nuns were in no way +exceptional. At Caen, in 1250 Rigaud wrote:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>They do not know how much they have in rents and they say that more is +owed to them than they owe, neither do they know the state of the +monastery; but the Abbess accounts in her chamber before several nuns +annually elected for this purpose, and the account is announced in the +chapter before them all; and they said that this was quite sufficient +for them.</p></div> + +<p>The Archbishop appears to have obtained a statement of their rents by some +means and he contented himself with confirming the arrangement that the +Abbess should account annually to certain nuns elected <i>ad hoc</i><a name='fna_1838' id='fna_1838' href='#f_1838'><small>[1838]</small></a>. +Certainly when the head of the house was competent there was no need for +the convent to know the details of administration; but sometimes even the +head was unable to inform Rigaud of those details. At Villarceaux in 1258 +he wrote: “They did not know how much they owed and they were somewhat +ignorant of the state of the house”<a name='fna_1839' id='fna_1839' href='#f_1839'><small>[1839]</small></a>; and in the following year the +Prioress of St Saëns was found to be an incompetent administrator and was +ordered to draw up an account, which two neighbouring priors were deputed +to hear<a name='fna_1840' id='fna_1840' href='#f_1840'><small>[1840]</small></a>. At St Amand in 1262 the Abbess had not prepared a proper +account, so that the Archbishop was unable to get full information as to +the state of the house; he noted however that the nuns believed that more +was owing to them than they owed, and he ordered the Abbess to inspect her +papers and to certify him concerning the state of the house<a name='fna_1841' id='fna_1841' href='#f_1841'><small>[1841]</small></a>. On +several other occasions he ordered her to account more often (on one of +these it had transpired that she had not done so for three years) before +the elder nuns, and to call in the Prioress, Subprioress or one of these +<i>maiores</i> to help her<a name='fna_1842' id='fna_1842' href='#f_1842'><small>[1842]</small></a>. At Villarceaux in 1253 the Prioress did not +account and in 1254 a coadjutress was appointed to assist her<a name='fna_1843' id='fna_1843' href='#f_1843'><small>[1843]</small></a>. +Sometimes Rigaud ordered the income of a house to be written down in +rolls, or in books<a name='fna_1844' id='fna_1844' href='#f_1844'><small>[1844]</small></a>. Sometimes he provided<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_640" id="Page_640">[Pg 640]</a></span> for the more frequent +rendering of accounts; twice or thrice yearly was the usual injunction, +sometimes simply “more often,” the minimum being once a year<a name='fna_1845' id='fna_1845' href='#f_1845'><small>[1845]</small></a>; +occasionally a small account of current expenses was to be read +monthly<a name='fna_1846' id='fna_1846' href='#f_1846'><small>[1846]</small></a>. Sometimes he ordered the accounts to be read before certain +nuns elected <i>ad hoc</i> (with the addition of the priest at Villarceaux in +1249), the elder nuns being often specified<a name='fna_1847' id='fna_1847' href='#f_1847'><small>[1847]</small></a>. At the same time, +although nothing was to be done without the knowledge and consent of the +convent, the nuns were not to interfere unduly in the management of +temporal affairs, for the prioress of Bondeville was sentenced to receive +one discipline before the assembled chapter, as a punishment for giving up +the common seal to them, without the Archbishop’s knowledge, “because of +their clamour”<a name='fna_1848' id='fna_1848' href='#f_1848'><small>[1848]</small></a>. Nuns were notoriously bad financiers, but even where +a male <i>custos</i> had charge of their business the arrangement was not +invariably satisfactory; and at Bondeville in 1261 Rigaud noted, “We +removed Melchior the priest, who had managed the business of the convent +for some time, for the reason that the convent had not full confidence in +him and that he was odious to them.” The house was heavily in debt, so +that the mistrust of the nuns, if not their dislike, was clearly +justified, and the Archbishop evidently decided not to replace Melchior by +another man, for he ordered the Abbess to make one of the nuns treasuress +to look after the expenditure of the house, receiving the income and +administering it<a name='fna_1849' id='fna_1849' href='#f_1849'><small>[1849]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Another matter about which Rigaud inquired and entered particulars in his +diary was the amount of provisions in the granaries and storehouses of the +nuns. Had they enough corn and oats to last till the next harvest? Had +they a good supply of wine and cider to drink? The number of cases in +which it is noted that the nuns had “<i>pauca estauramenta</i>,” or not enough +to last till the new year, points to a mixture of poverty and of bad +management<a name='fna_1850' id='fna_1850' href='#f_1850'><small>[1850]</small></a>. The nuns of Bival in 1263 had few stores and no corn for +sowing<a name='fna_1851' id='fna_1851' href='#f_1851'><small>[1851]</small></a>; those of St Saëns in 1250 had no wine or cider to drink nor +corn to last till Whitsuntide<a name='fna_1852' id='fna_1852' href='#f_1852'><small>[1852]</small></a>; at St Aubin in 1259 the Archbishop +noted comprehensively that they had no stores<a name='fna_1853' id='fna_1853' href='#f_1853'><small>[1853]</small></a>. Oats seem to have run +short in a number of cases<a name='fna_1854' id='fna_1854' href='#f_1854'><small>[1854]</small></a>, and sometimes wine<a name='fna_1855' id='fna_1855' href='#f_1855'><small>[1855]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>But occasionally Rigaud’s diary contains even fuller information about the +temporal affairs of a nunnery. It was his regular practice at Villarceaux +(why at Villarceaux only it is impossible to say) to enumerate the live +stock possessed by that impecunious house, horses, mares, foals, bullocks, +cows, calves, sheep and pigs. And on two occasions the happy accident of a +Prioress’ resignation (always an<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_641" id="Page_641">[Pg 641]</a></span> occasion for the presentation of an +account) has left us with complete inventories of the possessions and +expenses of two houses, St Saëns in 1257 and Bondeville in the same year. +The inventory of St Saëns runs as follows:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>They owe £212. The king gave them Esquequeville with its +appurtenances, which is worth £230 and 4 carucates of land worth £40, +and thus they have in all rents to the value of £290 (<i>sic</i>). To the +house of nuns of St Saëns there belong 245 acres of land in all and 7 +acres of meadow, of which 115 acres in all are sown with wheat +(<i>frumento</i>), corn (<i>blado</i>, probably rye), barley and other +vegetables (<i>leguminibus</i>). They have in money rents £170. 2<i>s.</i> +8<i>d.</i>; in corn rents 8 <i>modii</i>; in rents of oats 66 <i>minae</i><a name='fna_1856' id='fna_1856' href='#f_1856'><small>[1856]</small></a>; in +rents of capons 220; item in egg rents 1100 eggs<a name='fna_1857' id='fna_1857' href='#f_1857'><small>[1857]</small></a>; item they have +in money rents, paid with the capons and the eggs, 27<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i> Item +they have a mill at Esquequeville and a wood of which they do not know +the size<a name='fna_1858' id='fna_1858' href='#f_1858'><small>[1858]</small></a> and the priest of the same place takes a tithe in the +said mill. Item they have rights of pannage and stubble and multure +(i.e. payment by their tenants for grinding at their mill) of which +they know not the value. Item they have a mill at St Saëns of small +value. Item they have 57 sheep, item 12 plough horses and one waggon +(<i>quadrigam</i>); item they have 18 beasts, as well cows as oxen. Item +they have only 2 <i>modii</i> of corn for their food until harvest. They +have nothing to drink. There is owing to them £26. 5<i>s.</i> 2<i>d.</i> The +debts which they owe amount in all to £234. 3<i>s.</i> 3<i>d.</i><a name='fna_1859' id='fna_1859' href='#f_1859'><small>[1859]</small></a></p></div> + +<p>The inventory of Bondeville for the same year is equally interesting:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>These are the goods and rents of the house of Bondeville: £93 +<i>tournois</i>; of common corn 30 <i>modii</i>; in the grange of Heaus they +believe that they have 7 <i>modii</i> of common corn; in the abbey grange +about one <i>modium</i> of barley; in the other granges nothing. In the +abbey there are 2 waggons (<i>quadrige</i>), with 6 horses and one riding +horse, 6 cows and 14 calves. They have in the granges 264 sheep; item +in the grange of Heaus 27 cows; item 30 little pigs; item three +ploughs (<i>aratra</i>) in all, each for three beasts; item 4 little foals. +These are the debts of the house, concerning which account has been +rendered to the convent: £220 in money and 2 <i>modii</i> of barley; +[wages] to the household for the harvesting. Item they had no oats +save for sowing time. They expend each month at least 68 <i>minae</i> of +corn; item they have in the cellar 6 barrels of wine and 2 of cider; +item they do not think that the buildings can be repaired [at a less +cost than] for £80 <i>tournois</i>; item after Easter they will be obliged +to buy all the other foodstuffs for the house, save bread, peas and +vegetables<a name='fna_1860' id='fna_1860' href='#f_1860'><small>[1860]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Mention is sometimes made in Rigaud’s register of dependent cells attached +to some of the houses. St Paul by Rouen was thus attached to +Montivilliers, Bourg-de-Saane to St Amand and Ste Austreberte to St Saëns. +These cells were doubtless used partly as centres of administration for +the more distant estates of the convent, partly as places<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_642" id="Page_642">[Pg 642]</a></span> of recreation +or convalescence, where sick nuns could be sent for a change. For instance +there were six nuns of Montivilliers at St Paul by Rouen in 1263 and it +was noted that there ought to be four, but that two others were there +because of illness; the nuns had a lay boarder staying with them and two +servants; their income—as assessed for the tithe—was £140 and their +debts amounted to £40; they complained that the king’s foresters oppressed +them by frequently dining at their expense and by unjustly molesting their +servants in the forest, although they had usage (i.e. rights of hunting, +gathering wood, etc.) there; the Archbishop had no fault to find with them +except that they did not sing the service <i>cum nota</i>, because there were +so few of them, and that they had only a single mass, the parochial mass, +daily<a name='fna_1861' id='fna_1861' href='#f_1861'><small>[1861]</small></a>. It is evident that a close connection was supposed to be kept +up between the mother house and the cell, for in 1260 the Abbess of +Montivilliers had been ordered to visit them diligently<a name='fna_1862' id='fna_1862' href='#f_1862'><small>[1862]</small></a>; and in 1258 +Rigaud noted, “Alice prioress of Saint Paul by Rouen was presented to us +by the prioress of Montivilliers, she having been elected by the convent +of the said place”<a name='fna_1863' id='fna_1863' href='#f_1863'><small>[1863]</small></a>. At his first visitation of St Amand in 1248 the +Archbishop found that they had a single priory at Saane, where there are +four nuns<a name='fna_1864' id='fna_1864' href='#f_1864'><small>[1864]</small></a>. In 1261 he ordered the Abbess to visit these nuns at +Saane more often than had been her custom and at subsequent visitations he +noted the number of nuns (varying from four to five) in residence +there<a name='fna_1865' id='fna_1865' href='#f_1865'><small>[1865]</small></a>. Ste Austreberte, the daughter cell of St Saëns, was hardly +more than a grange with a chapel attached. In 1254 Rigaud found that one +nun was living there alone and ordered that another should be sent to join +her; in 1257 there was still a single inmate, but in 1258 and 1259 the +number had been raised to two<a name='fna_1866' id='fna_1866' href='#f_1866'><small>[1866]</small></a>. In 1260 the Archbishop decided to +recall the inmates to St Saëns:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Because truly the place of St Austrebert is very slenderly endowed +with rents, so that these two nuns cannot live there conveniently and +decently, we ordered the prioress to call them back and forbade her +henceforth to send any more thither, on account of the danger<a name='fna_1867' id='fna_1867' href='#f_1867'><small>[1867]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>But now complications arose. Evidently the dependent house had been used +for the purpose of getting rid of a quarrelsome nun, for in 1261 Rigaud +found that the Prioress had not obeyed his order to recall the two nuns, +“because, as she says, Marie d’Eu (<i>de Augo</i>) one of these two, was a +scold and she feared lest she should upset the whole convent if she +returned”<a name='fna_1868' id='fna_1868' href='#f_1868'><small>[1868]</small></a>. The order was repeated and was apparently obeyed as far +as the ill-tempered Marie was concerned (although there were still two +nuns at Ste Austreberte in 1264<a name='fna_1869' id='fna_1869' href='#f_1869'><small>[1869]</small></a>), for in 1265 the Archbishop found +the whole convent “living in discord and in disorder, especially the +prioress and Marie d’Eu”<a name='fna_1870' id='fna_1870' href='#f_1870'><small>[1870]</small></a>; he would perhaps have done better to leave +her where she was. An echo of her <i>régime</i> at<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_643" id="Page_643">[Pg 643]</a></span> Ste Austreberte was heard +in 1265, when Marie d’Eu was ordered to return the chalice of the chapel +of Ste Austreberte as quickly as possible and to restore to the Prioress +any charter or letters concerning the manor of Ste Austreberte, which she +had received from the convent. At the same time the Prioress was ordered +to provide the chapel there with a suitable server (<i>servitore</i>)<a name='fna_1871' id='fna_1871' href='#f_1871'><small>[1871]</small></a>. +Mention of visits to the granges or farms of the convents sometimes +occurs. At Bondeville in 1251 it was found that “the sisters drank in the +granges”<a name='fna_1872' id='fna_1872' href='#f_1872'><small>[1872]</small></a> and in 1255 that a lay sister and a lay brother were living +alone in a grange (perhaps in the grange of Heaus, mentioned in the +inventory), whereupon the Archbishop ordered the sister to be withdrawn or +else given a companion<a name='fna_1873' id='fna_1873' href='#f_1873'><small>[1873]</small></a>. In 1268 the Abbess of Bival was ordered to +remove “a certain child,” whom she was having brought up in the grange of +Pierremans (which had been so improvidently let to William of the +Fishponds twelve years before) and a penance was imposed upon her in 1269 +because she had not obeyed the injunction<a name='fna_1874' id='fna_1874' href='#f_1874'><small>[1874]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>So far only the temporal affairs of these Rouen nunneries have been +considered; there remains the more important question of their social, +moral and spiritual condition. A clearer idea will be formed of the +results of Eudes Rigaud’s investigations, if the chief sources of +complaint be classified under the following heads:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>(1) Complaints of incompetence and irregular behaviour against the +head of a house,</p> + +<p>(2) General laxity in keeping the rule,</p> + +<p>(3) The sin of property and the failure to live a communal life,</p> + +<p>(4) Various attempts to make money by illicit means,</p> + +<p>(5) Leave of absence and intercourse with seculars, both within and +without the cloister precincts,</p> + +<p>(6) Frivolous clothes and amusements, and</p> + +<p>(7) Serious moral faults, such as drunkenness, quarrelsomeness and +incontinence.</p></div> + +<p>(1) Complaints of incompetence, laxity, self-indulgence or favouritism +against the head of a house are common in visitation records. The charge +of failure to render accounts has already been dealt with, but hardly less +usual was the charge of failure to live a communal life. The abbess or +prioress of a house had separate apartments and it was always a temptation +to dine or to sleep alone, instead of keeping the frater and the dorter. +Again the charges of favouritism on the one hand and of undue harshness on +the other were very common. Rigaud’s register provides examples of all +these faults. At two visitations (1254 and 1257) the Archbishop remarked +that the Abbess of St Léger de Préaux did not live a communal life in +dorter and frater nor attend the chapter<a name='fna_1875' id='fna_1875' href='#f_1875'><small>[1875]</small></a>; the same charge was made +against the Prioress of Villarceaux in 1253 and it was mentioned that she +did not often get up to matins nor daily hear mass<a name='fna_1876' id='fna_1876' href='#f_1876'><small>[1876]</small></a>; and the Abbess<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_644" id="Page_644">[Pg 644]</a></span> +of St Amand did not keep the frater, but ate in her own room and always +had the same companions there, instead of calling the others for +recreation<a name='fna_1877' id='fna_1877' href='#f_1877'><small>[1877]</small></a>. Not all prioresses were, like Chaucer’s, “ful plesaunt +and amiable of port.” The Abbess of Montivilliers seems to have been a +forbidding lady; in 1260 the Archbishop ordered her to minister pilches, +cloth and other necessary things more carefully than had been her custom +to the nuns, not forgetting their ginger “hot i’ the mouth”<a name='fna_1878' id='fna_1878' href='#f_1878'><small>[1878]</small></a>, and +also to bear herself more courteously and affably towards their friends +particularly in the matter of their admission (on visits); at the same +time she was warned to be present in chapel more often and to live the +communal life better<a name='fna_1879' id='fna_1879' href='#f_1879'><small>[1879]</small></a>. This warning apparently bore no fruit and in +1262 the Archbishop noted, “because she was slow to administer new +pilches, headdresses and cloth and other things to the nuns for their +needs, we ordered her to labour to minister better and more fitly to them +in this matter and to be careful about it”; it was also remarked that she +frequented the convent but little and was seldom present at chapter and +frater; and she was ordered to render a general account once a year and to +hear and receive the particular accounts of the obedientiaries. The next +year her failure to frequent chapter, dorter and choir was again noted and +some of the nuns still complained of her harshness, whereupon the +Archbishop (apparently despairing of inducing her to look after them +properly herself), ordered her to depute two or three nuns, “with whom the +others could talk more familiarly and more boldly, to minister to their +sisters small things for their needs, ginger and other things of the +kind”; the quality of the wine was also to be improved. The difficulties, +however, continued. In 1265 the Abbess was ordered to provide the nuns +more carefully with pilches and in the following year she was again +ordered</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“prudently to cause the pilches and robes of the nuns to be repaired, +so that she may provide them with such things more fitly than she is +used and have more workpeople than she has been accustomed to do. For +in this,” adds the Archbishop, “we found a deficiency”<a href='#f_1879'><small>[1879]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Rigaud had a great deal of difficulty with the Prioress of Bondeville. In +1251 there were many complaints against her; she exercised favouritism in +the distribution of clothes and in the provision of food in the infirmary +and she did not look after the sick; when in the infirmary she ate at a +table by herself and she did not live a communal life; she wandered about +a great deal outside the convent, even without the excuse of convent +business, and when she went to Rouen she stayed there for three or four +days; moreover she was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_645" id="Page_645">[Pg 645]</a></span> quarrelsome and stirred up discord in the house +“so that she could not have peace with the convent nor with anyone.” The +next year she resigned, probably as a result of these complaints and of +the financial condition of the house, but in 1255 the register has an +entry: “We found the Prioress quarrelsome and sharp of tongue, not knowing +how to make corrections and also speaking ill of her sisters; we warned +her to desist from these things”; so that her resignation had evidently +not been accepted. In 1257 she made another attempt at resignation, and +the occasion is interesting because it provides us not only with an +inventory of Bondeville, but also with the sole complete list of inmates +preserved among the Rouen nunneries<a name='fna_1880' id='fna_1880' href='#f_1880'><small>[1880]</small></a>. The Archbishop decided to take +an inquisition in the convent as to whether the Prioress should or should +not be removed; and the votes of the twenty-six nuns and three brothers of +the house were taken upon oath. Of these nineteen were in favour of her +removal and nine of her retention, while Brother Roger permitted himself +to express the ambiguous opinion that “it would be evil for temporal +affairs and good for spiritual affairs to remove the prioress” (<i>quod +dampnum esset temporale et utilitas spiritualis removere +priorissam</i>!)<a name='fna_1881' id='fna_1881' href='#f_1881'><small>[1881]</small></a>. It is not clear from the Register whether she was +removed; Rigaud notes: “Item we received the resignation of Marie, late +the prioress,” but in 1261 there occurs a further entry: “Item the +Prioress offered us her seal, begging us to absolve her from her office, +but we, being unwilling to condescend to her in this matter, ordered her +to exercise her office with greater zeal.” In particular she was ordered +“to frequent the convent at least by day (viz. chapter, frater and choir) +better than she was wont and not to stand about talking in the cemetery or +outside the house after Compline, as she had been in the habit of +doing”<a name='fna_1882' id='fna_1882' href='#f_1882'><small>[1882]</small></a>. At Bival an abbess resigned in 1248, doubtless owing to the +unsatisfactory moral conditions revealed at the visitation<a name='fna_1883' id='fna_1883' href='#f_1883'><small>[1883]</small></a>; there +were no complaints against her successor until 1268 (though two cases of +immorality occurred in the convent before that date); then, among minor +injunctions concerning matters of administration, she was ordered to bear +herself more kindly and courteously towards the nuns<a name='fna_1884' id='fna_1884' href='#f_1884'><small>[1884]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>(2) Besides injunctions dealing specially with the behaviour of the head +of a house, the Archbishop was obliged to deal with breaches of the rule +by the convent generally. Many of his regulations were concerned with the +strictly religious duties of the nuns. Sometimes the church services were +not being properly performed, as at St Amand, St Aubin, Villarceaux, St +Saëns and Montivilliers. The most common defect was failure to sing these +services with music (<i>cum<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_646" id="Page_646">[Pg 646]</a></span> nota</i> or <i>ad notam</i>)<a name='fna_1885' id='fna_1885' href='#f_1885'><small>[1885]</small></a>; at St Saëns (a +constant offender—Rigaud notes the fault at eight visitations) the nuns +did not do so even on Sundays<a name='fna_1886' id='fna_1886' href='#f_1886'><small>[1886]</small></a>. Occasionally a specific excuse was +given; the nuns of Villarceaux omitted the music on the days upon which +they received the periodical bleeding considered necessary to the health +of those who embraced the monastic life<a name='fna_1887' id='fna_1887' href='#f_1887'><small>[1887]</small></a>; at St Aubin in 1264 they +complained that many of them were often ill<a name='fna_1888' id='fna_1888' href='#f_1888'><small>[1888]</small></a> and at St Saëns also (in +1257) they dwelt upon their infirmities<a name='fna_1889' id='fna_1889' href='#f_1889'><small>[1889]</small></a>. At St Paul’s by Rouen they +were too few in number to perform the service properly<a name='fna_1890' id='fna_1890' href='#f_1890'><small>[1890]</small></a>. The +Archbishop contented himself at St Aubin (1251) with the injunction that +they should sing at least in monotone—<i>saltem cum bassa nota</i><a name='fna_1891' id='fna_1891' href='#f_1891'><small>[1891]</small></a>. +Moreover even when the nuns did sing the services they occasionally did so +carelessly. At St Amand the Archbishop made a significant injunction:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>They sometimes sing the hours of the Blessed Virgin and the psalms of +suffrage with too great haste and precipitation of words. We ordered +them to sing in such a way that the side [of the choir] singing the +first half of the verse should hear the end of the preceding verse and +the side singing the second half should hear the beginning of the next +verse<a name='fna_1892' id='fna_1892' href='#f_1892'><small>[1892]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Evidently both sides of the choir came in too soon in their anxiety to +hurry through the service—a clear case for Tuttivillus. At Montivilliers +the fault lay in beginning too late and Rigaud ordered that better +provision should be made for ringing a bell at the due hours, so that the +service might be said without haste and finished while it was light (<i>de +luce</i>)<a name='fna_1893' id='fna_1893' href='#f_1893'><small>[1893]</small></a>. At Villarceaux he ordered that all the nuns should at once +assemble in the church when the bell rang, unless they were ill or had +special leave of absence<a name='fna_1894' id='fna_1894' href='#f_1894'><small>[1894]</small></a>. Even at the great abbey of Caen the +service was being said “<i>confuse et male</i>, one part in the choir and one +outside”<a name='fna_1895' id='fna_1895' href='#f_1895'><small>[1895]</small></a>. At St Amand (1263), which evidently contained young and +obstreperous—or perhaps only ignorant—members, it was ordered that the +nuns should be equally divided in the choir, so that all the young ones +might not be together<a name='fna_1896' id='fna_1896' href='#f_1896'><small>[1896]</small></a>. At St Saëns (1254) a nun served the mass with +the priest; and at Bondeville (1263) the nuns had not the necessary +priests and did not hear enough sermons<a name='fna_1897' id='fna_1897' href='#f_1897'><small>[1897]</small></a>. St Aubin apparently shared +the parish priest; there were only fifteen parishioners (most of them +doubtless dependents of the nunnery) and the priest dwelt with the nuns +and was maintained at their expense; in 1257 the Archbishop ordered them +to find a clerk to assist him<a name='fna_1898' id='fna_1898' href='#f_1898'><small>[1898]</small></a>. The nuns of St Paul’s heard only one +mass—that of the parish—daily<a name='fna_1899' id='fna_1899' href='#f_1899'><small>[1899]</small></a>. Sometimes deficiencies in the +services may have been due to lack of books. At St Sauveur d’Evreux, in +1258, it was found that the nuns did not possess adequate books and they +were ordered to procure some<a name='fna_1900' id='fna_1900' href='#f_1900'><small>[1900]</small></a>; at Villarceaux in 1257 they lacked two +antiphonaries<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_647" id="Page_647">[Pg 647]</a></span> and in 1261 it was again noted that their books were +insufficient and worn out<a name='fna_1901' id='fna_1901' href='#f_1901'><small>[1901]</small></a>. At Montivilliers the Archbishop in 1260 +ordered the chantress to have an ordinal of the hours made at the Abbess’ +cost; this had not yet been done in 1262 and from Rigaud’s injunction on +this occasion it appears that the nuns were expected to write the book +themselves, for the ordinal was “to be made by the chantress and by the +more discreet nuns, i.e. by the older ones who knew and understood better +the service of the order.” At the same house reference was made three +years later to a certain glossed psalter which had been bequeathed to it +by a benefactor, and had been alienated without the knowledge of the +convent; the Abbess was told to have it restored without delay and replied +“that she could do so easily enough, because Master William de Beaumont +had it”<a name='fna_1902' id='fna_1902' href='#f_1902'><small>[1902]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Another common fault was negligence in the matter of confession and +communion. Sometimes a house had a fixed rule as to the number of times +the nuns had to confess and communicate. At Bival, for example, the nuns +seem to have attended communion seven times a year, though they confessed +more often<a name='fna_1903' id='fna_1903' href='#f_1903'><small>[1903]</small></a>. At Villarceaux they confessed and communicated six times +a year<a name='fna_1904' id='fna_1904' href='#f_1904'><small>[1904]</small></a>. At St Aubin the Archbishop noted that they were bound to +confess and to communicate seven times a year, but that they had sometimes +been negligent in the matter; they gave an inadequate excuse, and Rigaud +ordered them on no account to be absent from communion and warned the +Prioress to consider any such absence without due cause as a serious +fault<a name='fna_1905' id='fna_1905' href='#f_1905'><small>[1905]</small></a>. At St Léger de Préaux in 1249 he found that the nuns +confessed and communicated only four times a year and ordered them to do +so monthly<a name='fna_1906' id='fna_1906' href='#f_1906'><small>[1906]</small></a>. At Montivilliers<a name='fna_1907' id='fna_1907' href='#f_1907'><small>[1907]</small></a> and at Bondeville<a name='fna_1908' id='fna_1908' href='#f_1908'><small>[1908]</small></a> they were +supposed to confess and to communicate monthly, but at the latter house he +found them negligent in 1261, and ordered that the nun who did not +communicate with the others or within the next two or three days was to be +punished by abstention from wine and pottage for three days<a name='fna_1909' id='fna_1909' href='#f_1909'><small>[1909]</small></a>. The +Archbishop’s usual custom was to order monthly confession and +communion<a name='fna_1910' id='fna_1910' href='#f_1910'><small>[1910]</small></a>. Sometimes there seems to have been some difficulty about +getting a confessor; at Almenèches (where,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_648" id="Page_648">[Pg 648]</a></span> in 1250, the nuns had no rule +or term for confession or communion<a name='fna_1911' id='fna_1911' href='#f_1911'><small>[1911]</small></a>) it was found in 1260 that they +were in the habit of confessing to passing friars when they wished to do +so, and Rigaud ordered the Bishop to provide them with regular confessors, +friars minor or others<a name='fna_1912' id='fna_1912' href='#f_1912'><small>[1912]</small></a>. At St Saëns in 1261 they had not had a +confessor for a long time and were ordered to procure the Prior of +Crissy<a name='fna_1913' id='fna_1913' href='#f_1913'><small>[1913]</small></a>, but in 1265 the Archbishop still found that they did not go +to confession as well as they should<a name='fna_1914' id='fna_1914' href='#f_1914'><small>[1914]</small></a>. At Ariete the nuns did not all +confess to their own priest<a name='fna_1915' id='fna_1915' href='#f_1915'><small>[1915]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Other minor faults were late rising<a name='fna_1916' id='fna_1916' href='#f_1916'><small>[1916]</small></a>, breach of silence<a name='fna_1917' id='fna_1917' href='#f_1917'><small>[1917]</small></a> and +laxity in causing novices to make their profession<a name='fna_1918' id='fna_1918' href='#f_1918'><small>[1918]</small></a>. At Villarceaux +in 1249 only four out of the twenty-three nuns had been properly +professed<a name='fna_1919' id='fna_1919' href='#f_1919'><small>[1919]</small></a>. The Archbishop ordered the vows to be taken when the +novices reached the age of fourteen years<a name='fna_1920' id='fna_1920' href='#f_1920'><small>[1920]</small></a>; this was not to be done +before<a name='fna_1921' id='fna_1921' href='#f_1921'><small>[1921]</small></a> and if any refused to do so at the appointed age they were to +be sent back to the world<a name='fna_1922' id='fna_1922' href='#f_1922'><small>[1922]</small></a>; he also ordered in several cases that +only the three vows of poverty, chastity and obedience should be +taken<a name='fna_1923' id='fna_1923' href='#f_1923'><small>[1923]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Another set of injunctions is concerned with the conduct of the frater, +the infirmary and the chapter house. The Archbishop dealt with the +observances of the frater from the point of view of the communal life, +from that of the food eaten by the nuns and from that of almsgiving. The +growing practice among the nuns of dining separately in their rooms or in +little cliques, instead of keeping the frater, was a menace to a strictly +communal life, and as such will be considered later, with other practices +which tended in the same direction. Here it may be noted that already in +the thirteenth century the regulations of the monastic rule as to diet +were being contravened. Many convents were convicted of eating meat +unnecessarily, <i>etiam sane</i>, “even when in good health”<a name='fna_1924' id='fna_1924' href='#f_1924'><small>[1924]</small></a>, and it was +becoming the custom—in Rigaud’s diocese as elsewhere—to use the +infirmary as a <i>misericord</i>, in which meat was eaten on certain days of +the week, generally thrice a week<a name='fna_1925' id='fna_1925' href='#f_1925'><small>[1925]</small></a>. Sometimes even fast days were not +regularly kept<a name='fna_1926' id='fna_1926' href='#f_1926'><small>[1926]</small></a>. Another breach of the rule frequently encountered by +the Archbishop was inadequate almsgiving. The nuns were supposed to give +alms regularly to the poor and in particular to give them the food which +remained over from the convent meals; but in view of the poverty of some +of the houses it is not surprising that the rule was sometimes unobserved. +Very often the nuns, instead of collecting the fragments<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_649" id="Page_649">[Pg 649]</a></span> left over in +frater and infirmary, each kept what remained of her own share and sold it +or gave it away to people outside the convent. St Amand was a constant +offender; in 1248 the Archbishop had occasion to forbid the unequal +distribution of wine to the nuns “to one more and to another less,” and he +added that if any of them gave away any part of her measure of wine to +anyone outside the house without licence she was to be punished by being +deprived of wine the next day<a name='fna_1927' id='fna_1927' href='#f_1927'><small>[1927]</small></a>; in 1251 he enjoined that no nun was +to put forth any of her food save in the way of alms<a name='fna_1928' id='fna_1928' href='#f_1928'><small>[1928]</small></a>; but some +thirteen years later St Amand (doubtless on account of its poverty) was +still remiss in the matter of almsgiving and Rigaud warned the nuns +separately that it must not be diminished and that everything left over +from meals must be given to the poor<a name='fna_1929' id='fna_1929' href='#f_1929'><small>[1929]</small></a>. At St Saëns it was discovered +that the nuns had separate portions of bread allotted to them and that the +fragments were never given in alms, because each either sold or gave away +these fragments as she pleased<a name='fna_1930' id='fna_1930' href='#f_1930'><small>[1930]</small></a>. At Montivilliers almsgiving was +diminished because the nuns gave away the remnants of the portions of +bread, wine and other food to “serving maids and other +acquaintances”<a name='fna_1931' id='fna_1931' href='#f_1931'><small>[1931]</small></a>; and at Villarceaux and Bival also it was necessary +to warn the nuns not to give away or sell any of their clothes or +food<a name='fna_1932' id='fna_1932' href='#f_1932'><small>[1932]</small></a>. The practice was the more reprehensible in the Archbishop’s +eyes in that it savoured of the private ownership of property. Rigaud made +general orders for the increase of almsgiving and for the more careful +collection of food after meals in the frater and in the infirmary<a name='fna_1933' id='fna_1933' href='#f_1933'><small>[1933]</small></a>. +Sometimes the custom of a house prescribed special obligations; the Abbess +of Montivilliers was required to give alms thrice a week and to entertain +thirteen poor men daily<a name='fna_1934' id='fna_1934' href='#f_1934'><small>[1934]</small></a>. Sometimes the revenues of a special manor +or rent were earmarked for the expenses of almsgiving; the recalcitrant St +Amand was found to have abstracted the rents of a certain manor from the +almoness and was ordered to restore them to their proper purpose<a name='fna_1935' id='fna_1935' href='#f_1935'><small>[1935]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Other departments of the convent of which mention is made in Rigaud’s +Register are the infirmary and the chapter house. At Montivilliers the +Archbishop, in 1262, ordered the infirmary to be repaired and the convent +to be provided with physic<a name='fna_1936' id='fna_1936' href='#f_1936'><small>[1936]</small></a>; and at Bondeville, St Sauveur and St +Amand he was obliged to order that sick nuns should be better looked +after<a name='fna_1937' id='fna_1937' href='#f_1937'><small>[1937]</small></a>. There are some interesting notes about the meetings of the +chapter in various houses. At several (Bondeville, St Saëns and +Villarceaux) the Archbishop found that the chapter was seldom held<a name='fna_1938' id='fna_1938' href='#f_1938'><small>[1938]</small></a>. +At others the duty incumbent upon the nuns to accuse or proclaim +(<i>clamare</i>) each other’s faults was imperfectly performed. There was a +most natural reluctance on the part of the elder nuns to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_650" id="Page_650">[Pg 650]</a></span> allow the +indiscriminate criticism of their juniors and a tendency to keep the +latter in their place by allowing them only to be accused and never to +retaliate. At Caen (1250) the Archbishop found that none made the +statutory accusations save certain nuns who were deputed to reveal the +faults of the younger ones<a name='fna_1939' id='fna_1939' href='#f_1939'><small>[1939]</small></a> and at St Amand also only the elder nuns +made accusations, and he ordered that all without exception should reveal +what they saw amiss<a name='fna_1940' id='fna_1940' href='#f_1940'><small>[1940]</small></a>. At Montivilliers the same complaint that the +nuns refrained from accusing each other was made<a name='fna_1941' id='fna_1941' href='#f_1941'><small>[1941]</small></a>. From one point of +view this imperfect performance of their duty in chapter meant that the +nuns were winking at each other’s peccadilloes, and it was for the sake of +discipline that the Archbishop insisted upon a more strict obedience to +the rule. From another point of view the obligation certainly gave rise to +much ill-feeling; the author of the <i>Ancren Riwle</i> placed “Exposing +faults” and “Backbiting” among the brood of seven, offspring of “the +venomous serpent of hell, Envy”; for human nature would need to be very +perfect if the accusations were always to be made in the spirit of +sisterly admonition, “sweetly and affectionately,” which the same treatise +describes so eloquently a few pages later<a name='fna_1942' id='fna_1942' href='#f_1942'><small>[1942]</small></a>. It is significant that +the Abbess of Montivilliers had to be warned in no way to molest one of +her nuns, nor to conceive rancour against her on account of anything that +she said in chapter<a name='fna_1943' id='fna_1943' href='#f_1943'><small>[1943]</small></a>.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_651" id="Page_651">[Pg 651]</a></span>Finally the Archbishop sometimes found fault with the management of the +secular servants and of the lay brothers and sisters attached to different +houses. It was his custom to note the number of maidservants (<i>ancille</i>, +<i>pedissece</i>) employed and to reprove the nuns if he thought that they were +employing too many, or falling into the sin of property by keeping certain +maids in the service of individual nuns, as they did at Almenèches in +1255<a name='fna_1944' id='fna_1944' href='#f_1944'><small>[1944]</small></a>, at St Léger de Préaux in 1267<a name='fna_1945' id='fna_1945' href='#f_1945'><small>[1945]</small></a> and at St Sauveur in 1269; +at the last house he noted:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>The convent had three common maids and several special maids were kept +at the cost of the house; so we ordered that there were henceforth to +be no special maids, but that if necessary the number of common maids +might be increased<a name='fna_1946' id='fna_1946' href='#f_1946'><small>[1946]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>At St Amand he twice ordered the removal of all superfluous servants, +adding in 1267 that all were to be paid at a fixed rate out of the common +funds<a name='fna_1947' id='fna_1947' href='#f_1947'><small>[1947]</small></a>. At St Aubin in 1265 he found two servants, one of whom was +incontinent and of ill repute (little wonder, considering the evil morals +of the nuns) and he ordered her instant expulsion<a name='fna_1948' id='fna_1948' href='#f_1948'><small>[1948]</small></a>. Of the lay +sisters attached to some of the houses there is less mention; in 1259 +Rigaud noted that two of those at Bondeville were of weak intellect +(<i>fatue</i>)<a name='fna_1949' id='fna_1949' href='#f_1949'><small>[1949]</small></a>. There was sometimes trouble with the lay brothers; at +Bondeville (1251) he made a list of corrections for them<a name='fna_1950' id='fna_1950' href='#f_1950'><small>[1950]</small></a> and in 1259 +a certain brother Roger (doubtless the same whose dark saying about the +Prioress has already been recorded) was announced to be disobedient and +rebellious, and the injunction that he should obey the Prioress had to be +repeated in 1268, nearly ten years later<a name='fna_1951' id='fna_1951' href='#f_1951'><small>[1951]</small></a>. There was occasionally +also need for correction in the behaviour of the convent priest, for it is +clear that an unsuitable chaplain might give great cause for scandal. The +not very reputable houses of St Saëns and Bival both suffered in this way; +in 1254 the Archbishop found that the priest of the former house was +incontinent and ordered the nuns to find another<a name='fna_1952' id='fna_1952' href='#f_1952'><small>[1952]</small></a>; and in 1256, at +Bival, he noted: “We removed the priest from this place on account of the +scandal of the nuns and of the populace, though we found nothing which we +could prove against him”<a name='fna_1953' id='fna_1953' href='#f_1953'><small>[1953]</small></a>. At St Aubin in 1261 the nuns were ordered +not to drink with seculars in the priest’s house<a name='fna_1954' id='fna_1954' href='#f_1954'><small>[1954]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>(3) The most frequent fault which Eudes Rigaud found in the nunneries +under his care was the persistent hankering of the nuns after private +property and their failure to live a communal life according to the rule. +The possession of private property was a very common charge. The nuns had +chests in which to keep such possessions as they were allowed and there +was a perpetual struggle over the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_652" id="Page_652">[Pg 652]</a></span> question as to whether or not they were +to be allowed keys, with which to lock the boxes. The nuns of +Montivilliers begged for keys in 1257 and the stern Rigaud refused<a name='fna_1955' id='fna_1955' href='#f_1955'><small>[1955]</small></a>; +of this refusal they took not the smallest notice, and in 1262 the +Register contains the injunction that keys were to be given up and that +those who were unwilling to obey were to be severely punished; “for,” +added the Archbishop,</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>We understood that when the abbess asked them for their keys certain +of them would not give the keys up for two or three days, until they +should have gone through their things and taken away those which they +did not want the Abbess to see, and so we ordered these nuns to be +punished for disobedience and for the ownership of property<a name='fna_1956' id='fna_1956' href='#f_1956'><small>[1956]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>The injunction that the boxes should be inspected frequently was repeated +at three subsequent visitations<a name='fna_1957' id='fna_1957' href='#f_1957'><small>[1957]</small></a>. It was the Archbishop’s usual +custom to order the Abbess or Prioress to look into the nuns’ boxes often +and unexpectedly in order to remove private property, and the injunction +was repeated from year to year, which looks as though it were greatly +honoured in the breach<a name='fna_1958' id='fna_1958' href='#f_1958'><small>[1958]</small></a>. Besides the injunction against closed boxes +there was an oft-repeated injunction to the effect that, in accordance +with the rule<a name='fna_1959' id='fna_1959' href='#f_1959'><small>[1959]</small></a>, no nun was to have more than one set of garments; +directly new clothes were given out the old ones were to be handed back +(and given to the poor), so that no nun might rejoice in the semblance of +a wardrobe<a name='fna_1960' id='fna_1960' href='#f_1960'><small>[1960]</small></a>. At St Amand in 1264 the Archbishop made the following +note of his action:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Item we ordered them that when they received new pilches, shifts and +any sort of new garments or foot-wear (<i>calciamentorum</i>), they were to +give the old in alms, whereat they murmured somewhat to our +displeasure, and we forbade the abbess to give them any new clothes +until they had rendered up the old<a name='fna_1961' id='fna_1961' href='#f_1961'><small>[1961]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>It appears from an injunction given at St Sauveur in 1258<a name='fna_1962' id='fna_1962' href='#f_1962'><small>[1962]</small></a> that the +nuns sometimes sold or gave away their old clothes as they did with the +remains of their portions of food and drink; in both cases the sin of +property was encouraged and almsgiving diminished. Rigaud made the most +comprehensive injunction on these points at Villarceaux in 1249:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>We warn you, all and sundry, that ye observe the communism which ought +to be observed in religion in the matter of clothes, food and other +like<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_653" id="Page_653">[Pg 653]</a></span> things, neither sell nor give away at your own will any of those +things which belong to the common food or dress; and if ye shall have +received anything from your friends, ye shall apply it to the use of +the community and not each to your own use<a name='fna_1963' id='fna_1963' href='#f_1963'><small>[1963]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>In one case at least, that of Bival, the practice (which afterwards became +common) of giving each of the nuns a separate allowance with which to buy +her own clothes or food was already in force; the Abbess of Bival gave to +each an annual sum of 12<i>s.</i> out of which to buy her clothes<a name='fna_1964' id='fna_1964' href='#f_1964'><small>[1964]</small></a>. At +Montivilliers Rigaud ordered the nuns to be clothed in common<a name='fna_1965' id='fna_1965' href='#f_1965'><small>[1965]</small></a> and at +St Aubin he made a special injunction that they were to use their +scapularies in common<a name='fna_1966' id='fna_1966' href='#f_1966'><small>[1966]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>But the sin of property crept into convents in every direction and was +most difficult of all to eradicate. At Almenèches in 1250 Rigaud noted: +“All are <i>proprietarie</i>, owning saucepans, copper kettles and necklaces of +their own”<a name='fna_1967' id='fna_1967' href='#f_1967'><small>[1967]</small></a>. At St Aubin in 1265 there is the entry:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Because divers of the nuns have divers cocks and hens and often +quarrel over them, we ordered that all cocks and hens were to be +nourished alike and to be kept in common and the eggs ministered +equally among the nuns and fowls sometimes given to the sick to eat in +the infirmary<a name='fna_1968' id='fna_1968' href='#f_1968'><small>[1968]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>But in vain; each nun clung to her own hen; still there continued the +rivalry when eggs were counted, the jealousy over the possession of a good +layer, the turmoil when some fickle fowl laid in the wrong nest. After all +it was a <i>Nonnes Prest</i> who described that immortal farmyard lorded over +by Chantecler and his seven wives. Could the happy owner of “damoysele +Pertelote,” bearing herself so fair and companionable, be expected to give +her up into cold communal ownership? Two years later the Archbishop +remarked in his diary that nothing had been done about the poultry<a name='fna_1969' id='fna_1969' href='#f_1969'><small>[1969]</small></a>. +Some nuns even had rents of their own, which they kept for their private +use instead of adding the money to the common income of the priory. This +was the case at Bondeville<a name='fna_1970' id='fna_1970' href='#f_1970'><small>[1970]</small></a> and at St Désir de Lisieux<a name='fna_1971' id='fna_1971' href='#f_1971'><small>[1971]</small></a>. At the +latter Rigaud began by ordering these rents to be held in common, but in +later years contented himself with an injunction that they should be +retained only at the discretion of the Abbess. At St Saëns in 1250 it was +noted: “They receive gifts and retain and expend them without +licence”<a name='fna_1972' id='fna_1972' href='#f_1972'><small>[1972]</small></a>. Usually the injunction was that the nuns were to receive +nothing from their friends without licence from the head of the +house<a name='fna_1973' id='fna_1973' href='#f_1973'><small>[1973]</small></a>; the poverty of some convents made it impossible altogether to +prohibit such gifts.</p> + +<p>Closely connected with this sin of property was the failure to live a +communal life. Already at this early date the practice of eating<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_654" id="Page_654">[Pg 654]</a></span> in +separate chambers and of receiving separate allowances of food was +becoming common. The most comprehensive indictment was made at Almenèches. +In 1250 (the same year that Rigaud found them to be <i>proprietarie</i>, owning +pots and pans) he noted:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>They run up debts in the town and eat together and sit at table in +cliques (<i>per societates</i>). To each money is given to provide herself +with food. Many stay away from compline and from matins and they drink +after compline<a name='fna_1974' id='fna_1974' href='#f_1974'><small>[1974]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>On this occasion the moral record of the convent was found to be +peculiarly bad. In 1255 there was no further complaint of immorality but +the nuns were as lax as ever in keeping the rule as to communal life:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>They have chambers with partitions in the dorter. They have separate +maids of their own, who do not serve the community<a name='fna_1975' id='fna_1975' href='#f_1975'><small>[1975]</small></a>. They do not +eat out of the same dish but have divers dishes. Each had one loaf to +herself and kept what was over; we ordered the abbess to give them +bread without livery (i.e. in common) and to take back what was over. +They do not live on the same pittance; in short they do not live in +common<a name='fna_1976' id='fna_1976' href='#f_1976'><small>[1976]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>In 1260 it was the same story:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>The frater was often left empty, to wit because they did not eat +together therein, but they ate meat scattered in cliques by twos and +by threes in their chambers (<i>due et due, tres et tres, sparsim et +socialiter in cameris</i>). They had many chambers and five maid +servants to boot.... Each of them had one loaf daily and retained what +remained over. We ordered that the remnant should be given in alms and +counselled them to eat and to live in common and to remove the +chambers<a name='fna_1977' id='fna_1977' href='#f_1977'><small>[1977]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>At Montivilliers the order to dine together was repeated at almost every +visitation; the nuns had separate dishes cooked for themselves in the +kitchen and when they were in the infirmary “for recreation or for slight +ailments” they used to eat separately in little companies (<i>per +conventicula</i>)<a name='fna_1978' id='fna_1978' href='#f_1978'><small>[1978]</small></a>. At St Saëns<a name='fna_1979' id='fna_1979' href='#f_1979'><small>[1979]</small></a> and at St Léger de Préaux<a name='fna_1980' id='fna_1980' href='#f_1980'><small>[1980]</small></a> +also the nuns had separate food allowances and ate in the infirmary; at +Bival some of them had food prepared separately<a name='fna_1981' id='fna_1981' href='#f_1981'><small>[1981]</small></a>, and at Villarceaux +in 1266 the Archbishop made the following injunction:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>We ordered her (the Abbess) to permit them to dine together twice a +day according to their rule and to have a bell rung twice, to wit for +dinner and for supper, so that they might come together at the sound +into the frater, in a more seemly way than they have been wont. For +they often ate separately in their chambers<a name='fna_1982' id='fna_1982' href='#f_1982'><small>[1982]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>At St Sauveur also Rigaud ordered all to dine together in the frater, and +in the infirmary all nuns, except those actually in bed, were to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_655" id="Page_655">[Pg 655]</a></span> use the +same food at the same table<a name='fna_1983' id='fna_1983' href='#f_1983'><small>[1983]</small></a>. At Bondeville the nuns seem to have +been in the habit of congregating, with the servants of the house, in a +certain oven room, doubtless for the sake of the warmth; and the +Archbishop several times forbade the practice on account of possible +scandal<a name='fna_1984' id='fna_1984' href='#f_1984'><small>[1984]</small></a>. Private drinking parties sometimes occurred; at St Sauveur +the nuns occasionally drank outside the frater or infirmary in their own +chambers<a name='fna_1985' id='fna_1985' href='#f_1985'><small>[1985]</small></a> and at Almenèches they drank after Compline<a name='fna_1986' id='fna_1986' href='#f_1986'><small>[1986]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>(4) It has already been said that the nunneries were often reduced to +great straits by poverty. As a result they invented a number of devices +for obtaining ready money. Some of these devices seem to modern eyes +harmless enough; but they were opposed by medieval Visitors because they +brought the nunneries into too close contact with the world and were +subversive of discipline. One of their devices has already been described. +At St Saëns, Villarceaux, Bival and St Sauveur it is evident that the nuns +were in the habit not merely of giving away but actually of selling the +food and drink left over from meals and their old clothes to people +outside the convent. At Bondeville Rigaud had, in 1251, to forbid them to +sell their thread and their spindles<a name='fna_1987' id='fna_1987' href='#f_1987'><small>[1987]</small></a>. At many houses they were +accustomed to knit or embroider silken purses, tassels, cushions or needle +cases, either for sale or as gifts to their friends, and the Archbishop +forbade them to do any silkwork except for church ornament<a name='fna_1988' id='fna_1988' href='#f_1988'><small>[1988]</small></a>. He was +not remarkably successful, since he had to repeat the injunction eight +times at St Amand, between 1254 and 1267. It is interesting to compare his +attitude with the similar prohibition made to the anchoresses of the +<i>Ancren Riwle</i> early in the same century: “Make no purses to gain friends +therewith, nor blodbendes of silk; but shape and sew and mend church +vestments and poor people’s clothes”<a name='fna_1989' id='fna_1989' href='#f_1989'><small>[1989]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Another means of getting money was by taking schoolchildren as boarders +and the general attitude of the Church towards this custom is strikingly +illustrated in Eudes Rigaud’s Register. The provincial council of Rouen in +1231, attempting to deal with the bad discipline in Benedictine nunneries, +had promulgated a statute forbidding the reception of children to be +educated, and the context shows that the practice was regarded solely in +the light of an interference with convent discipline, by bringing the nuns +into contact with the world:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>On account of the scandals which rise out of the conversation of nuns, +we ordain for black nuns that they shall receive nothing to be +deposited with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_656" id="Page_656">[Pg 656]</a></span> them in their houses by any persons; above all let +them by no means permit the strong-boxes of clergy, or of the laity +too, to be placed in their custody<a name='fna_1990' id='fna_1990' href='#f_1990'><small>[1990]</small></a>. Boys and girls who are +accustomed to be brought up and taught there are immediately to be put +away<a name='fna_1991' id='fna_1991' href='#f_1991'><small>[1991]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>In accordance with this statute and with the invariable custom of +ecclesiastical authorities it was Eudes Rigaud’s practice to order the +expulsion of children wherever he found them, and the number of these +prohibitions increased during the last years covered by his diary, which +points to a firm determination to eradicate the fault, though it would +also seem to imply a certain flouting of his authority by the nuns. In +four cases (St Saëns, St Aubin, Bival and Villarceaux) the moral record of +the houses concerned was so disgraceful that the Archbishop might well be +thought to have been actuated by concern for the children growing up under +such evil influences<a name='fna_1992' id='fna_1992' href='#f_1992'><small>[1992]</small></a>; but the fact that he took the same course at +Bondeville, St Sauveur, St Amand and St Léger de Préaux, against which +none but minor breaches of the rule were charged, shows that his policy +was dictated by care for the nuns and not for their pupils. Bondeville was +an obstinate offender. There in 1255 the Archbishop ordered the Prioress +and Subprioress to remove their little nieces<a name='fna_1993' id='fna_1993' href='#f_1993'><small>[1993]</small></a> and a certain other +girl<a name='fna_1994' id='fna_1994' href='#f_1994'><small>[1994]</small></a>; in 1257 he noted the presence of five ladies (<i>domicelle</i>) who +had not been received as novices<a name='fna_1995' id='fna_1995' href='#f_1995'><small>[1995]</small></a>; and in 1261 he noted again that +“Many secular girls were used to be placed there with their costs”<a name='fna_1996' id='fna_1996' href='#f_1996'><small>[1996]</small></a>. +In the two last cases the Register—probably, as Mr Coulton suggests, by a +clerical oversight—contains no injunction to remove the children; and in +1266 only one boarder, “a lady of Rouen, Laurentia called <i>quatuor +Homines</i>” was ordered to be sent away, though the Archbishop explicitly +stated that “Certain girls (<i>iuvencule</i>), daughters of burgesses of Rouen, +were there as it were in charge [of the nuns],<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_657" id="Page_657">[Pg 657]</a></span> which displeased +us”<a name='fna_1997' id='fna_1997' href='#f_1997'><small>[1997]</small></a>. There was, however, no ambiguity about his action in 1268 when +he ordered a certain</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Basiria, daughter of Amelina of Aulnay, who was there as a boarder, to +be sent away and forbade the Prioress henceforth to keep any girl or +girls there, except such as had been received as novices<a name='fna_1998' id='fna_1998' href='#f_1998'><small>[1998]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>But it was a difficult task to force the needy nuns, reduced already to +pawning the very vessels of the altar, to give up this more certain and +less sacrilegious method of adding to their income.</p> + +<p>It is indeed a significant fact, as Mr Coulton has pointed out, that “the +prohibitions are in inverse proportion to the temporal prosperity of the +convent”<a name='fna_1999' id='fna_1999' href='#f_1999'><small>[1999]</small></a>. The wealthy Abbaye-aux-Dames at Caen had no need to take +in school children. But Villarceaux, £50 in debt in 1249 and going +steadily downhill, vainly struggling in the toils of Jews and Caursini, +was the most frequent offender of all and resisted the most stubbornly +Rigaud’s attempts at reform. In 1257 he ordered the nuns to remove all the +boys and girls who were in the house, except one girl who was going to be +veiled<a name='fna_2000' id='fna_2000' href='#f_2000'><small>[2000]</small></a>. The next year they were threatened with severe punishment if +they postponed any longer the ejection of the children “whom they are +bringing up in their house against our inhibition”<a name='fna_2001' id='fna_2001' href='#f_2001'><small>[2001]</small></a>. Follows silence +for the next three visitations; then, eight years later, “There were +several girls there, as it were in the charge of certain nuns, which +displeased us exceedingly and shortly afterwards we ordered the Prioress +by our letters to remove all secular girls” within a certain date<a name='fna_2002' id='fna_2002' href='#f_2002'><small>[2002]</small></a>; +and in 1268</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>We ordered, as we had done before, that the nuns should utterly put +away all secular ladies or girls (<i>domicellas seu puellulas</i>), if any +were there, and that they should suffer neither one nor more of such +girls to remain there, except such as were to be made nuns<a name='fna_2003' id='fna_2003' href='#f_2003'><small>[2003]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>What of St Saëns, with bad morals, growing debts and a deficiency of +cider? In 1260, “We ordered secular girls to be removed,” with one +favoured exception<a name='fna_2004' id='fna_2004' href='#f_2004'><small>[2004]</small></a>; in 1261, “They were keeping in the priory two +ladies, to wit the daughter of the châtelain of Belencombre and the elder +daughter of the lord of Mesnières (de Maneriis) whom we ordered to be sent +away”<a name='fna_2005' id='fna_2005' href='#f_2005'><small>[2005]</small></a>. It is the same with St Aubin, with its bad morals and its +tumble-down buildings<a name='fna_2006' id='fna_2006' href='#f_2006'><small>[2006]</small></a>; with Bival, immoral also, overcome with debts +even to its own servants for their wages, and always short of stores; in +1252 the nuns had ten children there to be brought up (<i>pueros decem +nutriendos</i>) and Rigaud ordered their removal<a name='fna_2007' id='fna_2007' href='#f_2007'><small>[2007]</small></a>. It is the same, too, +with St Amand, where the debts increased from year to year and the nuns +could not even get in the money due to them; in 1263 a certain daughter of +Lady Aeliz de Synoz was found there and removed<a name='fna_2008' id='fna_2008' href='#f_2008'><small>[2008]</small></a>. At St Léger de +Preaux (1249)<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_658" id="Page_658">[Pg 658]</a></span> secular girls were all to be sent away<a name='fna_2009' id='fna_2009' href='#f_2009'><small>[2009]</small></a>; and at St +Sauveur d’Evreux all unveiled children (<i>infantes non velatas</i>) were +immediately to be removed<a name='fna_2010' id='fna_2010' href='#f_2010'><small>[2010]</small></a>, while some years later Rigaud made a +general injunction there against receiving relatives of the nuns as +boarders<a name='fna_2011' id='fna_2011' href='#f_2011'><small>[2011]</small></a>. A mysterious child was being brought up in a grange +belonging to the Abbey of Bival at Pierremans, but why or whose we know +not; was it a needy relative of the Abbess, or an indiscretion of sister +Isabel or sister Florence, or merely an ordinary paying boarder? History +is silent, but the Archbishop was sufficiently annoyed when his order to +remove it in 1268 was still disregarded in the following year<a name='fna_2012' id='fna_2012' href='#f_2012'><small>[2012]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>The constant attempts of the nuns to add to their numbers were actuated by +the same desire to obtain ready money, in the shape of a dowry; the +Archbishop was more far-seeing and recognised that the immediate good +would be out-balanced by the strain on their scanty revenues in the +future; nor was he unmindful of the fact that the demand for a dowry was +contrary to the rule. The heavy debts and the insufficiency of stores, +which he found at convent after convent, certainly seem to indicate that +their only hope lay in a rigid limitation of membership. Moreover +overcrowding was certainly subversive of discipline and it looks as though +Rigaud had, in some cases (e.g. at Villarceaux in 1249)<a name='fna_2013' id='fna_2013' href='#f_2013'><small>[2013]</small></a>, been +unwilling to permit new recruits to enter a house whose moral record was +bad. This may explain in part his long struggle with St Saëns and with St +Aubin, though here, as at Villarceaux, poverty was always the chief reason +noted in his diary. At St Aubin the financial <i>arrière pensée</i> is very +clear. In 1251 Rigaud noted that nuns were received simoniacally; on this +and on the four subsequent visitations the Prioress was forbidden to +receive any girl as a nun without special licence, and girls received in +contravention of this rule were not to be considered veiled or recognised +as nuns<a name='fna_2014' id='fna_2014' href='#f_2014'><small>[2014]</small></a> (this was the usual form in which his prohibition was +couched). Then in 1259 came another case of simony; in spite of the +Archbishop’s former inhibition the nuns had received and veiled a certain +lady, the daughter of Sir Robert Mauvoisin (<i>Mali Vicini</i>), knight. Asked +why they had done this they said that urgent necessity and poverty had +forced them to it and that the father of the girl had given them an annual +rent of 10<i>s.</i> with her; but they admitted that they had acted against the +wish of the Prioress and without her consent. The Archbishop “seeing them +to have acted with cupidity and with the vice of simony” soon afterwards +ordered the girl to be removed, unveiled and sent back to her father’s +house and enjoined a penance upon the nuns<a name='fna_2015' id='fna_2015' href='#f_2015'><small>[2015]</small></a>; the prohibition to +receive nuns without licence was repeated at subsequent visitations<a name='fna_2016' id='fna_2016' href='#f_2016'><small>[2016]</small></a>. +There were similarly protracted struggles between the Archbishop and the +nuns at St Saëns and at St Amand. At St Saëns,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_659" id="Page_659">[Pg 659]</a></span> when he came to visit it +in 1258, he found two little girls in residence and in spite of the +prayers of the Prioress and some of the nuns that he would allow the +children (<i>puellule</i>) to be received and veiled, he ordered them to be +removed within a week<a name='fna_2017' id='fna_2017' href='#f_2017'><small>[2017]</small></a>. The next year, however, he found that the +obstinate nuns had promised four girls, nieces of certain of the nuns, +that they should be received if his consent could be obtained, whereupon +the Archbishop in great irritation tore up the letters before the +assembled chapter and once more repeated his prohibition<a name='fna_2018' id='fna_2018' href='#f_2018'><small>[2018]</small></a>. In 1260 he +made an exception in favour of one girl<a name='fna_2019' id='fna_2019' href='#f_2019'><small>[2019]</small></a>, and in 1261, when the nuns +asked permission to veil five new inmates “in order that the divine +service might be increased” (<i>ampliandum</i>), he ordered them to send the +candidates or their relatives to him and promised to give the necessary +licence if it seemed expedient<a name='fna_2020' id='fna_2020' href='#f_2020'><small>[2020]</small></a>. In 1262 and 1264<a name='fna_2021' id='fna_2021' href='#f_2021'><small>[2021]</small></a> the usual +prohibition was repeated.</p> + +<p>The nuns of St Amand persisted with equal obstinacy in admitting novices +without licence. In 1254 and again in 1257 the Archbishop noted the +presence of four girls who had been promised admission as soon as there +was a vacancy<a name='fna_2022' id='fna_2022' href='#f_2022'><small>[2022]</small></a>. In 1263 he ordered one of them to be removed<a name='fna_2023' id='fna_2023' href='#f_2023'><small>[2023]</small></a>. +In the next year he found that four ladies (<i>domicelle</i>) in secular habit +had been received, one of them in spite of his inhibition; the Abbess was +punished for disobedience and the girl was sent home<a name='fna_2024' id='fna_2024' href='#f_2024'><small>[2024]</small></a>. In 1267 seven +girls were waiting to be veiled, but he seems to have made no +objection<a name='fna_2025' id='fna_2025' href='#f_2025'><small>[2025]</small></a>. At Villarceaux in 1257 the niece of a neighbouring prior +was found in the house, in secular dress; “and she in the chapter,” says +Rigaud, “throwing herself upon her knees, besought us to permit her to be +received by them, because the Prioress and convent had promised to veil +her”<a name='fna_2026' id='fna_2026' href='#f_2026'><small>[2026]</small></a>. Whether he acceded to her request is not known, but in the +following year there was serious trouble, because the Prioress had raised +the number of nuns above the statutory number of twenty, by receiving two +girls against the bishop’s order and the convent’s will, one to be a nun +and the other to be a lay sister. The Archbishop ordered their instant +expulsion and specifically mentioned that his former prohibition had been +dictated by a desire to do what was best for the convent, “since its +resources hardly suffice for a small number of persons”<a name='fna_2027' id='fna_2027' href='#f_2027'><small>[2027]</small></a>. At +Bondeville also a girl had been received without licence in 1266 and the +Archbishop forbade her to be veiled<a name='fna_2028' id='fna_2028' href='#f_2028'><small>[2028]</small></a>. Sometimes it is clear that he +had to protect the nuns, less against their own improvidence than against +the enforced reception of nuns “dumped” upon them by powerful people +outside their own ranks. The nuns of Villarceaux were forbidden to receive +any lay sister or novice “even if the abbess of St Cyr send her”<a name='fna_2029' id='fna_2029' href='#f_2029'><small>[2029]</small></a>. At +Bival, in 1254, where it is specifically stated that no more nuns are to +be received without licence on account of the poverty of the house, he +ordered no exception to be made even for two girls<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_660" id="Page_660">[Pg 660]</a></span> sent by the bishop and +one by Sir William of Poissy<a name='fna_2030' id='fna_2030' href='#f_2030'><small>[2030]</small></a>; and at Montivilliers in 1266 he noted +that in spite of his prohibition a girl had been placed there by the +Legate<a name='fna_2031' id='fna_2031' href='#f_2031'><small>[2031]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>(5) A very common fault in these Rouen (and indeed in all) houses was the +imperfect claustration of the nuns; seculars entered the precincts; nuns +left them. There were constant injunctions that no secular or suspected +persons were to enter the cloister precincts<a name='fna_2032' id='fna_2032' href='#f_2032'><small>[2032]</small></a> or to talk with the +nuns anywhere save in the parlour<a name='fna_2033' id='fna_2033' href='#f_2033'><small>[2033]</small></a>. At Bival, however, a significant +exception was made to the general prohibition; no one was to be introduced +except those whom it would be a scandal to turn away<a name='fna_2034' id='fna_2034' href='#f_2034'><small>[2034]</small></a>—potential +benefactors and other powerful folk, no doubt. It seems that the nuns were +in the habit of dining and of eating meat with seculars (at Bival they +absented themselves from Compline for this purpose)<a name='fna_2035' id='fna_2035' href='#f_2035'><small>[2035]</small></a>, and the +Archbishop forbade, time after time, the eating together of nuns and +seculars<a name='fna_2036' id='fna_2036' href='#f_2036'><small>[2036]</small></a>. No secular person was to sleep in the house<a name='fna_2037' id='fna_2037' href='#f_2037'><small>[2037]</small></a>; and no +nun was to converse with seculars, even in the parlour, without licence +from the head of the house and without a suitable companion, such as the +doorkeeper<a name='fna_2038' id='fna_2038' href='#f_2038'><small>[2038]</small></a>. These precautions seem to have been necessary, for one +is left with the impression that secular visitors gained access without +much difficulty to the cloister precincts; at Bival it was complained that +brothers and relatives of the nuns and others, entered the house<a name='fna_2039' id='fna_2039' href='#f_2039'><small>[2039]</small></a>; +and at Bondeville friends and relatives used to come into the cloister at +will and talk with the nuns in the meadows and guest rooms of the +house<a name='fna_2040' id='fna_2040' href='#f_2040'><small>[2040]</small></a>; at a later visitation the archbishop remarked that the house +where guests were received was too close to the cloister and to the +conventual buildings<a name='fna_2041' id='fna_2041' href='#f_2041'><small>[2041]</small></a>. The abuses to which such freedom of access +might give rise are obvious. They appear in the case of St Aubin, morally +the worst of all the houses; the state of that community at the +visitations of 1254, 1256, 1257 and 1261 will be referred to later; in +1266 a certain miller was not to be allowed to frequent the house, as +scandal had arisen through him, and the schoolmaster (<i>Rector scolarum</i>) +of Beauvoir had “sometimes impudently frequented the said house or priory, +from which evil rumours had arisen,” and he was to be warned to +desist<a name='fna_2042' id='fna_2042' href='#f_2042'><small>[2042]</small></a>; next year the same miller and two clerics (a rector and a +clerk) were frequenting the house and causing scandal and the Archbishop +forbade them to enter it<a name='fna_2043' id='fna_2043' href='#f_2043'><small>[2043]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>The wandering of nuns outside the precincts was even more dangerous, and +it is significant that after the terrible revelations at Villarceaux in +1249 the Archbishop, in his injunctions, paid special attention to the +entrance of seculars into the convent and to the conditions under which +the nuns were wont to leave it. Rigaud strictly forbade<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_661" id="Page_661">[Pg 661]</a></span> any nun to go out +without special licence from the head of the house and that licence was +not to be given except for an adequate reason<a name='fna_2044' id='fna_2044' href='#f_2044'><small>[2044]</small></a>; “not quickly and +easily but with difficulty and for an appointed time only”<a name='fna_2045' id='fna_2045' href='#f_2045'><small>[2045]</small></a>, ran the +injunction to the Abbess of St Amand. A term was always to be fixed by +which the nun had to return and she was always to have a suitable +companion allotted to her<a name='fna_2046' id='fna_2046' href='#f_2046'><small>[2046]</small></a>. This seems to have been a necessary +precaution, for at St Saëns the nuns were found to stay away alone for +fifteen days or more<a name='fna_2047' id='fna_2047' href='#f_2047'><small>[2047]</small></a>; it is perhaps not accidental that St Saëns was +one of the immoral houses. At St Léger de Préaux, also, the nuns were in +the habit of going out alone to the houses of relatives<a name='fna_2048' id='fna_2048' href='#f_2048'><small>[2048]</small></a>: “They go +outside the abbey when they can and return when they will,” says the +Archbishop<a name='fna_2049' id='fna_2049' href='#f_2049'><small>[2049]</small></a>; in 1267 one of them was found to be alone with her +mother at Argoulles, “which displeased us and we forbade the Abbess to +give any nun permission to go out without company”<a name='fna_2050' id='fna_2050' href='#f_2050'><small>[2050]</small></a>. At Bondeville +they used often to go to Rouen<a name='fna_2051' id='fna_2051' href='#f_2051'><small>[2051]</small></a>. Another precaution taken against the +wandering of nuns in the world was the closing or careful guarding of the +cloister doors; it was ordered at Bival in 1257 that a door opening on to +the meadows, which was often unlocked, should be kept locked<a name='fna_2052' id='fna_2052' href='#f_2052'><small>[2052]</small></a>. The +causes which took nuns outside the gates were many: sometimes they seem to +have gone simply to take a walk; sometimes to visit relatives or to act as +godmothers to the children of friends (a practice which was specifically +forbidden at Montivilliers in 1257 and again in 1265)<a name='fna_2053' id='fna_2053' href='#f_2053'><small>[2053]</small></a>; sometimes on +business to the granges of the convent; sometimes to work in the fields +(three of the nuns of St Aubin were absent at the vintage (<i>in vindemiis</i>) +when the Archbishop came in 1267)<a name='fna_2054' id='fna_2054' href='#f_2054'><small>[2054]</small></a>; sometimes to beg (at St Aubin in +1261 it was ordered that the younger nuns were not to be sent out to beg +(<i>pro questu</i>)<a name='fna_2055' id='fna_2055' href='#f_2055'><small>[2055]</small></a> and two years later two nuns of this poverty-stricken +house were absent in France, seeking alms)<a name='fna_2056' id='fna_2056' href='#f_2056'><small>[2056]</small></a>; sometimes for less +reputable reasons. There is no more striking commentary on the writings of +contemporary moralists like Matheolus and Gilles li Muisis than the +Register of Eudes Rigaud<a name='fna_2057' id='fna_2057' href='#f_2057'><small>[2057]</small></a>; and the stress laid upon the ill results +of allowing seculars to enter and nuns to leave the cloister, shows that +the attempts of the medieval Church to impose strict claustration upon +nuns, harsh as they seem to modern minds, were dictated by a real social +necessity.</p> + +<p>(6) Modern minds would also be inclined to consider as trifling offences +the various cases of frivolous behaviour—games, gay clothes, pet +animals—which the Archbishop entered from time to time in his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_662" id="Page_662">[Pg 662]</a></span> diary. The +custom of indulging in games on Innocents’ Day, which prevailed in certain +English nunneries, was fairly common in Rigaud’s diocese. In 1249 he made +the following injunction at Villarceaux:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Item we forbid you in future to indulge in your accustomed gaieties +(<i>ne ludibria exerceatis consueta</i>) to wit, dressing yourselves up in +secular clothes or leading dance-songs (<i>choreas</i>) among yourselves or +with seculars<a name='fna_2058' id='fna_2058' href='#f_2058'><small>[2058]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>But the nuns clung to their rare amusements and in 1253 the Archbishop +noted: “They sing ditties (<i>cantilenas</i>) on the Feast of Innocents”<a name='fna_2059' id='fna_2059' href='#f_2059'><small>[2059]</small></a>. +At St Léger des Préaux in 1254 the diary has: “We forbade disorders +(<i>inordinaciones</i>) on the Feast of Innocents”<a name='fna_2060' id='fna_2060' href='#f_2060'><small>[2060]</small></a> and at the Holy +Trinity of Caen two years later: “The younger ones on the Feast of +Innocents sing the scriptures with <i>farsa</i>; this we forbade”<a name='fna_2061' id='fna_2061' href='#f_2061'><small>[2061]</small></a>. +Montivilliers was a serious offender and the Archbishop’s note is +learnedly technical over the different kinds of songs sung by the nuns:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Item on the Feasts of St John, St Stephen and the Innocents they use +excessive frivolity (<i>nimia iocositate</i>) and scurrilous songs, to wit, +farces (<i>farsis</i>), canticles (<i>conductis</i>) and motets (<i>motulis</i>); we +ordered that they should bear themselves more fittingly and with +greater devotion<a name='fna_2062' id='fna_2062' href='#f_2062'><small>[2062]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>The order seems to have borne fruit, for in 1262 he noted: “The +frivolities which used to take place on Innocents’ Day have been utterly +given up, so they say”; and then, and again in 1265, he simply repeated +the injunction that such things should cease<a name='fna_2063' id='fna_2063' href='#f_2063'><small>[2063]</small></a>. At St Amand in 1263 he +ordered:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>That the younger nuns are not to remain behind in the choir on the +Feast of Innocents, as they have done in the past, singing the office +and proses which belong to the day, the seniors having gone away and +left the juniors there<a name='fna_2064' id='fna_2064' href='#f_2064'><small>[2064]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>But afterwards we hear no more of these sports among the nuns; so perhaps +Rigaud succeeded in stamping them out. They were perhaps (if one may judge +from the usual character of the Feast of Fools) more scurrilous and less +innocently pretty than they sound; but it is difficult not to feel a +little out of sympathy with the conscientious Archbishop<a name='fna_2065' id='fna_2065' href='#f_2065'><small>[2065]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>The keeping of pet animals here, as in England, was a common fault and one +against which Rigaud’s animadversions were singularly unsuccessful. The +nuns of St Sauveur d’Evreux had small dogs, squirrels and birds, “and we +ordered such things to be removed; they do not profit the rule”<a name='fna_2066' id='fna_2066' href='#f_2066'><small>[2066]</small></a>; but +we had to repeat our injunction in 1258 and again in 1269<a name='fna_2067' id='fna_2067' href='#f_2067'><small>[2067]</small></a>. At St +Léger des Préaux they had two small dogs and three squirrels<a name='fna_2068' id='fna_2068' href='#f_2068'><small>[2068]</small></a>, and at +the Holy Trinity of Caen they kept larks and little birds in cages, which +were to be removed<a name='fna_2069' id='fna_2069' href='#f_2069'><small>[2069]</small></a>; but the cage birds were still there six years +later<a name='fna_2070' id='fna_2070' href='#f_2070'><small>[2070]</small></a>. The most amusing case was at Villarceaux in 1268, where for +once one of the nuns gave the Archbishop a piece of her mind. “Eustachia, +late prioress” (we shall hear of her again), “had a certain bird, which +she kept to the annoyance and displeasure of some of the more elderly +nuns” (did it disturb<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_663" id="Page_663">[Pg 663]</a></span> their slumbers?) “For the which reason we ordered +her to remove it; and she thereupon bespake us with little discretion or +reverence, which greatly displeased us”<a name='fna_2071' id='fna_2071' href='#f_2071'><small>[2071]</small></a>. One may forgive the +archbishop for this lapse in his sense of humour; he had had trouble with +Eustachia before; it was just like her to keep a bird that squawked in the +dorter.</p> + +<p>Nor probably did Rigaud fare better than any other medieval visitor in his +attempts to turn fashionable clothes out of the nunneries. The +disreputable ladies of Villarceaux (1249) curled their hair and scented +their veils with saffron, they had pilches of rabbit and hare and fox fur, +they wore belts adorned with silver-work and steel-work<a name='fna_2072' id='fna_2072' href='#f_2072'><small>[2072]</small></a>. Those of +Montivilliers (1265 and 1266) were nearly as luxurious, though their +morals were unimpeachable; they also wore their hair in ringlets, had +pilches of squirrel fur and of the costly “griz,” and used girdles +curiously adorned with ironwork; they ornamented their collars and cuffs +with expensive cloth trimmings and possessed “excessively curious and +precious knives, with carved and silvered handles”<a name='fna_2073' id='fna_2073' href='#f_2073'><small>[2073]</small></a>. The nuns of St +Amand also used not only shifts and pilches, but also pillows and +bedclothes soft with the fur of rabbit, hare, fox and cat<a name='fna_2074' id='fna_2074' href='#f_2074'><small>[2074]</small></a>; and the +ornamented girdles of ironwork were found at St Aubin and at St +Sauveur<a name='fna_2075' id='fna_2075' href='#f_2075'><small>[2075]</small></a>. The Archbishop strenuously forbade long hair and curls, +belts of ironwork, saffron, rich cloth and the more costly kinds of fur. +It is unlikely that he was successful. The world never called more +seductively to medieval nuns than in contemporary fashions. The Church +clung to the belief that the habit made the nun, but the souls of sister +Jacqueline and sister Johanna, and sister Philippa and sister Marguerite +expressed themselves appropriately in furs and saffron and, one fears, +would not have been less frivolous in the regular garb of their order:</p> + +<p class="poem">Il est bien vray que tourel, voille ou guymple<br /> +Fort scapullaire ou autre habit de corps,<br /> +Ne rend jamais homme ou femme plus simple,<br /> +Mais rompt souvent l’union et accords<br /> +Mectant divorce entre l’âme et le corps<a name='fna_2076' id='fna_2076' href='#f_2076'><small>[2076]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>(7) It is now necessary to consider the more serious faults, such as +quarrelling, drunkenness or immorality, detected by Eudes Rigaud in his +visitations, and to give a fuller account of those nunneries which were in +a particularly evil state. The quarrels which were inseparable from +convent life continually occupied his attention; and nine out of the +twelve houses which he visited more than once were at one time or another +disturbed by petty squabblings among the nuns. It is clear—as might be +expected—that the discord was worse in those convents where discipline +was loose, and where the behaviour of the nuns in other directions was +open to grave censure. At the visitation<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_664" id="Page_664">[Pg 664]</a></span> of Villarceaux in 1249, for +instance, Ermengarde of Gisors and Johanna of Auvilliers beat one another +and the Archbishop was obliged to order the punishment of quarrels passing +from words to blows<a name='fna_2077' id='fna_2077' href='#f_2077'><small>[2077]</small></a> (<i>de verbis ad verbera</i>—he was not above a mild +ecclesiastical pun in the privacy of his diary)<a name='fna_2078' id='fna_2078' href='#f_2078'><small>[2078]</small></a>. At St Aubin (1254) +Agnes of the Bridge (<i>de Ponte</i>) and Petronilla refused to speak to each +other, and Agnes, “who is a fomenter of discord and a scold,” was ordered +to give up her rancour against Petronilla, on pain of being removed from +the convent<a name='fna_2079' id='fna_2079' href='#f_2079'><small>[2079]</small></a>. At Bival in 1252 two sisters were described as +rebellious<a name='fna_2080' id='fna_2080' href='#f_2080'><small>[2080]</small></a> and two years later the Register contains the following +entry:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>There are two sets of couples who refuse to speak to one another and +we caused them to make peace with each other and to kiss and be +friends (<i>quantum ad os, et deosculari ad invicem</i>), and we forbade +that any mention should henceforth be made of the bone of contention +between them, on pain of excommunication, which we have called down +upon her who shall be the first to mention it, and we ordered the +Abbess to keep us informed<a name='fna_2081' id='fna_2081' href='#f_2081'><small>[2081]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>At St Saëns a certain Johanna Martel—evidently a lady of substance with +relatives in the neighbourhood—was said in 1259 to be rebellious, +disobedient and given to wrangling with the Prioress<a name='fna_2082' id='fna_2082' href='#f_2082'><small>[2082]</small></a>, and in 1265 +the house was full of discord<a name='fna_2083' id='fna_2083' href='#f_2083'><small>[2083]</small></a>. At Almenèches (1250) there was a good +deal of quarrelling in cloister and choir<a name='fna_2084' id='fna_2084' href='#f_2084'><small>[2084]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Quarrels were common, however, in houses against which no grave moral +disorders were ever charged. St Amand was perhaps the worst of these; +there in 1258 the Archbishop ordered that each nun was to forget the +injury and offence of the other, before she presumed to receive +communion<a name='fna_2085' id='fna_2085' href='#f_2085'><small>[2085]</small></a>; but the discords continued and in 1262 he wrote:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Because we found there many heart-burnings and rancours among the +nuns, we ordered the abbess and the confessor that they should +reconcile those whom they knew to have fallen into this fault before, +and that they should live in charity as far as they were able, +punishing offenders by taking away their beer and pittances<a name='fna_2086' id='fna_2086' href='#f_2086'><small>[2086]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>But it was in vain, and after seven years Rigaud was still commanding the +Abbess to labour to the best of her ability that the nuns should live in +peace and concord<a name='fna_2087' id='fna_2087' href='#f_2087'><small>[2087]</small></a>. At Bondeville (1251 and 1255) it will be +remembered that one of the charges against the Prioress was her +quarrelsomeness<a name='fna_2088' id='fna_2088' href='#f_2088'><small>[2088]</small></a>; and in 1259 a certain Lucy was found to be a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_665" id="Page_665">[Pg 665]</a></span> +quarrelsome and ill-tempered person, disobedient to the Prioress and given +to wrangling with her in the frater, whereupon the Archbishop enjoined a +penance of silence upon her<a name='fna_2089' id='fna_2089' href='#f_2089'><small>[2089]</small></a>. At St Désir de Lisieux (1254) there +were two or three nuns who would not speak to the rest<a name='fna_2090' id='fna_2090' href='#f_2090'><small>[2090]</small></a>; and even at +the great Abbaye aux Dames at Caen Rigaud noted in 1267, “There was great +contention among them and concerning this they had a case in the +law-courts”<a name='fna_2091' id='fna_2091' href='#f_2091'><small>[2091]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Quarrelsomeness was, however, a mild fault compared with the really bad +immorality which prevailed in some of the houses. At three of them, St +Aubin, St Saëns and Bival, this state of affairs continued from visitation +to visitation; they were evidently hopelessly corrupt. At the two others +(Villarceaux and Almenèches) there is mention of serious disorders only +once and from the Archbishop’s silence on later occasions it may be hoped +that he succeeded in reforming the houses. One of these isolated cases was +in many ways the most serious of all; Rigaud’s note of his visitation of +Villarceaux in 1249 reads more like a description of La Maison Tellier +than that of a priory; except that the former was more discreet:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>We visited the priory of Villarceaux. There are twenty-three nuns and +three lay sisters. [Here follow several minor disorders.] Only four +nuns there are fully professed, to wit Eustachia, Comitissa, +Ermengarde and Petronilla. Many of them have pilches made from the fur +of rabbits, hares and foxes. They eat flesh unnecessarily in the +infirmary; they do not observe silence anywhere and they do not keep +within the cloister. Johanna of “Aululari” once went out of the +cloister and lived with someone, by whom she had a child; and she +sometimes goes out of the cloister to see that child; item she is +ill-famed (<i>infamata</i>) with a certain man called Gaillard. Isabella la +Treiche is a fault finder, murmuring against the Prioress and others. +The cellaress is ill-famed with a man called Philip of Villarceaux. +The Prioress is too negligent and does not reprove, nor does she get +up [for matins]. Johanna of Auvilliers goes outside the house alone +with Gayllard and within the year she had a child by him. The +cellaress is ill-famed with Philip of Villarceaux and with a certain +priest of her own neighbourhood. Item the subprioress with Thomas the +carter. Idonia her sister with Crispinatus. Item the prior of Gisors +frequents the house for the sake of the said Idonia. Philippa of Rouen +is ill-famed with the priest of Suentre, in the diocese of Chartres; +Marguerita the treasuress with Richard de Geneville, clerk. Agnes of +Fontenoy is ill-famed with the priest of Guerreville, of the diocese +of Chartres. La Tooliere [? the chambress] is ill-famed with Sir +Andrew de Monchy, knight. They all wear their hair long to their chins +(<i>nutriunt comam usque ad mentum</i>) and scent their veils with saffron. +Jacqueline came back pregnant from a certain chaplain, who was +expelled from the house for this. Item Agnes de Montsec was ill-famed +with the same. Ermengarde of Gisors and Johanna of Auvilliers beat +each other. The Prioress is drunk almost any night ... she does not +rise for matins nor eat in the frater nor correct faults<a name='fna_2092' id='fna_2092' href='#f_2092'><small>[2092]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_666" id="Page_666">[Pg 666]</a></span>After these terrible revelations the Archbishop directed a letter of +injunctions to the convent, which, contrary to his usual practice, was +copied into his diary<a name='fna_2093' id='fna_2093' href='#f_2093'><small>[2093]</small></a>. These injunctions deal only with general +breaches of the rule, which by loosening discipline would tend to give +opportunities for the behaviour described in the <i>comperta</i>, and they +contain no reference to specific cases of immorality. Thus he provides for +the proper performance of divine service; for the maintenance of silence; +for the simultaneous entry of the nuns into their dorter, the keys of +which and of the cloister were to be carefully kept and a “Visitor” +appointed to see that the rule was kept in these matters; he forbids +secular or suspected persons to be entertained or lodged within the +cloister, and nuns to be given permission to go outside without good +reason and a companion, or to speak with any external person unlicensed +and unaccompanied; he deals also with the frivolous garments, the sports +on Innocents’ Day and the quarrels which he had found; he forbids the +reception of any more nuns without licence, orders the frequent rendering +of accounts, warns them to live in common, and ends with an order to +recite his letter at least once a month in the chapter. These injunctions +seem strangely superficial in comparison with the <i>comperta</i> which precede +them; but a note entered in the Register, on the occasion of the next +visitation of Villarceaux, would seem to suggest that the Archbishop had +taken other steps to deal with the matter. It is there written: “Here are +twenty nuns, but six of them were not present; for one of them left the +house and married in the world and two are without the house, according to +a previous mandate and ordinance of ours”<a name='fna_2094' id='fna_2094' href='#f_2094'><small>[2094]</small></a>. It is possible that the +Archbishop had sent separate letters (not copied into his Register) +dealing with the worst cases of immorality, and that he had sent two of +the erring nuns to do penance in another house. At any rate there are no +further complaints of immorality against Villarceaux, and perhaps prompt +measures at the beginning of his career as visitor had stayed the nuns on +their downward course.</p> + +<p>It was on Rigaud’s first visitation of Almenèches also that moral +disorders were found. He went there in 1250 and found that the rule had +been greatly relaxed. The nuns (who were among the most inveterate +property owners recorded in the Register) used to run up debts in the +town, doubtless with the money given to them for the purchase of their +food. They did not live a communal life, they admitted seculars to talk +with them in the cloister, they remained away from Matins and Compline, +they had drinking parties after Compline, and they were always +quarrelling. The result of this laxity showed in more serious faults. +Sister Tiphaine was a drunkard (<i>ebriosa</i>); three other nuns, Hola, Aaliz +the chantress and the late prioress had each had a child; and a fourth, +Dionisia Dehatim, was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_667" id="Page_667">[Pg 667]</a></span> ill-famed with a certain Master Nicholas de Bleve. +In this case some of the disorder may have been due to the fact that the +house was without an abbess, she having died shortly before<a name='fna_2095' id='fna_2095' href='#f_2095'><small>[2095]</small></a>. Here +again it is impossible to tell what steps the Archbishop took to reform +the house, but at his two subsequent visitations, although the nuns +persisted in their refusal to live a communal life, there were no further +notices of immorality.</p> + +<p>One may hope that these were exceptional cases in the history of the +houses concerned. But there was nothing exceptional about the bad +behaviour of St Aubin and St Saëns and to a lesser degree of Bival. The +Archbishop first visited the latter house in 1248 and found there “several +nuns ill-famed of the vice of incontinence”; the abbess resigned, probably +as a result of this discovery<a name='fna_2096' id='fna_2096' href='#f_2096'><small>[2096]</small></a>. No complaint of immorality was made +at the next two visitations; then in 1254 the Archbishop noted that sister +Isabella had had a child at Whitsuntide by a priest<a name='fna_2097' id='fna_2097' href='#f_2097'><small>[2097]</small></a>. At the next +visitation (1256) he found that Florence had had a child recently and that +the whole house had fallen into ill-repute because of this; Rigaud on this +occasion ordered the removal of the convent priest, “on account of the +scandal of the nuns and populace, though we found nothing that could be +proved against him”<a name='fna_2098' id='fna_2098' href='#f_2098'><small>[2098]</small></a>. On the eight subsequent visitations there were +no further charges of immorality.</p> + +<p>St Aubin and St Saëns must be charged with persistent immorality, +continuing over a long period of years. They seem indeed to have been +little better than brothels. At St Aubin in 1254 Aeliz of Rouen was +incontinent and had lately had a child by a priest<a name='fna_2099' id='fna_2099' href='#f_2099'><small>[2099]</small></a>. In 1256 she was +in trouble again:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>We unveiled Aeliz of Rouen and Eustachia of Etrepagny for a time, on +account of their fornication. Item we sent Agnes of the Bridge (<i>de +Ponte</i>) [the same whose quarrelsomeness had been reproved in 1254] to +the lazar-house of Rouen, because she consented to Eustachia’s sin and +even procured it, as the rumour runs, <i>et quia dedit dicte Eustachie +herbas bibere ut interficeretur puer conceptus in dicta Eustachia, +secundum quod dicitur per famam</i><a name='fna_2100' id='fna_2100' href='#f_2100'><small>[2100]</small></a>. We removed the Prioress from +office. We postponed the infliction of a punishment upon Anastasia, +the subprioress, for ill-fame of incontinence against her, until she +should be made prioress there<a name='fna_2101' id='fna_2101' href='#f_2101'><small>[2101]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Here at last we have definite information of the steps taken by Rigaud to +deal with a bad case; two nuns were unveiled and sent to do penance among +lepers and the prioress was deposed; but what a confession of weakness +that Rigaud should propose to fill the place of the latter with a woman +herself ill-famed of sin. The effect of his punishment upon the two nuns +whom he had unveiled was, moreover, unfortunate, for they went from bad to +worse. The next year Eustachia was in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_668" id="Page_668">[Pg 668]</a></span> apostasy (<i>vagabunda</i>) and had been +pregnant when she left the convent and the blame for it was set down to +John, the chaplain of Fry. Aeliz of Rouen also was “in grave sin”<a name='fna_2102' id='fna_2102' href='#f_2102'><small>[2102]</small></a>. +In 1261 the Archbishop came again. Aeliz had borne a child since his last +visitation and she was said to have had three children in all; Beatrice of +Beauvais had had a child at Blaacort and her lover was the Dean of St +Quentin, of the Diocese of Beauvais. The Prioress informed Rigaud that +these two had long been in serious fault and that they had undergone +penance according to the rule<a name='fna_2103' id='fna_2103' href='#f_2103'><small>[2103]</small></a>. In 1263 Aeliz and Beatrice had run +away (“led,” Rigaud confided to his diary, “by the levity of their spirits +and by the instigation of the devil”) and he ordered them not to be +readmitted without his special licence<a name='fna_2104' id='fna_2104' href='#f_2104'><small>[2104]</small></a>. The next year Beatrice was +still wandering abroad and was said to have had several children<a name='fna_2105' id='fna_2105' href='#f_2105'><small>[2105]</small></a>. No +more is heard of these erring sisters at the three subsequent visitations, +but it is evident that the discipline of the house was still far from +good, and the constant visits of a miller and of several other men (all +clerics)<a name='fna_2106' id='fna_2106' href='#f_2106'><small>[2106]</small></a> had caused scandals in 1265 and again in 1267<a name='fna_2107' id='fna_2107' href='#f_2107'><small>[2107]</small></a>. In +1267 the Subprioress was punished for giving up her office at her own +will<a name='fna_2108' id='fna_2108' href='#f_2108'><small>[2108]</small></a>; and in 1268 there is an ambiguous entry which leads one to +suppose that Anastasia had never became prioress after all and that +Eustachia (it may not be the same woman) was back again; on that occasion +Anastasia “late subprioress” was punished because she gave up her office +contrary to the will of the Prioress, while Eustachia and Margaret were +punished because they would not undertake it, when commanded to do +so<a name='fna_2109' id='fna_2109' href='#f_2109'><small>[2109]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>The case of St Saëns was hardly less serious; for the first six +visitations there was no charge of immorality, though it is clear from the +Archbishop’s note in 1254 that the discipline of the house was lax and in +particular that the nuns had leave of absence to stay away alone for as +long as a fortnight at a time and that their priest was incontinent<a name='fna_2110' id='fna_2110' href='#f_2110'><small>[2110]</small></a>. +In any case the visitation of 1259 showed a state of things so +disgraceful, that it is difficult to believe that it could have arisen +within the two years that had elapsed since the last visitation.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Some of them stayed away unduly long when they happened to go out with +the licence of the Prioress. We ordered that such were to be given a +shorter term by which to return. Johanna Martel was rebellious and +disobedient and she wrangled with the Prioress and went out riding to +see her relatives, wearing a mantle of burnet with sleeves; and she +had a private messenger whom she used often to send to those +relatives. Nicholaa had had a child in the same house on Maundy +Thursday and its father was said to be Master Simon, the parson of St +Saëns; the boy was baptized in the monastery and then sent to a +certain sister of Nicholaa’s. She lay in the monastery and underwent +her churching with them; she was attended in childbed by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_669" id="Page_669">[Pg 669]</a></span> two midwives +from the village. Item another of the nuns had a child by the same +Simon. The Prioress was held suspect with Richard of Maucomble; it was +also said that she managed the goods and business of the house badly +and that she concealed some of the rents and returns. The same Richard +had lodged in the house together with the brother and parents of the +Prioress and had often dined there<a name='fna_2111' id='fna_2111' href='#f_2111'><small>[2111]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Five years later (in 1264) Petronilla of Dreux was ill-famed of +incontinence with Ralph, the hayward (<i>messerius</i>) of the Priory, and also +with a married man, and the Archbishop ordered the former to be removed +from his office and not to be permitted to frequent the priory. The +Prioress was ill-famed with a priest, and it was said that she often went +to the manor of Esquequeville and elsewhere, where she entertained many +guests and kept ill company (<i>ubi secum habebat multos convivas et +inhonestam societatem ducebat</i>), for which Rigaud censured her and ordered +her to improve. There was more scandal about Nicholaa (now called “of +Rouen” and described as the chantress); it was apparently common talk in +the village that she used to dine with her sister at Rouen, in the house +of Master Simon, Rector of St Saëns, and rumour made a yet more serious +charge against her<a name='fna_2112' id='fna_2112' href='#f_2112'><small>[2112]</small></a>. “But,” says the Archbishop, “we could find +nothing to prove concerning this in our visitation and the nuns said that +the last charge was falsely and mendaciously imputed to her”<a name='fna_2113' id='fna_2113' href='#f_2113'><small>[2113]</small></a>. +Nevertheless it is significant that Nicholaa’s name should still, after +five years, be connected with the Rector of St Saëns and with her +complacent sister. In 1265 there was no mention of immorality, but the +nuns were living together “in discord and disorder”:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“Because indeed,” wrote Rigaud, “we perceived them to be in a bad +state, particularly as concerning certain observances of the rule, we +sought eagerly how we might labour to reform them to a more honest and +salutary condition, according to God and to their rule”;</p></div> + +<p>and he returned the next day to complete his measures for this +reform<a name='fna_2114' id='fna_2114' href='#f_2114'><small>[2114]</small></a>. But in 1266-7 the cellaress Petronilla of Dreux was again +very gravely ill-famed (<i>plurimum diffamata</i>) with Ralph, “a certain +yeoman who served them in harvest time” and there can be no better proof +that the Archbishop’s injunctions often went unfulfilled, for he had +ordered Ralph’s expulsion in 1264<a name='fna_2115' id='fna_2115' href='#f_2115'><small>[2115]</small></a>. Nevertheless the rest of the +house was in good order, so perhaps his eager labour had not been +altogether in vain. In 1267, however, things were as bad as ever. The +Prioress, Johanna of Morcent, was ill-famed with the same priest against +whom she had been warned in 1264; Petronilla of Dreux was still “very +gravely ill-famed with Ralph de Maintru, as she was before; and,” says the +Archbishop, with one of those personal touches which make his Register a +real human document, “Agnes of Equetot and Johanna of Morainville we found +to be liars and perjurers, when we demanded certain things of them on +oath; wherefore we came away from the place, as it were impatient and sad +... (<i>Quasi impacientes et tristes</i>)”<a name='fna_2116' id='fna_2116' href='#f_2116'><small>[2116]</small></a>; it was indeed no wonder.</p> + + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<hr style="width: 50%;" /> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_670" id="Page_670">[Pg 670]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="APPENDIX_III" id="APPENDIX_III"></a>APPENDIX III</h2> +<p class="title">FIFTEENTH CENTURY SAXON VISITATIONS BY JOHANN BUSCH</p> + + +<p>Three accounts of medieval visitations stand out in general interest above +all others, the thirteenth century Norman visitations of Eudes Rigaud, +Archbishop of Rouen, described in his diary, the fifteenth century English +visitations of Alnwick, Bishop of Lincoln, described in his Register<a name='fna_2117' id='fna_2117' href='#f_2117'><small>[2117]</small></a> +and the almost contemporary German visitations of the Austin Canon and +reformer Johann Busch, described in his <i>Liber de Reformatione +Monasteriorum</i>. Busch’s account is less formal and more literary than +those of Rigaud and Alnwick; he sets out not to keep a journal, like the +former, nor to record official documents, like the latter, but to look +back in retrospect upon his work and to make for posterity a chronicle of +the reforms connected with the congregation of Windesheim. For this +reason, and because Busch was a remarkable man, his book will probably +transcend the others in interest for the general reader; his account of +the difficulties which he encountered is so vivid and at times so +humourous, the sidelight thrown upon his own character shows him so +admirable and yet so human.</p> + +<p>Johann Busch was born in 1399 and in 1419 became a canon in the Austin +monastery of Windesheim, a new foundation, famed for the strictness of its +rule and already the head of a congregation of daughter houses. He has +left an interesting account of the doubts and temptations which assailed +him during his novitiate; they were the stormy dawn clouds of a day which +was to become glorious in the annals of his order. During the next twenty +years he held from time to time various posts in different houses of the +reformed congregation; in 1431 he was attached to the nunnery of Bronopia, +in 1436 he became Subprior of Wittenberg and in 1439 he went to Sülte, +near Hildesheim, where he was made Prior in the following year. He had +therefore had considerable experience of monastic houses and it was when +he became Prior of Sülte that his great work as a reformer of monasteries +began. He undertook it originally at the request of the Bishop and Chapter +of Hildesheim, who were appalled at the decadence of monastic life in that +diocese and anxious for the introduction of reforms on the model of +Windesheim. His success in Hildesheim prompted Archbishop Günther of +Magdeburg to invite him to carry the reforming movement into that diocese +and in 1447 Busch became <i>praepositus</i><a name='fna_2118' id='fna_2118' href='#f_2118'><small>[2118]</small></a> of the Neuwerk in Halle. This +brought him to the notice of the Papal Legate Nicholas of Cues, who came +to hold<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_671" id="Page_671">[Pg 671]</a></span> a provincial council in Magdeburg in 1451, and Nicholas, himself +an ardent reformer, issued a general mandate empowering him to enter and +reform the Austin monasteries of the provinces of Magdeburg, Mainz, Saxony +and Thuringia. Unfortunately Busch now quarrelled with the Archbishop of +Magdeburg and had to resign in 1454. He returned to Wittenberg and +continued his campaign of reform, turning his attention specially to +nunneries. Then, after a short sojourn at Windesheim he returned to Sülte +in 1459, where he remained until his death in 1480. He left behind him two +books, a <i>Chronicon Windeshemense</i>, and the <i>Liber de Reformatione +Monasteriorum</i>, which between them give an invaluable account not only of +the rise of Windesheim and of the reforming movement which emanated from +it, but of the life and character of Busch himself<a name='fna_2119' id='fna_2119' href='#f_2119'><small>[2119]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Book II of the <i>Liber de Reformatione Monasteriorum</i> describes the reform +of twenty-three nunneries and two houses of lay sisters, of which the +great majority belonged to his own order of Austin Regular Canons<a name='fna_2120' id='fna_2120' href='#f_2120'><small>[2120]</small></a>. +The work was not carried out without considerable opposition, not only +from the nuns themselves, for the desire for reform seldom came from +within the unreformed orders<a name='fna_2121' id='fna_2121' href='#f_2121'><small>[2121]</small></a>, but also from their friends and +kinsmen in the world, to whom they frequently appealed for help. Moreover +certain ecclesiastical magnates, notably the Bishop of Minden, opposed and +impeded reforms in their districts, and even when they submitted to such +reforms lent them an indifferent and easily discouraged support. On the +other hand Busch received his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_672" id="Page_672">[Pg 672]</a></span> most powerful support from great +ecclesiastics such as the Cardinal Legate Nicholas of Cues, the Archbishop +of Magdeburg and the Bishops of Halberstadt and Hildesheim, and also from +the superiors and chief inmates of houses belonging to the congregation of +Windesheim, or already reformed under its influence. Men such as Rutger, +prior of Wittenberg, were of the greatest assistance to him; they +accompanied him as co-visitors and promoted his work in every possible +way, while the reformed nunneries often provided him with nuns to dwell +for a time in the houses which he was reforming and to teach their inmates +how to comport themselves. Apart from such powerful ecclesiastical support +Busch was particularly fortunate in the assistance which he received from +the Dukes of Brunswick, Otto, William and Henry, who reigned during his +lifetime. These nobles, especially Duke William, had the greatest esteem +for Busch and not infrequently accompanied him on his visitations, lending +the temporal intimidation of their arguments and armed retainers to his +more spiritual menaces. The support of the secular arm was, indeed, +necessary, in view of the opposition of lay kinsfolk to the reform of +their daughters and sisters.</p> + +<p>The monastic houses of Germany had by the fifteenth century fallen into +great laxity of rule. The nuns seem to have lost all knowledge of how to +perform the ordinary offices of convent life, in choir, chapter and +frater, according to the rule, and Busch was often at pains to go +carefully through the routine with them, teaching them what to do at each +moment. This occasionally gave rise to some amusing scenes. At one of the +first houses to be reformed, St Mary Magdalen near Hildesheim (1440), +Busch and an elderly monk of Sülte were teaching the nuns by ocular +demonstration how to comport themselves in frater. Having arranged the +sisters in seemly order Busch and brother John Bodiker began to intone +<i>Benedicite</i>, after the fashion of reformed religious; but the nuns, who +had not been accustomed to singing the <i>Benedicite</i> at table, all burst +out laughing, instead of following. Busch and the brother, however, kept +on until the nuns collected themselves and came in with bowed heads at the +verse <i>Gloria patri</i>. Similarly when Busch was showing them how to confess +their own and proclaim others’ faults in chapter (a custom which they had +completely lost), brother John, acting the sinner, rose up among the +sisters and cast himself flat upon the pavement, whereat “the astonished +nuns fell to marvelling that such an old brother should seek thus to lie +prone”<a name='fna_2122' id='fna_2122' href='#f_2122'><small>[2122]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>The most serious fault found by Busch, serious not only because it was a +breach of one of the three substantial vows of monasticism, but because it +brought in its train other and worse evils, was the ownership of private +property. The nuns were almost universally <i>proprietarie</i>, owning money +and annual rents, to say nothing of their own private cooking and dining +utensils, for, as always, communal life had gone with individual poverty +and the nuns provided their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_673" id="Page_673">[Pg 673]</a></span> own meals and dined in <i>familia</i>. At +Derneburg Busch describes the girls and women of the village coming up to +the doors and windows of the house with bread and meat and cheese in sacks +and baskets for the nuns to buy<a name='fna_2123' id='fna_2123' href='#f_2123'><small>[2123]</small></a>. It was his custom on visiting a +house to demand that all the private possessions of the nuns should be +brought and heaped up before him. Unwillingly they came with the charters +reciting their private rents, the ready money from their purses and +chests, the gold and silver rings, the coral paternosters, and all the +pots and pans and basins, the cups and plates and spoons which they used +for their private meals. All these Busch carefully noted down: “I +marvelled,” he says on one occasion, when he had collected a particularly +large heap from quite a small house, “how they could have collected from +their parents and predecessors and reserved for themselves, as it were by +right of inheritance, such a large number of utensils”<a name='fna_2124' id='fna_2124' href='#f_2124'><small>[2124]</small></a>. All the +money, endowments and implements thus brought together Busch then handed +over to the common treasury and store-room of the house.</p> + +<p>This rooting out of private property gave rise to the bitterest +opposition. The nuns had been wont to evade the charge of <i>proprietas</i> by +the merest quibble, which Busch contemptuously swept away. They had +deposited all their money and charters with the abbess and when they +wanted any they had asked her for it; but she was merely the guardian of +their private incomes, which were never merged in a common stock<a name='fna_2125' id='fna_2125' href='#f_2125'><small>[2125]</small></a>. +When they found that this device was rejected by Busch, they did all they +could to preserve their hoards. Sometimes they secretly sent their money +out of the house before his arrival<a name='fna_2126' id='fna_2126' href='#f_2126'><small>[2126]</small></a>; sometimes they locked it up and +tried to conceal it<a name='fna_2127' id='fna_2127' href='#f_2127'><small>[2127]</small></a>. The attitude of their kinsfolk also was a +stumbling block. These gentlemen were willing enough to endow their own +daughters and nieces, but not so willing to support the children of others +by gifts which were turned to the common use. Thus it was the nuns who +frequently protested that their house was too poor to permit of their +living in common, since it was only by these individual endowments that +they maintained their existence. It was therefore Busch’s practice, before +completing the reformation of a house, to make the nuns obtain from their +kinsfolk an undertaking to continue, and if possible to augment, the rents +which they had been wont to give their relatives, on the threat of turning +out the nuns and distributing them among other houses<a name='fna_2128' id='fna_2128' href='#f_2128'><small>[2128]</small></a>. The nobles +and burghers of the district naturally wished to keep their kinswomen near +them and the endowments were usually forthcoming. At St George (or +Marienkammer) near Halle even this device did not result in a large enough +income for the nuns; so Busch caused sermons to be preached in all the +churches of the district,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_674" id="Page_674">[Pg 674]</a></span> saying that because of their poverty the +fathers of their order wished to distribute the nuns in other houses in +the dioceses of Hildesheim and Halberstadt, but that they would be able to +remain if they were helped by alms. Whereupon the townsfolk, out of pity +for them, gave generously enough to support them for a whole year. Busch +led the way himself, sending them openly two large cartloads of corn and a +sack of cheeses, an example which was soon followed by the townsfolk, who +had ample opportunity of observing the progress of the cart from Busch’s +door to the gates of the convent, “for” (says he), “I lived on the +eastern, they on the western side of the town.” Dr Paul, the <i>praepositus</i> +of St Maurice, Halle, also helped with a cask of wine<a name='fna_2129' id='fna_2129' href='#f_2129'><small>[2129]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Closely connected with the question of private property was the dowry +system, against which Busch also set his face, for it was not only in +itself contrary to the rule, but it was one method by which the nuns +received those private endowments which they afterwards turned to their +own uses:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“All the nuns of Saxony,” says Busch, “whatever their order, made a +simoniacal entry into their monasteries before the new reform, giving +a sum of money for their reception; and according to ancient custom +the newcomers give a certain potation to all the <i>praepositi</i>, priests +and chaplains and a great feast for their many friends and for all the +nuns and inhabitants [of the house]. This was the common custom in all +the nunneries of Saxony and particularly in those which were +rich”<a name='fna_2130' id='fna_2130' href='#f_2130'><small>[2130]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Busch forbade the custom everywhere.</p> + +<p>The nuns thus lived like seculars, performing the minimum number of +services and owning private property. Like seculars also they loved to +give that “fetis” pinch to their wimples, that elegant turn to their +mantles, which changed the sombre habit of their order into the dress of a +lady of fashion. Busch, in common with all the reformers of the later +middle ages, has a great deal to say about their clothes. All the nuns of +Saxony and Thuringia refused to crop their heads, and contented themselves +with cutting their hair short at the neck<a name='fna_2131' id='fna_2131' href='#f_2131'><small>[2131]</small></a>. The nuns of Wülfinghausen +and Fischbeck wore long flowing white veils over their heads, so that it +was hardly possible to recognise them as nuns<a name='fna_2132' id='fna_2132' href='#f_2132'><small>[2132]</small></a>. Those of St Cyriac’s +appeared very pompously arrayed in long tunics and mantles, with tall +peaked caps and flowing veils, “que non monialium sed domicellarum +castrantium apparatum habuerunt”<a name='fna_2133' id='fna_2133' href='#f_2133'><small>[2133]</small></a>. The nuns of Barsinghausen</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>were very slender, having underneath long tight tunics of white cloth, +and above being clad in almost transparent robes of black linen, which +they called <i>superpellicia</i>, not girdled but flowing, with long +sleeves, which they turned back for capes, beneath which almost all +their form, which was bare underneath, could be seen<a name='fna_2134' id='fna_2134' href='#f_2134'><small>[2134]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_675" id="Page_675">[Pg 675]</a></span>The nuns of the penitential order of St Mary Magdalen near Hildesheim wore</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“a pleated veil, called in the vulgar tongue <i>Ranse</i>, such as they +imagine the blessed Mary Magdalen used to wear, and over tunics very +straitly girdled at the breast, so as to make them appear slender, and +with very loose pleated trains behind, from the girdle to the hem, +after the fashion of secular women. I and my brother John Bodiker,” +adds Busch, “censured their habit, for that it was not religious but +rather ministered to worldly vanity, and with many pious admonishments +we led them all in turn to put off those pleated veils and put over +their heads plain white veils without folds and to give up those +gowns, which were tight in the upper part and in the lower part wide +and pleated, lest they should seem to be following worldly vanity and +the subtlety of their own hearts, rather than religion”<a name='fna_2135' id='fna_2135' href='#f_2135'><small>[2135]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>As might be expected laxity of rule and widespread <i>proprietas</i> brought +immorality in their train and Busch in several cases mentions that a +convent was ill-famed for incontinence. On the other hand this was by no +means invariably the case. At Wülfinghausen, for instance, Busch told the +nuns that he had never heard a word breathed against their chastity<a name='fna_2136' id='fna_2136' href='#f_2136'><small>[2136]</small></a>. +At Weinhausen, where the old abbess withstood reform so strenuously that +she had to be removed by force, and where all the nuns possessed private +incomes, he specially notes “these nuns observed well the vow of chastity, +for their lady the old abbess ruled them very strictly, and they held her +in great reverence and fear and called her ‘gracious lady,’ because of her +high birth”<a name='fna_2137' id='fna_2137' href='#f_2137'><small>[2137]</small></a>. Moreover certain houses received reform so readily and +became so soon models of good behaviour, that there cannot have been any +very serious moral decay in them. But a passage in the course of Busch’s +account of the reform of the Magdalenenkloster at Halle, shows his own +opinion as to the relation between absolute immorality and lesser breaches +of the rule, and shows in particular the important part which he held to +be played by the vice of <i>proprietas</i> in the downward path of a nun. It is +interesting also because in it he attributes a great deal of the decadence +of nunneries to insufficient control by their pastors and above all to too +infrequent visitation:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“The feminine sex,” he says, “cannot long persist in the due +observance of their rule without men, who are proven, and reformed and +who often call them by wise counsels to better things. For our eyes +saw no monastery of nuns belonging to any order (and there is no small +number of them in Saxony, Misnia and Thuringia) who remained for long +in their good intent, holy life and due reform without reformed +fathers. For wherever nuns and holy sisters do not confess at set +times, nor communicate, nor hold chapter meeting concerning their +faults at least once a week, nor are visited by their [spiritual] +fathers every year ..., such nuns and sisters we saw and heard often +to be fallen from the observance of their rule and from the religious +life to a dissolute life, odious in the sight of God and men, to the +grave peril and eternal damnation of their souls. For first laying +aside the fear of God, they fall into the sin of property in small +things, then in greater things and then in the <i>peculium</i> of money and +clothes, thence they break<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_676" id="Page_676">[Pg 676]</a></span> out into the desires of the flesh and +incontinence of the outward senses and so to the evil act, and thus +they fear not to give themselves over bit by bit to all uncleanliness +and foulness”<a name='fna_2138' id='fna_2138' href='#f_2138'><small>[2138]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>He ends with an eloquent plea for a closer watch to be kept over nuns by +those responsible for their spiritual welfare.</p> + +<p>Such were the main faults which Busch strove to abolish in bringing the +nunneries under the reformed rule of Hildesheim. It remains to give some +account of the difficulties which he encountered in the course of his +work. In some houses he was well received; at Erscherde he says of the +nuns:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>These virgins were well obedient, pious and tractable, ... dealing +with us and with each other kindly and benignantly by word and deed, +wherefore we were no little edified by them<a name='fna_2139' id='fna_2139' href='#f_2139'><small>[2139]</small></a>;</p></div> + +<p>and at St Martin’s, Erfurt, he says:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>We found a prioress and nuns living in great poverty, very simple and +humble, but of good will and ready for all good work; for they applied +themselves promptly to obedience and to the observance of their rule, +and very willingly brought to us all those things which they held in +private possession<a name='fna_2140' id='fna_2140' href='#f_2140'><small>[2140]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>In other houses reform was not so easy. Busch was frequently impeded by +old and obstinate members of a convent, who refused to accept a change in +the routine which they had followed for so long. Such was the nobly born +abbess of Weinhausen, who was over seventy years of age and had to be +removed by force from the house, before any reforms could be carried out: +“I found this way of life kept in this monastery forty years ago; this way +have I served during as many years and this way and not otherwise will I +continue to serve.” One cannot but pity the poor old lady, brought out of +her house and forced to ascend the carriage which was to take her away, +with Busch pulling her by one sleeve and the Abbot of St Michael by the +other; and one is relieved to hear that she was allowed back again shortly +afterwards, though forced to resign the position of Abbess<a name='fna_2141' id='fna_2141' href='#f_2141'><small>[2141]</small></a>. But +Busch’s experience in reforming monasteries caused him to dread the +opposition of men and women who had been long in religion. In the course +of his panegyric on Fischbeck, which had been reformed from within by a +remarkable Abbess, he says:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>This monastery hath this advantage over many other Saxon houses, as +well of monks as of nuns, that it contains no old people, for these +old folk do not fear God nor care they for conscience or for +obedience, but when no one is looking, then they do all that they +think or desire, chattering with one another and with anyone else, by +day and by night, even in places where it is forbidden by the +rule<a name='fna_2142' id='fna_2142' href='#f_2142'><small>[2142]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Besides the obstinacy of old members of the house Busch had also to +contend with the occasional opposition of confessors or <i>praepositi</i>, who +resented his interference in their domain. At the Magdalenenkloster<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_677" id="Page_677">[Pg 677]</a></span> at +Hildesheim, their confessor, who had been with the nuns for eight years, +desired to be released after the reformation of the house, saying to the +<i>praepositus</i>: “I have been their confessor for so many years, yet nought +do I receive from them, save one or two refections in three or four weeks. +I would fain be free of them and let them get another confessor.” Busch +comments significantly: “He said this, because when they were +property-owners, they gave him many little gifts in money, and spices. +Now, because they had no private property, they gave him nothing”<a name='fna_2143' id='fna_2143' href='#f_2143'><small>[2143]</small></a>. +At the convent of White Ladies and at Marienberg the <i>praepositus</i> of the +house did everything possible to hinder the reform<a name='fna_2144' id='fna_2144' href='#f_2144'><small>[2144]</small></a>. Moreover in +several cases Busch had also to deal with the opposition of laymen, +objecting either to the enclosure of their kinswomen, or to the abolition +of private endowments, or merely supporting on general grounds the +objections of the nuns.</p> + +<p>The difficulties encountered by a fifteenth century German reformer are +best estimated by giving an account of some of Busch’s adventures at +recalcitrant houses. At his first attempt to reform Wennigsen in Hanover +(1455) he had against him the Bishop of Minden and all the nobles of the +neighbouring castles, but he was supported by William Duke of Brunswick +and by the authority of the Council of Basel. Taking with him the Duke, +his minister Ludolph von Barum and Rutger, Prior of Wittenberg, Busch went +to the house and they all four entered the nuns’ choir. The Duke addressed +the assembled sisters and bade them receive reformation, but they, +crossing their hands above their breasts, replied: “We have all concluded +together and sworn that we will not reform nor observe our rule. We +beseech you not to make us perjured.” Twice the Duke sent them out to +reconsider their decision and twice they made the same reply, finally +throwing themselves on their faces on the ground, spreading out their arms +in the form of a cross and intoning in a loud voice the antiphon “Media +vita in morte sumus.” The visitors, however, thought they were singing +“Revelabunt celi iniquitatem Iude” (used as a spell in the middle ages) +and the Duke was terrified, lest he should lose all his possessions. But +Busch said:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“If I were duke of this land I would rather have that song than a +hundred florins, for there is no curse over us and over your land, but +a benediction and heavenly dew, but over these nuns is a stern rebuke +and the sign of their reformation. But we are few, being but our four +selves, and the nuns are many. If they were to attack us with their +distaffs and with stones hidden in their long sleeves, what should we +do? Let us call in others to help.” Then the duke, going up alone to +them said, “May what you sing be upon you and your bodies”; and to his +servants who were standing with the nuns in the choir, he said, “come +hither to us.”</p></div> + +<p>The nuns followed the Duke and the servants, thinking that their chests +and money boxes were going to be broken up, whereupon the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_678" id="Page_678">[Pg 678]</a></span> Duke rebuked +them, saying that if they and their noble friends and the Bishop of Minden +opposed reform any longer, he would turn them off his lands. The nuns then +asked to be allowed to take counsel with their friends and relatives, to +which the Duke, on Busch’s intercession, unwillingly agreed. The friends +accordingly came to a conference, but all they did was to repeat the nuns’ +request in the same form, and they continued to do so after the Duke had +given them two or three chances to reconsider the matter; whereupon he +sent them away, and they rode off, followed by their shield-bearers. The +Duke then ordered the gates of the house to be opened to Busch, but the +nuns returned a message that the keys were lost. The Duke, on Busch’s +authority, sent for several rustics and villeins, who brought a long bench +and broke open the door. The reformers went up into the choir and there +found the nuns, flat on their faces with arms out like a cross, and round +them a circle of little wooden and stone images of saints, with a burning +candle between each. Seeing that it was useless to resist, they approached +the visitors, and the Duke addressed them, saying that if they would +receive reform, he would keep them on his land, and if not carriages were +ready to take them away for ever. The nuns begged him to “remove those +monks from their necks,” when they would do his will, but the Duke replied +that he did everything by the advice of Rutger and Busch.</p> + +<p>The nuns then gave way and the reform was begun, after which the Duke and +his followers rode away, leaving his councillor and notary with Busch. But +at nightfall the nuns sent their <i>praepositus</i> to Busch, with the message: +“My ladies the prioress and nuns say that they are not willing to serve as +they promised, but they wish to remain as they were and are.” The Duke had +to be sent for once more and eventually all the nuns submitted except one, +who seems to have fallen into a fit, and the reform went on apace:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“Because we instructed them kindly and not austerely,” says Busch, +“they said to us, ‘At first we thought that you would be very austere +and unkind, but now we see that you are gentle as the angels of +heaven. Now we have more faith in you than in the lord duke.’”</p></div> + +<p>Busch’s troubles, however, were not over, for twice within the next few +days he was attacked by armed men objecting to the new enclosure of the +nuns, and only his native wit and conciliatory words saved him from a very +dangerous situation<a name='fna_2145' id='fna_2145' href='#f_2145'><small>[2145]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Almost equally difficult was the reform of Mariensee, where again the +Bishop of Minden did all in his power to oppose reform, having (according +to Busch) been bribed by the nuns to defend them. The Duke of Brunswick, +however, forced the nuns to admit the reformers and forced the Bishop to +send four emissaries to assist in carrying out the reform. These four +prelates entered the house first to ask the nuns if they would consent to +receive reform; but they refused, and one young woman tore off her veil +and crown and casting them at the feet of the Bishop’s suffragan cried: +“Always hitherto you have <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_679" id="Page_679">[Pg 679]</a></span>told me that I need not be reformed and now you +want to compel me to be reformed. Behold your crown and veil! I will no +longer be a nun.” The Bishop’s emissaries after this gave up their +half-hearted attempt to reform the house and retired, leaving the field to +Busch and his companions. The Duke then caused four carriages to be +brought to the door, in which the rebellious nuns could be taken away, +whereat the Abbess and the nuns climbed up into the vaults of the church +and hid themselves there. The Duke ordered his servants to fetch ladders +and place them against the roof and then to climb up and fetch down the +nuns, but the prudent Busch prevented this, saying that the nuns would +push over and kill the first who went up the ladder. Instead he went into +the choir and, finding one nun still walking there, threatened her that +unless the whole convent came down from the roof at once, they should be +taken away in the carriages, “to-night you shall be in the Duke’s castle +of Nyerstadt, tomorrow in his castle of Calenberg, and after that outside +his lands, perchance never to return.” Whereupon the horrified nuns +descended.</p> + +<p>Then followed an amusing scene. All the nuns agreed to accept the new +reforms, except one young woman, who refused:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“Then,” says Busch, “I said to the lord Duke, ‘This sister scorns +obedience and contradicts everything.’ Whereupon, finding how perverse +she was, he seized her and tried to draw her to the carriage. But when +he had thrown his arms about her, she fell back flat on the ground, +the Duke on the top of her, and the other nuns on the top of the Duke, +each pushing the other on to him, so that the Duke could not raise +himself from off her, especially as his arms were crushed beneath her +scapular. And we, who saw him lying thus, stood away, waiting for the +end of the business. At length he got one arm away from her, and with +it pushed off the nuns who were lying upon him, hitting them and +drawing blood from their arms, for he was a man and the nuns were like +children, without strength and resistance.”</p></div> + +<p>(This was the age of chivalry!) When he had got rid of these nuns he +lifted the nun on whom he was lying, pulled his other arm free and sprang +to his feet again, saying to the vassals and servants, who were standing +round: “Why do you allow your liege lord thus to be trampled under foot by +nuns?” One of them replied for all, “Gracious lord! we have ever stood by +thee where the war engines were hurling their stones and the bows their +arrows; only tell us what we are to do and we will willingly do it.” Then +said he, “Whichever nun I seize, do you seize her too,” and they replied. +“Willingly, gracious lord.” Whereupon the nuns gave in and professed +themselves willing to be reformed. But they were still recalcitrant at +heart, and when Busch, Rutger and the Duke were going away, they all began +to sing the antiphon “Media vita” at the top of their voices and pursued +the hapless reformers through the church, pelting them with burning +candles. One girl followed them outside to the cemetery, chanted “Sancte +deus, sancte, fortis, sancte et immortalis” three times and falling on her +knees, bit the ground thrice in sign of a curse, and threw stones and +earth after them. In the end, however, even<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_680" id="Page_680">[Pg 680]</a></span> this stormy convent was +reduced to peace and reform, after three reformed nuns from Derneburg were +brought in to teach them<a name='fna_2146' id='fna_2146' href='#f_2146'><small>[2146]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>Busch had almost as much difficulty with the nuns of Derneburg, an Austin +house near Hildesheim, in which, as he says: “the nuns had long lived an +irregular life, owning private property, and, according to public rumour, +incontinent,” paying long visits outside their house as often as they +pleased and performing only the minimum routine of monastic life. On one +occasion, Busch tells us,</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>When I was taking their private possessions away from the nuns and +placing them in the common stock, it happened that I was going through +their cupboards and cellars, for several of them had a small cellar +encircling the monastery, which was entered by three or four steps and +had covered vaults, in which they kept their beer and other private +allowances. They were showing me the cellars, and going down into them +before me, and the last nun said to me: “Do you go first now, father, +for my cellar is the same as those of the other sisters,” and without +thinking I did so. But when I went down into it, she suddenly clapped +to the door or vault over my head and stood upon it. I was shut up +alone in there, thinking what would have happened if the nuns had shut +me up there secretly; and I shouted to my brother, who was standing +outside with them, bidding him cause them to open the door and let me +out. At length after some delay they opened the trap-door of the +cellar and let me come out. After that I was never willing to go first +into any closed place in any nunnery, lest anything of the kind should +happen, and lest I should be unable to get out easily. But when two or +three preceded me, then I followed them. One only going in front did +not suffice me, lest they should shut me up for some time alone with +her and then spread tales about me. The sister who did this was good +enough and very simple, whence I was astonished that she should think +of such a thing.</p></div> + +<p>It was while he was reforming this house, too, that he was attacked by +several armed laymen, who took the part of the nuns. The nuns of Derneburg +were never effectually reformed, although Busch gave himself the greatest +trouble over them. At the end of three years they prevailed upon their +friends and relatives in the neighbourhood to get rid of Busch and his +brethren, and the nuns received Henry, Abbot of Marienrode, as their +spiritual father and reformer instead. But they did not gain by the +change, for he, being a Cistercian, introduced a nun of his own order as +their prioress, and finally the Bishop of Hildesheim, the Abbot of +Marienrode and other reformers came one morning to the house and, rebuking +the nuns for their imperviousness to reform, made them come away in all +their old clothes, leaving their books and possessions behind them, placed +them in carriages and distributed them among other houses, where many were +forced to become Cistercians. The house itself was turned into a +Cistercian priory. “Thus,” says Busch, not without some satisfaction, +“they lost the holy father St Augustine with me!”<a name='fna_2147' id='fna_2147' href='#f_2147'><small>[2147]</small></a></p> + +<p>The methods employed by Busch to carry out a reform were to undertake the +initial stages himself and if necessary to obtain a few nuns from a +previously reformed house to live in the convent and bring<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_681" id="Page_681">[Pg 681]</a></span> it to right +discipline. He always began by hearing the confessions of the nuns, which +often caused considerable fluttering in the convent. At St George, near +Halle, he found that the convent was subordinated to the monastery of +Zinna, and received its confessor from that house, which Busch decided to +alter, for the Abbot of Zinna was impeding his reforms. He therefore bade +the Abbess send the sisters to confess to him, but she replied:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“The sisters dare not confess to you by reason of the apostolic +mandate and the abbot of Zinna and our own confessor, who comes from +him.”</p></div> + +<p>Then Busch said:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“Because I have authority to do so, say to them: the confessor is +sitting in the church, in front of the window, where you are wont to +confess, so you may go there and confess.” Then the prioress or eldest +of the sisters came to the window and confessed fully to me ... and +when she had finished I said, “Sister, have you more to say?” Whereat +she cried in alarm, “Are you the provost of the Neuwerk?” I answered, +“Even so.” “Then have I confessed to the provost?” “Yea.” “What now +shall I do and say?” I replied, “Be silent and tell no one that I have +heard your confession, so that the others may come to confess, +otherwise you will be the only one to have confessed to me.” She did +so and receiving absolution left me, telling no one that she had +confessed to me.</p></div> + +<p>After that each nun who came received the same advice, until all had +confessed<a name='fna_2148' id='fna_2148' href='#f_2148'><small>[2148]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>At Derneburg the nuns were afraid to come and confess for another reason. +There was current in the taverns and dining halls of the whole country +side a tale of the terrible penance imposed by Busch upon a brother of his +monastery of Sülte, who took a larger draught of drink from the drinking +cup than Busch thought seemly, whereupon he was said to have caused the +unfortunate man to lie for three hours before the dining table in the +frater, with his mouth stretched open by a large horse-bone; and when one +of the brothers burst out laughing at the sight, Busch was said to have +thrown the drinking cup in his face. The weeping nuns informed him between +their sobs: “We are virgins and maids, we cannot do such a great penance +for such a little fault.” Busch was obliged to assure them that the whole +tale was a fabrication<a name='fna_2149' id='fna_2149' href='#f_2149'><small>[2149]</small></a>. At Escherde he had the same difficulty.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>The frightened nuns were afraid to confess to me, because they had +heard that I was wont to inflict very severe penances, which was not +true, as I afterwards told them. Then their <i>praepositus</i> said to +them: “The bishop’s mandate orders you to confess to him under pain of +excommunication and if you refuse then you will be under an interdict. +My good ladies, I counsel you to confess to him. I will place beside +him my servant with a drawn sword and if he says one bad or harsh word +to you it shall cleave his head.” When they saw and heard that they +could not escape they consented to confess to me, but they sent before +them first one bold nun in order to beard me. Seated in the +confessional, she began, “Sir, what do you here?” I answered, “I lead +you all to the kingdom of heaven.”... Half the nuns<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_682" id="Page_682">[Pg 682]</a></span> confessed to me +that day. To the third of them I said, “Sister, am I as harsh as you +said I was?” and she replied, “You are a man of gold, gentle and kind +beyond all things.” In the evening, when we were supping I said to the +<i>praepositus</i>: “What are your nuns saying about me? Am I as severe as +they thought?” He replied, “When it was their turn to go to +confession, the hair of their heads stood on end, but when they came +away from you, they returned in great consolation.” The next day I +finished the others before dinner, and towards the end I asked one of +them. “Am I as hard and severe as you heard?” and she replied, “Now +you are honey-tongued. But when you have got our consent and have tied +a rope to our horns to drag us along, then you will say to us: You +must and shall do all that I desire.” I answered her, “Beloved sister, +fear not, for I shall always remain kind and benign towards +you”<a name='fna_2150' id='fna_2150' href='#f_2150'><small>[2150]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>Besides confessing the nuns Busch and his fellow visitors went through the +conventual routine with them, showing them how they ought to perform +divine service, to behave in the frater and to hold chapters. The most +efficacious means of reform employed, however, was to send for some +reformed nuns from another convent, to dwell in the newly reformed house. +Nuns of the order of Mary Magdalen in Hildesheim went to Heiningen, +Stederburg, Frankenburg, and the White Ladies of Magdeburg. Fischbeck was +reformed by nuns of the Windesheim order. Marienberg was reformed by nuns +of Bronopia and in its turn sent reformers to Marienborn and Stendal, +where nuns of Dorstadt had already made reforms, from which the original +members soon fell away. Two nuns and a <i>conversa</i> were sent from Heiningen +to the Holy Cross at Erfurt and the Abbess and four nuns of Derneburg went +to Weinhausen<a name='fna_2151' id='fna_2151' href='#f_2151'><small>[2151]</small></a>. The newcomers were usually gladly lent and graciously +received in their new homes; sometimes they remained and held office in +the latter and sometimes they returned to their own houses, when the +reform was firmly rooted. The tale of the reform of Marienberg is +charming<a name='fna_2152' id='fna_2152' href='#f_2152'><small>[2152]</small></a>. Busch, with the consent of the chapter-general of the +congregation of Windesheim, took from Bronopia two nuns, Ida and Tecla and +a lay sister Aleidis, who for his sake and for the sake of the good work +left their own country and their noble friends and relatives, and made a +long and sometimes dangerous journey with Busch across Westphalia and +Saxony to Helmstedt. Here they were joyfully received. Ida was made +subprioress to introduce reforms and to order all the internal discipline +of the house; Tecla, who was a learned lady, was made governess of the +novices, teaching them to sing and to read Latin and “to write letters and +missives in a masterly manner, in good Latin, as I have seen and examined +with my eyes.” Aleidis was made mistress of the <i>conversi</i>.</p> + +<p>For three years these nuns dwelt at Helmstedt, beloved of all and bringing +the place to excellent order. Then Tecla fell ill. The Prioress sent for +Busch:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_683" id="Page_683">[Pg 683]</a></span>and I came and found her sitting in the infirmary and ordered her to +be bled and to receive suitable medicine. And when I had remained +there for two or three days I decided to go away without taking them +and I bade them farewell at eventide;</p></div> + +<p>for Busch had decided that it was time for the sisters to return to +Bronopia:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>After this the proctress of the house came to me, saying: “Beloved +father! Sister Tecla is asking for you with tears, for she says she +will never see you again. I beseech you that you will go and speak to +her once again tomorrow, before you leave.” I answered, “Willingly, +for she is my dear sister and for God’s sake and mine she left all her +rich friends and her own country and followed me to this strange and +distant land.” The next day, therefore, I visited her in her bed, in +the presence of Ida and Aleidis. Then she was better and was well +content that I should go away and soon she recovered altogether from +that illness.</p></div> + +<p>Shortly afterwards Busch took the three nuns with him and they set off to +drive back to Bronopia, staying at various monastic houses on the way; and +the nuns of Helmstedt all the time sent messengers after them, with +letters assuring the three sisters of their love and sorrow. The journey +was at length completed without any accident, except that fat sister Ida +tumbled into a cellar at Wittenberg and hurt her leg, so that Busch had to +carry her into the carriage.</p> + +<p>To his account of this episode Busch subjoins four letters, one from +himself, one from the prioress and stewardess of Helmstedt to the three +sisters, one from the young scholars of the house to their mistress Tecla, +and the reply of the three sisters to the convent and of Tecla to her +scholars<a name='fna_2153' id='fna_2153' href='#f_2153'><small>[2153]</small></a>. In the Prioress’ letter there is a vivid description of +the sorrow of the nuns at the departure of their three visitors:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Our sister Geseke Zeelde wept most tearfully and could not go into the +workroom, so grieved she after sister Aleydis. Sister Mettike Guestyn +was so miserable that she could not eat or drink. When I went into the +kitchen sister Tryneke wept so much that all who were with her in the +kitchen wept too and said: “<i>O wi</i>, now has our leader gone away!” +When sister Elyzabeth Cyriaci began the office of the mass, she sang +it so dolefully through her tears, that she could hardly sing. When +she had to begin the ‘Benedictus’ after the ‘Sanctus’ she burst out +crying, so that she could not sing at all, but sister Elyzabeth +Broysen had to go on with it and she could hardly finish it. Geseke +Obrecht and Heylewich the chantress are very sorrowful, because they +did not say goodbye to you, for they did not know you were going so +early. They now send you as many good wishes as there are sands in the +sea. When the scholars come to school on Sunday, we cannot describe to +you how many tears are shed there. The stewardess and I have to +console the other sisters, but we are the rather in need of someone to +console us. When we look on your places in choir and frater and +dorter, then we grow sad and weep, saying, “O God, if only Bronopia +were where Heiningen is, five miles away from us, then we might often +visit each other, which now we cannot do, for we are forty miles away. +We are as it were dead to each other at the two ends of the earth.” We +have many other things to write to you, but because it is the middle +of the night, we must separate and go to matins. Dearest sisters, we +give you deepest thanks for all the good<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_684" id="Page_684">[Pg 684]</a></span> you have done for us, in +spiritual and in temporal matters. God speed you a thousand times, in +Jesus’ name.... As many as there are pearls, as many as there are +planets in the heaven, as many as there are ends to the earth, so many +godspeeds send we to you<a name='fna_2154' id='fna_2154' href='#f_2154'><small>[2154]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>The letter of the little novices to sister Tecla deserves quotation, to +show their progress under her tuition:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Ihesum pium consolatorem merentium pro salute! Notum facimus charitati +vestre, charissima soror Tecla magistra nostra, quod nos omnes +scholares vestre in magna sumus tristitia et dolore de vestro a nobis +recessu. Non enim possumus oblivisci presentiam vestram, sed cotidie +querimus vos, et dum non invenimus, tunc contristamur et dolemus. Vix +potestis credere, quanta tristitia et quantus dolor est in claustro +nostro de vestra absentia tam de senioribus quam de iunioribus. +Quapropter petimus cordintime, sicut amplius non sumus nos invicem +visure in hac mortali vita, ut oretis pro nobis deum, ut taliter +vivamus in hoc seculo, ut nos invicem videre valeamus in conspectu +sancte Trinitatis. Valete, soror dilectissima, cum charissimis +sororibus vestris Ida et Aleide in domino semper! Et deus omnipotens +omnem tribulationem et angustiam a vobis removeat et vestram +sanctitatem conservet tempora per eterna, Amen<a name='fna_2155' id='fna_2155' href='#f_2155'><small>[2155]</small></a>.</p></div> + +<p>It is a pretty picture of affection and concord, which is given by these +letters, and may well be set against the pictures of conventual bickering, +which are too often to be found in visitation reports.</p> + +<p>Busch’s reforms seem to have been very successful. He often mentions that +such and such a house remained in a good state of reform for such and such +a number of years, or up to the day on which he wrote. Sometimes he +describes reforming prioresses or other nuns, who did good work in their +houses<a name='fna_2156' id='fna_2156' href='#f_2156'><small>[2156]</small></a>; sometimes also he mentions the assistance given by a wise +confessor or custos. His only real failure seems to have been Derneburg; +this house withstood both his efforts (for three years he had acted as +confessor, walking two miles before breakfast to confess the nuns before +communion) and those of the Cistercian abbot of Marienrode, who had been +their benefactor for over 300 florins; and Busch quotes rather bitterly +the proverb current in Germany:</p> + +<p class="poem">Gratia nulla perit, nisi gratia sola sororum.<br /> +Sic fuit, est et erit: ‘ondanc’ in fine laborum<a name='fna_2157' id='fna_2157' href='#f_2157'><small>[2157]</small></a>.</p> + +<p>But he seldom got <i>ondanc</i> at the end of his work; and when his life drew +to a close he could look back on hundreds of monks and nuns not only +reformed by him, but also cherishing for him the greatest gratitude and +affection. His was a large and humane spirit, and for all his zeal for +reform and his reputation for sternness, it is plain that he had that +greatest of gifts, the capacity to win the hearts of men.</p> + + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<hr style="width: 50%;" /> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_685" id="Page_685">[Pg 685]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="APPENDIX_IV" id="APPENDIX_IV"></a>APPENDIX IV</h2> +<p class="title">LIST OF ENGLISH NUNNERIES. c. 1275-1535</p> + + +<p class="note">[In this list Ab. = Abbey, Pr. = Priory; A. = Austin, B. = Benedictine, C. += Cistercian, Cl. = Cluniac, Dom. = Dominican, Fr. = Franciscan, Brig. = +Brigittine. P. = Premonstratensian. Gilbertine houses are not included.]</p> + +<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="5" summary="table"> +<tr><td> </td> + <td align="center"><i>House</i></td> + <td> </td> + <td align="center"><i>Dedication</i></td> + <td> </td> + <td align="center"><i>Order</i></td> + <td> </td> + <td align="center"><i>County</i></td> + <td> </td> + <td align="center"><i>Diocese</i></td> + <td> </td> + <td align="center"><i>Founder and date</i></td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">1.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Aconbury</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Holy Cross</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">A.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Her.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Her.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Margery, wife of Walter de Lacy, temp. John</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">2.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Amesbury</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary and St<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">Meilor</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Wilts.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Salis.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Saxon Abbey: refounded as a priory for nuns<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">of Fontevrault by King John, 1199</span></td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">3.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Ankerwyke</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary Magd.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Bucks.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Linc.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Gilbert de Muntfichet, c. 1160</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">4.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Arden</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Andrew</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">York., N.R.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">York</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Peter de Hoton, temp. Henry II</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">5.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Armathwaite</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Cumb.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Carl.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Unknown, before 1200</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">6.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Arthington</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Cl.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">York., W.R.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">York</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Peter, son of Serlo de Arthington, middle of<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">twelfth century</span></td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">7.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Barking</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary and St<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">Ethelburga</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Ab.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Essex</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Lon.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Earconwald, Bishop of London, 675-93,<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">probably in 666</span></td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">8.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Barrow Gurney</span><br />(<span class="smcap">Minchin</span><br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;"><span class="smcap">Barrow</span>)</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary and St<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">Edward</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Som.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B. and W.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Unknown: probably a Gurney, before 1212</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">9.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Basedale</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">C.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">York., N.R.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">York</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Guy de Bovincurt, c. 1190 (see <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i><br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;"><span class="smcaplc">III</span>, 158)</span></td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">10.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Blackborough</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary and St<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">Katherine</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Norf.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Norw.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Roger de Scales and Muriel his wife, c. 1150</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">11.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Blithbury</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Giles</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Staffs.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">C.L.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Hugh Malveysin, after 1129</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_686" id="Page_686">[Pg 686]</a></span>12.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Brewood</span><br />(Black Ladies)</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Staffs.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">C.L.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Unknown, twelfth century</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">13.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Brewood</span><br />(White Ladies)</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Leonard</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">C.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Salop</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">C.L.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Unknown, twelfth century</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">14.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Bristol</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary Magd.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">A.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Glouces.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Worc.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Eva, widow of Robert Fitzhardinge, c. 1173</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">15.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Brodholme</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">P.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Notts.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">York</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Agnes de Camville, wife of Peter de Gousla,<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">temp. Stephen</span></td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">16.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Bromhale</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Margaret</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Berks.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Salis.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Unknown, before 1200</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">17.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Bruisyard</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Ann. of St Mary</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Fr.Ab.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Suff.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Norw.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Edward III, 1366, at instigation of Lionel,<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">Duke of Clarence</span></td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">18.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Buckland</span><br />(Minchin)</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St John Bapt.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">A.Pr.<br />(nuns of St<br />John of<br />Jerusalem)</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Som.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B. and W.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Henry II, c. 1186 (instead of House of Austin<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">canons founded 1166 by William de Erlegh)</span></td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">19.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Bungay</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary and<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">Holy Cross</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Suff.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Norw.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Roger de Glanville and Gundred his wife, c.<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">1160</span></td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">20.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Burnham</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">A.Ab.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Bucks.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Linc.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Richard, King of the Romans, 1266</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">21.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Cambridge</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Radegund</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Cambs.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Ely</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">c. 1133-8, temp. Nigel, Bishop of Ely</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">22.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Campsey</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">A.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Suff.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Norw.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Theobald de Valognes, c. 1195</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">23.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Cannington</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Som.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B. and W.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Robert de Courcy, c. 1138</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">24.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Canonsleigh</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary, St John<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">Evangelist and</span><br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">St Audrey</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">A.Ab.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Devon</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Ex.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Maud de Clare, Countess of Gloucester and<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">Hertford, temp. Edward I (previously a</span><br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">house of canons)</span></td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">25.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Canterbury</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Sepulchre</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Kent</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Cant.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Anselm, 1100</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">26.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Carrow</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary and St<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">John</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Norf.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Norw.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">King Stephen, 1146</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">27.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Catesby</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary, St<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">Edmund and</span><br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">St Thomas</span><br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">the Martyr</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">C.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Northants.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Linc.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Robert de Esseby, c. 1175</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">28.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Chatteris</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Ab.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Cambs.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Ely</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Eadnoth, Abbot of Ramsey, c. 1010</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">29.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Cheshunt</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Herts.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Lon.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Unknown, twelfth century</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">30.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Chester</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Chester</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">C.L.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Ranulf, Earl of Chester, c. 1140</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_687" id="Page_687">[Pg 687]</a></span>31.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Clementhorpe</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Clement</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">York., W.R.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">York.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Thurstan, Archbishop of York, c. 1130</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">32.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Clerkenwell</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Assumption<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">of St Mary</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Midd.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Lon.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Jordan Brisett, c. 1100</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">33.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Cokehill</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top" align="center">——</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">C.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Worc.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Worc.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Isabel, Countess of Warwick, end of twelfth<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">century</span></td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">34.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Cornworthy</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">A.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Devon</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Ex.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Uncertain, fourteenth century</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">35.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Crabhouse</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary Magd.<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">St John Evang.</span><br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">St Thomas</span><br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">and St Peter</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">A.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Norf.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Norw.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Roger, prior, and canons of Rainham, c. 1181</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">36.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Dartford</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary and St<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">Margaret</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">A.Pr.<br />(according<br />to rule and<br />in charge<br />of Dom.<br />friars)</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Kent</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Roch.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Edward III, 1355</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">37.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Davington</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary Magd.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Kent</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Cant.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Fulk de Newenham, 1153</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">38.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Delapré</span><br />(de Pratis)</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Cl.Ab.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Northants.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Linc.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Simon of Saint-Liz, Earl of Northampton,<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">temp. Stephen (first at Fotheringay)</span></td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">39.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Delapré</span><br />(de Prato)</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Herts.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Linc.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Under abbey of St Albans</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">40.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Denny</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St James and<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">St Leonard</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Fr.Ab.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Cambs.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Ely</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Mary de Valence, Countess of Pembroke,<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">1342</span></td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">41.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Derby</span><br />(Kingsmead or<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">de Pratis)</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Derby</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">C.L.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Aubin, Abbot of Darley, c. 1160</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">42.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Easebourne</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Nativity of<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">B.V.M.</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Suss.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Chich.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">... de Bohun, before 1248</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">43.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Ellerton</span><br />(in Swaledale)</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">C.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">York., N.R.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">York</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Uncertain, before 1227</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">44.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Elstow</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary and<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">St Helen</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Ab.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Beds.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Linc.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Judith, Countess of Huntingdon, late<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">eleventh century</span></td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">45.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Esholt</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary, St<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">Leonard and</span><br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">St James</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">C.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">York., W.R.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">York</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Uncertain, twelfth century</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">46.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Fairwell</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Staffs.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">C.L.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Roger, Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield,<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">c. 1140</span></td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_688" id="Page_688">[Pg 688]</a></span>47.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Flamstead</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Giles</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Herts.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Linc.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Roger de Tony, temp. Stephen</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">48.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Flixton</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary and<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">St Katherine</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">A.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Suff.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Norw.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Margery, widow of Geoffrey de Hanes and<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">daughter of Bartholomew de Crek, 1258</span></td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">49.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Fosse</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Nicholas</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">C.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Linc.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Linc.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">The men of Torksey, before the reign of John</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">50.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Godstow</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary and<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">St John Baptist</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Ab.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Oxon</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Linc.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Edith, widow of Sir William Launcelene, c.<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">1133</span></td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">51.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Gokewell</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">C.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Linc.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Linc.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">William Dawtrey, before 1148 or 1185</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">52.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Goring</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">A.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Oxon</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Linc.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Thomas de Druval, temp. Henry I</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">53.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Gracedieu</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Holy Trinity and<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">St Mary</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">A.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Leices.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Linc.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Rohese de Verdon, c. 1239</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">54.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Greenfield</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">C.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Linc.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Linc.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Eudes of Grainsby and Ralph his son, before<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">1153</span></td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">55.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Grimsby</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Leonard</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">A.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Linc.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Linc.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Before 1184</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">56.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Haliwell</span><br />(Shoreditch)</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St John Baptist</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Midd.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Lon.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Roger son of Gelren, before 1127</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">57.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Hampole</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">C.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">York., W.R.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">York</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">William de Clarefai and Avice de Tany his wife,<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">c. 1170</span></td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">58.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Handale</span><br />(or Grendale)</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">C.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">York., N.R.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">York</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">William Percy of Dunsley, 1133</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">59.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Harrold</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Peter</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">A.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Beds.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Linc.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Sampson le Fort, before 1148 (as Arroasian<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">house). Nunnery, 1181</span></td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">60.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Hedingham</span>,<br /><span class="smcap">Castle</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Holy Cross, St<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">Mary and</span><br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">St James</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Ess.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Lon.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Aubrey de Vere, Earl of Oxford, and Lucy his<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">wife, before 1191</span></td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">61.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Henwood</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Margaret</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Warw.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Worc.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Ketelbern de Langdon, between 1149 and<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">1161</span></td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">62.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Heynings</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">C.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Linc.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Linc.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Reyner d’Evermue, temp. Stephen</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">63.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Hinchinbrooke</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St James</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Hunts.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Linc.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Removed from Eltisley, Cambs., temp. William I</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">64.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Holystone</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top" align="center">——</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Northumb.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Dur.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">... Umfraville of Harbottle, before 1235</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">65.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Ickleton</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary Magd.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Cambs.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Ely</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Uncertain, c. 1190</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">66.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Ilchester</span><br />(White Hall)</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Holy Trinity</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">A.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Som.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B. and W.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">William Dennis, c. 1220 (as a hospital). A<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">nunnery before 1281</span></td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">67.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Irford</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">P.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Linc.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Linc.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Probably Ralph d’Albini, temp. Henry II</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_689" id="Page_689">[Pg 689]</a></span>68.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Ivinghoe</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Margaret</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Bucks.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Linc.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">[William Giffard?], Bishop of Winchester,<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">twelfth century</span></td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">69.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Keldholme</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">C.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">York.,N.R.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">York</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Robert de Stuteville, temp. Henry I</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">70.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Kilburn</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary and<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">St John Baptist</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Midd.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Lon.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Herbert, Abbot of Westminster, 1139</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">71.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Kington</span><br /><span class="smcap">St Michael</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Wilts.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Salis.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Before 1155</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">72.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Kirklees</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary and St<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">James</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">C.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">York., W.R.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">York</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Reiner le Fleming, temp. Henry II</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">73.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Lacock</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary and St<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">Bernard</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">A.Ab.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Wilts.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Salis.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Ela, Countess of Salisbury, 1232</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">74.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Lambley</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Patrick</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Northumb.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Durh.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Adam de Tynedale, temp. John</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">75.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Langley</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Leic.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Linc.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">William Pantulf and Burga his wife, temp.<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">Henry II</span></td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">76.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Legbourne</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">C.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Linc.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Linc.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Robert, son of Gilbert of Tathwell, after 1150<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">(removed from earlier site)</span></td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">77.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Lillechurch</span><br />(Higham)</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Kent</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Roch.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">King Stephen, before 1151</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">78.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Littlemore</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary, St<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">Nicholas and</span><br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">St Edmund</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Oxon</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Linc.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Robert de Sandford, temp. Stephen</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">79.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">London</span><br />(Bishopsgate)</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Helen and<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">Holy Cross</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Midd.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Lon.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">William, son of William, the goldsmith, before<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">1216</span></td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">80.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">London</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary and<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">St Francis</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Fr.Ab.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Midd.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Lon.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Edmund, Earl of Lancaster, 1293</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">81.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Lymbrook</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">A.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Her.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Her.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Uncertain</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">82.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Lyminster</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Suss.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Chich.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Roger de Montgomery, c. 1082 (as cell of<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">Almenèches)</span></td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">83.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Malling</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary and St<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">Andrew</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Ab.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Kent</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Roch.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Gundulf, Bishop of Rochester, 1090</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">84.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Marham</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary, St<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">Barbara and</span><br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">St Edmund</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">C.Ab.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Norf.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Norw.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Isabel, widow of Hugh de Albini, Earl of<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">Arundel, 1249</span></td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">85.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Markyate</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Holy Trinity</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Beds.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Linc.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">1145, under influence of Geoffrey, Abbot of<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">St Albans</span></td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_690" id="Page_690">[Pg 690]</a></span>86.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Marlow,<br />Little</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Bucks.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Linc.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Uncertain, twelfth century</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">87.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Marrick</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Andrew and<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">St Mary</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">York., N.R.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">York</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Roger de Aske, temp. Henry II</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">88.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Moxby</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St John<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">Evangelist</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">A.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">York., N.R.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">York</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Henry II, before 1167 (removed from double<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">house at Marton)</span></td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">89.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Neasham</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Durh.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Durh.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Probably the Lord of Greystoke, before 1157</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">90.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Newcastle-</span><br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;"><span class="smcap">upon-Tyne</span></span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Bartholomew</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Northumb.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Durh.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Uncertain, twelfth century</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">91.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Nunappleton</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary and St<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">John Evangelist</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">C.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">York., W.R.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">York</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Eustace de Merch and Alice St Quintin his<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">wife, c. 1150</span></td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">92.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Nunburnholme</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top" align="center">——</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">York., E.R.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">York</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Ancestors of Roger de Merlay, Lord of<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">Morpeth, twelfth century</span></td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">93.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Nuncoton</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">C.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Linc.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Linc.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Alan de Mounceaux, before 1129</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">94.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Nuneaton</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Warw.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Worc.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Robert, Earl of Leicester, c. 1155, for nuns<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">of Fontevrault</span></td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">95.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Nunkeeling</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary and St<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">Helen</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">York., E.R.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">York</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Agnes de Arches, widow of Herbert St<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">Quintin, 1152</span></td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">96.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Nunmonkton</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">York., W.R.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">York</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">William de Arches and Ivetta his wife, temp.<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">Stephen</span></td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">97.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Pinley</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">C.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Warw.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Worc.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Robert de Pillarton, temp. Henry I</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">98.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Polesworth</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Edith</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Ab.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Warw.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">C.L.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Saxon foundation. Refounded by Robert<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">Marmion, temp. Stephen</span></td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">99.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Polsloe</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Katherine</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Devon</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Ex.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Traditional founder, William Bruere, before<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">1169</span></td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">100.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Redlingfield</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Andrew and<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">St Mary</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Suff.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Norw.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Manasses, Count of Guisnes, and Emma de<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">Arras his wife, 1120</span></td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">101.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Romsey</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary and St<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">Elfrida</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Ab.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Hants.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Win.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Edward the Elder, c. 907: refounded by King<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">Edgar, 967</span></td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">102.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Rosedale</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary and St<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">Lawrence</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">C.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">York., N.R.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">York</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Robert, son of Nicholas de Stuteville, temp.<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">Richard I</span></td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">103.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Rothwell</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St John Baptist</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">A.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Northants.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Linc.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">... de Clare, thirteenth century</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_691" id="Page_691">[Pg 691]</a></span>104.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Rowney</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St John Baptist</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Herts.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Linc.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Conan, Duke of Britanny and Earl of Richmond,<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">temp. Henry II, suppressed 1459</span></td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">105.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Rusper</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary Magd.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Suss.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Chich.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Twelfth century, probably by one of the Braose<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">family</span></td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">106.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">St Stephen’s</span><br />(Foukeholme)</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Stephen</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">York, N.R.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">York</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Uncertain. Disappeared after 1349</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">107.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Seton</span><br />(Lekeley)</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Cumb.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">York</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Henry son of Arthur son of Godard, Lord of<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">Millom, twelfth century</span></td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">108.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Sewardsley</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary Magd.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">C.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Northants.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Linc.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Richard de Lestre, temp. Henry II</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">109.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Shaftesbury</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary and St<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">Edward</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Ab.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Dorset</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Salis.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">King Alfred, c. 888</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">110.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Sheppey</span><br />(Minster)</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary and St<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">Sexburga</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Kent</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Cant.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Sexburga, 675</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">111.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Sinningthwaite</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">C.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">York, W.R.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">York</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Bertram Haget, c. 1160</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">112.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Sopwell</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Herts.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Linc.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Under abbey of St Albans</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">113.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Stainfield</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Linc.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Linc.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">William or Henry de Percy, temp. or before<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">Henry II</span></td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">114.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Stamford</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary and St<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">Michael</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Northants.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Linc.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">William Waterville, Abbot of Peterborough,<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">c. 1155</span></td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">115.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Stixwould</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">C.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Linc.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Linc.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Lucy, Countess of Perche, temp. Stephen</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">116.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Stratford-by-<br />Bow</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Leonard</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Midd.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Lon.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">William, Bishop of London, temp. Henry I</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">117.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Studley</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Oxon</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Linc.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Probably Bernard of St Valery, before 1176</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">118.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Swaffham<br />Bulbeck</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top" align="center">——</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Cambs.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Ely</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Uncertain, before temp. John</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">119.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Swine</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">C.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">York., E.R.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">York</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Robert de Verli, temp. Stephen</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">120.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Syon</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Saviour, St<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">Mary and St</span><br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">Bridget</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Brig.Ab.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Midd.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Lon.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">King Henry V, 1414</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">121.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Tarrant<br />Keynes</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary and<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">All Saints</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">C.Ab.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Dorset</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Salis.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Ralph de Keynes, before 1235</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">122.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Thetford</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St George and<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">St Gregory</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Norf.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Norw.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Hugh, Abbot of Bury St Edmunds, c. 1160<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">(removed from Ling)</span></td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_692" id="Page_692">[Pg 692]</a></span>123.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Thicket</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">York., E.R.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">York</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Roger FitzRoger, temp. Richard I</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">124.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Usk</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top" align="center">——</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Monm.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Llan.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Sir Richard de Clare, before 1236</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">125.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Wallingwells</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Notts.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">York</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Ralph de Chevrecourt, temp. Stephen</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">126.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Waterbeach</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary of<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">Pity and</span><br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">St Clare</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Fr.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Cambs.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Ely</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Denise de Mountchesney, 1294. Removed<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">to Denny, 1348</span></td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">127.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Westwood</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Worc.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Worc.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Osbert son of Hugh and Eustacia de Saye,<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">his mother, temp. Henry II (for nuns of</span><br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">Fontevrault)</span></td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">128.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Wherwell</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Holy Cross<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">and St Peter</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Ab.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Hants.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Win.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Queen Elfrida, c. 986</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">129.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Whiston</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary Magd.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">C.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Worc.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Worc.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Walter de Cantilupe, Bishop of Worcester,<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">before 1255</span></td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">130.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Wilberfoss</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">York.,E.R.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">York</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Uncertain, temp. Stephen</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">131.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Wilton</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary, St<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">Barthlomew</span><br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">and St Edith</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Ab.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Wilts.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Salis.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Alburga, c. 800: refounded by King<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">Alfred, c. 871</span></td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">132.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Winchester</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary and St<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">Edburga</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Ab.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Hants.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Win.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">King Alfred and Queen Ealhswith, c. 900.<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">Refounded by St Ethelwold, 963</span></td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">133.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Wintney</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary, St<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">Mary Magd.</span><br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">and St John</span><br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">Baptist</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">C.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Hants.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Win.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Richard Holte and Christine his wife,<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">daughter of Thomas Cobreth, twelfth</span><br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">century</span></td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">134.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Wix</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Ess.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Lon.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Walter Mascherell, Alexander and Edith,<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">children of Walter the Deacon, temp.</span><br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">Henry I</span></td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">135.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Wothorpe</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Northants.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Linc.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Uncertain: united to St Michael’s,<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">Stamford, 1354</span></td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">136.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Wroxall</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Leonard</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Warw.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Worc.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Hugh, Lord of Hatton and Wroxall, temp.<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">Henry I</span></td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">137.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Wykeham</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary and St<br /><span style="margin-left: 1em;">Michael</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">C.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">York., N.R.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">York</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Pain FitzOsbert, c. 1153</td></tr> +<tr><td valign="top" align="right">138.</td> + <td valign="top"><span class="smcap">Yedingham</span></td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">St Mary</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">B.Pr.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">York., E.R.</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">York</td> + <td> </td> + <td valign="top">Helewise de Clere, before 1163</td></tr></table> + + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<hr style="width: 50%;" /> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_693" id="Page_693">[Pg 693]</a></span></p> +<p class="title">BIBLIOGRAPHY</p> + +<p> </p> +<p class="center">A. MANUSCRIPT SOURCES</p> +<p class="center">I. <span class="smcap">Episcopal Registers</span></p> + +<p>(<i>a</i>) <i>Lincoln Episcopal Registers</i></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p class="hang">Register of Memoranda, Sutton (1280-99).</p> + +<p class="hang">Register of Memoranda, Dalderby (1300-20).</p> + +<p class="hang">Register of Memoranda, Gynewell (1347-62).</p> + +<p class="hang">Register of Memoranda, Bokyngham (1363-98).</p> + +<p class="hang">Register of Visitations, Alnwick<a name='fna_2158' id='fna_2158' href='#f_2158'><small>[2158]</small></a> (1436-49).</p> + +<p class="hang">Register of Visitations, Atwater (1514-21).</p> + +<p class="hang">Register of Visitations, Longland (1521-47).</p></div> + +<p>(<i>b</i>) <i>Lambeth Palace Registers</i></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p class="hang">Register of Langham (1366-8).</p> + +<p class="hang">Register of Courtenay (1381-96).</p></div> + +<p>(<i>c</i>) <i>New College Oxford</i></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p class="hang">Register of William of Wykeham Bishop of Winchester, for 1386-7, ff. +84<i>d</i>-89<i>d</i> (Injunctions to Romsey and Wherwell)<a name='fna_2159' id='fna_2159' href='#f_2159'><small>[2159]</small></a>.</p></div> + + +<p> </p> +<p class="center">II. <span class="smcap">Documents in the Public Record Office</span></p> + +<p>(<i>a</i>) <i>Account Rolls</i></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p class="hang">Ministers Accounts, 867/21-6, 30, 33-6. (Delapré, St Albans. Between +16 Edw. III and 2 Ric. III.)</p> + +<p class="hang"><i>Ib.</i> 1257/1 (Catesby, 11-14 Hen. VI).</p> + +<p class="hang"><i>Ib.</i> 1257/2 (Denny, 14 Hen. IV-1 Hen. V).</p> + +<p class="hang"><i>Ib.</i> 1257/10 (Gracedieu, 1-5 Hen. V).</p> + +<p class="hang"><i>Ib.</i> 1260 (St Michael’s, Stamford, 24 rolls between 32 Edw. I and 20 +Hen. VI).</p> + +<p class="hang"><i>Ib.</i> 1261/4 (Syon, Cellaress’ Account, 21-2 Edw. IV).</p> + +<p class="hang"><i>Ib.</i> 1307/22 (Syon, Cellaress’ Account, 36 Hen. VI).</p></div> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_694" id="Page_694">[Pg 694]</a></span>(<i>b</i>) <i>Petitions</i></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p class="hang">Early Chancery Proceedings, 181/4 (Petition from Elizabeth Webley, +late Prioress of Sopwell, concerning her deposition and imprisonment +by John Rothbury, Archdeacon of St Albans Abbey).</p> + +<p class="hang"><i>Ib.</i> 4/196 (Petition from Richard English and Margery his wife +concerning a corrody withheld from them by the Abbess of Malling).</p> + +<p class="hang"><i>Ib.</i> 7/70 (Petition from Richard Haldenby and Agnes his wife +concerning the daughters of Agnes by a former marriage, one of whom +has been made to take the veil by an uncle, for the sake of her +inheritance).</p> + +<p class="hang"><i>Ib.</i> 44/227 (Petition from Thomasyn Dynham, Prioress of Cornworthy, +concerning two children at school in her house, whose fees have not +been paid for five years).</p> + +<p class="hang">Ancient Petitions 302/15063 (Petition from the Prioress and nuns of +Rowney for leave to have a proctor to beg alms for them, as their +buildings are ruinous).</p> + +<p class="hang">Ancient Correspondence, 36/201 (Petition to Queen Isabel from the +Prioress and Convent of Clerkenwell, asking her to obtain the King’s +leave for them to receive certain lands, by reason of their poverty).</p> + +<p class="hang">Chancery Warrants, Series 1/1759, 1762, 1764, 1769 (Petitions for the +arrest of apostate nuns, nine in all).</p></div> + + +<p> </p> +<p class="center">B. PRINTED SOURCES</p> +<p class="center">I. <span class="smcap">Archiepiscopal and Episcopal Registers</span></p> + +<p>(<i>a</i>) <i>Bath and Wells</i></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p class="hang">Registers of Walter Giffard (1265-6) and of Henry Bowet (1401-7), ed. +T. S. Holmes. (Somerset Record Soc. 1899.)</p> + +<p class="hang">Register of John of Drokensford (1309-29), ed. E. Hobhouse. (Somerset +Record Soc. 1887.)</p> + +<p class="hang">Register of Ralph of Shrewsbury (1329-63), ed. T. S. Holmes. (Somerset +Record Soc. 1896.) 2 vols.</p></div> + +<p>(<i>b</i>) <i>Canterbury</i></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p class="hang">Registrum Epistolarum Fratris Johannis Peckham Archiepiscopi +Cantuariensis (1279-92), ed. C. Trice Martin. (Rolls Series, 1882-5.) +3 vols.</p> + +<p class="hang">Visitations of Archbishop Warham in 1511, ed. Mary Bateson. (English +Historical Review, <span class="smcaplc">VI</span>, 1891, pp. 28 ff.) (Full abstracts.)</p> + +<p class="hang">See also The British Magazine, vols. <span class="smcaplc">XXIX-XXXII</span>, <i>passim</i> (abstracts).</p></div> + +<p>(<i>c</i>) <i>Chichester</i></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p class="hang">Episcopal Register of Robert Rede, Bishop of Chichester (1397-1415), +ed. Cecil Deedes. (Sussex Rec. Soc. 1908.)</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_695" id="Page_695">[Pg 695]</a></span></p> + +<p class="hang">Blaauw, W. Episcopal Visitations of the Priory of Easebourne +(1442-1527). (Sussex Archaeol. Collections, <span class="smcaplc">IX</span>, 1857, pp. 1-32.)</p> + +<p class="hang">Way, A. Notices of the Benedictine Priory of St Mary Magdalen at +Rusper (1442-1527). (Sussex Archaeol. Collections, V, 1852, pp. +244-62.)</p></div> + +<p>(<i>d</i>) <i>Durham, York, Carlisle</i></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p class="hang">Historical Papers and Letters from the Northern Registers, ed. James +Raine. (Rolls Series, 1873.)</p></div> + +<p>(<i>e</i>) <i>Durham</i></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p class="hang">Registrum Palatinum Dunelmense. Register of Richard de Kellawe, Lord +Palatine and Bishop of Durham, 1311-16, ed. Sir T. Duffus Hardy. +(Rolls Series, 1873-8.) 4 vols.</p></div> + +<p>(<i>f</i>) <i>Exeter</i></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p class="hang">Register of Walter de Stapeldon, Bishop of Exeter, 1308-26, ed. F. C. +Hingeston-Randolph (1892).</p> + +<p class="hang">Register of John de Grandisson, Bishop of Exeter, 1327-69, ed. F. C. +Hingeston-Randolph (1894-9).</p> + +<p class="hang">Register of Thomas de Brantyngham, Bishop of Exeter, Part I; 1370-94, +ed. F. C. Hingeston-Randolph (1901).</p> + +<p class="hang">Register of Edmund Stafford, Bishop of Exeter, 1395-1419, ed. F. C. +Hingeston-Randolph (1886).</p></div> + +<p>(<i>g</i>) <i>Hereford</i></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p class="hang">Registrum Thome de Cantilupo, Episcopi Herefordensis, 1275-82, +transcribed by R. C. Griffiths, with an introduction by W. W. Capes. +(Canterbury and York Soc. and Cantilupe Soc. 1907.)</p> + +<p class="hang">Registrum Ricardi de Swinfield, Episcopi Herefordensis, 1283-1317, ed. +W. W. Capes. (Canterbury and York Soc. and Cantilupe Soc. 1909.)</p> + +<p class="hang">Registrum Adae de Orleton, Episcopi Herefordensis, 1317-27, ed. A. T. +Bannister. (Canterbury and York Soc. and Cantilupe Soc. 1908.)</p> + +<p class="hang">Registrum Roberti Mascall, Episcopi Herefordensis, 1404-16, +transcribed by J. H. Parry with introductory note by Charles Johnson. +(Canterbury and York Soc. and Cantilupe Soc. 1917.)</p> + +<p class="hang">Registrum Thome Spofford, Episcopi Herefordensis, 1422-48, ed. A. T. +Bannister. (Canterbury and York Soc. and Cantilupe Soc. 1919.)</p> + +<p class="hang">Registrum Thome Myllyng, Episcopi Herefordensis, 1472-92, ed. A. T. +Bannister (1920).</p></div> + +<p>(<i>h</i>) <i>Coventry and Lichfield</i></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p class="hang">Register of Roger de Norbury, Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield, +1322-59, ed. Edmund Hobhouse. (William Salt Archaeol. Soc. +Collections, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, 1881.) (Table of contents only.)</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_696" id="Page_696">[Pg 696]</a></span></p> + +<p class="hang">The Second Register of Bishop Robert de Stretton, 1360-85, abstracted +into English by R. A. Wilson. (William Salt Archaeol. Soc. Coll., New +Series, vol. <span class="smcaplc">VIII</span>, 1905.) (Brief calendar.)</p></div> + +<p>(<i>i</i>) <i>Lincoln</i></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p class="hang">Visitations of Religious Houses in the Diocese of Lincoln, ed. A. +Hamilton Thompson. Vol. <span class="smcaplc">I</span>. Injunctions and other Documents from the +Registers of Richard Flemyng and William Gray, 1420-36. (Lincoln +Record Soc. and Canterbury and York Soc. 1915.)</p> + +<p class="hang">Visitations of Religious Houses in the Diocese of Lincoln, ed. A. +Hamilton Thompson. Vol. <span class="smcaplc">II</span>. Alnwick’s Visitations (1436-49). (Lincoln +Record Soc. and Canterbury and York Soc.)</p> + +<p class="hang">Injunctions of John Longland, Bishop of Lincoln, to certain +Monasteries in his Diocese, 1531, ed. E. Peacock. (Archaeologia, +<span class="smcaplc">XLVII</span>, pp. 49-64, 1883.)</p></div> + +<p>(<i>j</i>) <i>London</i></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p class="hang">Registrum Radulphi Baldock, Gilberti Segrave, Ricardi Newport et +Stephani Gravesend, Episcoporum Londoniensium, 1306-38, ed. R. C. +Fowler. (Canterbury and York Soc. 1911.)</p></div> + +<p>(<i>k</i>) <i>Norwich</i></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p class="hang">Visitations of the Diocese of Norwich, 1492-1532, ed. A. Jessopp. +(Camden Soc. 1888.)</p></div> + +<p>(<i>l</i>) <i>Rochester</i></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p class="hang">Registrum Hamonis Hethe Episcopi Roffensis (1319-52). (Canterbury and +York Soc. 1914 ff., in course of publication.)</p></div> + +<p>(<i>m</i>) <i>Salisbury</i></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p class="hang">Registrum Simonis de Gandavo Episcopi Saresbiriensis (1297-1315), ed. +C. T. Flower. (Canterbury and York Soc. 1914, in course of +publication.)</p></div> + +<p>(<i>n</i>) <i>Winchester</i></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p class="hang">Registrum Johannis de Pontissara (1282-1304), ed. C. Deedes. +(Canterbury and York Soc. 1913-15.)</p> + +<p class="hang">Registers of John de Sandale and Rigaud de Asserio, Bishops of +Winchester, 1316-23, ed. F. J. Baigent. (Hants. Rec. Soc. 1897.)</p> + +<p class="hang">Wykeham’s Register, 1367-1404, ed. T. F. Kirby. (Hants Rec. Soc. +1896-9.) 2 vols.</p></div> + +<p>(<i>o</i>) <i>Worcester</i></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p class="hang">Register of Godfrey Giffard, 1268-1302, ed. J. W. Willis-Bund. +(Worcester Hist. Soc. 1898-1902.) 2 vols.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_697" id="Page_697">[Pg 697]</a></span></p> + +<p class="hang">Register of the Diocese of Worcester during the vacancy of the see, +usually called Registrum Sede Vacante, 1301-1435, ed. J. W. +Willis-Bund. (Worcester Hist. Soc. 1893-7.)</p></div> + +<p>(<i>p</i>) <i>York</i></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p class="hang">Register of Walter Gray, Archbishop of York, 1216-55, ed. J. Raine. +(Surtees Soc. 1872.)</p> + +<p class="hang">Register of Walter Giffard, Archbishop of York, 1266-79, ed. W. Brown. +(Surtees Soc. 1904.)</p> + +<p class="hang">Register of William Wickwane, Archbishop of York, 1279-85, ed. W. +Brown. (Surtees Soc. 1907.)</p> + +<p class="hang">Register of John le Romeyn, Archbishop of York, 1286-96, ed. W. Brown. +Vol. <span class="smcaplc">I</span>. (Surtees Soc. 1913.)</p> + +<p class="hang">Registers of John le Romeyn Archbishop of York, 1286-96, Part II, and +of Henry of Newark, Archbishop of York, 1298-99, ed. W. Brown. Vol. +<span class="smcaplc">II</span>. (Surtees Soc. 1917.)</p> + +<p class="hang">Visitations in the Diocese of York, holden by Archbishop Edward Lee +(1531-44), ed. W. Brown. (Yorks. Archaeol. Journal, <span class="smcaplc">XVI</span>, 1901, pp. +319-68.)</p></div> + +<p>(<i>q</i>) <i>Foreign Visitations</i></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p class="hang">Des Augustinerpropstes Iohannes Busch Chronicon Windeshemense und +Liber de Reformatione Monasteriorum, bearbeitet von Dr Karl Grube. +(Halle, 1886.)</p> + +<p class="hang">Regestrum Visitationum Archiepiscopi Rothomagensis, Journal des +Visites Pastorales d’Eude Rigaud Archevêque de Rouen, 1248-69, pub. +par Th. Bonnin. (Rouen, 1852.)</p></div> + + +<p> </p> +<p class="center">II. <span class="smcap">Account Rolls</span></p> + +<p>(<i>a</i>) <i>Catesby</i> (<i>2-3 Hen. V</i>)</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p class="hang">Baker, History of Northampton (1822-30), vol. <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 278.</p></div> + +<p>(<i>b</i>) <i>Romsey</i> (1412-13, <i>summary</i>)</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p class="hang">Liveing, H. G. D., Records of Romsey Abbey (1906), p. 194.</p></div> + +<p>(<i>c</i>) <i>St Helen’s, Bishopsgate</i> (<i>sixteenth century, extracts</i>)</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p class="hang">Victoria County History: London, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 460.</p></div> + +<p>(<i>d</i>) <i>St Radegund’s, Cambridge</i> (1449-51, 1481-2)</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p class="hang">Gray, A., The Priory of St Radegund, Cambridge (1898), pp. 145-179.</p></div> + +<p>(<i>e</i>) <i>St Mary de Pré, St Albans</i> (1487-9)</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p class="hang">Dugdale, Monasticon, <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 358.</p></div> + +<p>(<i>f</i>) <i>Swaffham Bulbeck</i> (1483-4)</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p class="hang">Dugdale, Monasticon, <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 458.</p></div> + +<p>(<i>g</i>) <i>Syon</i> (<i>Cellaress’ and Chambress’ Accounts</i>, 1536-7)</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p class="hang">Myroure of Oure Ladye, ed. J. H. Blunt. (E.E.T.S. 1873.) Introduction, +pp. xxvi-xxxi.</p></div> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_698" id="Page_698">[Pg 698]</a></span>(<i>h</i>) <i>Miscellaneous</i> (<i>Extracts</i>)</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p class="hang">C. T. Flower, Obedientiars’ Accounts of Glastonbury and other +Religious Houses. Trans. St Paul’s Ecclesiological Soc. vol. <span class="smcaplc">VII</span>, Pt. II (1912), pp. 50-62.</p></div> + + +<p> </p> +<p class="center">III. <span class="smcap">Inventories</span></p> + +<p>(<i>a</i>) <i>Brewood</i> (1536)</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p class="hang">Dugdale, Monasticon, <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 500.</p></div> + +<p>(<i>b</i>) <i>Cheshunt</i> (1536)</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p class="hang">Cussans, History of Hertfordshire, Hertford Hundred, App. <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. +267-71.</p></div> + +<p>(<i>c</i>) <i>Easebourne</i> (1450)</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p class="hang">Sussex Archaeol. Coll. <span class="smcaplc">IX</span>, pp. 10-13.</p></div> + +<p>(<i>d</i>) <i>Gracedieu</i> (1536)</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p class="hang">Nichols, History and Antiquities of the County of Leicester (1804), +<span class="smcaplc">III</span>, pp. 653-4.</p></div> + +<p>(<i>e</i>) <i>Hedingham, Castle</i> (1536)</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p class="hang">Trans. Essex Archaeological Soc. <span class="smcaplc">IX</span>, pp. 289-92.</p></div> + +<p>(<i>f</i>) <i>Kilburn</i> (1536)</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p class="hang">Dugdale, Monasticon, <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 424.</p></div> + +<p>(<i>g</i>) <i>Langley</i> (1485)</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p class="hang">Walcott, Mackenzie E. C., Inventory of St Mary’s Benedictine Nunnery +at Langley, Co. Leicester, 1485. (Leicestershire Architec. Soc. 1872.)</p></div> + +<p>(<i>h</i>) <i>Lillechurch</i> (1525)</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p class="hang">R. F. Scott, Notes from the Records of St John’s College, Cambridge, +3rd series (privately printed, 1906-13), pp. 403-8.</p></div> + +<p>(<i>i</i>) <i>Sheppey</i> (1536)</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p class="hang">Walcott, Mackenzie E. C., Inventories of St Mary’s Hospital, Dover, St +Martin New-Work, Dover, and the Benedictine Priory of SS. Mary and +Sexburga in the Island of Shepey for Nuns. (Reprinted from +Archaeologia Cantiana, 1868, pp. 18-35.)</p></div> + +<p>(<i>j</i>) <i>Wherwell</i> (<i>Sacristy</i>, c. 1340)</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p class="hang">Victoria County History, Hants. <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 134-5.</p></div> + +<p>(<i>k</i>) <i>Wintney</i> (<i>Frater</i>, 1420)</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p class="hang">Victoria County History, Hants. <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 150-1.</p></div> + +<p>(<i>l</i>) <i>Miscellaneous Fragments</i></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p class="hang">Fowler, R. C., Inventories of Essex Monasteries in 1536. (Trans. Essex +Archaeol. Soc. vol. <span class="smcaplc">IX</span>, Pt. IV.)</p> + +<p class="hang">Walcott, Mackenzie E. C., Inventories and Valuations of Religious +Houses at the Time of the Dissolution. (Archaeologia, <span class="smcaplc">XLIII</span>, 1871.)</p></div> + +<p> <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_699" id="Page_699">[Pg 699]</a></span></p> +<p class="center">IV. <span class="smcap">Cartularies</span></p> + +<p>(<i>a</i>) <i>Buckland</i></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p class="hang">A Cartulary of Buckland Priory in the County of Somerset, ed. F. W. +Weaver. (Somerset Rec. Soc. 1909.)</p></div> + +<p>(<i>b</i>) <i>Crabhouse</i></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p class="hang">The Register of Crabhouse Nunnery, ed. Mary Bateson. (Norfolk and +Norwich Arch. Soc. Norfolk Archaeology, <span class="smcaplc">XI</span>, 1892.)</p></div> + +<p>(<i>c</i>) <i>Godstow</i></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p class="hang">The English Register of Godstow Nunnery, ed. Andrew Clark. (Early Eng. +Text Soc. 1905-11.)</p></div> + + +<p> </p> +<p class="center">V. <span class="smcap">Wills</span></p> + +<p class="hang">Calendar of Wills proved and enrolled in the Court of Husting, London, ed. +R. R. Sharpe (1889).</p> + +<p class="hang">Early Lincoln Wills, ed. A. Gibbons (1888).</p> + +<p class="hang">The Fifty Earliest English Wills in the Court of Probate, London, ed. F. +J. Furnivall. (Early Eng. Text Soc. 1882.)</p> + +<p class="hang">Lincoln Diocese Documents, ed. A. Clark. (Early Eng. Text Soc. 1914.)</p> + +<p class="hang">Lincoln Wills, ed. C. W. Foster. Vol. <span class="smcaplc">I</span>. (Lincoln Record Soc. 1914.)</p> + +<p class="hang">Testamenta Eboracensia, a Selection of Wills from the Registry at York, +ed. James Raine. 6 vols. (Surtees Soc. 1836-1902.)</p> + +<p class="hang">Somerset Medieval Wills (1383-1558), ed. F. W. Weaver. 3 vols. (Somerset +Record Soc. 1901-5.)</p> + + +<p> </p> +<p class="center">VI. <span class="smcap">Miscellaneous Records and Letters</span></p> + +<p class="hang">Calendar of Close Rolls.</p> + +<p class="hang">Calendar of Patent Rolls.</p> + +<p class="hang">Calendar of Papal Letters.</p> + +<p class="hang">Calendar of Papal Petitions.</p> + +<p class="hang">Dugdale. Monasticon Anglicanum, ed. J. Caley, H. Ellis and B. Bandinel. 6 +vols. in 8 (1817-30).</p> + +<p class="hang">Ellis, H. Original Letters illustrative of English History, 1st series, +vol. <span class="smcaplc">II</span> (1824).</p> + +<p class="hang">Fowler, J. T. Cistercian Statutes, <span class="smcaplc">A.D.</span> 1256-7, with supplementary +statutes of the order, 1257-8. (Reprinted from Yorks. Archaeol. Journal, +vols. <span class="smcaplc">IX-XI</span>, 1885-90.)</p> + +<p class="hang">Gasquet, F. A. Collectanea Anglo-Premonstratensia, 3 vols. (Camden Soc. +1906.)</p> + +<p class="hang">Gibbons, A. Ely Episcopal Records (1891).</p> + +<p class="hang">Lyndwood. Provinciale (1679).</p> + +<p class="hang">Madox. Formulare Anglicanum (1702).</p> + +<p class="hang">Paston Letters, ed. J. Gairdner. 4 vols. (1900).</p> + +<p class="hang">Rotuli Parliamentorum. (Record Com. 6 vols. n.d. Index, 1832.)</p> + +<p class="hang">Valor Ecclesiasticus. (Record Com. 1810-34).</p> + +<p class="hang">Wharton. Anglia Sacra, 2 vols. (1691).</p> + +<p class="hang">Wilkins. Concilia Magnae Britanniae et Hiberniae, 4 vols. (1737).</p> + +<p class="hang">Wood, M. A. E. Letters of Royal and Illustrious Ladies of Great Britain. 3 +vols. (1846).</p> + + +<p> <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_700" id="Page_700">[Pg 700]</a></span></p> +<p class="center">VII. <span class="smcap">Contemporary Literature</span><a name='fna_2160' id='fna_2160' href='#f_2160'><small>[2160]</small></a></p> + +<p class="hang">An Alphabet of Tales, An English 15th Century Translation of the +Alphabetum Narrationum once attributed to Etienne de Besançon, ed. M. M. +Banks. (Early Eng. Text Soc. 1904-5.)</p> + +<p class="hang">Amundesham. Annales Monasterii S. Albani (Rolls Series, 1870), <span class="smcaplc">I</span>.</p> + +<p class="hang">Ancren Riwle, ed. and trans. James Morton (Camden Soc. 1853). Also trans. +(by Morton) with introd. by F. A. Gasquet in The King’s Classics, 1907.</p> + +<p class="hang">Caesarius of Heisterbach. Dialogus Miraculorum, ed. Joseph Strange, 2 +vols. (Cologne, 1851.)</p> + +<p class="hang">Chaucer, Complete Works, ed. Skeat (1906).</p> + +<p class="hang">Chronicle of Lanercost, translated by Sir Herbert Maxwell (1913).</p> + +<p class="hang">Clene Maydenhod, ed. F. J. Furnivall. (Early Eng. Text Soc. 1867.)</p> + +<p class="hang">Court of Love, The, printed in Chaucer’s Complete Works, ed. R. Morris +(1891), vol. <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>.</p> + +<p class="hang">Early English Lives of Saints, ed. F. J. Furnivall. (Trans. of the +Philological Soc. 1858.) For <i>The Land of Cokayne</i> and <i>Why I can’t be a +Nun</i>.</p> + +<p class="hang">Etienne de Bourbon. Anecdotes Historiques, etc., ed. Lecoy de la Marche. +(Soc. de l’Hist. de France, 1877.)</p> + +<p class="hang">Fifteenth Century Cookery Book, A, ed. R. W. Chambers, and Two Fifteenth +Century Franciscan Rules, ed. W. W. Seton. (Early Eng. Text Soc. 1914.)</p> + +<p class="hang">Gower. Vox Clamantis, ed. G. Macaulay (1902).</p> + +<p class="hang">Hali Meidenhad, ed. O. Cockayne. (Early Eng. Text Soc. 1866.)</p> + +<p class="hang">Jacobi Vitriacensis Exempla e Sermonibus Vulgaribus, ed. T. F. Crane. +(Folk Lore Soc. 1890.)</p> + +<p class="hang">Langland. Vision of William Concerning Piers the Plowman, ed. Skeat, 2 +vols. (1886).</p> + +<p class="hang">Medieval Garner, A, selected, translated and annotated by G. G. Coulton +(1910).</p> + +<p class="hang">Myroure of Oure Ladye, The, ed. J. J. Blunt. (Early Eng. Text Soc. 1873.)</p> + +<p class="hang">Rule of St Benedict, ed. Gasquet. (King’s Classics, 1909.)</p> + +<p class="hang">Tale of Beryn, The, ed. Furnivall and Stone. (Chaucer Soc. 1887.)</p> + +<p class="hang">Three Middle English Versions of the Rule of St Benet, ed. E. A. Kock. +(Early Eng. Text Soc. 1902.)</p> + +<p class="hang">Walsingham. Gesta Abbatum Monasterii Sancti Albani, ed. H. T. Riley (Rolls +Series, 1867-9), 3 vols.</p> + +<p class="hang">—— Historia Anglicana, ed. H. T. Riley (Rolls Series, 1863), vol. <span class="smcaplc">I</span>.</p> + + +<p> </p> +<p class="center">VIII. <span class="smcap">Plans</span></p> + +<p class="hang">Burnham Abbey, by H. Brakspear, in Archaeol. Journal, <span class="smcaplc">LX</span> (1903). (See +Bucks. Archit. and Archaeol. Soc. Records, <span class="smcaplc">XXXI</span>.)</p> + +<p class="hang">Carrow Priory, by R. M. Phipson, in Norf. and Norw. Arch. Soc. Trans. <span class="smcaplc">IX</span>, +and Rye, Carrow Abbey (1889).</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_701" id="Page_701">[Pg 701]</a></span></p> + +<p class="hang">Kirklees Priory, by J. Bilson, in Yorks. Archaeol. Journ. <span class="smcaplc">XX</span> (1908).</p> + +<p class="hang">Lacock Abbey, by H. Brakspear, in Archaeologia, <span class="smcaplc">LVII</span> (1900). (See also +Wilts. Archaeol. Journ. <span class="smcaplc">XXXI</span>.)</p> + +<p class="hang">Marlow, Little, by C. R. Peers, in Archaeol. Journ. <span class="smcaplc">LIX</span> (1902).</p> + +<p class="hang">Marrick Priory, facsimile of plan taken at time of Dissolution in Coll. +Topog. et Gen. <span class="smcaplc">V</span> (1838).</p> + +<p class="hang">St Radegund, Cambridge (now Jesus College) in Gray, The Priory of St +Radegund, Cambridge (1898).</p> + + +<p> </p> +<p class="center">C. MODERN WORKS</p> + +<p class="center">I. <span class="smcap">On Particular Nunneries (including charters, etc.)</span></p> + +<p class="hang"><i>Aldgate (Minoresses).</i> Fly, H. Some account of an Abbey of Nuns, +formerly situated in the street now called the Minories. Archaeologia, <span class="smcaplc">XV</span> +(1803).</p> + +<p class="hang"><i>Barrow Gurney.</i> Hugo, T. Medieval Nunneries of the County of Somerset +(1867).</p> + +<p class="hang"><i>Brodholme.</i> Cole, R. E. G. The Priory of St Mary of Brodholme. (Linc. +Archit. and Archaeol. Soc.) in Assoc. Archit. Socs. Reports and Papers, +<span class="smcaplc">XXVIII</span> (1905-6).</p> + +<p class="hang"><i>Bromhale.</i> Scott, R. F. Notes from the Records of St John’s College, +Cambridge (reprinted from The Eagle, 1890-1903, <i>passim</i>), Series I and +III. (Documents from Bromhale and Lillechurch.)</p> + +<p class="hang"><i>Buckland.</i> Hugo, T. History of Minchin Buckland Priory and Preceptory in +Somerset (1861).</p> + +<p class="hang"><i>Cannington.</i> See Barrow Gurney.</p> + +<p class="hang"><i>Carrow.</i> Beecheno, F. R. Notes on Carrow Priory (1886).</p> + +<p class="hang">Rye, W. Carrow Abbey (1889).</p> + +<p class="hang">Rye and Tillett in Norfolk Antiq. Misc. <span class="smcaplc">II</span>.</p> + +<p class="hang"><i>Crabhouse.</i> Jessopp, A. Frivola (1896). For ‘Ups and Downs of an Old +Nunnery’ (Crabhouse).</p> + +<p class="hang"><i>Dartford.</i> C. F. Palmer. Hist. of the Priory of Dartford in Kent. +Archaeol. Journ. <span class="smcaplc">XXXVI</span> (1879).</p> + +<p class="hang">Notes on the Priory of Dartford in Kent. <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">XXXIX</span> (1882).</p> + +<p class="hang"><i>Delapré, Northampton.</i> Serjeantson, R. M. A History of Delapré Abbey, +Northampton (Northampton, 1909).</p> + +<p class="hang"><i>Delapré, St Albans.</i> Page, W. History of the Monastery of St Mary de Pré. +St Albans and Herts. Archit. and Archaeol. Soc. Trans., New Ser. <span class="smcaplc">X</span>.</p> + +<p class="hang"><i>Easebourne.</i> Hope, Sir W. H. St John. Cowdray and Easebourne Priory in +the county of Sussex (1920).</p> + +<p class="hang"><i>Elstow.</i> Wigram, S. R. Chronicle of Elstow Abbey (1909).</p> + +<p class="hang"><i>Fosse.</i> Cole, R. E. G. The Royal Borough of Torksey, its Churches, +Monasteries and Castle. Linc. Archit. and Archaeol. Soc. In Assoc. Archit. +Soc. Reports and Papers, <span class="smcaplc">XXVIII</span> (1905-6).</p> + +<p class="hang"><i>Ickleton.</i> Goddard, A. R. Ickleton Church and Priory. Cambridge Antiq. +Soc. Proc. and Commun. <span class="smcaplc">XLV</span> (1905).</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_702" id="Page_702">[Pg 702]</a></span></p> + +<p class="hang"><i>Ilchester, White Hall.</i> See Barrow Gurney.</p> + +<p class="hang"><i>Kirklees.</i> Armytage, Sir G. Kirklees Priory. Yorks. Archaeol. Journ. <span class="smcaplc">XX</span> +(1908).</p> + +<p class="hang">Chadwick, S. J. Kirklees Priory. Yorks. Archaeol. Journ. <span class="smcaplc">XVI</span> (1901), <span class="smcaplc">XVII</span> +(1902), <span class="smcaplc">XX</span> (1908).</p> + +<p class="hang"><i>Lacock.</i> Bowles, W. L. and Nichols, J. C. Annals of Lacock Abbey (1835).</p> + +<p class="hang">Clark-Maxwell, W. G. Outfit for the Profession of an Austin Canoness at +Lacock, etc. Archaeol. Journ. <span class="smcaplc">LXIX</span> (1912).</p> + +<p class="hang"><i>Lillechurch.</i> See Bromhale.</p> + +<p class="hang"><i>Marlow.</i> Peers, C. R. The Benedictine Nunnery of Little Marlow. Archaeol. +Journ. <span class="smcaplc">LIX</span> (1902).</p> + +<p class="hang"><i>Nunburnholme.</i> Morris, M. C. K. Nunburnholme and its Antiquities (1907).</p> + +<p class="hang"><i>Romsey.</i> Liveing, H. G. D. Records of Romsey Abbey (1906).</p> + +<p class="hang"><i>St Helen’s, Bishopsgate.</i> Hugo, T. The Last Ten Years of the Priory of St +Helen, Bishopsgate (1865).</p> + +<p class="hang"><i>St Radegund, Cambridge.</i> Gray, A. The Priory of St Radegund, Cambridge +(1898).</p> + +<p class="hang"><i>Syon.</i> Aungier, G. J. History and Antiquities of Syon (1840).</p> + +<p class="hang"><i>Swine.</i> Duckett, Sir G. Charters of the Priory of Swine in Holderness. +Yorks. Archaeol. Journ. <span class="smcaplc">VI</span> (1881).</p> + +<p class="hang">Thompson, T. History of the Church and Priory of Swine in Holderness +(1824).</p> + + +<p> </p> +<p class="center">II. <span class="smcap">General</span></p> + +<p class="hang"><span class="smcap">Butler, C.</span> Benedictine Monachism (1919).</p> + +<p class="hang"><span class="smcap">Clay, R. M.</span> Hermits and Anchorites of England (1914).</p> + +<p class="hang"><span class="smcap">Coulton, G. G.</span> The Interpretation of Visitation Documents. (Eng. Hist. +Review, 1914.)</p> + +<p class="hang">—— Medieval Studies. (First Series, 1915.)</p> + +<p class="hang">—— Monastic Schools in the Middle Ages. (Medieval Studies, No. 10, +1913.)</p> + +<p class="hang"><span class="smcap">Deanesly, M.</span> The Lollard Bible (1920).</p> + +<p class="hang"><span class="smcap">Eckenstein, L.</span> Woman under Monasticism (1896).</p> + +<p class="hang"><span class="smcap">Fosbroke, T. D.</span> British Monachism (1802).</p> + +<p class="hang"><span class="smcap">Fowler, R. C.</span> Episcopal Registers of England and Wales. (S.P.C.K. 1918.)</p> + +<p class="hang"><span class="smcap">Gasquet, F. A.</span> English Monastic Life (1904).</p> + +<p class="hang"><span class="smcap">Graham, R.</span> An Essay on English Monasteries. (Hist. Assoc. 1913.)</p> + +<p class="hang">—— St Gilbert of Sempringham and the Gilbertines (1901).</p> + +<p class="hang"><span class="smcap">Green, M. A. Everett.</span> Lives of the Princesses of England. Vol. <span class="smcaplc">II</span> (1849).</p> + +<p class="hang"><span class="smcap">Jacka, H. T.</span> The Dissolution of the English Nunneries. Thesis submitted +for the degree of M.A. in the University of London. (Unpublished; +deposited at the University.)</p> + +<p class="hang"><span class="smcap">Jarrett, B.</span> The English Dominicans (1921).</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_703" id="Page_703">[Pg 703]</a></span></p> + +<p class="hang">Journal of Education, 1909 and 1910. (Articles and Correspondence by J. E. +G. de Montmorency, G. G. Coulton and A. F. Leach on “The Medieval +Education of Women in England.”)</p> + +<p class="hang"><span class="smcap">Mode, P. G.</span> The Influence of the Black Death on the English Monasteries. +(A Dissertation for the Degree of Ph.D.) (Privately printed, Univ. of +Chicago Libraries, 1916.)</p> + +<p class="hang"><span class="smcap">Savine, A.</span> English Monasteries on the Eve of the Dissolution, in Oxford +Studies in Social and Legal History, ed. P. Vinogradoff (1909), <span class="smcaplc">I</span>.</p> + +<p class="hang"><span class="smcap">Thiers, J. B.</span> Traité de la Clôture des Religieuses. (Paris, 1681.)</p> + +<p class="hang"><span class="smcap">Thompson, A. Hamilton</span>. English Monasteries (1913).</p> + +<p class="hang">—— Double Monasteries and the Male Element in Nunneries. (In The +Ministry of Women, A Report by a Committee appointed by his Grace the +Archbishop of Canterbury (1919), App. VIII.)</p> + +<p class="hang">—— The Monasteries of Leicestershire in the Fifteenth Century. +(Leicester. Archit. and Archaeol. Soc. Trans. 1913-14.)</p> + +<p class="hang">—— Registers of John Gynewell, Bishop of Lincoln, for the years 1347-50. +(Archaeol. Journ. vol. <span class="smcaplc">LXVIII</span> (2nd Ser. vol. <span class="smcaplc">XXI</span>), 1914.)</p> + +<p class="hang">—— Visitations of Religious Houses by William Alnwick, Bishop of +Lincoln, 1436-49. (Proceedings of the Soc. of Antiquaries, 2nd ser. <span class="smcaplc">XXVI</span>, +1914.)</p> + +<p class="hang">Victoria County Histories. Articles on Religious Houses, <i>passim</i>. (Cited +as V.C.H.)</p> + +<p class="hang"><span class="smcap">Walcott, Mackenzie E. C.</span> English Minsters (1879), 2 vols. Vol. <span class="smcaplc">II</span>. The +English Student’s Monasticon.</p> + +<p class="hang"><span class="smcap">Workman, H. B.</span> The Evolution of the Monastic Ideal (1913).</p> + + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<hr style="width: 50%;" /> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_704" id="Page_704">[Pg 704]</a></span></p> +<p class="title">INDEX</p> + +<p>Ff. after an entry implies that there are references to the same subject +on at least two immediately succeeding pages.</p> + + +<p><a name="abbess" id="abbess"></a> +Abbess, autocratic power of, <a href="#Page_64">64ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a><br /> +<br /> +—— chaplain of (nun), <a href="#Page_62">62ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a><br /> +<br /> +—— entertainment of guests by, <a href="#Page_59">59ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">nuns by, <a href="#Page_61">61</a></span><br /> +<br /> +—— executrix or supervisor of wills, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73<i>n. 2</i></a><br /> +<br /> +—— lodging and household of, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>, <a href="#Page_317">317</a><br /> +<br /> +—— of Fools, <a href="#Page_311">311</a><br /> +<br /> +<i>Abbey of the Holy Ghost</i>, <a href="#Page_533">533</a><br /> +<br /> +Abbot of Fools, <a href="#Page_311">311</a><br /> +<br /> +Aberford, Rector of, <a href="#Page_220">220<i>n. 5</i></a><br /> +<br /> +<i>Accidia</i>, <a href="#Page_293">293ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>, <a href="#Page_437">437</a><br /> +<br /> +Accounts, <a href="#Page_96">96ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, <a href="#Page_333">333ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_639">639ff.</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">annual statement of, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">audit of, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a></span><br /> +<br /> +—— presentation of, by head of house, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">by obedientiaries, etc., <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>see also</i> <a href="#status"><i>Status domus</i></a></span><br /> +<br /> +Aconbury Priory, <a href="#Page_23">23<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Churches appropriated to, <a href="#Page_113">113<i>n.</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Adeburn, Alicia de, <a href="#Page_21">21</a><br /> +<br /> +Adeleshey, Joan, <a href="#Page_443">443</a><br /> +<br /><a name="aelred" id="aelred"></a> +Aelred, Abbot of Rievaulx, <a href="#Page_271">271</a><br /> +<br /><a name="alcock" id="alcock"></a> +Alcock, John, Bishop of Ely, <a href="#Page_398">398</a>, <a href="#Page_533">533</a>, <a href="#Page_602">602</a><br /> +<br /> +Aldelesse, Juliana, <a href="#Page_399">399</a><br /> +<br /> +Aldgate, St Clare outside, <a href="#Page_171">171<i>n. 2</i></a><br /> +<br /><a name="alesbury" id="alesbury"></a> +Alesbury, Agnes of, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a><br /> +<br /> +Alfrâd, the donkey of, <a href="#Page_383">383</a>, <a href="#Page_588">588ff.</a><br /> +<br /><a name="alice" id="alice"></a> +Alice, Prioress of Wintney, <a href="#Page_87">87</a><br /> +<br /> +Alienation of goods, <a href="#Page_225">225</a><br /> +<br /> +Allesley, Agnes, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, <a href="#Page_409">409</a><br /> +<br /> +Almenèches, St Sauveur, <a href="#Page_636">636</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">moral state of, <a href="#Page_666">666</a>, <a href="#Page_667">667</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Almoness of nunnery, <a href="#Page_132">132</a><br /> +<br /> +Almsgiving by nuns, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_649">649</a><br /> +<br /><a name="alnwick" id="alnwick"></a> +Alnwick, William, Bishop of Lincoln, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>, <a href="#Page_361">361<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_363">363</a>, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>, <a href="#Page_377">377<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_380">380</a>, <a href="#Page_382">382</a>, <a href="#Page_397">397</a>, <a href="#Page_399">399<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_400">400</a>, <a href="#Page_402">402<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_405">405<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_408">408</a>, <a href="#Page_412">412</a>, <a href="#Page_414">414</a>, <a href="#Page_416">416</a>, <a href="#Page_437">437</a>, <a href="#Page_449">449</a>, <a href="#Page_457">457</a>, <a href="#Page_461">461</a>, <a href="#Page_463">463</a>, <a href="#Page_481">481</a>, <a href="#Page_483">483</a>, <a href="#Page_486">486</a>, <a href="#Page_488">488</a>, <a href="#Page_490">490</a>, <a href="#Page_491">491</a>, <a href="#Page_500">500</a><br /> +<br /> +<i>Alphabet of Tales, An</i>, <a href="#Page_511">511<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_516">516<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_519">519<i>n. 1</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Alsace, <a href="#Page_239">239</a><br /> +<br /> +Alsop, Robert of, <a href="#Page_234">234</a><br /> +<br /> +Amesbury Priory, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_242">242<i>n. 8</i></a>, <a href="#Page_268">268<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_360">360<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_454">454</a>, <a href="#Page_455">455</a>, <a href="#Page_470">470</a>, <a href="#Page_482">482</a>, <a href="#Page_497">497</a><br /> +<br /> +Anchoresses, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_528">528ff.</a><br /> +<br /> +<i>Ancren Riwle</i>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>, <a href="#Page_383">383</a>, <a href="#Page_500">500</a>, <a href="#Page_525">525</a>, <a href="#Page_527">527ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_557">557</a>, <a href="#Page_592">592</a>, <a href="#Page_650">650</a>, <a href="#Page_655">655</a><br /> +<br /> +Ankerwyke Priory, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>, <a href="#Page_405">405<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_441">441<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_460">460</a>, <a href="#Page_461">461</a>, <a href="#Page_487">487<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_491">491<i>n. 2</i></a><br /> +<br /> +—— financial mismanagement of, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225<i>n. 2</i></a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">illiteracy of inmates at, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">inventory of goods of, <a href="#Page_222">222<i>n. 3</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">poverty of, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Page_304">304<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>, <a href="#Page_414">414</a>, <a href="#Page_493">493</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>and see</i> <a href="#kirkby">Kirkby, Margery</a>; <a href="#medforde">Medforde, Clarence</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>status domus</i> of, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">teacher for young nuns appointed, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">visitors at, <a href="#Page_490">490</a></span><br /> +<br /><a name="anlaby" id="anlaby"></a> +Anlaby, Josiana de, <a href="#Page_53">53</a><br /> +<br /><a name="apelgarth" id="apelgarth"></a> +Apelgarth, Sabina de, <a href="#Page_469">469</a><br /> +<br /> +Appropriation of benefices, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a><br /> +<br /> +Arden, Henry, <a href="#Page_85">85</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Priory, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>, <a href="#Page_382">382<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_494">494<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_601">601</a><br /> +<br /> +—— accounts of, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">boarders at, <a href="#Page_579">579</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">corrody granted by, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">custos of, <a href="#Page_230">230<i>n. 8</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">dilapidations at, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">mismanagement of, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">poverty of, <a href="#Page_184">184<i>n. 4</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>and see</i> <a href="#eleanor">Eleanor of Arden</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">relics at, <a href="#Page_116">116</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Arderne, Katherine de, <a href="#Page_189">189</a><br /> +<br /> +Armathwaite Priory, <a href="#Page_428">428</a>, <a href="#Page_429">429</a><br /> +<br /> +Armstrong, Jane, <a href="#Page_326">326</a><br /> +<br /> +Arnecliffe, Hugh de, <a href="#Page_234">234</a><br /> +<br /> +Arthington, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_356">356<i>n. 4</i></a>, <a href="#Page_400">400<i>n. 1</i></a><br /> +<br /> +—— accounts of, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">bequests to, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">children at, <a href="#Page_579">579</a>;</span><br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_705" id="Page_705">[Pg 705]</a></span><span style="margin-left: 1em;">coadjutress appointed at, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>custos</i> of, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">dilapidations at, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">dorter of, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">frater of, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">moral state of, <a href="#Page_598">598</a>, <a href="#Page_599">599</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">private property at, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">prioresses of, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>and see</i> <a href="#berghby">Berghby, Isabella de</a>; <a href="#popeley">Popeley, Elizabeth</a>; <a href="#screvyn">Screvyn, Agnes de</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">relics at, <a href="#Page_117">117</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Arundell, Elizabeth, <a href="#Page_442">442</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Sir John, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_429">429ff.</a><br /> +<br /><a name="arundell" id="arundell"></a> +—— Thomas, Bishop of Ely, <a href="#Page_176">176</a><br /> +<br /> +Aschby, William, <a href="#Page_399">399<i>n. 3</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Aske, Robert, <a href="#Page_282">282ff.</a><br /> +<br /><a name="asserio" id="asserio"></a> +Asserio, Rigaud de, Bishop of Winchester, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_369">369</a><br /> +<br /> +Asshe, John de, <a href="#Page_198">198</a><br /> +<br /> +Assize of bread and ale, <a href="#Page_104">104</a><br /> +<br /> +Astley, Lora, <a href="#Page_30">30</a><br /> +<br /> +Astom, Matilda, <a href="#Page_453">453</a><br /> +<br /> +Atwater, William, Bishop of Lincoln, <a href="#Page_222">222<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>, <a href="#Page_382">382<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_441">441<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_491">491</a>, <a href="#Page_596">596</a><br /> +<br /> +Aubrey, John, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>, <a href="#Page_381">381</a><br /> +<br /> +<i>Aucassin and Nicolete</i>, <a href="#Page_513">513</a>, <a href="#Page_514">514</a>, <a href="#Page_541">541</a><br /> +<br /> +Auditor of nunnery accounts, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a><br /> +<br /> +Audley, Lady, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>, <a href="#Page_412">412</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Sir Hugh, <a href="#Page_419">419</a><br /> +<br /> +Aunselle, Alice, <a href="#Page_337">337</a><br /> +<br /> +Avernay, novice of, <a href="#Page_500">500</a>, <a href="#Page_507">507</a><br /> +<br /> +Avice of Beverley, <a href="#Page_365">365<i>n. 3</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Aylesbury, Margaret, <a href="#Page_318">318</a><br /> +<br /> +Ayscough, Bishop, <a href="#Page_182">182</a><br /> +<br /> +Ayton, John of, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>, <a href="#Page_391">391</a>, <a href="#Page_435">435</a><br /> +<br /> +<br /> +Babyngton, Katherine, <a href="#Page_243">243</a><br /> +<br /> +Backwell, Rector of, <a href="#Page_233">233</a><br /> +<br /> +Bacton, Margaret, <a href="#Page_168">168</a><br /> +<br /> +Badlesmere, Bartholomew de, <a href="#Page_203">203</a><br /> +<br /> +Bailiff of nunnery, <a href="#Page_99">99ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_257">257</a><br /> +<br /> +Bakewell, Mr, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a><br /> +<br /> +Baldock, Ralph, Bishop of London, <a href="#Page_34">34<i>n. 2</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Ball, John, <a href="#Page_138">138</a><br /> +<br /> +Barber, Isabel, <a href="#Page_268">268</a><br /> +<br /> +Bardi, the, <a href="#Page_91">91</a><br /> +<br /> +Bardney, Abbot of, <a href="#Page_364">364</a><br /> +<br /> +Barking Abbey, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64<i>n. 6</i></a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156<i>n. 7</i></a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_258">258<i>n. 4</i></a>, <a href="#Page_320">320<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>, <a href="#Page_347">347<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_366">366<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_404">404<i>n. 5</i></a>, <a href="#Page_406">406<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_407">407</a>, <a href="#Page_635">635</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Abbess of, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_420">420</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>and see</i> <a href="#pole">Pole, Katherine de la</a></span><br /> +<br /> +—— Cellaress of, <a href="#Page_131">131<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>, <a href="#Page_563">563</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">accounts of, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139<i>n. 5</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>Charthe</i> of, <a href="#Page_562">562ff.</a></span><br /> +<br /> +—— children at, <a href="#Page_571">571</a>, <a href="#Page_572">572</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">church appropriated to, <a href="#Page_113">113<i>n. 1</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">claustration at, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Clemence of, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">corrodies at, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">library of, <a href="#Page_242">242<i>n. 8</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">pensions demanded from, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">pittances at, <a href="#Page_143">143<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>Puerilia solemnia</i> at, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">resident chaplains at, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">sanctuary at, <a href="#Page_420">420</a>, <a href="#Page_421">421</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Barnehous, John, <a href="#Page_269">269</a><br /> +<br /> +Barnwell, Prior of, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_202">202<i>n. 3</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Barrow Priory, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_385">385<i>n. 4</i></a>, <a href="#Page_360">360<i>n. 1</i></a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>custos</i> of, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>and see</i> <a href="#gurney">Gurney, Joanna</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Barsinghausen, <a href="#Page_674">674</a><br /> +<br /><a name="barton" id="barton"></a> +Barton, Elizabeth, <a href="#Page_419">419<i>n. 2</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Bartone, Isabel, <a href="#Page_399">399<i>n. 1</i></a><br /> +<br /><a name="bartone" id="bartone"></a> +—— Joan, <a href="#Page_413">413</a><br /> +<br /> +Basedale Priory, <a href="#Page_445">445</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>custos</i> of, <a href="#Page_230">230<i>n. 8</i></a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">moral state of, <a href="#Page_597">597</a>, <a href="#Page_598">598</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">prioresses of, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_284">284<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_360">360<i>n. 2</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>and see</i> <a href="#davell">Davell, Elizabeth</a>; <a href="#fletcher">Fletcher, Joan</a>; <a href="#percy">Percy, Joan de</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Basilia de Cotum, <a href="#Page_361">361<i>n. 2</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Basle, Synod of, <a href="#Page_314">314</a><br /> +<br /><a name="bassett" id="bassett"></a> +Bassett, Christian, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">accounts of, <a href="#Page_118">118<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Batayle, Margaret de la, <a href="#Page_26">26</a><br /> +<br /> +Bateman, Bishop of Norwich, <a href="#Page_268">268</a><br /> +<br /> +Bath and Wells, Bishops of, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>and see</i> <a href="#drokensford">Drokensford, John de</a></span><br /> +<br /><a name="bauceyn" id="bauceyn"></a> +Bauceyn, Juliana, <a href="#Page_185">185</a><br /> +<br /> +Beatrice, story of, <a href="#Page_512">512ff.</a><br /> +<br /> +Beauchamp, Agnes de, <a href="#Page_192">192</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Katherine de, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_330">330<i>n. 3</i></a><br /> +<br /> +—— Sir Guy de, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_330">330<i>n. 3</i></a><br /> +<br /> +—— Thomas, Earl of Warwick, <a href="#Page_330">330</a><br /> +<br /> +Beaumont, Lady, <a href="#Page_257">257</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Lord, <a href="#Page_268">268</a><br /> +<br /> +Beauvais, John, Bishop of, <a href="#Page_418">418</a><br /> +<br /> +Becon, Thomas, <a href="#Page_282">282</a><br /> +<br /> +Bedford, Jacquetta, Duchess of, <a href="#Page_419">419</a><br /> +<br /> +Bedford, Sheriff of, <a href="#Page_195">195</a><br /> +<br /> +Belers, Margaret, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>, <a href="#Page_382">382</a><br /> +<br /> +<i>Bel-Eyse, L’Ordre de</i>, <a href="#Page_537">537</a>, <a href="#Page_537">537<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_542">542</a><br /> +<br /> +Belgrave, Bridget, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>and see</i> <a href="#syon">Syon Abbey, chambress of</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Belle Doette, <a href="#Page_555">555</a>, <a href="#Page_556">556</a><br /> +<br /> +Benedict, Rule of St, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_285">285ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>, <a href="#Page_341">341ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>, <a href="#Page_408">408<i>n. 4</i></a><br /> +<br /> +—— translations of, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href="#Page_341">341<i>n. 1</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Benet, Isabel, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>, <a href="#Page_378">378</a>, <a href="#Page_389">389</a>, <a href="#Page_449">449</a>, <a href="#Page_460">460</a>, <a href="#Page_486">486</a>, <a href="#Page_489">489</a>, <a href="#Page_493">493</a><br /> +<br /> +Bengeworth, John, <a href="#Page_449">449</a><br /> +<br /><a name="berghby" id="berghby"></a> +Berghby, Isabella de, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_469">469</a>, <a href="#Page_598">598</a>, <a href="#Page_599">599</a><br /> +<br /> +Berkeley, Lady Elizabeth, <a href="#Page_410">410</a>, <a href="#Page_411">411</a><br /> +<br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_706" id="Page_706">[Pg 706]</a></span>—— Lord, <a href="#Page_74">74</a><br /> +<br /><a name="bernard" id="bernard"></a> +Bernard, Eleanor, <a href="#Page_360">360<i>n. 2</i></a><br /> +<br /><a name="berners" id="berners"></a> +Berners, Juliana, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_308">308</a><br /> +<br /> +Bernier, <a href="#Page_433">433ff.</a><br /> +<br /> +Berre, Alice, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a><br /> +<br /> +—— William, <a href="#Page_206">206</a><br /> +<br /> +Berthold of Regensburg, <a href="#Page_518">518<i>n. 1</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Berwick, North, Priory of, <a href="#Page_418">418</a><br /> +<br /> +Berwick-on-Tweed, Gild at, <a href="#Page_11">11</a><br /> +<br /> +Berzé, Seigneur de, <a href="#Page_542">542</a><br /> +<br /> +Betsone, Thomas, <a href="#Page_287">287</a><br /> +<br /> +Bever, John, <a href="#Page_86">86</a><br /> +<br /> +Beverley, St Nicholas’ Hospital, <a href="#Page_365">365</a><br /> +<br /> +Bible, reading of, by nuns, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a><br /> +<br /> +Bicester, Prior of, <a href="#Page_234">234</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Priory, <a href="#Page_210">210<i>n. 2</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Birlaunde, Henry of, <a href="#Page_233">233</a><br /> +<br /><a name="bischofsheim" id="bischofsheim"></a> +Bischofsheim, Abbess of, <a href="#Page_237">237</a><br /> +<br /> +Bishopsgate, St Helen’s, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_109">109<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_292">292<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>, <a href="#Page_402">402<i>n. 4</i></a>, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>, <a href="#Page_408">408</a>, <a href="#Page_441">441<i>n.</i></a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">children at, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_576">576</a>, <a href="#Page_577">577</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">corrodies granted by, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_307">307</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Bival Abbey, <a href="#Page_636">636</a>, <a href="#Page_647">647</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Abbess of, <a href="#Page_645">645</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">financial state of, <a href="#Page_637">637</a>, <a href="#Page_638">638</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Bixley, John, <a href="#Page_208">208</a><br /> +<br /> +Blackborough Priory, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>, <a href="#Page_412">412</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">fair of, <a href="#Page_106">106<i>n. 2</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">poverty of, <a href="#Page_184">184<i>n. 4</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a></span><br /> +<br /><a name="black" id="black"></a> +Black Death, the, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_457">457</a><br /> +<br /> +Blacklow Hill, <a href="#Page_419">419</a><br /> +<br /> +Blankney, Vicar of, <a href="#Page_232">232</a><br /> +<br /> +Bleden, Joan, <a href="#Page_5">5</a><br /> +<br /> +Bleeding of nuns, <a href="#Page_257">257ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>, <a href="#Page_646">646</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of monks, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Blois, Robert de, <a href="#Page_8">8</a><br /> +<br /> +Blund, Ann le, <a href="#Page_6">6</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Sir John le, <a href="#Page_6">6</a><br /> +<br /> +Boarders in nunnery, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a><br /> +<br /> +Boccaccio, <a href="#Page_516">516<i>n. 4</i></a>, <a href="#Page_522">522</a><br /> +<br /><a name="bodenham" id="bodenham"></a> +Bodenham, Cecily, <a href="#Page_72">72</a><br /> +<br /> +Boleyn, Anne, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Thomas, <a href="#Page_77">77</a><br /> +<br /> +Bondeville Priory, <a href="#Page_636">636</a>, <a href="#Page_646">646</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">accounts of, <a href="#Page_640">640</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>custos</i> of, <a href="#Page_640">640</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">financial state of, <a href="#Page_255">255<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_637">637</a>, <a href="#Page_638">638</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">inventory of, <a href="#Page_641">641</a>, <a href="#Page_645">645</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <a href="#Page_644">644</a>, <a href="#Page_645">645</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Bonevyll, Sir William, <a href="#Page_329">329</a><br /> +<br /> +Boniface VIII, <a href="#Page_201">201<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>, <a href="#Page_354">354</a><br /> +<br /> +—— IX, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a><br /> +<br /> +Booth, Archbishop William, <a href="#Page_175">175</a><br /> +<br /> +Bossall, Vicar of, <a href="#Page_231">231</a><br /> +<br /> +Boteler, Margaret la, <a href="#Page_365">365</a><br /> +<br /> +Botere, Walter, <a href="#Page_33">33</a><br /> +<br /> +Botulphe, Joan, <a href="#Page_312">312</a><br /> +<br /> +Bourbon, Etienne de, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>, <a href="#Page_516">516<i>n. 1</i></a><br /> +<br /><a name="bourbon" id="bourbon"></a> +Bourbon, Marie de, <a href="#Page_558">558</a><br /> +<br /><a name="bowes" id="bowes"></a> +Bowes, Agnes, <a href="#Page_457">457</a><br /> +<br /> +Bowet, Henry, Archbishop of York, <a href="#Page_83">83<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>, <a href="#Page_477">477</a><br /> +<br /> +Bowlis, Alice, <a href="#Page_48">48ff.</a><br /> +<br /> +Boy Bishop, the, <a href="#Page_311">311ff.</a><br /> +<br /> +Boyfield, Alice, <a href="#Page_46">46</a><br /> +<br /><a name="boyfield" id="boyfield"></a> +—— Elizabeth, <a href="#Page_46">46ff.</a><br /> +<br /> +Bradford-on-Avon, Church of, <a href="#Page_176">176</a><br /> +<br /> +<i>Braies au Prestre, Les</i>, <a href="#Page_541">541</a><br /> +<br /> +Brakle, Agnes, <a href="#Page_88">88</a><br /> +<br /> +Brampton Church, <a href="#Page_463">463</a><br /> +<br /> +Brantyngham, Thomas de, Bishop of Exeter, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>, <a href="#Page_403">403<i>n. 5</i></a>, <a href="#Page_417">417</a><br /> +<br /> +Brasyer, Stephen, <a href="#Page_103">103</a><br /> +<br /> +Brentford, Chapel of the Angels, <a href="#Page_99">99</a><br /> +<br /> +Brenyntone, Alicia, <a href="#Page_33">33</a><br /> +<br /> +Bret, Isabel, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>, <a href="#Page_192">192</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Robert, <a href="#Page_191">191<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_192">192</a><br /> +<br /> +Brewood (Staffs.), <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147<i>n. 4</i></a>, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>, <a href="#Page_443">443<i>n. 2</i></a><br /> +<br /> +—— Prioress of, <a href="#Page_183">183<i>n. 6</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Brid, Aleyn, <a href="#Page_207">207</a><br /> +<br /> +Bridlington, <a href="#Page_427">427</a><br /> +<br /> +Bristol, St Bartholomew’s Hospital, <a href="#Page_442">442<i>n. 2</i></a><br /> +<br /> +—— St Mary Magdalen, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184<i>n. 4</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Brittany, Duke John of, <a href="#Page_429">429</a><br /> +<br /> +Brodholme Priory, <a href="#Page_229">229<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>, <a href="#Page_449">449</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>custos</i> of, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <a href="#Page_423">423</a></span><br /> +<br /><a name="broke" id="broke"></a> +Broke, Elizabeth, <a href="#Page_88">88<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_389">389</a>, <a href="#Page_469">469</a><br /> +<br /><a name="bromele" id="bromele"></a> +Bromele, Thomas, <a href="#Page_267">267</a><br /> +<br /> +Bromhale Priory, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_360">360<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_377">377</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">dissolution of, <a href="#Page_603">603</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">prioresses of, <i>see</i> <a href="#juliana">Juliana of Bromhale</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Brompton, John, <a href="#Page_326">326</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Rector of, <i>see</i> <a href="#playce">Playce, Robert de</a><br /> +<br /> +Bromyard, John, <a href="#Page_516">516<i>n. 2</i></a><br /> +<br /><a name="broughton" id="broughton"></a> +Broughton (Northants.), Rector of, <a href="#Page_352">352</a><br /> +<br /> +Browne, Agnes, <a href="#Page_20">20</a><br /> +<br /> +Bruce, Robert, <a href="#Page_427">427</a><br /> +<br /> +Brugge, Joan, <a href="#Page_424">424<i>n. 2</i></a><br /> +<br /> +—— Peter, <a href="#Page_424">424<i>n. 2</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Brun, Alicia, <a href="#Page_21">21</a><br /> +<br /> +Brunne, Robert of, <a href="#Page_521">521</a><br /> +<br /> +Brus, Elizabeth de, <a href="#Page_420">420</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Robert de, <a href="#Page_420">420</a><br /> +<br /> +Bruys, Joan, <a href="#Page_441">441<i>n.</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Bryce, Master, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a><br /> +<br /> +Buckingham, Archidiaconate of, <a href="#Page_174">174</a><br /> +<br /><a name="buckingham" id="buckingham"></a> +—— John, Bishop of Lincoln, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>, <a href="#Page_386">386</a>, <a href="#Page_390">390<i>n. 5</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Buckland Priory, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">poverty of, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a></span><br /> +<br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_707" id="Page_707">[Pg 707]</a></span>Bugga, Abbess, <a href="#Page_237">237</a><br /> +<br /> +Bungay, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_442">442<i>n. 2</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Buonvisi, Lucrezia, <a href="#Page_474">474</a><br /> +<br /> +Burghersh, Bishop, <a href="#Page_450">450<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_582">582</a><br /> +<br /> +Burgo, Elizabeth de, <a href="#Page_420">420</a><br /> +<br /><a name="burn" id="burn"></a> +Burn, John, <a href="#Page_242">242</a><br /> +<br /> +Burnham Abbey, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>, <a href="#Page_442">442<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_457">457</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">education of children at, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, <a href="#Page_569">569</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">poverty of, <a href="#Page_184">184<i>n. 4</i></a></span><br /> +<br /> +Burton, Abbot of, <a href="#Page_4">4</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Margaret of, <a href="#Page_443">443<i>n. 2</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Burtscheid, Abbey of, <a href="#Page_28">28</a><br /> +<br /> +Bury St Edmunds, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_370">370</a><br /> +<br /><a name="busch" id="busch"></a> +Busch, Johann, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>, <a href="#Page_473">473</a>, <a href="#Page_670">670ff.</a><br /> +<br /> +Bustard, John, <a href="#Page_231">231</a><br /> +<br /> +Butler, Agnes, <a href="#Page_449">449</a><br /> +<br /> +Bycombe, Isolda, <a href="#Page_410">410</a><br /> +<br /> +—— John, <a href="#Page_410">410</a><br /> +<br /> +Byland Abbey, <a href="#Page_427">427</a><br /> +<br /> +<br /> +Caen, Abbaye-aux-Dames, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>, <a href="#Page_636">636</a>, <a href="#Page_646">646</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">accounts of, <a href="#Page_639">639</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">financial state of, <a href="#Page_637">637</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Caesarius of Heisterbach’s <i>Dialogus Miraculorum</i>, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_27">27<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_277">277<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_450">450<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_511">511<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_516">516<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_520">520</a>, <a href="#Page_531">531</a>, <a href="#Page_627">627ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_656">656</a><br /> +<br /> +Caldwell Priory, <a href="#Page_308">308<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_386">386</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prior of, <a href="#Page_46">46</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Calle, Richard, <a href="#Page_411">411</a>, <a href="#Page_412">412</a><br /> +<br /> +Caluerley, Richard, <a href="#Page_399">399</a><br /> +<br /> +Calwell, Thomas, <a href="#Page_120">120</a><br /> +<br /> +Camberwell, <a href="#Page_71">71</a><br /> +<br /> +Cambridge, Elizabeth de, <a href="#Page_398">398</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Friars Minor of, <a href="#Page_122">122</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Jesus College, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>, <a href="#Page_602">602</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Mayor of, <a href="#Page_122">122</a><br /> +<br /> +—— St John’s College, <a href="#Page_603">603</a><br /> +<br /> +—— St Radegund’s Priory, <a href="#Page_60">60<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_106">106<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_292">292<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_356">356<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_398">398</a>, <a href="#Page_571">571</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">accounts of, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>, <a href="#Page_571">571</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">alms given by, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">bailiff of, <i>see</i> <a href="#key">Key, Thomas</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">chaplains of, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">church of, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">churches appropriated to, <a href="#Page_135">135<i>n. 5</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">confessor of, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">clothes of nuns at, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">dissolution of, <a href="#Page_602">602</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">fire at, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Garlick Fair of, <a href="#Page_106">106<i>n. 1</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">gifts to, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">hospitality of, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">liveries of servants at, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">poverty of, <a href="#Page_184">184<i>n. 4</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">prioresses of, <a href="#Page_147">147<i>n. 5</i></a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_366">366<i>n. 2</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>and see</i> <a href="#lancaster">Lancaster, Joan</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">repairs at, <a href="#Page_123">123ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">servants of, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">visitation of, <a href="#Page_494">494<i>n. 1</i></a></span><br /> +<br /> +Camoys, Margaret de, <a href="#Page_73">73</a><br /> +<br /> +Campsey Priory, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64<i>n. 6</i></a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">hospitality at, <a href="#Page_417">417</a>, <a href="#Page_418">418</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">mismanagement by Prioress of, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_417">417</a></span><br /> +<br /> +<i>Canard Blanc, Le</i>, <a href="#Page_617">617</a><br /> +<br /> +Cannington Priory, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_410">410</a>, <a href="#Page_452">452</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">boarders at, <a href="#Page_453">453</a>, <a href="#Page_578">578</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">coadjutresses appointed at, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">corrodies, unauthorised sale of, at, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_410">410</a>, <a href="#Page_453">453</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">simoniacal admission of nuns at, <a href="#Page_224">224</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Canons Ashby Priory, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prior of, <a href="#Page_231">231</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Canonsleigh Abbey, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_183">183<i>n. 4</i></a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>, <a href="#Page_376">376</a>, <a href="#Page_406">406<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_411">411</a>, <a href="#Page_416">416<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_417">417</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Abbess of, <a href="#Page_71">71<i>n. 4</i></a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">coadjutress appointed at, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">claustration relaxed at, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355<i>n. 2</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">presentation of accounts at, <a href="#Page_219">219</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Canterbury, Archbishops of, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_347">347<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_482">482<i>n. 1</i></a><br /> +<br /><a name="canterbury" id="canterbury"></a> +—— Holy Sepulchre, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156<i>n. 7</i></a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_359">359<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>, <a href="#Page_399">399</a>, <a href="#Page_403">403<i>n. 5</i></a>, <a href="#Page_413">413<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_449">449</a>, <a href="#Page_487">487</a>, <a href="#Page_494">494<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_581">581</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">alms given by, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>custos</i> of, <a href="#Page_230">230<i>n. 8</i></a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_487">487</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">poverty of, <a href="#Page_234">234</a></span><br /> +<br /> +—— Hospital of St James, <a href="#Page_82">82<i>n. 4</i></a>, <a href="#Page_184">184<i>n. 5</i></a>, <a href="#Page_390">390<i>n. 5</i></a>, <a href="#Page_494">494<i>n. 1</i></a><br /> +<br /> +—— pilgrimage to, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Priory, <a href="#Page_210">210<i>n. 2</i></a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prior of, <a href="#Page_461">461</a>, <a href="#Page_482">482<i>n. 1</i></a></span><br /> +<br /> +Cantilupe, Thomas de, Bishop of Hereford, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>, <a href="#Page_347">347<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_367">367<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_369">369</a><br /> +<br /> +Capron, John, <a href="#Page_454">454</a><br /> +<br /> +Carey, Eleanor, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a><br /> +<br /> +—— John, <a href="#Page_54">54</a><br /> +<br /> +Carinthia, Monastery of, <a href="#Page_592">592</a><br /> +<br /> +Carmaynton, David, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a><br /> +<br /> +Carrow Priory, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_148">148<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>, <a href="#Page_366">366</a>, <a href="#Page_587">587</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">boarders at, <a href="#Page_411">411</a>, <a href="#Page_577">577</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">children at, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">churches appropriated to, <a href="#Page_113">113<i>n. 2</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">complaints of bad food, etc., at, <a href="#Page_168">168<i>n. 2</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">enforced reception of nuns into, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">lawsuit of, <a href="#Page_202">202<i>n. 2</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">pestilence at, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Philip Sparrow at, <a href="#Page_590">590ff.</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105<i>n. 3</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>and see</i> <a href="#wilton">Wilton, Edith</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">revels at, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">sanctuary at, <a href="#Page_422">422</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">titles granted to, <a href="#Page_116">116<i>n. 1</i></a></span><br /> +<br /> +Cassian, <a href="#Page_294">294</a><br /> +<br /> +Castile, Constance of, <a href="#Page_421">421<i>n. 1</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Castle Hedingham Priory, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <a href="#Page_360">360<i>n. 2</i></a></span><br /> +<br /> +Catesby, Joan, <a href="#Page_84">84</a><br /> +<br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_708" id="Page_708">[Pg 708]</a></span>—— Priory, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_378">378</a>, <a href="#Page_388">388</a>, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>, <a href="#Page_402">402<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_408">408<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_447">447</a>, <a href="#Page_477">477</a>, <a href="#Page_486">486</a>, <a href="#Page_489">489</a>, <a href="#Page_583">583</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">accounts of, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_105">105<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_115">115<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_118">118<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">children at, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, <a href="#Page_409">409</a>, <a href="#Page_577">577</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">dilapidations at, <a href="#Page_171">171<i>n. 2</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">home farm of, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">households of nuns at, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">jewels pawned, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">master of, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>peculium</i> for clothes, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">pilgrimages to, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">poverty of, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184<i>n. 4</i></a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>, <a href="#Page_452">452</a>, <a href="#Page_463">463</a>, <a href="#Page_477">477</a>, <a href="#Page_488">488</a>, <a href="#Page_493">493</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>and see</i> <a href="#rich">Rich, Margaret</a>; <a href="#wavere">Wavere, Margaret</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Catherine, nun of Bungay, <a href="#Page_33">33</a><br /> +<br /> +Catley, <a href="#Page_18">18</a><br /> +<br /> +Catton, Rector of, <a href="#Page_30">30</a><br /> +<br /> +Caxton, <a href="#Page_241">241</a><br /> +<br /> +Caynes, Sir Robert de, <a href="#Page_192">192</a><br /> +<br /><a name="cellaress" id="cellaress"></a> +Cellaress of nunnery, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">duties of, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">accounts of, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Chambress of nunnery, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">accounts of, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Champnys, Alice, <a href="#Page_243">243</a><br /> +<br /> +<i>Chansons de Nonnes</i>, <a href="#Page_502">502ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_604">604ff.</a><br /> +<br /> +Chantimpré, Thomas of, <a href="#Page_584">584</a><br /> +<br /><a name="chantress" id="chantress"></a> +Chantress of nunnery, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a><br /> +<br /> +Chaplains, <a href="#Page_143">143ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">residences of, <a href="#Page_144">144</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Chapter house, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href="#Page_475">475ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_648">648ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_672">672</a><br /> +<br /> +Chark, John, <a href="#Page_156">156</a><br /> +<br /> +Charles V of France, <a href="#Page_429">429</a><br /> +<br /> +Charter, foundation, exhibition of, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a><br /> +<br /> +Charterys, Elizabeth, <a href="#Page_152">152</a><br /> +<br /> +Chatok, Elizabeth, <a href="#Page_403">403</a><br /> +<br /> +Chatteris Abbey, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184<i>n. 4</i></a>, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Abbess of, <a href="#Page_65">65</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Chaucer, Geoffrey, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>, <a href="#Page_561">561</a>, <a href="#Page_588">588</a><br /> +<br /> +Chaucy, Elizabeth, <a href="#Page_19">19</a><br /> +<br /> +<i>Checker</i>, <a href="#Page_319">319</a><br /> +<br /> +Chelles, nuns of, <a href="#Page_345">345</a><br /> +<br /> +Cheshunt Priory, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">poverty of, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184<i>n. 4</i></a></span><br /> +<br /> +—— priest’s chamber at, <a href="#Page_145">145</a><br /> +<br /> +Chester, <a href="#Page_185">185</a><br /> +<br /> +—— St Mary’s, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">poverty of, <a href="#Page_172">172</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Chicksand Priory, <a href="#Page_420">420</a><br /> +<br /> +Children, education of, <a href="#Page_261">261ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_568">568ff.</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">costs of, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270</a></span><br /> +<br /><a name="chilterne" id="chilterne"></a> +Chilterne, Alice de, <a href="#Page_88">88<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a><br /> +<br /> +Chivynton, Johanna, <a href="#Page_399">399</a><br /> +<br /> +Chondut, Agnes, <a href="#Page_17">17</a><br /> +<br /> +Chondut, Katherine, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Ralph, <a href="#Page_17">17</a><br /> +<br /> +Chygwell, William de, <a href="#Page_197">197</a><br /> +<br /> +Chyld, Margery, <a href="#Page_399">399</a><br /> +<br /> +Cîteaux, Abbot of, <a href="#Page_375">375<i>n. 1</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Clay, Richard del, <a href="#Page_52">52</a><br /> +<br /> +<i>Clef d’Amors, La</i>, <a href="#Page_8">8</a><br /> +<br /> +Clemence of Barking, <a href="#Page_239">239</a><br /> +<br /> +Clementhorpe Priory, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>, <a href="#Page_360">360<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_365">365<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_384">384<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_600">600</a>, <a href="#Page_601">601</a><br /> +<br /> +<i>Clene Maydenhod</i>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_525">525</a><br /> +<br /> +Clerkenwell Priory, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259<i>n. 3</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Cleveland, Archdeacon of, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a><br /> +<br /> +Clinton, Isabel, Lady, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_39">39</a><br /> +<br /> +Clouvill, Isabel, <a href="#Page_441">441</a><br /> +<br /> +Coadjutress, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a><br /> +<br /> +Cobham, Thomas de, Bishop of Worcester, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Eleanor de, <a href="#Page_418">418</a>, <a href="#Page_419">419<i>n. 2</i></a><br /> +<br /> +—— Henry de, <a href="#Page_421">421</a><br /> +<br /> +<i>Cokaygne, The Land of</i>, <a href="#Page_534">534ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_542">542</a><br /> +<br /> +Cokehill Priory, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232<i>n. 5</i></a>, <a href="#Page_385">385</a>, <a href="#Page_481">481</a>, <a href="#Page_482">482</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">chaplain of, <a href="#Page_232">232<i>n. 5</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <a href="#Page_185">185<i>n. 6</i></a></span><br /> +<br /> +Cokke, John, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a><br /> +<br /> +Colchester, <a href="#Page_420">420</a><br /> +<br /> +Coldingham, nuns of, <a href="#Page_303">303<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>, <a href="#Page_471">471</a><br /> +<br /> +Coleworthe, Joan, <a href="#Page_84">84</a><br /> +<br /> +Cologne, Provincial Council of, <a href="#Page_360">360<i>n. 1</i></a><br /> +<br /><a name="colte" id="colte"></a> +Colte, Anne, <a href="#Page_447">447<i>n. 6</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Common Pleas, Court of, <a href="#Page_70">70</a><br /> +<br /> +Condé, Jean de, <a href="#Page_539">539</a>, <a href="#Page_541">541</a>, <a href="#Page_542">542</a><br /> +<br /> +<i>Congé d’élire</i>, <a href="#Page_43">43<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_44">44ff.</a><br /> +<br /> +Conyers, Alice, <a href="#Page_328">328<i>n. 2</i></a><br /> +<br /> +—— Cecily, <a href="#Page_31">31</a><br /> +<br /> +Cook, Alice, <a href="#Page_395">395</a><br /> +<br /> +—— William, <a href="#Page_395">395</a><br /> +<br /> +Copeland, John, <a href="#Page_197">197</a><br /> +<br /> +Cornhill, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_192">192</a><br /> +<br /> +Cornwallis, Katherine, <a href="#Page_50">50</a><br /> +<br /> +Cornworthy Priory, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_413">413<i>n. 4</i></a>, <a href="#Page_444">444</a>, <a href="#Page_445">445</a>, <a href="#Page_571">571</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">boarders at, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>and see</i> <a href="#dynham">Dynham</a>, <i>and</i> <a href="#wortham">Wortham</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Corp, Isabella, <a href="#Page_328">328</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Thomas, <a href="#Page_328">328</a><br /> +<br /> +Corrodians, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_409">409ff.</a><br /> +<br /> +Corrodies, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_190">190ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a><br /> +<br /> +Cotnall, William, <a href="#Page_454">454</a><br /> +<br /> +Coton Priory, <i>see</i> <a href="#nuncoton">Nuncoton</a><br /> +<br /> +Cotton, Ellen, <a href="#Page_459">459</a><br /> +<br /> +Courtenay, Joan, <a href="#Page_242">242</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Lady Elizabeth, <a href="#Page_417">417</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Sir Hugh de, <a href="#Page_417">417</a><br /> +<br /> +—— William, Archbishop of Canterbury, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>, <a href="#Page_383">383</a>, <a href="#Page_459">459</a>, <a href="#Page_468">468</a><br /> +<br /> +<i>Court of Love</i>, <a href="#Page_509">509</a>, <a href="#Page_511">511</a><br /> +<br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_709" id="Page_709">[Pg 709]</a></span>Couvel, Isabella, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a><br /> +<br /> +Coventry, <a href="#Page_256">256</a><br /> +<br /> +Cox, Agnes, <a href="#Page_261">261<i>n. 2</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Crabhouse Priory, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_378">378<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_461">461</a>, <a href="#Page_468">468</a>, <a href="#Page_477">477<i>n. 1</i></a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">dilapidations at, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">fire at, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>and see</i> <a href="#wiggenhall">Wiggenhall</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Register of, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">repairs at, <a href="#Page_92">92ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Cranmer, <a href="#Page_270">270</a><br /> +<br /> +Crayke, Cecilia, <a href="#Page_57">57</a><br /> +<br /> +Crécy, <a href="#Page_10">10</a><br /> +<br /> +Cressy, Sir Hugh de, <a href="#Page_214">214</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Jonetta, <a href="#Page_214">214</a><br /> +<br /> +Crioll, Margery de, <a href="#Page_330">330</a><br /> +<br /> +Crofton, John, <a href="#Page_370">370</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Juliana de, <a href="#Page_329">329</a><br /> +<br /> +Cromwell, Gregory, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Thomas, <a href="#Page_30">30<i>n. 5</i></a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a><br /> +<br /> +Crosse, Margaret, <a href="#Page_363">363</a>, <a href="#Page_364">364</a><br /> +<br /> +Croxton, <a href="#Page_231">231</a><br /> +<br /> +Cumberworth, Sir Thomas, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>, <a href="#Page_370">370</a><br /> +<br /> +Cunyers, Alice, <a href="#Page_328">328</a><br /> +<br /> +<i>Custos</i> of nunnery, <a href="#Page_229">229ff.</a><br /> +<br /> +<br /> +Dalderby, John, Bishop of Lincoln, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_351">351ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_366">366</a>, <a href="#Page_423">423</a>, <a href="#Page_443">443ff.</a><br /> +<br /> +Damory, Roger, <a href="#Page_420">420</a><br /> +<br /> +Danby, Margaret, <a href="#Page_360">360<i>n. 2</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Danne, Roger, <a href="#Page_198">198</a><br /> +<br /> +Dante, quoted, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>, <a href="#Page_295">295</a><br /> +<br /> +Darcy, Lord, <a href="#Page_146">146</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Margaret, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322<i>n.</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Dartford Abbey, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247<i>n. 2</i></a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">alms given by, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">boarders at, <a href="#Page_573">573</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Daubeney, Henry Lord, <a href="#Page_146">146</a><br /> +<br /> +Daubriggecourt, Sir John, <a href="#Page_6">6</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Margery, <a href="#Page_6">6</a><br /> +<br /><a name="davell" id="davell"></a> +Davell, Elizabeth, <a href="#Page_360">360<i>n. 2</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Daventry Priory, <a href="#Page_58">58</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Roger de, <a href="#Page_230">230<i>n. 1</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Davington Priory, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_366">366</a>, <a href="#Page_604">604</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>custos</i> of, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">financial mismanagement at, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <a href="#Page_183">183<i>n. 4</i></a></span><br /> +<br /> +Davy, Alice, <a href="#Page_360">360<i>n. 2</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Davye, Agnes, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_319">319</a><br /> +<br /> +Decun, Alice, <a href="#Page_496">496</a><br /> +<br /> +Delapré Priory (Herts.), <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>, <a href="#Page_456">456</a>, <a href="#Page_479">479</a>, <a href="#Page_481">481</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">accounts of, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_118">118<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_139">139<i>n. 5</i></a>, <a href="#Page_163">163<i>n. 4</i></a>, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>, <a href="#Page_479">479<i>n. 4</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">dissolution of, <a href="#Page_604">604</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">grades of inmates at, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">huntsman of, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">illiterate inmates at, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">litigation by, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">master of, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">merrymaking at, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">pittances at, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Page_370">370</a>, <a href="#Page_479">479<i>n. 4</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>see</i> <a href="#bassett">Bassett, Christian</a>; <a href="#wafer">Wafer, Alice</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Delapré Abbey (Northants.), <a href="#Page_249">249</a>, <a href="#Page_321">321<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_425">425</a>, <a href="#Page_457">457</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Abbess of, <a href="#Page_360">360<i>n. 2</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">claustration at, <a href="#Page_351">351ff.</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">nuns of, excommunicated, <a href="#Page_441">441</a>, <a href="#Page_442">442</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">pensions demanded from, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">poverty of, <a href="#Page_175">175</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Delft, Franciscan tertiaries of, <a href="#Page_240">240<i>n. 2</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Dene, William de, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a><br /> +<br /> +Denesson, Henry, <a href="#Page_123">123ff.</a><br /> +<br /> +Denny Abbey, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_378">378<i>n. 3</i></a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Abbess of, <a href="#Page_122">122</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Depeden, Margaret, <a href="#Page_326">326</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Sir John, <a href="#Page_325">325</a><br /> +<br /> +Derby, Earl of, <a href="#Page_146">146</a><br /> +<br /> +Dereham, William de, <a href="#Page_195">195</a><br /> +<br /> +Derneburg, <a href="#Page_673">673</a>, <a href="#Page_680">680</a><br /> +<br /> +Deschamps, Eustache, <a href="#Page_500">500</a>, <a href="#Page_507">507</a><br /> +<br /> +Despenser, Hugh, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_420">420</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Juliana, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a><br /> +<br /> +<i>Diolog concerning the Monarché</i>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a><br /> +<br /> +<i>Dives and Pauper</i>, <a href="#Page_366">366<i>n. 4</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Dorset, Marquess of, <a href="#Page_146">146</a><br /> +<br /> +Dorter, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>, <a href="#Page_409">409</a><br /> +<br /><a name="draycote" id="draycote"></a> +Draycote, Cecilia de, <a href="#Page_224">224</a><br /> +<br /> +Dreffield, Maud de, <a href="#Page_214">214</a><br /> +<br /><a name="drokensford" id="drokensford"></a> +Drokensford, John de, Bishop of Bath and Wells, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358<i>n. 4</i></a>, <a href="#Page_410">410</a><br /> +<br /> +Du Bois, Pierre, <a href="#Page_56">56</a><br /> +<br /> +Dudley, Sir John, <a href="#Page_279">279</a><br /> +<br /> +Dunkirk, <a href="#Page_258">258</a><br /> +<br /> +Dunstable Priory, <a href="#Page_308">308<i>n. 1</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Dunwyche, Alice, <a href="#Page_484">484</a><br /> +<br /> +Durant, Geoffrey, <a href="#Page_40">40</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Molde, <a href="#Page_40">40</a><br /> +<br /> +Durham, Bishops of, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_309">309<i>n. 6</i></a>, <a href="#Page_427">427</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>see</i> <a href="#hatfield">Hatfield, Thomas</a>; <a href="#skirlaw_w">Skirlaw, Walter</a></span><br /> +<br /> +—— Priory, <a href="#Page_210">210<i>n. 2</i></a><br /> +<br /> +—— Sherburn Hospital, <a href="#Page_361">361<i>n. 2</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Dychere, Agnes, <a href="#Page_167">167</a><br /> +<br /> +Dymmok, Elizabeth, <a href="#Page_413">413</a>, <a href="#Page_417">417</a><br /> +<br /><a name="dynham" id="dynham"></a> +Dynham, Thomasyn, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_571">571</a><br /> +<br /> +<br /><a name="eadburg" id="eadburg"></a> +Eadburg, Abbess of Thanet, <a href="#Page_237">237</a><br /> +<br /> +Easebourne Priory, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="#Page_292">292<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>, <a href="#Page_448">448<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_452">452</a>, <a href="#Page_494">494<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_582">582</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">boarders at, <a href="#Page_415">415</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">churches appropriated to, <a href="#Page_113">113<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">dilapidations at, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171<i>n. 2</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">disorder at, <a href="#Page_453">453</a>, <a href="#Page_454">454</a>, <a href="#Page_462">462</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">inventory of goods of, <a href="#Page_222">222<i>n. 3</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">library of, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">poverty of, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">prioresses of, <a href="#Page_76">76ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="#Page_454">454</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>see</i> <a href="#montfort">Montfort, Isabel de</a>; <a href="#sackfelde">Sackfelde, Margaret</a>; <a href="#tawke">Tawke, Agnes</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Edmund, Earl of Cornwall, <a href="#Page_191">191</a><br /> +<br /> +Edward I, <a href="#Page_455">455</a>, <a href="#Page_462">462</a><br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_710" id="Page_710">[Pg 710]</a></span><br /> +Edward II, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <a href="#Page_427">427</a>, <a href="#Page_419">419</a><br /> +<br /> +—— III, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a><br /> +<br /> +Edyndon, William of, Bishop of Winchester, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_416">416</a><br /> +<br /> +Egglestone Abbey, <a href="#Page_428">428<i>n. 3</i></a><br /> +<br /><a name="eleanor" id="eleanor"></a> +Eleanor, Prioress of Arden, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_382">382<i>n. 1</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Eleanor, wife of Henry III, <a href="#Page_455">455</a><br /> +<br /> +Elizabeth, Countess of Hereford, <a href="#Page_196">196</a><br /> +<br /> +—— of York, <a href="#Page_19">19</a><br /> +<br /> +Ellerton Priory, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_428">428</a><br /> +<br /> +Elstow Abbey, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_64">64<i>n. 6</i></a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>, <a href="#Page_383">383</a>, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>, <a href="#Page_390">390</a>, <a href="#Page_401">401<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_402">402<i>n. 4</i></a>, <a href="#Page_404">404</a>, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>, <a href="#Page_407">407<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_454">454</a>, <a href="#Page_459">459ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_463">463ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_477">477</a>, <a href="#Page_581">581</a>, <a href="#Page_583">583</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Abbesses of, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>, <a href="#Page_464">464</a>, <a href="#Page_477">477</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>and see</i> <a href="#boyfield">Boyfield, Eliz.</a>, <i>and</i> <a href="#gascoigne">Gascoigne, Agnes</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">accounts, <a href="#Page_131">131<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_335">335<i>n.</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">bailiffs of, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">boarders at, <a href="#Page_411">411</a>, <a href="#Page_415">415</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">dilapidations at, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">education of children at, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_569">569</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">election of Abbess at, <a href="#Page_46">46ff.</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">fair of, <a href="#Page_106">106<i>n. 2</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">fashions at, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>, <a href="#Page_586">586</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">hospitality at, <a href="#Page_358">358<i>n. 5</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">households of nuns at, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>, <a href="#Page_320">320<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_321">321<i>n. 1</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">learning of novices, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">livings held by, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">number of nuns at, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">pensions demanded from, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Precentress of, <a href="#Page_261">261<i>n. 2</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">sacrist’s accounts at, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">treasuress to be appointed at, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">visitations of, <a href="#Page_497">497</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Ely, Archdeacon of, <a href="#Page_175">175</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Bishops of, <a href="#Page_423">423</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>see</i> <a href="#alcock">Alcock, John</a>; <a href="#arundell">Arundell, Thomas</a>; <a href="#fordham">Fordham, John of</a>; <a href="#grey">Grey, William</a></span><br /> +<br /> +—— fair, <a href="#Page_138">138</a><br /> +<br /> +Embroidery by nuns, <a href="#Page_255">255ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_287">287</a><br /> +<br /><a name="emma_stape" id="emma_stape"></a> +Emma of Stapelton, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a><br /> +<br /><a name="emma_york" id="emma_york"></a> +—— of York, <a href="#Page_51">51ff.</a><br /> +<br /> +Ensfrid of Cologne, <a href="#Page_54">54</a><br /> +<br /> +Erasmus, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_376">376</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>Colloquies</i>, <a href="#Page_549">549ff.</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Erfurt, St Cyriac, <a href="#Page_674">674</a><br /> +<br /> +—— St Martin, <a href="#Page_676">676</a><br /> +<br /> +Erle, Peter, <a href="#Page_327">327</a><br /> +<br /> +Erlham, John de, <a href="#Page_268">268</a><br /> +<br /> +Escherde, <a href="#Page_681">681</a>, <a href="#Page_682">682</a><br /> +<br /> +<i>Escoufle, L’</i>, <a href="#Page_560">560<i>n.</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Esholt Priory, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_390">390</a>, <a href="#Page_402">402</a>, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>, <a href="#Page_467">467<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_601">601</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">bequest to, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">children at, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>, <a href="#Page_579">579</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">indulgence for contributors to repairs at, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">immorality at, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57<i>n. 2</i></a></span><br /> +<br /> +Estates, management of, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a><br /> +<br /> +Estrées, Angélique d’, <a href="#Page_451">451<i>n. 5</i></a>, <a href="#Page_474">474</a><br /> +<br /> +Eton, Robert de, <a href="#Page_448">448</a><br /> +<br /> +Etton, Alice, <a href="#Page_31">31</a><br /> +<br /><a name="euphemia" id="euphemia"></a> +Euphemia, Abbess of Wherwell, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>, <a href="#Page_501">501</a><br /> +<br /> +Everesdon, John, <a href="#Page_152">152</a><br /> +<br /> +Everingham, Margaret, <a href="#Page_449">449</a><br /> +<br /> +Everyngham, Alice de, <a href="#Page_442">442<i>n. 2</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Evesham Chronicle, <a href="#Page_489">489<i>n. 1</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Evreux, St Sauveur, <a href="#Page_636">636ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_646">646</a><br /> +<br /> +Ewer, Margaret, <a href="#Page_370">370</a><br /> +<br /> +Excommunication of nuns, <a href="#Page_183">183</a><br /> +<br /> +Exeter, Bishops of, <a href="#Page_444">444</a>, <a href="#Page_445">445</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>and see</i> <a href="#stapeldon">Stapeldon</a>, <a href="#grandisson">Grandisson</a>, etc.</span><br /> +<br /> +Eynsham Abbey, <a href="#Page_449">449</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Abbot of, <a href="#Page_234">234</a></span><br /> +<br /> +<br /> +Fairfax family, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18<i>n. 4</i></a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Elizabeth, <a href="#Page_328">328</a><br /> +<br /> +—— John, <a href="#Page_327">327</a><br /> +<br /><a name="fairfax" id="fairfax"></a> +—— Margaret, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_303">303<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>, <a href="#Page_399">399<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_468">468<i>n. 4</i></a>, <a href="#Page_500">500</a>, <a href="#Page_587">587</a><br /> +<br /> +Fairs, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>and see</i> <a href="#stourbridge">Stourbridge Fair</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Fairwell Priory, <a href="#Page_217">217<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_220">220<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>, <a href="#Page_320">320<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_356">356<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_384">384</a>, <a href="#Page_416">416<i>n. 1</i></a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">children at, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_578">578</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">dissolution of, <a href="#Page_604">604</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Falowfeld, Isabel, <a href="#Page_362">362</a><br /> +<br /> +“Farms,” <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_335">335</a><br /> +<br /> +Favences, Antoinette de, <a href="#Page_258">258</a><br /> +<br /> +Faversham, Vicar of, <a href="#Page_232">232</a><br /> +<br /> +Feast of Fools, <a href="#Page_312">312ff.</a><br /> +<br /> +Felawe, William, <a href="#Page_328">328</a><br /> +<br /> +Felton, Mary de, <a href="#Page_442">442<i>n. 2</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Feriby, Benedict de,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>see</i> <a href="#broughton">Broughton, Rector of</a></span><br /> +<br /><a name="ferrar" id="ferrar"></a> +Ferrar, Agnes, <a href="#Page_185">185</a><br /> +<br /> +<i>Ferry Woman, The</i>, <a href="#Page_616">616</a><br /> +<br /> +Ffychmere, Joan, <a href="#Page_202">202</a><br /> +<br /> +Fisher, Jane, <a href="#Page_247">247<i>n. 2</i></a><br /> +<br /> +FitzAleyn, John, <a href="#Page_267">267</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Katherine, <a href="#Page_368">368</a><br /> +<br /> +Fitzjames, Richard, Bishop of London, <a href="#Page_385">385</a><br /> +<br /> +FitzRichard, Elizabeth, <a href="#Page_326">326</a><br /> +<br /> +—— John, <a href="#Page_326">326</a><br /> +<br /> +Fitzwilliam, Lady Isabel, <a href="#Page_329">329</a><br /> +<br /><a name="flagge" id="flagge"></a> +Flagge, Alice de la, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a><br /> +<br /><a name="flamstead" id="flamstead"></a> +Flamstead, Matilda de, <a href="#Page_57">57</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Priory, <a href="#Page_59">59<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>, <a href="#Page_458">458</a>, <a href="#Page_461">461</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">children at, <a href="#Page_573">573</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">churches appropriated to, <a href="#Page_113">113<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>custos</i> of, <a href="#Page_230">230<i>n. 8</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">poverty of, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a></span><br /> +<br /><a name="flemyng" id="flemyng"></a> +Flemyng, Richard, Bishop of Lincoln, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_308">308<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_384">384<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_386">386</a>, <a href="#Page_407">407<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_415">415</a>, <a href="#Page_459">459</a>, <a href="#Page_477">477</a><br /> +<br /><a name="fletcher" id="fletcher"></a> +Fletcher, Joan, <a href="#Page_88">88<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_467">467<i>n. 3</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Flixborough, Rector of, <a href="#Page_235">235</a><br /> +<br /> +Flixthorpe, Agnes de, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>, <a href="#Page_443">443ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_457">457</a>, <a href="#Page_467">467<i>n. 3</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Flixton Priory, <a href="#Page_59">59<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_292">292<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>, <a href="#Page_489">489<i>n. 2</i></a>;<br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_711" id="Page_711">[Pg 711]</a></span><span style="margin-left: 1em;">cloister and frater defective at, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">poverty of, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>and see</i> <a href="#pilly">Pilly, Katherine</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Folgeham, Cecily, <a href="#Page_22">22</a><br /> +<br /> +Fonten, Margaret de, <a href="#Page_446">446</a><br /> +<br /> +Fontrevrault, Abbess of, <a href="#Page_305">305<i>n. 6</i></a>, <a href="#Page_360">360<i>n. 2</i></a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">cells of, <a href="#Page_455">455</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">nuns of, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">rule of, <a href="#Page_400">400<i>n. 2</i></a></span><br /> +<br /><a name="fordham" id="fordham"></a> +Fordham, John of, Bishop of Ely, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a><br /> +<br /> +Fosse Priory, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Master of, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">poverty of, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184<i>n. 4</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Foster, Alice, <a href="#Page_49">49</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Thomas, <a href="#Page_208">208</a><br /> +<br /> +Foukeholm, St Stephen’s, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_448">448<i>n. 1</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Fountains, Abbot of, <a href="#Page_375">375<i>n. 1</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Fox, Richard, Bishop of Winchester, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href="#Page_392">392</a><br /> +<br /> +—— John, <a href="#Page_449">449</a><br /> +<br /> +—— William, <a href="#Page_449">449</a><br /> +<br /> +Franke, Beatrice, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>, <a href="#Page_366">366</a><br /> +<br /> +Frater, <a href="#Page_315">315ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>, <a href="#Page_648">648</a>, <a href="#Page_649">649</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">children in, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">repair of, <a href="#Page_125">125</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Fratress of nunnery, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a><br /> +<br /> +Fraunceys, John, <a href="#Page_207">207</a><br /> +<br /> +Free Warren, Grants of, <a href="#Page_105">105</a><br /> +<br /> +Fréjus, Council of, <a href="#Page_373">373</a><br /> +<br /> +French, knowledge of, in 14th century, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a><br /> +<br /> +Froissart, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_428">428</a>, <a href="#Page_431">431</a>, <a href="#Page_435">435</a><br /> +<br /> +Frost, Ellen, <a href="#Page_22">22</a><br /> +<br /> +Fulham, Nicholas de, <a href="#Page_259">259<i>n. 3</i></a><br /> +<br /><a name="furmage" id="furmage"></a> +Furmage, Joan, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>, <a href="#Page_362">362</a><br /> +<br /> +Fychet, John, <a href="#Page_410">410</a><br /> +<br /> +<br /> +Gandersheim Abbey, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Roswitha’s history of, <a href="#Page_238">238</a></span><br /> +<br /><a name="gascoigne" id="gascoigne"></a> +Gascoigne, Agnes, <a href="#Page_46">46</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Thomas, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>, <a href="#Page_447">447<i>n. 6</i></a>, <a href="#Page_531">531</a><br /> +<br /> +Gaveston, Piers, <a href="#Page_419">419</a><br /> +<br /> +Geoffrey de Saint Belin, <a href="#Page_345">345</a><br /> +<br /> +George, Christopher, <a href="#Page_149">149</a><br /> +<br /><a name="germyn" id="germyn"></a> +Germyn, Helen, <a href="#Page_480">480</a><br /> +<br /> +Gertrud the Great, of Helfta, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>, <a href="#Page_500">500</a><br /> +<br /> +<i>Gesta Romanorum</i>, <a href="#Page_516">516<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_541">541</a><br /> +<br /> +Ghent, Simon of, Bishop of Salisbury, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_528">528</a><br /> +<br /><a name="gibbs" id="gibbs"></a> +Gibbs, Elizabeth, <a href="#Page_243">243</a><br /> +<br /> +Giffard, Agatha, <a href="#Page_463">463</a>, <a href="#Page_464">464</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Alice, <a href="#Page_462">462</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Godfrey, Bishop of Worcester, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_463">463</a>, <a href="#Page_464">464</a><br /> +<br /><a name="giffard_j" id="giffard_j"></a> +—— Juliana, <a href="#Page_463">463</a>, <a href="#Page_462">462</a><br /> +<br /><a name="giffard_m" id="giffard_m"></a> +—— Mabel, <a href="#Page_463">463</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Sir Osbert, <a href="#Page_463">463ff.</a><br /> +<br /><a name="giffard_w" id="giffard_w"></a> +—— Walter, Archbishop of York, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_399">399<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_463">463</a>, <a href="#Page_472">472<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_482">482</a>, <a href="#Page_494">494<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_635">635</a><br /> +<br /> +Glastonbury, Abbot of, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>and see</i> <a href="#whiting">Whiting, Richard</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Gloucester, Duke of, <a href="#Page_26">26</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Eleanor, Duchess of, <a href="#Page_328">328<i>n. 5</i></a><br /> +<br /> +—— Richard, Earl of, <a href="#Page_161">161</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Thomas of, <a href="#Page_418">418</a><br /> +<br /> +Godstow Abbey, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_292">292<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>, <a href="#Page_347">347<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>, <a href="#Page_384">384<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_395">395ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_401">401</a>, <a href="#Page_402">402</a>, <a href="#Page_405">405<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_407">407<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_440">440</a>, <a href="#Page_448">448<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_449">449</a>, <a href="#Page_460">460</a>, <a href="#Page_582">582</a>, <a href="#Page_586">586</a>, <a href="#Page_635">635</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Abbess of, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>and see</i> <a href="#henley">Henley, Alice</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">bailiff of, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">boarders forbidden at, <a href="#Page_414">414</a>, <a href="#Page_416">416</a>, <a href="#Page_578">578</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">books of, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">claustration at, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356<i>n. 5</i></a>, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358<i>n. 1</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">debts of, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">disorder at, <a href="#Page_456">456</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">education of children at, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>, <a href="#Page_456">456</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">households of nuns at, <a href="#Page_318">318ff.</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prior of, <a href="#Page_230">230ff.</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>Puerilia solemnia</i> at, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>Register</i> of, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">steward of, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">visitors at, <a href="#Page_408">408</a>, <a href="#Page_414">414</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Gokewell Priory, <a href="#Page_111">111<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">children at, <a href="#Page_576">576</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">households of nuns at, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">poverty of, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">steward of, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236<i>n. 2</i></a></span><br /> +<br /> +Goldesburgh, Joan, <a href="#Page_469">469</a>, <a href="#Page_470">470</a><br /> +<br /><a name="goldwell" id="goldwell"></a> +Goldwell, James, Bishop of Norwich, <a href="#Page_461">461<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_494">494<i>n. 1</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Goring Priory, <a href="#Page_53">53<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>, <a href="#Page_457">457</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>custos</i> of, <a href="#Page_230">230<i>n. 8</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">dilapidations at, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">poverty owing to lawsuits of, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">violence at, <a href="#Page_423">423</a>, <a href="#Page_424">424</a>, <a href="#Page_435">435</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Gorsyn, Alice, <a href="#Page_301">301</a><br /> +<br /> +Gosden, William, <a href="#Page_454">454</a><br /> +<br /> +Gower, John, <a href="#Page_447">447</a>, <a href="#Page_499">499</a>, <a href="#Page_509">509</a>, <a href="#Page_544">544</a>, <a href="#Page_545">545</a><br /> +<br /> +Gower’s <i>Temple of Glas, The</i>, <a href="#Page_509">509</a>, <a href="#Page_510">510</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>Vox Clamantis</i>, <a href="#Page_499">499</a>, <a href="#Page_544">544</a>, <a href="#Page_545">545</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Gowring, Jane, <a href="#Page_32">32</a><br /> +<br /> +Gracedieu Priory, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_111">111<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>, <a href="#Page_363">363</a>, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>, <a href="#Page_382">382</a>, <a href="#Page_400">400<i>n. 1</i></a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">bailiff of, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">boarders at, <a href="#Page_418">418</a>, <a href="#Page_573">573ff.</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">cellaress of, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, <a href="#Page_409">409</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">chaplain of, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">children at, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_409">409</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">debts of, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">embroidery made at, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">households of nuns at, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>, <a href="#Page_320">320<i>n.</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">jewels, etc., pawned by, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">mismanagement at, <a href="#Page_225">225<i>n. 2</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>peculium</i> for clothes given at, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>, <a href="#Page_413">413</a>, <a href="#Page_478">478</a>, <a href="#Page_484">484</a>, <a href="#Page_490">490</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">relics at, <a href="#Page_116">116<i>n. 3</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">treasuress of, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_323">323</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Granary, repair of, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a><br /> +<br /><a name="grandisson" id="grandisson"></a> +Grandisson, John de, Bishop of Exeter, <a href="#Page_183">183<i>n. 4</i></a>, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a><br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_712" id="Page_712">[Pg 712]</a></span><br /> +Grangyer, Joan, <a href="#Page_152">152</a><br /> +<br /><a name="gravesend" id="gravesend"></a> +Gravesend, Richard de, Bishop of Lincoln, <a href="#Page_175">175</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Stephen, Bishop of London, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_481">481</a><br /> +<br /> +Gray, Barbara, <a href="#Page_48">48</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Richard, <a href="#Page_465">465</a>, <a href="#Page_466">466</a><br /> +<br /> +—— William, Bishop of Lincoln, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, <a href="#Page_308">308<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>, <a href="#Page_402">402</a>, <a href="#Page_405">405<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_457">457</a>, <a href="#Page_488">488</a>, <a href="#Page_491">491</a><br /> +<br /> +Great Billing, Rector of, <a href="#Page_46">46</a><br /> +<br /> +Green, Nicholas, <a href="#Page_441">441<i>n.</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Greenfield, Margaret, <a href="#Page_455">455</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Priory, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">corrodies, etc., granted by, <a href="#Page_214">214<i>n. 4</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">solitary confinement at, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">titles remitted, <a href="#Page_184">184<i>n. 2</i></a></span><br /> +<br /><a name="greenfield" id="greenfield"></a> +—— William, Archbishop of York, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>, <a href="#Page_257">257<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_302">302<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>, <a href="#Page_362">362</a>, <a href="#Page_478">478</a>, <a href="#Page_491">491</a><br /> +<br /> +Gregory X, <a href="#Page_212">212</a><br /> +<br /><a name="grey" id="grey"></a> +Grey, William, Bishop of Ely, <a href="#Page_176">176</a><br /> +<br /> +Grimeley, William de, <a href="#Page_45">45</a><br /> +<br /> +Grimsby, St Leonard’s Priory, <a href="#Page_111">111<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_457">457</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">fire at, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Master of, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232<i>n. 1</i></a></span><br /> +<br /> +Grome, Katherine, <a href="#Page_168">168</a><br /> +<br /> +Grosseteste, Robert, Bishop of Lincoln, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>, <a href="#Page_471">471</a><br /> +<br /> +Guest-house, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">accounts of, <a href="#Page_120">120</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Guiot de Provins, <a href="#Page_542">542</a><br /> +<br /><a name="gurney" id="gurney"></a> +Gurney, Joanna, <a href="#Page_233">233</a><br /> +<br /> +Gynewell, John, Bishop of Lincoln, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200<i>n. 4</i></a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_356">356<i>n. 5</i></a>, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>, <a href="#Page_374">374<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_386">386</a>, <a href="#Page_400">400</a>, <a href="#Page_401">401</a>, <a href="#Page_415">415</a>, <a href="#Page_441">441<i>n.</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Gyney, Joan, <a href="#Page_189">189</a><br /> +<br /> +<br /> +Hainault, Bailiwick of, <a href="#Page_105">105</a><br /> +<br /> +—— John of, <a href="#Page_435">435</a><br /> +<br /> +Hales, Thomas of, <a href="#Page_513">513<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_525">525</a><br /> +<br /> +Halewey, Agnes, <a href="#Page_83">83</a><br /> +<br /> +<i>Hali Meidenhad</i>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_441">441</a>, <a href="#Page_525">525ff.</a><br /> +<br /> +Haliwell Priory, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_422">422<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_442">442</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">alms given by, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_442">442</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Hallam, Bishop, <a href="#Page_385">385</a><br /> +<br /> +Halle, St George (Marienkammer), <a href="#Page_673">673</a>, <a href="#Page_681">681</a><br /> +<br /> +—— St Maurice, <a href="#Page_674">674</a><br /> +<br /> +Hampole Priory, <a href="#Page_113">113<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_320">320<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>, <a href="#Page_365">365<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_401">401<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_427">427</a>, <a href="#Page_428">428</a>, <a href="#Page_466">466<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_477">477</a>, <a href="#Page_579">579</a>, <a href="#Page_601">601</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">and Richard Rolle, <a href="#Page_532">532<i>n. 2</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">bad administration at, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">boarders at, <a href="#Page_413">413<i>n. 4</i></a>, <a href="#Page_414">414</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">children at, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>custos</i> of, <a href="#Page_230">230<i>n. 8</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_329">329<i>n. 5</i></a>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>, <a href="#Page_477">477</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Hampole, Richard, <a href="#Page_254">254</a><br /> +<br /> +Hampton, Alice de, <a href="#Page_189">189</a><br /> +<br /> +Hanam, Elianora, <a href="#Page_361">361<i>n. 1</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Handale Priory, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220<i>n. 5</i></a>, <a href="#Page_361">361<i>n. 2</i></a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>custos</i> of, <a href="#Page_230">230<i>n. 8</i></a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Harcourt, Catherine d’, <a href="#Page_558">558</a><br /> +<br /> +Harmer, Margaret, <a href="#Page_168">168</a><br /> +<br /> +Harold, Henry, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_422">422</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Isabel, <a href="#Page_105">105</a><br /> +<br /> +Harreyes, John, <a href="#Page_449">449</a><br /> +<br /> +Harrold Priory, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>, <a href="#Page_457">457</a>, <a href="#Page_465">465</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">children at, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, <a href="#Page_569">569</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>custos</i> of, <a href="#Page_230">230<i>n. 8</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">debts of, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">financial mismanagement at, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Harvesting, <a href="#Page_128">128</a><br /> +<br /><a name="hatfield" id="hatfield"></a> +Hatfield, Thomas, Bishop of Durham, <a href="#Page_234">234</a><br /> +<br /> +Haukeforth, Elizabeth, <a href="#Page_33">33</a><br /> +<br /> +Haunsard, John, <a href="#Page_457">457</a><br /> +<br /> +Hauteyn, Alice, <a href="#Page_41">41</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Walter, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a><br /> +<br /> +Haverholme Priory, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_442">442<i>n. 2</i></a><br /> +<br /><a name="head" id="head"></a> +Head of house, conduct of, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_643">643ff.</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">disciplinary powers of, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">dress, etc., of, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">favouritism by, <a href="#Page_66">66ff.</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">financial mismanagement by, <a href="#Page_81">81ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217ff.</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">hospitality of, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">journeys of, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70ff.</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">luxurious living of, <a href="#Page_74">74ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>and see</i> <a href="#abbess">Abbess</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Hede, Dr, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>, <a href="#Page_461">461</a>, <a href="#Page_482">482</a><br /> +<br /> +Hedington, Sir Nicholas, <a href="#Page_121">121</a><br /> +<br /> +Hedsor, Margery, <a href="#Page_457">457</a><br /> +<br /> +Heidenheim, <a href="#Page_237">237</a><br /> +<br /> +Helewell, Ada de, <a href="#Page_444">444</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Peter, <a href="#Page_444">444</a>, <a href="#Page_445">445</a><br /> +<br /> +—— William, <a href="#Page_444">444</a><br /> +<br /> +Helfta, Convent of, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>, <a href="#Page_500">500</a><br /> +<br /> +Helmsley, <a href="#Page_242">242</a><br /> +<br /> +Helmstedt, <a href="#Page_682">682ff.</a><br /> +<br /> +Helswindis, Abbess, <a href="#Page_28">28</a><br /> +<br /><a name="henley" id="henley"></a> +Henley, Alice, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a><br /> +<br /> +Henry II, <a href="#Page_308">308</a><br /> +<br /> +—— III, <a href="#Page_346">346</a><br /> +<br /> +—— IV, <a href="#Page_247">247</a><br /> +<br /> +—— VIII, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Page_313">313</a><br /> +<br /> +Henwood Priory, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <a href="#Page_180">180</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Herars, John, <a href="#Page_397">397</a><br /> +<br /> +Hereford, Countess of, <a href="#Page_196">196</a><br /> +<br /> +Herminal, John de, <a href="#Page_233">233</a><br /> +<br /><a name="hermyte" id="hermyte"></a> +Hermyte, Isabel, Prioress, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a><br /> +<br /> +Herrad, Abbess, <a href="#Page_239">239</a><br /> +<br /> +Herryson, John, <a href="#Page_152">152</a><br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_713" id="Page_713">[Pg 713]</a></span><br /> +Herward, Elene, <a href="#Page_138">138</a><br /> +<br /> +Hexham Priory, <a href="#Page_426">426</a><br /> +<br /> +—— schools of, <a href="#Page_426">426</a><br /> +<br /> +Heyden, John, <a href="#Page_325">325</a><br /> +<br /> +Heynings Priory, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_292">292<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_322">322<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>, <a href="#Page_374">374<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_400">400</a>, <a href="#Page_402">402<i>n. 4</i></a>, <a href="#Page_459">459ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_489">489</a>, <a href="#Page_581">581</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">accounts not kept at, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">appropriation by, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">children at, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_575">575</a>, <a href="#Page_576">576</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">claustration at, <a href="#Page_357">357<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_358">358<i>n. 1</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">corrodies at, granted by, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>custos</i> at, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">hospitality at, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">poverty of, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">restriction of numbers at, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">seculars at, <a href="#Page_409">409</a>, <a href="#Page_415">415</a>, <a href="#Page_416">416</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">treasuress of, <a href="#Page_223">223</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Heyroun, Margaret, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>, <a href="#Page_330">330</a><br /> +<br /> +—— William, <a href="#Page_328">328</a><br /> +<br /> +Higham Ferrers College, <a href="#Page_380">380<i>n. 4</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Hildesheim, St Mary Magdalen, <a href="#Page_672">672</a>, <a href="#Page_675">675</a>, <a href="#Page_677">677</a>, <a href="#Page_680">680</a>, <a href="#Page_682">682</a><br /> +<br /> +Hilton, Sir Robert de, <a href="#Page_399">399<i>n. 3</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Hinchinbrooke Priory, <a href="#Page_361">361<i>n. 1</i></a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <a href="#Page_180">180</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Hodesak, Beatrice de, <a href="#Page_365">365</a><br /> +<br /> +Hohenburg, <a href="#Page_239">239</a><br /> +<br /> +Holewaye, Elizabeth, <a href="#Page_442">442<i>n. 2</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Holland, Robert de, <a href="#Page_36">36</a><br /> +<br /> +Holm, Mary de, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a><br /> +<br /> +Holystone Priory, <a href="#Page_427">427</a><br /> +<br /> +Home Farm of Nunnery, <a href="#Page_125">125ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">harvesting on, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Horde, Dr, <a href="#Page_492">492</a><br /> +<br /> +<i>Hortus Deliciarum</i>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a><br /> +<br /> +Hosey, Agnes, <a href="#Page_33">33</a><br /> +<br /> +Hours, Canonical, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291ff.</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">irreverence at, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>, <a href="#Page_293">293</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Hubbart, Alicia, <a href="#Page_441">441<i>n.</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Humberstone Abbey, <a href="#Page_377">377<i>n. 2</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Hunter, Matilda, <a href="#Page_442">442<i>n. 2</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Huntingdon, Archidiaconate of, <a href="#Page_175">175</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Priory, <a href="#Page_308">308<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_360">360<i>n. 1</i></a><br /> +<br /> +—— St James’ outside, <a href="#Page_175">175</a><br /> +<br /> +Hutton, Joan, <a href="#Page_467">467<i>n. 3</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Hyde Abbey, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Abbot of, <i>see</i> <a href="#bromele">Bromele, Thos.</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Hylyarde, Elynor, <a href="#Page_326">326</a><br /> +<br /><a name="hythe" id="hythe"></a> +Hythe, Hamo of, Bishop of Rochester, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a><br /> +<br /> +<br /> +Ickleton Priory, <a href="#Page_184">184<i>n. 4</i></a>, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>, <a href="#Page_400">400<i>n. 1</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Ilchester, St John’s, Rector of, <a href="#Page_233">233</a><br /> +<br /> +—— White Hall Priory, <a href="#Page_386">386</a>, <a href="#Page_447">447</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">coadjutresses appointed at, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condition of, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>custodes</i> of, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">poverty of, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <a href="#Page_88">88<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>and see</i> <a href="#chilterne">Chilterne</a>; <a href="#draycote">Draycote</a></span><br /> +<br /> +<i>Imitatio Christi</i>, <a href="#Page_243">243</a><br /> +<br /> +Indulgences, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a><br /> +<br /> +Infirmaress, <a href="#Page_134">134</a><br /> +<br /> +Infirmary, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>, <a href="#Page_649">649</a><br /> +<br /> +Ingham, Katherine de, <a href="#Page_39">39</a><br /> +<br /> +Inglewood Forest, <a href="#Page_429">429</a><br /> +<br /> +Ingoldesby, Margaret, <a href="#Page_412">412</a><br /> +<br /> +Ingoldesthorpe, Sir John, <a href="#Page_90">90</a><br /> +<br /> +Innocent III, <a href="#Page_363">363</a><br /> +<br /> +Irford Priory, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>, <a href="#Page_330">330</a><br /> +<br /> +“Issues of the Manor,” <a href="#Page_109">109ff.</a><br /> +<br /> +Ivinghoe Priory, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184<i>n. 4</i></a>, <a href="#Page_357">357<i>n. 1</i></a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <a href="#Page_363">363</a>, <a href="#Page_364">364</a></span><br /> +<br /> +<br /> +Jafford, William de, <a href="#Page_220">220</a><br /> +<br /> +James I of Scotland, <a href="#Page_510">510</a><br /> +<br /> +James I’s <i>King’s Quair</i>, <a href="#Page_510">510</a><br /> +<br /> +James V of Scotland, <a href="#Page_552">552</a><br /> +<br /> +Jeanne de France, <a href="#Page_342">342<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a><br /> +<br /> +Jecke, Philippa, <a href="#Page_66">66</a><br /> +<br /> +Jerves, John, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a><br /> +<br /> +Joan de Barton, <a href="#Page_88">88<i>n.</i></a><br /> +<br /> +—— Princess of Wales, <a href="#Page_418">418</a><br /> +<br /> +Jocelin of Brakelond, <a href="#Page_45">45ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_496">496</a><br /> +<br /> +John of Gaunt, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_370">370<i>n. 5</i></a>, <a href="#Page_418">418</a>, <a href="#Page_421">421<i>n. 1</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Johnson, Margaret, <a href="#Page_326">326</a><br /> +<br /> +—— William, <a href="#Page_399">399</a><br /> +<br /><a name="jordan" id="jordan"></a> +Jordan, Isabel, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_392">392</a><br /> +<br /><a name="joseph" id="joseph"></a> +Joseph, Stephen, <a href="#Page_37">37</a><br /> +<br /> +Josiana de Anelagby, <a href="#Page_362">362</a><br /> +<br /> +Julian of Norwich, <a href="#Page_366">366</a>, <a href="#Page_502">502<i>n. 1</i></a><br /> +<br /><a name="juliana" id="juliana"></a> +Juliana of Bromhale, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_211">211</a><br /> +<br /> +Jumièges, Abbot of, <a href="#Page_310">310<i>n. 2</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Jurdane, Isabel, <a href="#Page_67">67</a><br /> +<br /> +<br /> +Keldholme Priory, <a href="#Page_51">51ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>, <a href="#Page_360">360<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_443">443<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_448">448<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_467">467</a>, <a href="#Page_477">477</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">moral state of, <a href="#Page_598">598</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <i>see</i> <a href="#emma_stape">Emma of Stapelton</a>; <a href="#emma_york">Emma of York</a>; <a href="#pykering">Pykering, Joan de</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Kemp, John, Archbishop of York, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_374">374</a><br /> +<br /> +Kempe, Alice, <a href="#Page_489">489</a><br /> +<br /> +Kempis, Thomas à, <a href="#Page_243">243</a><br /> +<br /> +Kent, Holy Maid of, <i>see</i> <a href="#barton">Barton, Elizabeth</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Isabella de, <a href="#Page_423">423</a>, <a href="#Page_424">424</a><br /> +<br /> +Kentwood, Dean, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>, <a href="#Page_408">408</a><br /> +<br /> +Kessingland, Rectory of, <a href="#Page_114">114</a><br /> +<br /><a name="key" id="key"></a> +Key, Thomas, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a><br /> +<br /> +Kilburn Priory, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18<i>n. 4</i></a>, <a href="#Page_528">528</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">chaplain’s chamber at, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">library of, <a href="#Page_241">241</a></span><br /> +<br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_714" id="Page_714">[Pg 714]</a></span>King, Philippa, <a href="#Page_453">453</a>, <a href="#Page_454">454</a><br /> +<br /> +King’s Mead Priory, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <a href="#Page_361">361<i>n. 1</i></a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">children at, <a href="#Page_571">571</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>custodes</i> of, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">hospitality of, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">poverty of, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prior of, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">relics at, <a href="#Page_116">116<i>n. 3</i></a></span><br /> +<br /> +<i>King’s Quair, The</i>, <a href="#Page_510">510</a><br /> +<br /> +Kington, St Michael, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_360">360<i>n. 2</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Kippax, Rector of, <a href="#Page_231">231</a><br /> +<br /><a name="kirkby" id="kirkby"></a> +Kirkby, Margery, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a><br /> +<br /> +Kirk Deighton, Rector of, <a href="#Page_231">231</a><br /> +<br /> +Kirklees Priory, <a href="#Page_320">320<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>, <a href="#Page_448">448<i>n. 1</i></a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>custos</i> of, <a href="#Page_220">220<i>n. 5</i></a>, <a href="#Page_230">230<i>n. 8</i></a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">moral state of, <a href="#Page_599">599</a>, <a href="#Page_600">600</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>, <a href="#Page_620">620</a>, <a href="#Page_621">621</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Kitcheness of nunnery, <a href="#Page_131">131ff.</a><br /> +<br /> +Knaresborough, St Robert’s, <a href="#Page_231">231</a><br /> +<br /> +Knight, Laurens, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Richard, <a href="#Page_198">198</a><br /> +<br /> +Knyghte, Elizabeth, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Jane, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a><br /> +<br /> +Koc, Margaret, <a href="#Page_422">422</a><br /> +<br /> +—— William, <a href="#Page_422">422</a><br /> +<br /> +Kyme, <a href="#Page_249">249<i>n. 7</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Kyrkeby, Margery, <a href="#Page_405">405<i>n. 2</i></a><br /> +<br /> +<br /> +Lacock Abbey, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_268">268<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_497">497</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">alms given by, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">claustration at, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">visitors at, <a href="#Page_238">238</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Lacy, Henry de, <a href="#Page_420">420</a><br /> +<br /> +Lambley Priory, <a href="#Page_426">426</a>, <a href="#Page_429">429</a><br /> +<br /> +<i>Lamentations de Matheolus, Les</i>, <a href="#Page_542">542</a>, <a href="#Page_543">543</a><br /> +<br /> +Lampet, Julian, <a href="#Page_366">366<i>n. 3</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Lancaster, Isabella de, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_455">455</a><br /> +<br /><a name="lancaster" id="lancaster"></a> +—— Joan, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147<i>n. 5</i></a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Margaret de, <a href="#Page_417">417</a>, <a href="#Page_418">418</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Thomas of, <a href="#Page_419">419</a><br /> +<br /> +Lanercost Chronicle, <a href="#Page_426">426</a><br /> +<br /> +Langeland, Thomas, <a href="#Page_88">88</a><br /> +<br /> +Langeloft, Isabella de, <a href="#Page_52">52</a><br /> +<br /> +Langendorf Nunnery, <a href="#Page_305">305<i>n. 4</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Langland, William, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>, <a href="#Page_308">308<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>, <a href="#Page_390">390</a>, <a href="#Page_544">544</a><br /> +<br /> +Langley Priory, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>, <a href="#Page_313">313<i>n. 5</i></a>, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>, <a href="#Page_402">402<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_408">408</a>, <a href="#Page_412">412</a>, <a href="#Page_587">587</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">children at, <a href="#Page_409">409</a>, <a href="#Page_575">575</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">corrody sold by, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">embroidery at, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">households of nuns at, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">illiteracy at, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">poverty of, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>, <a href="#Page_252">252</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Langton, Thomas, <a href="#Page_149">149</a><br /> +<br /> +Lateran Council, Fourth, <a href="#Page_21">21</a><br /> +<br /> +Latin, knowledge of, by nuns, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a><br /> +<br /> +Latymer, Matilda, <a href="#Page_330">330</a><br /> +<br /> +Lawrence, Robert, <a href="#Page_399">399</a><br /> +<br /> +Lay-brothers, <a href="#Page_288">288</a><br /> +<br /> +Lee, Edward, Archbishop of York, <a href="#Page_61">61<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_284">284<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_356">356<i>n. 5</i></a>, <a href="#Page_390">390</a>, <a href="#Page_402">402</a>, <a href="#Page_405">405</a><br /> +<br /> +Legbourne Priory, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356<i>n. 5</i></a>, <a href="#Page_409">409</a>, <a href="#Page_412">412</a>, <a href="#Page_413">413</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">bailiff of, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">boarders at, <a href="#Page_576">576</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">corrody in, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>custodes</i> of, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236<i>n. 2</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">dilapidated condition of property of, <a href="#Page_170">170<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">households of nuns at, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">poverty of, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>status domus</i> of, <a href="#Page_221">221</a></span><br /> +<br /> +<i>Legenda aurea</i>, <a href="#Page_241">241</a><br /> +<br /> +Legh, Margaret, <a href="#Page_261">261<i>n. 2</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Leicester, Countess of, <a href="#Page_257">257</a><br /> +<br /> +Lelle, Avice de, <a href="#Page_448">448<i>n. 1</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Leominster Priory, Sub-prior of, <a href="#Page_449">449</a><br /> +<br /> +Leycroft, Thomas<br /> +<br /> +Leygrave, Alice de, <a href="#Page_196">196</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Ellen de, <a href="#Page_196">196</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Juliana de, <a href="#Page_196">196</a><br /> +<br /> +Leyva, Virginia de, <a href="#Page_474">474</a><br /> +<br /> +Libaud, Sibyl, <a href="#Page_421">421<i>n. 1</i></a><br /> +<br /> +—— Thomas, <a href="#Page_421">421<i>n. 1</i></a><br /> +<br /> +<i>Libel of English Policie</i>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a><br /> +<br /> +<i>Liber Poenitentialis</i> of Theodore, <a href="#Page_450">450<i>n. 3</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Lillechurch Priory, <a href="#Page_143">143<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_603">603</a><br /> +<br /> +Lilleshall, <a href="#Page_265">265</a><br /> +<br /> +<i>Limburg Chronicle</i>, <a href="#Page_604">604</a><br /> +<br /> +Limington, Rector of, <a href="#Page_233">233</a><br /> +<br /> +Lincoln, Archdeacon of, <a href="#Page_90">90</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Bishops of, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>and see</i> <a href="#alnwick">Alnwick</a>; <a href="#buckingham">Buckingham</a>; <a href="#flemyng">Flemyng</a>; <a href="#gravesend">Gravesend</a>; <a href="#longland">Longland</a>; <a href="#sutton">Sutton</a></span><br /> +<br /> +—— Cathedral, <a href="#Page_465">465</a>, <a href="#Page_466">466</a><br /> +<br /> +Lindesay, Sir David, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_510">510</a>, <a href="#Page_511">511</a>, <a href="#Page_549">549</a>, <a href="#Page_552">552ff.</a><br /> +<br /> +Lindesay’s <i>Ane Satyre of the Thrie Estaits</i>, <a href="#Page_510">510</a>, <a href="#Page_549">549</a>, <a href="#Page_552">552ff.</a><br /> +<br /> +Lingiston, Thomas de, <a href="#Page_449">449</a><br /> +<br /> +Lioba, <i>see</i> <a href="#bischofsheim">Bischofsheim, Abbess of</a><br /> +<br /> +Liseway, Roger, <a href="#Page_198">198</a><br /> +<br /> +Lisieux, St Désir, <a href="#Page_636">636</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">financial state of, <a href="#Page_637">637</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Lisle, Honor, Viscountess, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Sibil de, <a href="#Page_365">365</a><br /> +<br /> +Little Chester, Simon of, <a href="#Page_234">234</a><br /> +<br /> +Little Coates, Vicar of, <a href="#Page_232">232<i>n. 1</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Littlemore, Agnes de, <a href="#Page_366">366</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Priory, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>, <a href="#Page_448">448<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_452">452</a>, <a href="#Page_578">578</a>, <a href="#Page_604">604</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">dilapidations at, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">ill-fame of, <a href="#Page_397">397</a>, <a href="#Page_491">491</a>, <a href="#Page_492">492</a>, <a href="#Page_582">582</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">moral state of, <a href="#Page_595">595</a>, <a href="#Page_596">596</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_469">469</a>, <a href="#Page_477">477</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>and see</i> <a href="#wells">Wells, Katherine</a></span><br /> +<br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_715" id="Page_715">[Pg 715]</a></span>Llewelyn, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a><br /> +<br /> +Lokton, Anabilla de, <a href="#Page_52">52</a><br /> +<br /> +Londesborough, Rector of, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a><br /> +<br /> +London, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Council of, 1200, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_585">585</a><br /> +<br /> +—— nunneries of, <a href="#Page_99">99</a><br /> +<br /><a name="longland" id="longland"></a> +Longland, John, Bishop of Lincoln, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356<i>n. 5</i></a>, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>, <a href="#Page_374">374</a>, <a href="#Page_380">380</a>, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>, <a href="#Page_399">399</a>, <a href="#Page_404">404</a><br /> +<br /> +Longspey, Alice, <a href="#Page_397">397</a>, <a href="#Page_398">398</a>, <a href="#Page_449">449</a>, <a href="#Page_456">456</a>, <a href="#Page_460">460</a><br /> +<br /> +Loughborough, <a href="#Page_146">146</a><br /> +<br /> +Loveday, Anne, <a href="#Page_19">19</a><br /> +<br /><a name="loweliche" id="loweliche"></a> +Loweliche, Denise, <a href="#Page_64">64<i>n. 5</i></a>, <a href="#Page_88">88<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_458">458</a>, <a href="#Page_460">460</a>, <a href="#Page_469">469</a>, <a href="#Page_486">486<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_493">493</a><br /> +<br /> +Ludlow, Gild of Palmers, <a href="#Page_11">11</a><br /> +<br /> +Luitgard of Tongres, <a href="#Page_500">500</a>, <a href="#Page_525">525</a><br /> +<br /> +<i>Luue Ron, A</i>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_513">513<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_525">525</a>, <a href="#Page_527">527</a><br /> +<br /> +Lylis, John, <a href="#Page_77">77</a><br /> +<br /> +Lymbrook Priory, <a href="#Page_113">113<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_309">309ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_347">347<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_356">356<i>n. 5</i></a>, <a href="#Page_359">359<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_367">367<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>, <a href="#Page_377">377</a>, <a href="#Page_384">384</a>, <a href="#Page_403">403<i>n. 5</i></a>, <a href="#Page_408">408<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_449">449</a>, <a href="#Page_586">586</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">children at, <a href="#Page_573">573</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <a href="#Page_361">361<i>n. 1</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">private property at, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>, <a href="#Page_339">339<i>n. 2</i></a></span><br /> +<br /> +Lyminster, <a href="#Page_478">478</a>, <a href="#Page_635">635</a><br /> +<br /> +Lynn, King’s, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a><br /> +<br /> +<br /> +Maiden Bradley, Prior of, <a href="#Page_451">451</a><br /> +<br /> +Malling Abbey, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Abbess of, <a href="#Page_20">20<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>and see</i> <a href="#retlyng">Retlyng, Lora de</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">corrody granted in, <a href="#Page_208">208<i>n. 2</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">fair of, <a href="#Page_106">106<i>n. 2</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">financial mismanagement at, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">falling mill of, <a href="#Page_107">107<i>n. 1</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">poverty of, <a href="#Page_184">184<i>n. 4</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">prebends of, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">seal of, <a href="#Page_218">218</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Malnouë, nuns of, <a href="#Page_345">345</a><br /> +<br /> +Malory, Sir Thomas, <a href="#Page_514">514</a><br /> +<br /> +Malory’s <i>Morte Darthur</i>, <a href="#Page_556">556</a>, <a href="#Page_557">557</a><br /> +<br /> +Manorial courts, <a href="#Page_103">103ff.</a><br /> +<br /> +Marcens, <a href="#Page_433">433ff.</a><br /> +<br /> +Marcham, Agnes, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_397">397</a><br /> +<br /><a name="mare" id="mare"></a> +Mare, Thomas de la, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>, <a href="#Page_479">479</a><br /> +<br /> +Margaret, Countess of Ulster, <a href="#Page_39">39</a><br /> +<br /> +Marham, Abbess of, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_380">380<i>n. 4</i></a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">chartulary of, <a href="#Page_107">107</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Marie de Bretagne, <a href="#Page_305">305<i>n. 6</i></a><br /> +<br /> +—— de France, <a href="#Page_558">558</a><br /> +<br /> +Marienberg, <a href="#Page_682">682</a><br /> +<br /> +Mariensee, <a href="#Page_678">678ff.</a><br /> +<br /> +Markyate Priory, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>, <a href="#Page_408">408</a>, <a href="#Page_423">423</a>, <a href="#Page_450">450<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_452">452</a>, <a href="#Page_457">457</a>, <a href="#Page_460">460</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>custos</i> of, <a href="#Page_230">230<i>n. 8</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">debts of, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">disorder at, <a href="#Page_457">457</a>, <a href="#Page_458">458</a>, <a href="#Page_488">488</a>, <a href="#Page_491">491</a>, <a href="#Page_492">492</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">domestic economy of, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">illiteracy at, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>and see</i> <a href="#loweliche">Loweliche, Denise</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">visitation at, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>, <a href="#Page_354">354</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Marlow, Little, Priory to, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>, <a href="#Page_366">366</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">children at, <a href="#Page_570">570</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">poverty of, <a href="#Page_184">184<i>n. 4</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">prioresses of, <a href="#Page_17">17<i>n. 2</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>and see</i> <a href="#bernard">Bernard, Eleanor</a>; <a href="#vernon">Vernon, Margaret</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Marmyll, Cecily, <a href="#Page_455">455</a><br /> +<br /> +Marrick Priory, <a href="#Page_111">111<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230<i>n. 8</i></a>, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356<i>n. 5</i></a>, <a href="#Page_401">401<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_428">428</a>, <a href="#Page_579">579</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <a href="#Page_148">148<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Marshall, Richard, <a href="#Page_243">243</a><br /> +<br /> +Marshalsea, the, <a href="#Page_201">201</a><br /> +<br /> +Martin IV, Pope, <a href="#Page_209">209</a><br /> +<br /> +Mason, Barbara, <a href="#Page_380">380<i>n. 4</i></a><br /> +<br /> +<i>Matheolus, Les Lamentations de</i>, <a href="#Page_542">542</a>, <a href="#Page_543">543</a><br /> +<br /> +<i>Matrimony, The Christen State of</i>, <a href="#Page_378">378</a><br /> +<br /> +Matthew Paris, <a href="#Page_240">240</a><br /> +<br /> +Maundy Thursday, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_143">143<i>n.</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Mautravers, Sir John, <a href="#Page_194">194</a><br /> +<br /> +Maxstoke Priory, <a href="#Page_210">210<i>n. 2</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Meaux Abbey, <a href="#Page_449">449</a><br /> +<br /> +Mechthild of Hackeborn, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>, <a href="#Page_500">500</a><br /> +<br /> +—— of Magdeburg, <a href="#Page_500">500</a>, <a href="#Page_525">525</a>, <a href="#Page_533">533</a><br /> +<br /><a name="medforde" id="medforde"></a> +Medforde, Clemence, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>, <a href="#Page_361">361<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_377">377</a>, <a href="#Page_405">405<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_490">490</a><br /> +<br /> +Melton, William de, Archbishop of York, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248<i>n. 7</i></a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356<i>n. 4</i></a>, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>, <a href="#Page_427">427</a>, <a href="#Page_467">467</a>, <a href="#Page_468">468<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_469">469</a>, <a href="#Page_477">477</a><br /> +<br /> +<i>Menagier de Paris</i>, <a href="#Page_563">563</a><br /> +<br /> +<i>Messe des oisiaus, etc.</i>, <a href="#Page_539">539</a><br /> +<br /> +Mestowe, Hundred of, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_422">422</a>, <a href="#Page_422">422<i>n. 2</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Metham, Margaret, <a href="#Page_138">138</a><br /> +<br /> +Middle class, rise of, <a href="#Page_9">9ff.</a><br /> +<br /> +Middleton, manor-house at, <a href="#Page_90">90</a><br /> +<br /> +Minchin Barrow Priory, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358<i>n. 4</i></a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>custos</i> of, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">poverty of, <a href="#Page_184">184<i>n. 4</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <a href="#Page_71">71</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Minories, the, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_328">328<i>n. 5</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Minster Priory, <a href="#Page_20">20</a><br /> +<br /> +<i>Misericord</i>, <a href="#Page_316">316</a><br /> +<br /> +Mistress of novices, <a href="#Page_134">134</a><br /> +<br /> +Mitford, Katherine, <a href="#Page_33">33</a><br /> +<br /> +Molynes, Lord, <a href="#Page_423">423</a><br /> +<br /> +Montagu, Katherine, <a href="#Page_442">442<i>n. 2</i></a><br /> +<br /><a name="montfort" id="montfort"></a> +Montfort, Isabel de, <a href="#Page_73">73</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Peter de, <a href="#Page_30">30</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Simon de, <a href="#Page_346">346</a><br /> +<br /> +Montivilliers Abbey, <a href="#Page_560">560<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_636">636</a>, <a href="#Page_641">641</a>, <a href="#Page_647">647</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Abbess of, <a href="#Page_644">644</a>, <a href="#Page_650">650</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">financial state of, <a href="#Page_637">637</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Montmartre, nuns of, <a href="#Page_345">345</a><br /> +<br /><a name="more" id="more"></a> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_716" id="Page_716">[Pg 716]</a></span>More, Avice de la, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a><br /> +<br /> +Mori, Gui de, <a href="#Page_532">532</a><br /> +<br /> +Mortimer, daughters of, <a href="#Page_420">420</a>, <a href="#Page_450">450</a>, <a href="#Page_451">451</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Roger, <a href="#Page_420">420</a><br /> +<br /> +Mortival, Bishop, <a href="#Page_213">213</a><br /> +<br /> +Morton, John, Archbishop of Canterbury, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230<i>n. 6</i></a>, <a href="#Page_480">480</a>, <a href="#Page_482">482<i>n. 1</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Mortuaries, <a href="#Page_107">107ff.</a><br /> +<br /> +Mounceaux, Ella de, <a href="#Page_457">457</a><br /> +<br /> +Mowbray, Katherine, <a href="#Page_598">598</a><br /> +<br /> +Moxby, <a href="#Page_58">58<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>, <a href="#Page_385">385</a>, <a href="#Page_402">402<i>n. 4</i></a>, <a href="#Page_429">429</a>, <a href="#Page_447">447</a>, <a href="#Page_580">580</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">bakehouse and brewhouse of, dilapidated, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">debts of, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220<i>n. 4</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">destroyed by Scots, <a href="#Page_427">427</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">masters of, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">moral state of, <a href="#Page_599">599</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">prioresses of, <a href="#Page_148">148<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_427">427</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>and see</i> <a href="#apelgarth">Apelgarth, Sabina de</a>, <i>and</i> <a href="#bartone">Bartone, Joan</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Whenby Church appropriated to, <a href="#Page_113">113<i>n. 1</i></a></span><br /> +<br /> +Muisis, Gilles li, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>, <a href="#Page_542">542</a>, <a href="#Page_543">543</a>, <a href="#Page_661">661</a><br /> +<br /> +—— “Register” of, <a href="#Page_543">543</a>, <a href="#Page_544">544</a><br /> +<br /> +Munkton, John, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_303">303<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_399">399<i>n. 3</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Musgrave, Agnes, <a href="#Page_365">365</a><br /> +<br /> +Mydelsburg, Thomas, <a href="#Page_220">220<i>n. 5</i></a><br /> +<br /> +<i>Myroure of Oure Ladye</i>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>, <a href="#Page_531">531</a>, <a href="#Page_532">532</a><br /> +<br /> +Myssenden, James, <a href="#Page_326">326</a><br /> +<br /> +<br /> +Neasham, St Mary’s, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_402">402<i>n. 4</i></a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <a href="#Page_360">360<i>n. 2</i></a></span><br /> +<br /> +Needlework in nunneries, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="#Page_256">256</a><br /> +<br /> +Nether Sutton, <a href="#Page_184">184</a><br /> +<br /> +Nevers, nuns of, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>, <a href="#Page_593">593</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>and see</i> <a href="#vert">Vert-Vert</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Neville’s Cross, Battle of, <a href="#Page_428">428</a><br /> +<br /> +Newark, Henry of, Archbishop, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>, <a href="#Page_338">338<i>n. 3</i></a><br /> +<br /> +—— Ermentrude, <a href="#Page_441">441</a><br /> +<br /> +Newburgh Priory, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prior of, <a href="#Page_184">184</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Newcastle, St Bartholomew’s Priory, <a href="#Page_362">362<i>n. 3</i></a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">appropriations to, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>custos</i> of, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">fire at, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">poverty of, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <a href="#Page_360">360<i>n. 2</i></a></span><br /> +<br /> +Newemerche, Elizabeth de, <a href="#Page_329">329</a><br /> +<br /> +Newhouse Abbey, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>, <a href="#Page_399">399<i>n. 3</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Newington, Prioress of, <a href="#Page_305">305</a><br /> +<br /> +Newman, Nicholas, <a href="#Page_149">149</a><br /> +<br /> +Newmarch, Jane, <a href="#Page_18">18</a><br /> +<br /> +Newton, Matilda, <a href="#Page_366">366<i>n. 3</i></a><br /> +<br /><a name="nicke" id="nicke"></a> +Nicke, Richard, Bishop of Norwich, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_388">388</a>, <a href="#Page_461">461</a>, <a href="#Page_484">484<i>n. 1</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Nicolson, Margaret, <a href="#Page_48">48</a><br /> +<br /> +<i>Nonnes, Chansons de</i>, <a href="#Page_437">437</a><br /> +<br /> +Norbery, Lady Anne, <a href="#Page_267">267</a><br /> +<br /> +Norbury, Roger de, Bishop of Lichfield, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_190">190<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a><br /> +<br /> +Noreton, Roger de, <a href="#Page_165">165</a><br /> +<br /> +Norfolk, Thomas, family of, <a href="#Page_35">35</a><br /> +<br /> +Northallerton, St Stephen’s nunnery, <a href="#Page_428">428<i>n. 3</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Northampton, Archdeacon of, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>, <a href="#Page_441">441</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Battle of, <a href="#Page_45">45</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Friary at, <a href="#Page_388">388</a><br /> +<br /> +—— St James, Abbot of, <a href="#Page_220">220</a><br /> +<br /> +Northeleye, Rector of, <i>see</i> <a href="#joseph">Joseph, Stephen</a><br /> +<br /> +Northlode, Alice de, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_452">452</a><br /> +<br /> +—— John de, <a href="#Page_194">194</a><br /> +<br /> +Norwich, Bishops of, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_309">309<i>n. 6</i></a>, <a href="#Page_411">411</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>and see</i> <a href="#goldwell">Goldwell</a> <i>and</i> <a href="#nicke">Nicke</a></span><br /> +<br /> +—— Isabel, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_336">336</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Priory, <a href="#Page_210">210<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_388">388</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Tombland in, <a href="#Page_91">91</a><br /> +<br /> +Nottingham, Archdeacon of, <a href="#Page_444">444</a><br /> +<br /> +<i>Novellae Definitiones</i> of Cistercians, <a href="#Page_362">362</a><br /> +<br /> +Novice, the, <a href="#Page_1">1ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">mistress of, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261<i>n. 2</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">teacher of, <a href="#Page_260">260</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Noyon, Robert de, <a href="#Page_263">263</a><br /> +<br /> +<i>Nun who Loved the World, The</i>, <a href="#Page_511">511</a><br /> +<br /> +<i>Nun, Why I can’t be a</i>, <a href="#Page_545">545ff.</a><br /> +<br /> +Nunappleton Priory, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_248">248<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_322">322<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>, <a href="#Page_338">338<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>, <a href="#Page_374">374</a>, <a href="#Page_389">389</a>, <a href="#Page_400">400</a>, <a href="#Page_402">402<i>n. 4</i></a>, <a href="#Page_406">406</a>, <a href="#Page_410">410</a>, <a href="#Page_445">445</a>, <a href="#Page_601">601</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">accounts of, audited, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">boarders at, <a href="#Page_417">417</a>, <a href="#Page_580">580</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>custos</i> of, <a href="#Page_230">230<i>n. 8</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">gifts to, <a href="#Page_326">326ff.</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">poverty of, <a href="#Page_184">184<i>n. 4</i></a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">visitations of, <a href="#Page_497">497</a>, <a href="#Page_635">635</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Nunburnholme Priory, <a href="#Page_53">53<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_365">365<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_400">400<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_428">428</a>, <a href="#Page_478">478</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">boarders at, <a href="#Page_580">580</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>custos</i> of, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230<i>n. 8</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <a href="#Page_478">478</a></span><br /> +<br /><a name="nuncoton" id="nuncoton"></a> +Nuncoton Priory, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>, <a href="#Page_374">374</a>, <a href="#Page_380">380</a>, <a href="#Page_381">381<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_382">382</a>, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>, <a href="#Page_399">399</a>, <a href="#Page_402">402<i>n. 4</i></a>, <a href="#Page_408">408<i>n. 4</i></a>, <a href="#Page_457">457</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">boarders of, <a href="#Page_413">413</a>, <a href="#Page_576">576</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">bondmen of, alienated, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">corrodies sold at, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">debts of, <a href="#Page_225">225<i>n. 4</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">frater at, <a href="#Page_317">317<i>n. 1</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">households of nuns at, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">invalids at, <a href="#Page_259">259<i>n. 1</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">jewels, etc., pawned, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">master of, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>, <a href="#Page_408">408</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">revels at, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">seculars at, <a href="#Page_409">409</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Nuneaton Priory, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_421">421<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_441">441<i>n.</i></a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">alms given by, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">numbers of nuns at, <a href="#Page_215">215</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Nunkeeling Priory, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184<i>n. 4</i></a>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_357">357<i>n. 5</i></a>, <a href="#Page_427">427</a>, <a href="#Page_448">448<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_477">477</a>, <a href="#Page_598">598</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">boarders at, <a href="#Page_580">580</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">bursars of, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">cellaress of, <a href="#Page_469">469</a>;</span><br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_717" id="Page_717">[Pg 717]</a></span><span style="margin-left: 1em;">enforced reception of nuns at, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <i>see</i> <a href="#more">More, Avice de la</a>; <a href="#quintin">St Quintin, Isabella de</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Nunmonkton Priory, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18<i>n. 4</i></a>, <a href="#Page_111">111<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_399">399<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_427">427</a>, <a href="#Page_469">469</a>, <a href="#Page_494">494<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_580">580</a>, <a href="#Page_587">587</a>, <a href="#Page_601">601</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>see</i> <a href="#fairfax">Fairfax, Margaret</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Nunneries, amusements in, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>, <a href="#Page_304">304ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_662">662</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">animals in, <a href="#Page_662">662</a>, <a href="#Page_663">663</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">aristocratic members of, <a href="#Page_3">3ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_12">12ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>, <a href="#Page_503">503</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">books of, <a href="#Page_239">239ff.</a>;</span><br /> +<a name="children" id="children"></a><span style="margin-left: 1em;">children in, <a href="#Page_264">264ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_496">496</a>, <a href="#Page_568">568ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_655">655ff.</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">episcopal disapproval of, <a href="#Page_270">270ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_568">568ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_655">655ff.</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>custodes</i> of, <a href="#Page_228">228ff.</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">discipline in, <a href="#Page_300">300ff.</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">disputes in, <a href="#Page_300">300ff.</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">education of girls in, <a href="#Page_260">260ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_568">568ff.</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>and see</i> <a href="#children">children in</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">election of superior in, <a href="#Page_43">43ff.</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">expenses of, <a href="#Page_117">117ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>, <a href="#Page_636">636ff.</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">farm labourers of, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">financial difficulties of, <a href="#Page_161">161ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_655">655</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">mismanagement of, <a href="#Page_166">166ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_203">203ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">food supplies of, <a href="#Page_138">138ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_332">332ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_640">640ff.</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">girls forced into, <a href="#Page_33">33ff.</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">home farms of, <a href="#Page_109">109ff.</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">hospitality at, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_401">401ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_417">417ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_649">649</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">household staff of, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">illiteracy in, <a href="#Page_250">250ff.</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">income of, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>, <a href="#Page_641">641</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">earmarked, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Latin, study of, in, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">middle-class members of, <a href="#Page_10">10ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">moral state of, <a href="#Page_436">436ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_597">597ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_665">665ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_675">675</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">numerical size of, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215<i>n. 4</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">overcrowding of, <a href="#Page_212">212ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">payments for reception into, <a href="#Page_17">17ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_658">658</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">pensions demanded from, <a href="#Page_194">194ff.</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">private rooms in, <a href="#Page_318">318ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>, <a href="#Page_654">654</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">quarrels in, <a href="#Page_663">663ff.</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">reasons for entering, <a href="#Page_25">25ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">repairs to, <a href="#Page_123">123ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">right of nominating to, <a href="#Page_189">189ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244<i>n. 1</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">routine in, <a href="#Page_285">285ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_475">475ff.</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">ruinous condition of, <a href="#Page_168">168ff.</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">satirists on, <a href="#Page_533">533ff.</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">seculars in, <a href="#Page_401">401ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>, <a href="#Page_470">470</a>, <a href="#Page_660">660ff.</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">separate households (<i>familiae</i>) in, <a href="#Page_272">272ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_316">316ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>, <a href="#Page_654">654</a>, <a href="#Page_655">655</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">servants of, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143ff.</a>, 651;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>status domus</i> of, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_484">484</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">weak-minded in, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">widows in, <a href="#Page_38">38ff.</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Nuns, almsgiving by, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_649">649</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">annuities for, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">beer allowance of, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168<i>n. 1</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">bread allowance of, <a href="#Page_141">141<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168<i>n. 2</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Bible reading by, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">claustration of, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>, <a href="#Page_341">341ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_543">543</a>, <a href="#Page_660">660ff.</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">clothes of, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="#Page_302">302<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_303">303ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>, <a href="#Page_329">329ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_585">585ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_663">663</a>, <a href="#Page_674">674</a>, <a href="#Page_675">675</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">dowries of, <a href="#Page_17">17ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_191">191<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">education, etc., of, <a href="#Page_237">237ff.</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">food allowances for, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>, <a href="#Page_564">564ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_648">648</a>, <a href="#Page_649">649</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">journeys out of cloister by, <a href="#Page_354">354ff.</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">legacies to, <a href="#Page_325">325ff.</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">linguistic learning of, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">love and, in medieval popular literature, <a href="#Page_622">622ff.</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">money allowance of, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_338">338ff.</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">penances of, <a href="#Page_466">466ff.</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">personal property of, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_315">315ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_651">651ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_672">672ff.</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">pets of, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>, <a href="#Page_305">305ff.</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">pilgrimages of, <a href="#Page_371">371ff.</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">pocket money (<i>peculium</i>) of, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>, <a href="#Page_336">336ff.</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">occupations of, <a href="#Page_251">251ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_285">285ff.</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">recreation of, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">songs about, <a href="#Page_502">502ff.</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Nuremberg, library of Dominicans at, <a href="#Page_240">240<i>n. 2</i></a><br /> +<br /> +—— St Clare, <a href="#Page_239">239</a><br /> +<br /> +<br /> +Obedientiaries, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>and see</i> <a href="#cellaress">Cellaress</a>, <a href="#treasuress">Treasuress</a>, etc.</span><br /> +<br /> +Odiham, John de, <a href="#Page_198">198</a><br /> +<br /> +Oignies, Mary of, <a href="#Page_525">525</a><br /> +<br /> +Okeley, Katherine, <a href="#Page_397">397</a>, <a href="#Page_398">398</a><br /> +<br /> +Oldyngton, Henry de, <a href="#Page_197">197</a><br /> +<br /> +Olifaunt, Elizabeth, <a href="#Page_420">420</a><br /> +<br /> +—— William, <a href="#Page_420">420</a><br /> +<br /> +Olyfard, Hugh, <a href="#Page_420">420</a>, <a href="#Page_421">421</a><br /> +<br /> +Origny, nunnery of, <a href="#Page_432">432ff.</a><br /> +<br /> +Orwell, <a href="#Page_188">188</a><br /> +<br /> +Oseney, Abbot of, <a href="#Page_396">396</a><br /> +<br /> +Ottobon, Constitutions of, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>, <a href="#Page_369">369</a><br /> +<br /> +Oundyl, Henry, <a href="#Page_203">203</a><br /> +<br /> +Overton, William, <a href="#Page_242">242</a><br /> +<br /> +Oxborow, Parson of, <i>see</i> <a href="#wiggenhall_john">Wiggenhall, John</a><br /> +<br /> +Oxford, Council of, 1222, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>, <a href="#Page_415">415</a><br /> +<br /> +—— St Frideswide, <a href="#Page_308">308<i>n. 1</i></a><br /> +<br /> +—— scholars of, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>, <a href="#Page_398">398</a>, <a href="#Page_456">456</a>, <a href="#Page_460">460</a><br /> +<br /> +<br /> +Page, Robert, <a href="#Page_152">152</a><br /> +<br /> +Palmer, Robert, <a href="#Page_152">152</a><br /> +<br /> +Panham, Countess of, <a href="#Page_257">257</a><br /> +<br /> +Pantolfe, Sir William, <a href="#Page_251">251</a><br /> +<br /> +Pape, Thomas, <a href="#Page_399">399<i>n. 3</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Papelwyk, Sibil, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a><br /> +<br /> +Paris, Faculty of Theology at, <a href="#Page_314">314</a><br /> +<br /> +Paston, Edmond, <a href="#Page_10">10</a><br /> +<br /> +—— John, <a href="#Page_10">10<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_423">423</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Margaret, <a href="#Page_267">267<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_302">302</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Margery, <a href="#Page_411">411</a>, <a href="#Page_412">412</a><br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_718" id="Page_718">[Pg 718]</a></span><br /> +Patent, Joan, <a href="#Page_322">322<i>n.</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Pateshull, Sir John, <a href="#Page_411">411</a><br /> +<br /> +Patryk, Alice, <a href="#Page_327">327</a><br /> +<br /> +Pavy, Joan, <a href="#Page_412">412</a><br /> +<br /> +Paynel, Cecilia, <a href="#Page_370">370</a><br /> +<br /> +Peasants’ Revolt, <a href="#Page_114">114</a><br /> +<br /> +Peckham, John, Archbishop of Canterbury, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156<i>n. 7</i></a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230<i>n. 8</i></a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>, <a href="#Page_258">258<i>n. 4</i></a>, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>, <a href="#Page_346">346ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>, <a href="#Page_385">385<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>, <a href="#Page_390">390<i>n. 5</i></a>, <a href="#Page_407">407</a>, <a href="#Page_416">416</a>, <a href="#Page_456">456</a>, <a href="#Page_464">464</a>, <a href="#Page_487">487</a>, <a href="#Page_581">581</a>, <a href="#Page_586">586</a><br /> +<br /> +Pecok, Reginald, Bishop of Chichester, <a href="#Page_447">447<i>n. 6</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Peke, William, <a href="#Page_18">18</a><br /> +<br /> +Pelayo, Alvar, <a href="#Page_545">545<i>n. 1</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Pelham, Maud, <a href="#Page_452">452</a><br /> +<br /> +Pembroke, Countess of, <a href="#Page_330">330</a><br /> +<br /><a name="percy" id="percy"></a> +Percy, Joan de, <a href="#Page_597">597</a>, <a href="#Page_598">598</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Lady Margaret, <a href="#Page_411">411</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Sir W., <a href="#Page_146">146</a><br /> +<br /> +Peresson, John, <a href="#Page_152">152</a><br /> +<br /> +Pergolotti, Francesco, <a href="#Page_111">111</a><br /> +<br /> +<i>Periculoso</i>, <a href="#Page_343">343<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_344">344ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>, <a href="#Page_376">376</a>, <a href="#Page_440">440</a><br /> +<br /> +<i>Persones Tale</i>, Chaucer’s, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a><br /> +<br /> +Peruzzi, the, <a href="#Page_9">9</a><br /> +<br /><a name="perys" id="perys"></a> +Perys, Edmund, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a><br /> +<br /> +Peterborough Abbey, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Abbots of, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_444">444</a>, <a href="#Page_481">481</a><br /> +<br /> +Philippa, Queen, <a href="#Page_198">198</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Duchess of York, <a href="#Page_418">418</a><br /> +<br /> +Pilgrimage of Grace, <a href="#Page_282">282</a><br /> +<br /> +Pilgrimages, <a href="#Page_371">371ff.</a><br /> +<br /><a name="pilly" id="pilly"></a> +Pilly, Katherine, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a><br /> +<br /> +Pinley, <a href="#Page_30">30</a><br /> +<br /> +Pirckheimer, Charitas, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>, <a href="#Page_500">500</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Wilibald, <a href="#Page_501">501</a><br /> +<br /> +Pisan, Christine de, <i>Livre du dit de Poisy</i>, <a href="#Page_558">558ff.</a><br /> +<br /> +Pittancer, <a href="#Page_143">143</a><br /> +<br /> +Pittances, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>, <a href="#Page_370">370</a>, <a href="#Page_522">522</a>, <a href="#Page_567">567</a>, <a href="#Page_568">568</a><br /> +<br /> +Plagues, medieval, <a href="#Page_178">178ff.</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>and see</i> <a href="#black">Black Death</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Plantagenet, Bridget, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279ff.</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Elizabeth, <a href="#Page_279">279</a><br /> +<br /><a name="playce" id="playce"></a> +Playce, Robert de, <a href="#Page_18">18</a><br /> +<br /> +Pocket money (<i>peculium</i>), <a href="#Page_322">322</a>, <a href="#Page_323">323</a><br /> +<br /> +Poer, Maude, <a href="#Page_410">410</a><br /> +<br /> +<i>Poisy, Livre du dit de</i>, <a href="#Page_558">558ff.</a><br /> +<br /> +Poisy, Priory of, <a href="#Page_558">558ff.</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Prioress of, <i>see</i> <a href="#bourbon">Bourbon, Marie de</a><br /> +<br /> +Poitiers, Holy Cross, <a href="#Page_345">345</a><br /> +<br /><a name="pole" id="pole"></a> +Pole, Katherine de la, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>, <a href="#Page_571">571</a><br /> +<br /> +Polesworth Abbey, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_366">366</a>, <a href="#Page_416">416<i>n. 1</i></a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Abbess of, <a href="#Page_42">42<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_217">217<i>n. 1</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">alms given by, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">children at, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>, <a href="#Page_579">579</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">servants of, <a href="#Page_159">159</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Poleter, Robert le, <a href="#Page_198">198</a><br /> +<br /> +Polsloe Priory, <a href="#Page_171">171<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>, <a href="#Page_386">386</a>, <a href="#Page_403">403<i>n. 5</i></a>, <a href="#Page_408">408<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_416">416<i>n. 1</i></a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">claustration relaxed at, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">meals at, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">poverty of, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">presentation of accounts at, <a href="#Page_219">219</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Poncher, Étienne, <a href="#Page_345">345</a><br /> +<br /> +Pontefract, <a href="#Page_419">419</a><br /> +<br /><a name="pontoise" id="pontoise"></a> +Pontoise, John of, Bishop of Winchester, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_259">259<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_387">387</a><br /> +<br /> +Poore, Richard, Bishop of Salisbury, <a href="#Page_527">527</a><br /> +<br /><a name="popeley" id="popeley"></a> +Popeley, Elizabeth, <a href="#Page_88">88<i>n.</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Porter, Alice, <a href="#Page_67">67</a><br /> +<br /> +—— James, <a href="#Page_198">198</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Richard, <a href="#Page_152">152</a><br /> +<br /> +Portsmouth, Joan, <a href="#Page_453">453</a><br /> +<br /> +Potton, Rectory of, <a href="#Page_114">114</a><br /> +<br /> +Poutrelle, Agnes, <a href="#Page_67">67</a><br /> +<br /> +Powes, Emma, <a href="#Page_361">361<i>n. 1</i></a><br /> +<br /> +<i>Pratica della Mercatura</i>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a><br /> +<br /> +Pratt, Ralph, <a href="#Page_462">462</a><br /> +<br /> +Praty, Richard, Bishop of Chichester, <a href="#Page_340">340</a><br /> +<br /> +Preaux, St Leger, <a href="#Page_636">636</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Abbess of, <a href="#Page_643">643</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">financial state of, <a href="#Page_637">637</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Precentrix of nunnery, <i>see</i> <a href="#chantress">Chantress</a><br /> +<br /> +Prémontré, nuns of, <a href="#Page_343">343</a><br /> +<br /> +Prestewych, Margaret de, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a><br /> +<br /> +Preston, Anne, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Margery, <a href="#Page_49">49</a><br /> +<br /> +Prioress, <i>see</i> <a href="#head">Head of house</a><br /> +<br /> +Proctors for begging, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a><br /> +<br /> +Punchardon, Margaret de, <a href="#Page_365">365</a><br /> +<br /> +Punder, Margaret, <a href="#Page_63">63</a><br /> +<br /> +Pyghtesley, Richard, <a href="#Page_103">103</a><br /> +<br /><a name="pykering" id="pykering"></a> +Pykering, Joan de, <a href="#Page_51">51ff.</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Margaret de, <a href="#Page_328">328<i>n. 1</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Pykkell, Robert, <a href="#Page_152">152</a><br /> +<br /> +<br /> +Rading, Philippa de, <a href="#Page_198">198</a><br /> +<br /> +Radyngton, Joan de, <a href="#Page_224">224</a><br /> +<br /> +<i>Raoul de Cambrai</i>, <a href="#Page_432">432ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_560">560<i>n.</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Rasponi, Felice, <a href="#Page_474">474</a>, <a href="#Page_501">501</a><br /> +<br /><a name="ratclyff" id="ratclyff"></a> +Ratclyff, Margaret, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a><br /> +<br /> +Raulyn, <a href="#Page_202">202</a><br /> +<br /> +Rayn, John, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a><br /> +<br /> +Raynevill, Thomas de, <a href="#Page_466">466<i>n. 1</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Reading, Abbot of, <a href="#Page_279">279</a><br /> +<br /> +Receiver of nunnery, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a><br /> +<br /> +Redlingfield Priory, <a href="#Page_64">64<i>n. 6</i></a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_319">319<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_452">452</a>, <a href="#Page_468">468</a>, <a href="#Page_578">578</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Prioresses of, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_467">467</a>;<br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_719" id="Page_719">[Pg 719]</a></span><span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>see</i> <a href="#hermyte">Hermyte, Isabel</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Redynges, Margaret, <a href="#Page_202">202</a><br /> +<br /> +Relics, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a><br /> +<br /> +Rennes, Cloth of, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a><br /> +<br /> +“Rents of Assize,” <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a><br /> +<br /> +Rents from lands and houses, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a><br /> +<br /><a name="retlyng" id="retlyng"></a> +Retlyng, Lora de, <a href="#Page_204">204</a><br /> +<br /> +Reymound, Thomas, <a href="#Page_242">242</a><br /> +<br /> +Reynolds, Walter, Archbishop of Canterbury, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a><br /> +<br /><a name="rich" id="rich"></a> +Rich, Margaret, <a href="#Page_117">117</a><br /> +<br /> +Richemond, Elianore, <a href="#Page_152">152</a><br /> +<br /> +Ridel, Mary, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a><br /> +<br /> +Rievaulx, Abbot of, <i>see</i> <a href="#aelred">Aelred</a><br /> +<br /> +Rigaud, Eudes, Archbishop of Rouen, <a href="#Page_163">163<i>n. 4</i></a>, <a href="#Page_255">255<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_305">305<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_308">308<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_310">310<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_338">338<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_380">380<i>n. 4</i></a>, <a href="#Page_450">450<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_473">473</a>, <a href="#Page_491">491</a>, <a href="#Page_587">587</a>, <a href="#Page_635">635ff.</a><br /> +<br /> +Ripon Minster, <a href="#Page_377">377<i>n. 2</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Roche, Abbot of, <a href="#Page_214">214</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Joan de la, <a href="#Page_189">189</a><br /> +<br /> +Rochester, Bishops of, <a href="#Page_208">208<i>n. 2</i></a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>and see</i> <a href="#hythe">Hythe, Hamo of</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Roger atte Bedde, <a href="#Page_197">197</a><br /> +<br /> +Rolf, Katherine, <a href="#Page_157">157</a><br /> +<br /> +Rolle, Richard, of Hampole, <a href="#Page_532">532<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_533">533</a><br /> +<br /> +<i>Rolls of Parliament</i>, quoted, <a href="#Page_196">196</a><br /> +<br /> +Romayn, Alice, <a href="#Page_442">442<i>n. 2</i></a><br /> +<br /><a name="romeyn" id="romeyn"></a> +Romeyn, John de, Archbishop of York, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_361">361<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_411">411</a><br /> +<br /> +Romsey, Abbess of, <a href="#Page_60">60ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_410">410</a>, <a href="#Page_461">461</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>and see</i> <a href="#broke">Broke, Elizabeth</a>; <a href="#rowse">Rowse, Joyce</a>; <a href="#walerand">Walerand, Agnes</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">accounts of, <a href="#Page_101">101<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">animals at, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">coadjutress appointed to, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">children at, <a href="#Page_572">572</a>, <a href="#Page_573">573</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">corrodies at, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">dilapidations at, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">disorder at, <a href="#Page_461">461</a>, <a href="#Page_462">462</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>magister noviciarum</i> at, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Manor courts of, <a href="#Page_104">104<i>n. 2</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">mills of, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">mismanagement at, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">numbers at, <a href="#Page_215">215<i>n. 4</i></a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">obedientiaries of, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">pensioners at, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">pittances at, <a href="#Page_259">259<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">poverty of, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">prebendary canons of, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">private property at, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>, <a href="#Page_339">339<i>n. 5</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">pupils at, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">servants of, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">taxation of, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">too many nuns at, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">visitations of, <a href="#Page_496">496</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">visitors at, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>, <a href="#Page_407">407</a>, <a href="#Page_408">408</a>, <a href="#Page_416">416</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Romsey Abbey, <a href="#Page_2">2ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_88">88<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_111">111<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_113">113<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_217">217<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_292">292<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>, <a href="#Page_304">304<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_320">320<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_322">322<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_348">348ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_361">361<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_367">367<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>, <a href="#Page_380">380</a>, <a href="#Page_384">384<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_386">386</a>, <a href="#Page_389">389</a>, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>, <a href="#Page_400">400<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_402">402<i>n. 4</i></a>, <a href="#Page_404">404</a>, <a href="#Page_416">416</a>, <a href="#Page_424">424</a>, <a href="#Page_448">448<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_454">454</a>, <a href="#Page_482">482</a>, <a href="#Page_558">558</a>, <a href="#Page_583">583</a>, <a href="#Page_584">584</a>, <a href="#Page_586">586</a>, <a href="#Page_587">587</a><br /> +<br /> +Roos, Eleanor, <a href="#Page_242">242</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Joan, <a href="#Page_328">328</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Sir Robert de, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a><br /> +<br /> +Rosedale Priory, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>, <a href="#Page_400">400<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_467">467<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_580">580</a>, <a href="#Page_584">584</a>, <a href="#Page_601">601</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">dilapidations at, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">destruction of, by Scots, <a href="#Page_427">427</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">process of, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">relics at, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>status domus</i> of, <a href="#Page_222">222</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Roselis, Joan de, <a href="#Page_52">52</a><br /> +<br /> +Roswitha, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a><br /> +<br /> +Rotherham, Thomas, Archbishop of York, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_374">374</a>, <a href="#Page_389">389</a>, <a href="#Page_406">406</a>, <a href="#Page_417">417</a><br /> +<br /> +Rothwell Church, <a href="#Page_463">463</a><br /> +<br /> +Rothwell Priory, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_304">304<i>n. 1</i></a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">begging license granted to, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">boarders at, <a href="#Page_424">424</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">debts of, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Desborough church appropriated, <a href="#Page_113">113<i>n. 1</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>, <a href="#Page_445">445</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">violent scene at, <a href="#Page_424">424</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Rouen, St Amand, <a href="#Page_636">636</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Abbess of, <a href="#Page_644">644</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">accounts of, <a href="#Page_639">639</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">financial state of, <a href="#Page_637">637</a>, <a href="#Page_638">638</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Rouen, St Paul by, <a href="#Page_636">636</a>, <a href="#Page_641">641</a>, <a href="#Page_646">646</a><br /> +<br /> +Rowney Priory, <a href="#Page_171">171<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_176">176<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_423">423</a>, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">alms-collector appointed for, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">master of, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <a href="#Page_584">584</a></span><br /> +<br /><a name="rowse" id="rowse"></a> +Rowse, Joyce, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_493">493</a><br /> +<br /> +Rudd, Agnes, <a href="#Page_326">326</a><br /> +<br /> +Rummynge, Elynour, <a href="#Page_389">389</a><br /> +<br /> +Rusper Priory, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, <a href="#Page_399">399<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_462">462</a>, <a href="#Page_494">494<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_583">583</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">poverty of, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_462">462</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Russel, Alice, <a href="#Page_464">464</a><br /> +<br /> +Rutebeuf, <a href="#Page_375">375</a><br /> +<br /> +<br /><a name="sackfelde" id="sackfelde"></a> +Sackfelde, Margaret, <a href="#Page_209">209</a><br /> +<br /> +Sacrist of nunnery, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">accounts of, <a href="#Page_136">136</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Sadler, Hugh, <a href="#Page_397">397</a><br /> +<br /> +St Agnes of Bohemia, <a href="#Page_500">500</a><br /> +<br /> +St Albans Abbey, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>, <a href="#Page_456">456<i>n. 4</i></a>, <a href="#Page_479">479</a>, <a href="#Page_482">482</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Abbots of, <a href="#Page_56">56<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_259">259<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>, <a href="#Page_361">361<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_476">476</a>, <a href="#Page_480">480</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>see</i> <a href="#mare">Mare, Thomas de la</a></span><br /> +<br /> +<i>St Albans, The Boke of</i>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a><br /> +<br /> +St Albans Chronicle, <a href="#Page_429">429ff.</a><br /> +<br /> +St Aldhelm, <a href="#Page_303">303</a><br /> +<br /> +St Andrews, Bishop of, <a href="#Page_418">418</a><br /> +<br /> +St Aubin’s Priory, <a href="#Page_636">636</a>, <a href="#Page_646">646</a>;<br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_720" id="Page_720">[Pg 720]</a></span><span style="margin-left: 1em;">financial state of, <a href="#Page_637">637</a>, <a href="#Page_638">638</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">moral state of, <a href="#Page_667">667</a>, <a href="#Page_668">668</a></span><br /> +<br /> +St Bernardino of Siena, <a href="#Page_518">518<i>n. 1</i></a><br /> +<br /> +St Boniface, <a href="#Page_237">237</a><br /> +<br /> +St Caesarius of Arles, <a href="#Page_343">343</a><br /> +<br /> +<i>St Catherine, Life of</i>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a><br /> +<br /> +St Christina of Stommeln, <a href="#Page_501">501</a><br /> +<br /> +St Clare, <a href="#Page_500">500</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Order of, <a href="#Page_417">417</a>, <a href="#Page_418">418</a><br /> +<br /> +St Douceline, <a href="#Page_501">501</a><br /> +<br /> +St Elizabeth of Schönau, <a href="#Page_239">239</a><br /> +<br /> +St Francis of Paula, <a href="#Page_345">345</a><br /> +<br /> +St Francis de Sales, <a href="#Page_363">363</a>, <a href="#Page_392">392</a><br /> +<br /> +St Hildegard of Bingen, <a href="#Page_239">239</a><br /> +<br /> +St Hugh, Bishop of Lincoln, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a><br /> +<br /> +St John Baptist, Fair of, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a><br /> +<br /> +<i>St Katherine of Alexandria, Life of</i>, Capgrave’s, <a href="#Page_243">243</a><br /> +<br /> +St Lydwine of Schiedam, <a href="#Page_501">501</a><br /> +<br /> +St Mary Graces, Abbot of, <a href="#Page_375">375<i>n. 1</i></a><br /> +<br /> +St Paul, John de, <a href="#Page_195">195</a><br /> +<br /><a name="quintin" id="quintin"></a> +St Quintin, Anne, <a href="#Page_327">327</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Isabella de, <a href="#Page_469">469</a><br /> +<br /> +St Saens Priory, <a href="#Page_636">636</a>, <a href="#Page_641">641</a>, <a href="#Page_646">646</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">financial state of, <a href="#Page_637">637ff.</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">inventory of, <a href="#Page_641">641</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">moral state of, <a href="#Page_668">668</a>, <a href="#Page_669">669</a></span><br /> +<br /> +St Sepulchre’s, Canterbury, <i>see</i> <a href="#canterbury">Canterbury, Holy Sepulchre</a><br /> +<br /> +St Theresa, <a href="#Page_501">501</a><br /> +<br /> +Salimbene, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_634">634</a><br /> +<br /> +Salisbury, Bishops of, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>, <a href="#Page_190">190</a><br /> +<br /> +Saltmershe, Maud, <a href="#Page_22">22</a><br /> +<br /> +Salwayn, Sir Roger, <a href="#Page_260">260</a><br /> +<br /> +Sanctuary, <a href="#Page_420">420ff.</a><br /> +<br /> +<i>Satyre of the Thrie Estaits, Ane</i>, <a href="#Page_510">510</a>, <a href="#Page_549">549</a>, <a href="#Page_552">552ff.</a><br /> +<br /> +Sauvage, William, <a href="#Page_420">420</a><br /> +<br /> +Savernake, Forest of, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a><br /> +<br /> +Saxony, <a href="#Page_239">239</a><br /> +<br /> +Saxton, Roger de, <a href="#Page_235">235</a><br /> +<br /> +Scorue, Isabella de, <a href="#Page_487">487</a><br /> +<br /><a name="screvyn" id="screvyn"></a> +Screvyn, Agnes de, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a><br /> +<br /> +Scrope, Eleanor Lady, <a href="#Page_39">39</a><br /> +<br /> +Scroupe, Jane, <a href="#Page_278">278</a><br /> +<br /> +Seal, Common, of nunnery, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248<i>n. 7</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Seckworth, William de, <a href="#Page_40">40</a><br /> +<br /> +Sele, William, <a href="#Page_399">399</a><br /> +<br /> +Sempringham Priory, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>, <a href="#Page_420">420</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">fire at, <a href="#Page_171">171<i>n. 3</i></a></span><br /> +<br /> +—— Chronicle of, <a href="#Page_419">419</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Order of, <a href="#Page_537">537</a><br /> +<br /> +Senoke, Sir John, <a href="#Page_415">415</a><br /> +<br /> +Sens, Council of, <a href="#Page_369">369</a><br /> +<br /> +Sermons, medieval, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>, <a href="#Page_518">518ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_518">518<i>n. 1</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Seton Priory, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_478">478</a>, <a href="#Page_479">479</a><br /> +<br /> +Sevekworth, John de, <a href="#Page_447">447</a><br /> +<br /> +Sewardby, Elizabeth, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166<i>n. 4</i></a><br /> +<br /> +—— William, <a href="#Page_19">19</a><br /> +<br /> +Sewardsley Priory, <a href="#Page_34">34<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>, <a href="#Page_419">419</a>, <a href="#Page_457">457ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_461">461</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">appropriation of church to, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">begging license granted to, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">church appropriated to, <a href="#Page_113">113<i>n. 1</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">disorder at, <a href="#Page_458">458</a>, <a href="#Page_459">459</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">fair of, <a href="#Page_106">106<i>n. 2</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">master of, <a href="#Page_231">231</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Shaftesbury, Abbess of, <a href="#Page_78">78<i>n. 5</i></a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>see</i> <a href="#bauceyn">Bauceyn, Juliana</a>; <a href="#ferrar">Ferrar, Agnes</a>; <a href="#furmage">Furmage, Joan</a>; <a href="#giffard_m">Giffard, Mabel</a></span><br /> +<br /> +—— Abbey, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_300">300<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>, <a href="#Page_385">385<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_421">421<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_464">464</a>, <a href="#Page_482">482</a>, <a href="#Page_558">558</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">appropriations to, <a href="#Page_113">113<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">bread allowance at, <a href="#Page_141">141<i>n.</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">claustration at, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">corrodies at, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">financial difficulties of, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">hospitality at, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">license to crenellate, <a href="#Page_424">424</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">number of nuns at, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215<i>n. 4</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">pensions demanded from, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">prebendary canons of, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228<i>n. 5</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>Register</i> of, <a href="#Page_141">141<i>n.</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">resident chaplains at, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">steward of, <a href="#Page_146">146</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Sheen, Agnes of, <a href="#Page_440">440</a><br /> +<br /> +Sheldon, Matilda, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a><br /> +<br /><a name="shelley" id="shelley"></a> +Shelley, Elizabeth, <a href="#Page_279">279ff.</a><br /> +<br /> +Sheperd, Richard, <a href="#Page_107">107</a><br /> +<br /> +Sheppey Priory, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_300">300<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_330">330<i>n. 6</i></a>, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>, <a href="#Page_494">494<i>n. 1</i></a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">cattle owned by, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">“confessor’s chamber” at, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147<i>n. 1</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">dorter at, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">library at, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">numbers at, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">servants of, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">“steward’s chamber” at, <a href="#Page_147">147<i>n. 1</i></a></span><br /> +<br /> +Sherburn, Bishop, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_462">462</a><br /> +<br /> +Shouldham Priory, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_330">330<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_420">420</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prior of, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_420">420</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Shrewsbury, George, Earl of, <a href="#Page_146">146</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Ralph of, Bishop of Bath and Wells, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_410">410</a>, <a href="#Page_452">452</a><br /> +<br /> +Sinclere, Elizabeth, <a href="#Page_49">49</a><br /> +<br /> +Sinningthwaite Priory, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249<i>n. 7</i></a>, <a href="#Page_251">251<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_284">284<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_291">291<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_302">302<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_320">320<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_381">381<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_402">402</a>, <a href="#Page_428">428</a>, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">children at, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_580">580</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">claustration relaxed at, <a href="#Page_356">356<i>n. 5</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>custos</i> of, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">jewels pledged, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">poverty of, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_302">302<i>n. 1</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">relics at, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">visitation of, resisted, <a href="#Page_482">482</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Skelton, quoted, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_590">590ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_603">603</a><br /> +<br /> +Skerning, Roger de, Bishop of Norwich, <a href="#Page_175">175</a><br /> +<br /><a name="skirlaw_j" id="skirlaw_j"></a> +Skirlaw, Joan, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a><br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_721" id="Page_721">[Pg 721]</a></span><br /><a name="skirlaw_w" id="skirlaw_w"></a> +—— Walter, Bishop of Durham, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a><br /> +<br /> +Skotte, Alice, <a href="#Page_22">22</a><br /> +<br /> +Slibre, John, <a href="#Page_152">152</a><br /> +<br /> +Slo, Katherine, <a href="#Page_328">328</a><br /> +<br /> +Smith, John, <a href="#Page_453">453</a>, <a href="#Page_454">454</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Margaret, <a href="#Page_167">167</a><br /> +<br /> +Snawe, Helen, <a href="#Page_46">46ff.</a><br /> +<br /> +Snowe, William, <a href="#Page_399">399<i>n. 3</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Sompnour, Richard, <a href="#Page_452">452</a><br /> +<br /> +Sonnenburg, Abbess of, <a href="#Page_377">377<i>n. 4</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Sopwell Priory, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_370">370</a>, <a href="#Page_378">378<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_402">402<i>n. 4</i></a>, <a href="#Page_456">456<i>n. 4</i></a>, <a href="#Page_476">476</a>, <a href="#Page_479">479</a>, <a href="#Page_481">481</a>, <a href="#Page_581">581</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">accounts of, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>custos</i> of, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">children at, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_573">573</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, <a href="#Page_370">370</a>, <a href="#Page_480">480</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>and see</i> <a href="#berners">Berners, Juliana</a>; <a href="#flamstead">Flamstead, Matilda de</a>; <a href="#germyn">Germyn, Helen</a>; <a href="#webbe">Webbe, Elizabeth</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">seculars at, <a href="#Page_406">406</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">warden of, <a href="#Page_480">480</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Southwark, St Thomas the Martyr, <a href="#Page_442">442<i>n. 2</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Spalding, Robert de, <a href="#Page_231">231</a><br /> +<br /> +<i>Sparrow, Philip</i>, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>, <a href="#Page_412">412</a>, <a href="#Page_590">590ff.</a><br /> +<br /> +Sperri, Reyner, <a href="#Page_26">26</a><br /> +<br /> +Sperry, Joan, <a href="#Page_365">365<i>n. 3</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Spina, Juliana de, <a href="#Page_244">244<i>n. 1</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Spinning by nuns, <a href="#Page_255">255</a><br /> +<br /> +<i>Spiritualities</i>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113ff.</a><br /> +<br /> +Spofford, Thomas, Bishop of Hereford, <a href="#Page_23">23<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356<i>n. 5</i></a>, <a href="#Page_377">377</a>, <a href="#Page_384">384</a><br /> +<br /> +Stafford, John, Archbishop of Canterbury, <a href="#Page_447">447<i>n. 6</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Stainfield Churchyard, <a href="#Page_390">390<i>n. 5</i></a><br /> +<br /> +—— Priory, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>, <a href="#Page_381">381<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_409">409</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">church appropriated to, <a href="#Page_113">113<i>n. 1</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <a href="#Page_61">61</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Stamford, St Michael’s, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>, <a href="#Page_402">402<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_408">408</a>, <a href="#Page_443">443ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_449">449</a>, <a href="#Page_450">450</a>, <a href="#Page_457">457</a>, <a href="#Page_460">460</a>, <a href="#Page_465">465</a>, <a href="#Page_480">480</a>, <a href="#Page_481">481</a>, <a href="#Page_584">584</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">accounts of, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117<i>n. 4</i></a>, <a href="#Page_118">118<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>, <a href="#Page_370">370</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">alms given by, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">begging license granted to, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">boarders at, <a href="#Page_414">414</a>, <a href="#Page_415">415</a>, <a href="#Page_577">577</a>, <a href="#Page_578">578</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">chambress of, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">children at, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_459">459</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">churches appropriated to, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135<i>n. 4</i></a>, <a href="#Page_143">143<i>n.</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">debts of, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">disorder at, <a href="#Page_491">491</a>, <a href="#Page_492">492</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">financial mismanagement at, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225<i>n. 2</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">guests at, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">households of nuns at, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">litigation by, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>peculium</i> for clothes at, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">pension paid by, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">pittances at, <a href="#Page_143">143<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prior of, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>, <a href="#Page_368">368<i>n. 4</i></a>, <a href="#Page_452">452</a>, <a href="#Page_460">460</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">treasuresses of, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185<i>n. 6</i></a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>, <a href="#Page_368">368<i>n. 4</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">warden, special, appointed, <a href="#Page_233">233</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Stanley, Agnes, <a href="#Page_442">442<i>n. 2</i></a><br /> +<br /> +—— Isabel, Prioress, <a href="#Page_4">4</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Sir John, <a href="#Page_263">263</a><br /> +<br /><a name="stapeldon" id="stapeldon"></a> +Stapeldon, Walter de, Bishop of Exeter, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>, <a href="#Page_376">376</a>, <a href="#Page_406">406<i>n. 1</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Stapelton, Emma of, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a><br /> +<br /> +Starkey, Cecilia, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a><br /> +<br /><a name="status" id="status"></a> +<i>Status domus</i>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a><br /> +<br /> +Staunton, Richard de, <a href="#Page_229">229</a><br /> +<br /> +Steinfeld Monastery, <a href="#Page_108">108</a><br /> +<br /> +Stevyn, Joan, <a href="#Page_454">454</a><br /> +<br /> +Steward of nunnery, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a><br /> +<br /> +Stil, Clarice, <a href="#Page_35">35ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_500">500</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Robert, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a><br /> +<br /> +—— William, <a href="#Page_37">37</a><br /> +<br /> +Stixwould Priory, <a href="#Page_111">111<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_228">228ff.</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">boarders at, <a href="#Page_413">413</a>, <a href="#Page_417">417</a>, <a href="#Page_576">576</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">children at, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_409">409</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">debts of, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184<i>n. 4</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">domestic economy of, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">frater at, <a href="#Page_317">317<i>n. 1</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">households of nuns at, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>, <a href="#Page_320">320<i>n.</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">master of, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Stok, William de, <a href="#Page_230">230<i>n. 5</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Stokesley, John, Bishop of London, <a href="#Page_447">447<i>n. 6</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Stommeln, Christina von, <a href="#Page_27">27<i>n. 2</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Stonore, John, <a href="#Page_17">17<i>n. 2</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Stories, medieval, <a href="#Page_515">515ff.</a><br /> +<br /> +Story, Edward, Bishop of Chichester, <a href="#Page_453">453</a><br /> +<br /><a name="stourbridge" id="stourbridge"></a> +Stourbridge Fair, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a><br /> +<br /> +Stow, William, <a href="#Page_241">241</a><br /> +<br /> +Strasburg, <a href="#Page_239">239</a><br /> +<br /> +Stratford, Abbot of, <a href="#Page_375">375<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_481">481</a><br /> +<br /> +—— John de, Bishop of Winchester, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Priory, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>, <a href="#Page_577">577</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">poverty of, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>, <a href="#Page_192">192</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Stretford, Jonette de, <a href="#Page_189">189</a><br /> +<br /> +Stretton, Robert de, Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, <a href="#Page_384">384</a><br /> +<br /> +Studley, Isabella de, <a href="#Page_301">301<i>n.</i></a><br /> +<br /> +—— Priory, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_304">304<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>, <a href="#Page_380">380</a>, <a href="#Page_397">397</a>, <a href="#Page_398">398</a>, <a href="#Page_399">399<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_408">408<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_587">587</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">claustration relaxed at, <a href="#Page_356">356<i>n. 5</i></a>, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>custos</i> of, <a href="#Page_230">230<i>n. 8</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">debts of, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>, <a href="#Page_447">447</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Sturges, Dorothy, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a><br /> +<br /> +Style, N., <a href="#Page_453">453</a><br /> +<br /> +Suffewyk, William, <a href="#Page_445">445</a><br /> +<br /> +Suffield, Walter de, Bishop of Norwich, <a href="#Page_175">175</a><br /> +<br /> +Surlingham Church, <a href="#Page_113">113</a><br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_722" id="Page_722">[Pg 722]</a></span><br /> +Suthwell, John de, <a href="#Page_85">85</a><br /> +<br /><a name="sutton" id="sutton"></a> +Sutton, Oliver, Bishop of Lincoln, <a href="#Page_176">176<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_440">440</a>, <a href="#Page_447">447</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Richard, <a href="#Page_441">441<i>n.</i></a><br /> +<br /> +—— William de, <a href="#Page_233">233</a><br /> +<br /> +Sutton-on-Derwent, Rector of, <a href="#Page_231">231</a><br /> +<br /> +Swaffham, Agnes, <a href="#Page_327">327</a><br /> +<br /> +Swaffham Bulbeck Priory, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">accounts of, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">children at, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>, <a href="#Page_570">570</a>, <a href="#Page_571">571</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">mill of, <a href="#Page_107">107<i>n. 1</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <i>see</i> <a href="#ratclyff">Ratclyff, Margaret</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Swine Priory, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_320">320<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_337">337<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_355">355<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_399">399<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_427">427</a>, <a href="#Page_449">449</a>, <a href="#Page_472">472<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_580">580</a>, <a href="#Page_581">581</a>, <a href="#Page_586">586</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">books left to, <a href="#Page_242">242<i>n. 5</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>custos</i> of, <a href="#Page_229">229ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230<i>n. 8</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">dilapidations at, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">disobedience at, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">gifts to, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">mismanagement at, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">papal exemption from tithes, <a href="#Page_184">184<i>n. 2</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">prioresses of, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>and see</i> <a href="#anlaby">Anlaby, Josiana de</a>; <a href="#skirlaw_j">Skirlaw, Joan</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">visitation of, <a href="#Page_449">449<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_635">635</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Swine, Vicar of, <a href="#Page_242">242</a><br /> +<br /> +Swinfield, Richard de, Bishop of Hereford, <a href="#Page_183">183</a><br /> +<br /> +Swynford, Elizabeth, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_333">333</a><br /> +<br /> +Symon, Katherine, <a href="#Page_168">168</a><br /> +<br /><a name="syon" id="syon"></a> +Syon Abbey, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_586">586</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Abbesses of, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_366">366<i>n. 3</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>and see</i> <a href="#gibbs">Gibbs, Eliz.</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">building accounts of, <a href="#Page_92">92<i>n.</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">cellaress of, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">accounts of, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">chambress of, <a href="#Page_131">131<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">dumb signs at, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">library of, <a href="#Page_240">240<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>Myroure of Oure Ladye</i> written for, <a href="#Page_531">531</a>, <a href="#Page_532">532</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">privileges of, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>Rule</i> of, <a href="#Page_132">132ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>, <a href="#Page_584">584</a>, <a href="#Page_585">585</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Sacrist’s accounts of, <a href="#Page_131">131<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Syward, John, <a href="#Page_11">11</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Dionisia, <a href="#Page_11">11</a><br /> +<br /> +<br /> +Talbot, Thomasine, <a href="#Page_167">167</a><br /> +<br /> +Talke, Anne, <a href="#Page_467">467<i>n. 3</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Tanfield, Amicia, <a href="#Page_403">403</a><br /> +<br /> +Tang, Margaret de, <a href="#Page_467">467<i>n. 3</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Tarrant Keynes Abbey, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_424">424</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Abbess of, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">and <i>Ancren Riwle</i>, <a href="#Page_527">527</a>, <a href="#Page_528">528</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">debts of, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Fair of, <a href="#Page_106">106<i>n. 2</i></a></span><br /> +<br /> +Tates, Joan, <a href="#Page_88">88</a><br /> +<br /><a name="tawke" id="tawke"></a> +Tawke, Agnes, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_211">211</a><br /> +<br /> +Taylour, William, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_463">463</a><br /> +<br /> +<i>Temporalities</i>, <a href="#Page_100">100ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a><br /> +<br /> +Terbock, <a href="#Page_149">149</a><br /> +<br /> +Terrington, Maud of, <a href="#Page_443">443<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_467">467</a><br /> +<br /> +Thanet, Abbess of, <i>see</i> <a href="#eadburg">Eadburg</a><br /> +<br /> +Thélème, Abbey of, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_539">539</a><br /> +<br /> +Thetford Priory, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_361">361<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_577">577</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">corrody granted by, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">poverty of, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <a href="#Page_32">32</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Thicket Priory, <a href="#Page_111">111<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_428">428</a>, <a href="#Page_601">601</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">bequests to, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">dilapidations at, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <a href="#Page_61">61</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Thirkleby, Vicar of, <a href="#Page_231">231</a><br /> +<br /> +Thomson, Johann, <a href="#Page_326">326</a><br /> +<br /> +Thormondby, Agnes de, <a href="#Page_445">445</a><br /> +<br /> +Thornton, Abbot, <a href="#Page_365">365</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Robert, <a href="#Page_396">396</a><br /> +<br /> +Thornton-upon-Humber, <a href="#Page_387">387</a><br /> +<br /> +Thornyf, Katherine, <a href="#Page_374">374</a>, <a href="#Page_375">375</a><br /> +<br /> +Thorpe, William, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>, <a href="#Page_372">372<i>n. 2</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Timber, sale of, by nuns, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a><br /> +<br /> +Titchmarsh, Maud, <a href="#Page_441">441</a><br /> +<br /> +Tithes, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a><br /> +<br /> +Titles, farming out of, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">granted to nunneries, <a href="#Page_116">116</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Tittivillus, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>, <a href="#Page_646">646</a><br /> +<br /> +Traherne, William, <a href="#Page_413">413</a><br /> +<br /> +Translations for nuns, <a href="#Page_251">251ff.</a><br /> +<br /><a name="treasuress" id="treasuress"></a> +Treasuress of nunnery, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223ff.</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">accounts of, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Trent, Council of, <a href="#Page_345">345</a><br /> +<br /> +Treverbyn, Lady Margery, <a href="#Page_411">411</a><br /> +<br /> +Trimelet, Joan, <a href="#Page_453">453</a>, <a href="#Page_467">467<i>n. 3</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Tuddenham, Sir Thomas, <a href="#Page_30">30</a><br /> +<br /> +Tudor, Edmund, <a href="#Page_270">270</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Jasper, <a href="#Page_270">270</a><br /> +<br /> +Tudowe, Agnes, <a href="#Page_31">31</a><br /> +<br /> +Tufton, Manor-house at, <a href="#Page_90">90</a><br /> +<br /> +Tunstede, Hugh de, <a href="#Page_30">30</a><br /> +<br /> +Turberville, Agnes, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>, <a href="#Page_192">192<i>n. 5</i></a><br /> +<br /> +—— Johanete de, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a><br /> +<br /> +Turvey, Rector of, <a href="#Page_46">46</a><br /> +<br /> +Tusser, Thomas, quoted, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a><br /> +<br /> +Tychenor, William, <a href="#Page_399">399<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_462">462</a>, <a href="#Page_583">583</a><br /> +<br /> +Tydeswell, William de, <a href="#Page_195">195</a><br /> +<br /> +Tylney, Grace de, <a href="#Page_418">418</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Margery de, <a href="#Page_413">413</a>, <a href="#Page_417">417</a>, <a href="#Page_418">418</a><br /> +<br /> +Tyrelton, Simon de, <a href="#Page_196">196</a><br /> +<br /> +Tyttesbury, Katherine, <a href="#Page_458">458</a><br /> +<br /> +<br /> +Ufford, Robert de, Earl of Suffolk, <a href="#Page_330">330<i>n. 3</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Ulrich of Steinfeld, <a href="#Page_108">108</a><br /> +<br /> +Upton, Vicar of, <a href="#Page_232">232</a><br /> +<br /> +Urban IV, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_342">342<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a><br /> +<br /> +Usk Priory, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>custos</i> of, <a href="#Page_230">230<i>n. 8</i></a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a></span><br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_723" id="Page_723">[Pg 723]</a></span><br /> +<br /> +<i>Valor Ecclesiasticus</i>, <a href="#Page_96">96ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a><br /> +<br /> +Ver, J. de, <a href="#Page_224">224</a><br /> +<br /> +Vergi, Châtelaine of, <a href="#Page_303">303</a><br /> +<br /><a name="vernon" id="vernon"></a> +Vernon, Margaret, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_570">570</a><br /> +<br /><a name="vert" id="vert"></a> +Vert-Vert, <a href="#Page_413">413</a>, <a href="#Page_593">593ff.</a><br /> +<br /> +Vienne, Council of, 1311, <a href="#Page_306">306<i>n. 3</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Villarceaux Abbey, <a href="#Page_636">636</a>, <a href="#Page_645">645ff.</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">accounts of, <a href="#Page_639">639</a>, <a href="#Page_640">640</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">financial state of, <a href="#Page_637">637</a>, <a href="#Page_638">638</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">live stock of, <a href="#Page_640">640</a>, <a href="#Page_641">641</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">moral state of, <a href="#Page_665">665</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <a href="#Page_643">643</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Virgin, Cult of the, <a href="#Page_513">513ff.</a><br /> +<br /> +<i>Virgin averse to Matrimony, The</i>, <a href="#Page_549">549ff.</a><br /> +<br /> +<i>Virgin, The Penitent</i>, <a href="#Page_549">549</a>, <a href="#Page_551">551ff.</a><br /> +<br /> +Visitations, injunctions after, <a href="#Page_494">494ff.</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">regularity of, <a href="#Page_492">492</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">routine of, <a href="#Page_483">483ff.</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Vitry, Jacques de, <a href="#Page_372">372<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_516">516<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_519">519<i>n. 1</i></a><br /> +<br /> +<i>Vox Clamantis</i>, <a href="#Page_499">499</a>, <a href="#Page_545">545</a><br /> +<br /> +Vylers, Agnes de, <a href="#Page_198">198</a><br /> +<br /> +<br /> +Wace, Humphrey, <a href="#Page_195">195</a><br /> +<br /> +Wachesam, Sir Robert de, <a href="#Page_268">268</a><br /> +<br /><a name="wafer" id="wafer"></a> +Wafer, Alice, <a href="#Page_201">201</a><br /> +<br /> +Wake, Anne, <a href="#Page_46">46ff.</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Thomas, <a href="#Page_419">419</a><br /> +<br /> +Waldegrave, Rose, <a href="#Page_273">273</a><br /> +<br /><a name="walerand" id="walerand"></a> +Walerand, Agnes, <a href="#Page_149">149</a><br /> +<br /> +Waleys, Joan, <a href="#Page_326">326</a><br /> +<br /> +Wallingford, Richard de, <a href="#Page_361">361<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_479">479</a><br /> +<br /> +Wallingwells Priory, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <a href="#Page_180">180</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Walsheman, John, <a href="#Page_103">103</a><br /> +<br /> +Ward, Joan, <a href="#Page_31">31</a><br /> +<br /> +Warde, John, <a href="#Page_399">399</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Robert, <a href="#Page_205">205</a><br /> +<br /> +Wardon, Robert de, <a href="#Page_231">231</a><br /> +<br /> +Warenne, John de, <a href="#Page_455">455</a><br /> +<br /> +Warham, William, Archbishop of Canterbury, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_390">390<i>n. 5</i></a>, <a href="#Page_494">494<i>n. 1</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Warland, Ingelram, <a href="#Page_267">267</a><br /> +<br /> +Warwick, Countess of, <a href="#Page_18">18</a><br /> +<br /> +Wason, Joan, <a href="#Page_410">410</a><br /> +<br /> +Waterville, William of, <a href="#Page_480">480</a>, <a href="#Page_481">481</a><br /> +<br /> +Watlington, Parson of, <i>see</i> <a href="#perys">Perys, Edmund</a><br /> +<br /> +Watre, Johanna atte, <a href="#Page_442">442<i>n. 2</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Watson, Edward, <a href="#Page_46">46</a><br /> +<br /> +Watton Priory, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>, <a href="#Page_412">412<i>n. 2</i></a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">gifts to, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">pittances at, <a href="#Page_326">326</a></span><br /> +<br /><a name="wavere" id="wavere"></a> +Wavere, Margaret, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>, <a href="#Page_388">388</a>, <a href="#Page_460">460</a>, <a href="#Page_489">489</a>, <a href="#Page_583">583</a>, <a href="#Page_584">584</a><br /> +<br /><a name="webbe" id="webbe"></a> +Webbe, Elizabeth, <a href="#Page_480">480</a><br /> +<br /> +Webster, John, <a href="#Page_103">103</a><br /> +<br /> +Weinhausen, <a href="#Page_675">675</a><br /> +<br /> +Welan, Thomas, <a href="#Page_268">268</a><br /> +<br /> +Wellingborough Church, <a href="#Page_465">465</a><br /> +<br /> +Wellisham, Sir Roger, <a href="#Page_267">267</a><br /> +<br /> +Wellow Abbey, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_249">249<i>n. 7</i></a><br /> +<br /><a name="wells" id="wells"></a> +Wells, Katherine, <a href="#Page_88">88<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>, <a href="#Page_493">493</a>, <a href="#Page_584">584</a>, <a href="#Page_595">595</a>, <a href="#Page_596">596</a><br /> +<br /> +Wennigsen, <a href="#Page_677">677</a><br /> +<br /> +Wester, Richard, <a href="#Page_152">152</a><br /> +<br /><a name="westirdale" id="westirdale"></a> +Westirdale, Isabella, <a href="#Page_87">87</a><br /> +<br /> +Westminster, Abbot of, <a href="#Page_263">263</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Council of, 1175, <a href="#Page_21">21</a><br /> +<br /> +Westmoreland, Joan, Countess of, <a href="#Page_418">418</a><br /> +<br /> +Weston, Matilda de, <a href="#Page_191">191</a><br /> +<br /> +Westwood Priory, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a><br /> +<br /> +Wherwell Abbey, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_167">167<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_320">320<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>, <a href="#Page_461">461</a>, <a href="#Page_635">635</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Abbesses of, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_410">410</a>, <a href="#Page_422">422</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>and see</i> <a href="#colte">Colte, Anne</a>; <a href="#euphemia">Euphemia of Wherwell</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">building at, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">burning of, <a href="#Page_425">425</a>, <a href="#Page_433">433</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">claustration at, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>, <a href="#Page_402">402<i>n. 4</i></a>, <a href="#Page_404">404</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">children at, <a href="#Page_573">573</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">coadjutress appointed at, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">hospitality at, <a href="#Page_401">401</a>, <a href="#Page_402">402</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>jocalia</i> at, <a href="#Page_330">330<i>n. 3</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">library of, <a href="#Page_242">242<i>n. 8</i></a>, <a href="#Page_243">243<i>n. 3</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">prebendary canons at, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228<i>n. 5</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">prosperous condition of, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">sacrist of, <a href="#Page_330">330<i>n. 3</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">sanctuary at, <a href="#Page_422">422</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Whiston Priory, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">poverty of, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <i>see</i> <a href="#flagge">Flagge, Alice de la</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Whitby, <a href="#Page_471">471</a><br /> +<br /><a name="whiting" id="whiting"></a> +Whiting, Richard, <a href="#Page_265">265</a><br /> +<br /> +Whitstable, Rector of, <a href="#Page_234">234</a><br /> +<br /> +Whittell, Roger, <a href="#Page_121">121</a><br /> +<br /> +Whytford, Richard, <a href="#Page_254">254</a><br /> +<br /> +Wickham, Vicar of, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_487">487</a><br /> +<br /> +Wickwane, William, Archbishop of York, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <a href="#Page_338">338<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a><br /> +<br /><a name="wiggenhall" id="wiggenhall"></a> +Wiggenhall, Joan, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_502">502</a><br /> +<br /><a name="wiggenhall_john" id="wiggenhall_john"></a> +—— John, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a><br /> +<br /> +—— St Peter’s, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a><br /> +<br /> +Wilberfoss Priory, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>, <a href="#Page_401">401<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_416">416<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_587">587</a>, <a href="#Page_601">601</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>custos</i> of, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <a href="#Page_58">58<i>n.</i></a></span><br /> +<br /> +William of Stanton, <a href="#Page_75">75</a><br /> +<br /> +Willoughby, Sir Thomas, <a href="#Page_57">57</a><br /> +<br /> +Willynge, Hugh, <a href="#Page_452">452</a><br /> +<br /> +Wilton Abbey, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>, <a href="#Page_242">242<i>n. 8</i></a>, <a href="#Page_392">392</a>, <a href="#Page_421">421<i>n. 1</i></a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Abbess of, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>and see</i> <a href="#bodenham">Bodenham, Cecily</a>; <a href="#giffard_j">Giffard, Juliana</a>; <i>and</i> <a href="#jordan">Jordan, Isabel</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">fire at, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_425">425</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">pensions from, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">prebendary canons at, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228<i>n. 5</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">resident chaplains at, <a href="#Page_144">144</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Wilton, Alice, <a href="#Page_470">470<i>n. 3</i></a><br /> +<br /><a name="wilton" id="wilton"></a> +—— Edith, <a href="#Page_422">422</a><br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_724" id="Page_724">[Pg 724]</a></span><br /> +Wimborne nunnery, <a href="#Page_237">237</a><br /> +<br /> +Winchelsea, Robert, Archbishop of Canterbury, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_325">325<i>n. 1</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Winchester, Bishop of, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href="#Page_309">309<i>n. 6</i></a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>and see</i> <a href="#asserio">Asserio, Rigaud de</a>; <a href="#pontoise">Pontoise, John of</a>; <a href="#wykeham">Wykeham, William of</a>, etc.</span><br /> +<br /> +—— St Swithun’s Priory, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Compotus Rolls of, <a href="#Page_131">131<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">register of, <a href="#Page_310">310<i>n. 2</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">revels at, <a href="#Page_313">313</a></span><br /> +<br /> +—— St Mary’s Abbey, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>, <a href="#Page_451">451</a>, <a href="#Page_454">454</a>, <a href="#Page_461">461</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Abbess of, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <a href="#Page_451">451</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>and see</i> <a href="#shelley">Shelley, Elizabeth</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">appropriation to, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">boarders at, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">chaplains of, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">children at, <a href="#Page_265">265ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_572">572</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">corrodies at, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">debts of, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">disobedience at, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">fire at, <a href="#Page_425">425</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">hospitality at, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200<i>n. 3</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">library of, <a href="#Page_241">241<i>n. 4</i></a>, <a href="#Page_242">242<i>n. 8</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">mistress of novices at, <a href="#Page_201">201<i>n. 2</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">obedientiaries at, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">prebendal canons of, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228<i>n. 5</i></a></span><br /> +<br /> +Windesheim, monastery of, <a href="#Page_670">670</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>and see</i> <a href="#busch">Busch, Johann</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Windsor, Lord, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Sir Anthony, <a href="#Page_281">281</a><br /> +<br /> +Wing, Manor-court at, <a href="#Page_105">105</a><br /> +<br /> +Wingate, Katherine, <a href="#Page_47">47</a><br /> +<br /> +Winterton Church, <a href="#Page_365">365</a><br /> +<br /> +Wintney Priory, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_448">448<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_461">461</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">bad management at, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">embroidery made by, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">poverty of, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184<i>n. 4</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href="#Page_452">452</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>and see</i> <a href="#alice">Alice of Wintney</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Winton, William de, <a href="#Page_449">449</a><br /> +<br /> +Wireker, Nigel, <a href="#Page_593">593</a><br /> +<br /> +Wittlesey, Archbishop, <a href="#Page_494">494<i>n. 1</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Wix, Priory of, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>, <a href="#Page_361">361<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_374">374</a>, <a href="#Page_385">385</a>, <a href="#Page_467">467</a>, <a href="#Page_587">587</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">poverty of, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <a href="#Page_360">360<i>n. 2</i></a></span><br /> +<br /> +Wodhouse, John de, <a href="#Page_328">328</a><br /> +<br /> +Wolfe, Juliane, <a href="#Page_489">489</a><br /> +<br /> +Wolsey, Cardinal, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_392">392</a>, <a href="#Page_602">602ff.</a><br /> +<br /> +Womersley, Church of, <a href="#Page_209">209</a><br /> +<br /> +Wonnenstein, <a href="#Page_240">240<i>n. 2</i></a><br /> +<br /> +Wood, grants of, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">unauthorised selling of, <a href="#Page_205">205</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Wood, Walter, <a href="#Page_269">269</a><br /> +<br /> +Woodlock, Henry, Bishop of Winchester, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_319">319<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>, <a href="#Page_416">416</a><br /> +<br /> +Wool, sale of, by nunneries, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a><br /> +<br /> +Worcester, Priors of, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a><br /> +<br /><a name="wortham" id="wortham"></a> +Wortham, Margaret, <a href="#Page_269">269</a><br /> +<br /> +Wothorpe Priory, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135<i>n. 4</i></a>, <a href="#Page_171">171<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_176">176<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>, <a href="#Page_457">457</a>, <a href="#Page_584">584</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>and see</i> <a href="#bowes">Bowes, Agnes</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Write, John, <a href="#Page_149">149</a><br /> +<br /> +Wroxall, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_359">359<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_385">385</a>, <a href="#Page_402">402<i>n. 4</i></a>, <a href="#Page_581">581</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of, <a href="#Page_58">58<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>and see</i> <a href="#alesbury">Alesbury, Agnes of</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Wülfinghausen, <a href="#Page_675">675</a><br /> +<br /> +Wyatt, Sir Thomas, <a href="#Page_146">146</a><br /> +<br /> +Wykeham Priory, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_111">111<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_374">374</a>, <a href="#Page_428">428</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">dilapidations at, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">fire at, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prioress of; <i>see</i> <a href="#westirdale">Westirdale, Isabella</a></span><br /> +<br /><a name="wykeham" id="wykeham"></a> +Wykeham, William of, Bishop of Winchester, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_367">367<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>, <a href="#Page_380">380</a>, <a href="#Page_401">401</a>, <a href="#Page_410">410</a>, <a href="#Page_451">451</a><br /> +<br /> +Wyllyamesson, John, <a href="#Page_152">152</a><br /> +<br /> +Wylughby, Elizabeth, <a href="#Page_465">465</a><br /> +<br /> +Wynkyn de Worde, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>, <a href="#Page_533">533</a><br /> +<br /> +Wyteryng, Alice de, <a href="#Page_204">204</a><br /> +<br /> +<br /> +Yedingham Priory, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58<i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_111">111<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_170">170<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_206">206<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>, <a href="#Page_362">362</a>, <a href="#Page_532">532<i>n. 2</i></a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>custos</i> of, <a href="#Page_230">230<i>n. 8</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">repairs at, <a href="#Page_175">175</a></span><br /> +<br /> +Yong, Juliana, <a href="#Page_423">423<i>n. 4</i></a><br /> +<br /> +York, Abbot of, <a href="#Page_200">200<i>n. 1</i></a><br /> +<br /> +—— Archbishops of, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>and see</i> <a href="#giffard_w">Giffard, Walter</a>; <a href="#greenfield">Greenfield, William</a>; <a href="#romeyn">Romeyn, John de</a></span><br /> +<br /> +—— Cathedral, Chaplain of, <i>see</i> <a href="#burn">Burn, John</a><br /> +<br /> +—— council of, 1195, <a href="#Page_373">373</a><br /> +<br /> +—— Emma of, <a href="#Page_51">51ff.</a><br /> +<br /> +—— friars of, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a><br /> +<br /> +—— St Clement’s, <a href="#Page_53">53<i>n. 2</i></a>, <a href="#Page_111">111<i>n. 3</i></a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301<i>n. 1</i></a>, <a href="#Page_414">414<i>n. 2</i></a>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">boarders at, <a href="#Page_580">580</a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">churches appropriated to, <a href="#Page_113">113<i>n. 1</i></a>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">relics at, <a href="#Page_117">117</a></span><br /> +<br /> +—— St Mary’s, <a href="#Page_199">199</a><br /> +<br /> +Yorkshire, moral state of nunneries in, <a href="#Page_597">597ff.</a><br /> +<br /> +Ypres, William of, <a href="#Page_433">433</a><br /> +<br /> +<br /> +Zouche, Elizabeth la, <a href="#Page_443">443<i>n. 2</i></a><br /> +</p> + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<p class="center">PRINTED IN ENGLAND BY J. B. PEACE, M.A., AT THE CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS</p> + + +<p> </p><p> <a name="map" id="map"></a></p> +<div class="figcenter"><img src="images/maptmb.jpg" alt="ENGLISH NUNNERIES IN THE LATER MIDDLE AGES (EXCLUDING DOUBLE GILBERTINE HOUSES)" /><br /> +<a href="images/map.jpg"><small>Larger Image</small></a></div> + + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<hr style="width: 50%;" /> +<div class="verts"> +<p class="center"><span class="large">Cambridge Studies in Medieval Life and Thought</span></p> +<p class="center">ERRATA FOR THE PASTONS AND THEIR ENGLAND</p> + +<p>Add to List of Authorities:</p> + +<p>Berkeley <i>Extracts</i>. Abstracts and extracts of Smyth’s <i>Lives of the +Berkeleys</i>. Fosbroke, T. D. London. 1821.</p> + +<p>Libraries. Old English Libraries. Savage, E. A. London. 1911.</p> + +<p> </p> +<p>p. 9, l. 6. <i>For</i> “in the cathedral” <i>read</i> “at the door of the +cathedral,” and so on pp. 174, 184, and 221 <i>n.</i></p> + +<p>p. 53, ll. 14 ff. I have somewhat exaggerated the amount of spinning and +weaving done at home for purely domestic use in the fifteenth century. The +industry in East Anglia was by then highly organised under capitalist +clothiers, who employed workers to perform the various processes of the +industry in their own homes, providing the raw materials and taking away +the finished cloth. Spinning was thus essentially a bye industry as well +as a purely domestic occupation. The Bury citizen was probably a clothier +“putting out” work and following the quite common practice of having a +number of webbers or websters under his eye in his own house. See <i>The +Paycockes of Coggeshall</i>, Power, Eileen, pp. 45-8.</p> + +<p>p. 113, ll. 11 ff. <i>For</i> “<i>de Regimine Principium</i> of Hoccleve” <i>read</i> +“<i>de Regimine Principum</i> of Lydgate” and so on p. 261.</p> + +<p>p. 154, l. 23. <i>For</i> “Brabraham” <i>read</i> “Babraham.”</p> + +<p>p. 168, l. 1. <i>For</i> “Paston’s” <i>read</i> “Pastons’.”</p> + +<p>p. 193, l. 31. <i>For</i> “S. Peter’s Hungate” <i>read</i> “S. Peter, Hungate,” and +so on p. 285.</p> + +<p>p. 198, l. 32. <i>For</i> “herse” <i>read</i> “hearse.”</p> + +<p>p. 208, n. 2. <i>For</i> “Oddy” <i>read</i> “Addy.”</p> + +<p>p. 219, n. 1. <i>For</i> “Prothero” <i>read</i> “Ernle (Lord).”</p> + +<p>p. 240, n. 5. <i>For</i> “Jessop, J. J.” <i>read</i> “Jessopp, A.”</p> + +<p>p. 280, Index, sub Cambridge, corporal punishment at. <i>For</i> 88 <i>read</i> 82.</p> + +<p>p. 284, Index, sub Margaret of Anjou. <i>For</i> “(Queen of Edward IV)” <i>read</i> +“(Queen of Henry VI).”</p> + +<p>p. 286, Index, sub Paston, Sir John II. <i>For</i> “make knight” <i>read</i> “made +knight.”</p> + +<p>p. 288, Index. <i>For</i> “Straton Richard,” <i>read</i> “Stratton, Richard.”</p> + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<p class="center">ERRATA FOR SOCIAL LIFE IN THE DAYS OF PIERS PLOWMAN</p> + +<p>The main errata are on matters of coinage (pp. 69-70).</p> + +<p class="dent">(<i>a</i>) There were no “copper” coins in England in the 14th (or 15th) +centuries.</p> + +<p class="dent">(<i>b</i>) The designs of “noble” and “groat” were not so exactly similar as +the text might imply. The noble bears a king with sword and shield on a +ship; the groat has a king’s head crowned.</p> + +<p class="dent">(<i>c</i>) “Groats” were first struck in the reign of Ed. III; it is therefore +questionable whether they had become the “commonest” silver coins.</p> + +<p class="dent">(<i>d</i>) “Pence” and “farthings” were of silver.</p> + +<p class="dent">(<i>e</i>) There was no coined “shilling” until Henry VII’s reign; until then, +the “shilling” was only money of account.</p> + +<p> </p> +<p>p. 103. <i>For</i> “signing” of charters <i>read</i> “sealing.” No signing was +necessary until the Statute of Frauds. See B. II. 112, “this dede I +assele.”</p> + +<p>p. 100. A reviewer in <i>The Manchester Guardian</i> has expressed strong +disagreement with these generalizations on the medieval woman; and we are +loth to neglect such criticisms from a serious source, even when they +cannot be called corrections of fact. Both author and editor, on careful +reconsideration, are still convinced that these words represent the actual +documentary evidence; but their epigrammatic conciseness, necessitated by +the whole plan of the book, may well have misled some readers. They would +prefer now, therefore, to write thus:</p> + +<p>“There was a very general tendency, <i>in ecclesiastical circles</i>, to a +painful depreciation of women. Marriage (in spite of frequent protests +that no such blame was intended) was often regarded by the clergy as a +practical confession of failure, since the titles of ‘virgin’ and ‘martyr’ +were most desirable. It will be remembered that Chaucer is even more +explicit than Langland on the subject of clerical anti-feminism; and if +Chaucer, like Dante, gives us fine types of women, these owe far more to +the troubadour tradition than to any ecclesiastical source.”</p></div> + + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<hr style="width: 50%;" /> +<p><strong>Footnotes:</strong></p> + +<p><a name='f_1' id='f_1' href='#fna_1'>[1]</a> Based on Professor Savine’s analysis of the returns in the <i>Valor +Ecclesiasticus</i> (Oxford Studies in Social and Legal History), I, 269-288.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2' id='f_2' href='#fna_2'>[2]</a> I have based this estimate partly on a list compiled by M. E. C. +Walcott, <i>English Minsters</i>, vol. <span class="smcaplc">II</span> (“The English Student’s Monasticon”), +partly on one compiled by Miss H. T. Jacka in an unpublished thesis on +<i>The Dissolution of the English Nunneries</i>; the figures, if not always +exactly correct, are approximately correct as far as the classification +into groups, according to size, is concerned. It must be remembered, +however, that there were more nuns at the beginning than at the end of the +period 1270-1536; the convents tended to diminish in size, especially +those which were poor and small to begin with.</p> + +<p><a name='f_3' id='f_3' href='#fna_3'>[3]</a> These are discussed in Liveing, <i>Records of Romsey Abbey</i>, pp. 112 +<i>sqq.</i></p> + +<p><a name='f_4' id='f_4' href='#fna_4'>[4]</a> <i>V.C.H. Sussex</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 84.</p> + +<p><a name='f_5' id='f_5' href='#fna_5'>[5]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 63.</p> + +<p><a name='f_6' id='f_6' href='#fna_6'>[6]</a> Hugo, <i>Medieval Nunneries of the County of Somerset, Minchin Barrow</i>, +p. 108.</p> + +<p><a name='f_7' id='f_7' href='#fna_7'>[7]</a> Well-known names occur, for instance, among the prioresses of the poor +convents of Ivinghoe, Ankerwyke and Little Marlow in Bucks. <i>V.C.H. +Bucks</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 355.</p> + +<p><a name='f_8' id='f_8' href='#fna_8'>[8]</a> Lysons, <i>Magna Britannia</i>, <span class="smcaplc">V</span>, p. 113. Compare the remark of a nun of +Wenningsen, near Hanover, who considered herself insulted when the great +reformer Busch addressed her not as “Klosterfrau” but as “Sister.” “You +are not my brother, wherefore then call me sister? My brother is clad in +steel and you in a linen frock” (1455). Quoted in Coulton, <i>Medieval +Garner</i>, p. 653.</p> + +<p><a name='f_9' id='f_9' href='#fna_9'>[9]</a> <i>Wykeham’s Register</i> (Hants. Rec. Soc.), <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 462. Cf. <i>ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. +61.</p> + +<p><a name='f_10' id='f_10' href='#fna_10'>[10]</a> E.g. <i>Reg. ... of Rigaud de Asserio</i> (Hants. Rec. Soc.), p. 394; +<i>Reg. ... Stephani Gravesend</i> (Cant. and York. Soc.), p. 200; <i>Wykeham’s +Register</i>, <i>loc. cit.</i></p> + +<p><a name='f_11' id='f_11' href='#fna_11'>[11]</a> Bishop Cobham of Worcester at Wroxall in 1323 (<i>V.C.H. Warwick</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, +p. 71). Cf. the case of Usk in Monmouthshire, “in quo monasterio solum +virgines de nobili prosapia procreate recipi consueverunt et solent” +(<i>Chron. of Adam of Usk</i>, ed. E. M. Thompson, p. 93).</p> + +<p><a name='f_12' id='f_12' href='#fna_12'>[12]</a> Gibbons, <i>Early Lincoln Wills</i>, p. 117.</p> + +<p><a name='f_13' id='f_13' href='#fna_13'>[13]</a> Sharpe, <i>Cal. of Wills enrolled in the Court of Husting</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 236. +Cf. <i>ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 350 and <i>Testamenta Eboracensia</i> (Surtees Soc.), <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. +170, 354.</p> + +<p><a name='f_14' id='f_14' href='#fna_14'>[14]</a> Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 71.</p> + +<p><a name='f_15' id='f_15' href='#fna_15'>[15]</a> <i>Reg. of Archbishop William Wickwane</i> (Surtees Soc.), p. 113.</p> + +<p><a name='f_16' id='f_16' href='#fna_16'>[16]</a> Liveing, <i>Records of Romsey Abbey</i>, p. 98.</p> + +<p><a name='f_17' id='f_17' href='#fna_17'>[17]</a> William de Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick, mentions two daughters, nuns +at Shouldham, in his will (1296). Sir Guy de Beauchamp mentions his little +daughter Katherine, a nun there (1359) and his father Thomas de Beauchamp, +Earl of Warwick, mentions the same Katherine and his own daughter +Margaret, nuns there (1369). Katherine was still alive in 1400, when she +is mentioned in the next Earl’s will. <i>Testamenta Vetusta</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 52, 63, +79, 153.</p> + +<p><a name='f_18' id='f_18' href='#fna_18'>[18]</a> See below, p. <a href="#Page_15">15</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_19' id='f_19' href='#fna_19'>[19]</a> See below, pp. <a href="#Page_39">39-40</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_20' id='f_20' href='#fna_20'>[20]</a> “Et pur certayn cause nous auens enioynt a dame Margaret Darcy, +vostre soer, qel ne passe les lieus de cloistre, cest assauoir de quoer, +de cloistre, de ffraitour, dormitorie ou fermerie, tantque nous en aueroms +autre ordeigne, et qele ne parle od nul estraunge gentz, et soit darreyn +enstalle, et en chescun lieu qele ne porte anele, et qele die chescun iour +un sautier et june la quarte et la sexte ferie a payn et eu. Ensement +voilloms qe la dit dame Margaret se puisse confesser au confessour de +vostre couent quant ele auera mester.” <i>Linc. Epis. Reg. Memo. Gynewell</i>, +f. 34<i>d</i>. It looks like the penance for immorality.</p> + +<p><a name='f_21' id='f_21' href='#fna_21'>[21]</a> “Item quod nulla monialis ibidem cameram teneat priuatam, sed quod +omnes moniales sane in dormitorio et infirme in infirmaria iaceant atque +cubant, preter dominam Margaretam Darcy, monialem prioratus antedicti, cui +ob nobilitatem sui generis de camera sua quam tenet in privata, absque +tamen alia liberata panis et ceruisie, extra casum infirmitatis manifeste, +volumus ad tempus tollerare.” <i>Linc. Epis. Reg. Memo. Buckingham</i>, f. +397<i>d</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_22' id='f_22' href='#fna_22'>[22]</a> <i>Canterbury Tales</i> (ed. Skeat), Prologue, ll. 127 ff. It is +interesting to notice that the <i>Roman de la Rose</i>, of which Chaucer +translated a fragment, contains some remarks upon this subject which are +almost paraphrased in his description of Madame Eglentyne.</p> + +<p><a name='f_23' id='f_23' href='#fna_23'>[23]</a> <i>La Clef d’Amors ...</i>, ed. Doutrepont (1890), <span class="smcaplc">V</span>, 3227 ff.</p> + +<p><a name='f_24' id='f_24' href='#fna_24'>[24]</a> Le Chastiement des Dames (Barbazon and Méon, <i>Fabliaux et Contes</i>, +<span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 200).</p> + +<p><a name='f_25' id='f_25' href='#fna_25'>[25]</a> See Mrs Green, <i>Town Life in the Fifteenth Century</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 77-80.</p> + +<p><a name='f_26' id='f_26' href='#fna_26'>[26]</a> Langland, <i>Vision of Piers the Plowman</i>, ed. Skeat, passus A, <span class="smcaplc">VIII</span>, +l. 31.</p> + +<p><a name='f_27' id='f_27' href='#fna_27'>[27]</a> <i>English Gilds</i>, ed. L. T. Smith (E.E.T.S.), p. 194.</p> + +<p><a name='f_28' id='f_28' href='#fna_28'>[28]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> p. 340.</p> + +<p><a name='f_29' id='f_29' href='#fna_29'>[29]</a> Sharpe, <i>op. cit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 589.</p> + +<p><a name='f_30' id='f_30' href='#fna_30'>[30]</a> Sharpe, <i>op. cit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 299. The Fishmongers, who, up to 1536, were +divided into the two companies of salt-fishmongers and stock-fishmongers, +were a powerful and important body, as the annals of the City of London in +the fourteenth century show, “these fishmongers” in the words of Stow +“having been jolly citizens and six mayors of their company in the space +of twenty-four years.” Stow’s <i>Survey of London</i> (ed. Kingsford), <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. +214.</p> + +<p><a name='f_31' id='f_31' href='#fna_31'>[31]</a> Sharpe, <i>op. cit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 606.</p> + +<p><a name='f_32' id='f_32' href='#fna_32'>[32]</a> Sharpe, <i>op. cit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 594.</p> + +<p><a name='f_33' id='f_33' href='#fna_33'>[33]</a> Rye, <i>Carrow Abbey</i>, App. <span class="smcaplc">IX</span>, pp. xvi, xvii, xviii.</p> + +<p><a name='f_34' id='f_34' href='#fna_34'>[34]</a> See <i>Archaeologia</i>, <span class="smcaplc">XV</span> (1806), pp. 100-101; <i>ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">XXXV</span> (1853), p. +464.</p> + +<p><a name='f_35' id='f_35' href='#fna_35'>[35]</a> <i>V.C.H. London</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 518.</p> + +<p><a name='f_36' id='f_36' href='#fna_36'>[36]</a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 518-9.</p> + +<p><a name='f_37' id='f_37' href='#fna_37'>[37]</a> Sharpe, <i>op. cit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 267. Two years previously (1396) John de +Nevill had left legacies to his sister Eleanor and to his daughter +Elizabeth, minoresses of St Clare; <i>Durham Wills and Inventories</i> (Surtees +Soc.), p. 39.</p> + +<p><a name='f_38' id='f_38' href='#fna_38'>[38]</a> Sharpe, <i>op. cit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 589.</p> + +<p><a name='f_39' id='f_39' href='#fna_39'>[39]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 331.</p> + +<p><a name='f_40' id='f_40' href='#fna_40'>[40]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 577.</p> + +<p><a name='f_41' id='f_41' href='#fna_41'>[41]</a> Not counting legacies left to various nunneries, without specific +reference to a relative professed there.</p> + +<p><a name='f_42' id='f_42' href='#fna_42'>[42]</a> Sharpe, <i>op. cit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 107, 300, 313, 324, 408, 501, 585, 701. +Philip le Taillour had three daughters here in 1292 (<span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 107), and +William de Leyre had three daughters here in 1325 (<span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 300).</p> + +<p><a name='f_43' id='f_43' href='#fna_43'>[43]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 222, 303, 569, 638, 688; <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 20, 76, 115.</p> + +<p><a name='f_44' id='f_44' href='#fna_44'>[44]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 229, +303, 342, 400, 435; <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 47, 170. Ten nuns in all.</p> + +<p><a name='f_45' id='f_45' href='#fna_45'>[45]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 119, 267, 331, 577, 589.</p> + +<p><a name='f_46' id='f_46' href='#fna_46'>[46]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 26, 126, 238, 349, 628. Ralph le Blund’s three daughters +and his sister-in-law were all nuns here in 1295 (<span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 126) and Thomas +Romayn, alderman and pepperer, left bequests to two daughters and to their +aunt in 1313 (<i>ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 288).</p> + +<p><a name='f_47' id='f_47' href='#fna_47'>[47]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 34, 111, 611; <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 119.</p> + +<p><a name='f_48' id='f_48' href='#fna_48'>[48]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 167, 271, 274.</p> + +<p><a name='f_49' id='f_49' href='#fna_49'>[49]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 474, 564.</p> + +<p><a name='f_50' id='f_50' href='#fna_50'>[50]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 510, 638.</p> + +<p><a name='f_51' id='f_51' href='#fna_51'>[51]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 119; <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 306.</p> + +<p><a name='f_52' id='f_52' href='#fna_52'>[52]</a> There are two exceptions, Greenfield (Lincs.) (<i>ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 327), and +Amesbury (Wilts.) (<i>ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 326), but the testators in these cases are +not burgesses, but a knight and a clerk.</p> + +<p><a name='f_53' id='f_53' href='#fna_53'>[53]</a> The corresponding fines for girls were <i>merchet</i> if they married off +the manor and <i>leyrwite</i> if they dispensed with that ceremony. The +medieval lord, concerned above all with keeping up the supply of labour +upon his manor, naturally held the narrow view of the functions of women, +which has been expressed in our day by Kipling: “Now the reserve of a boy +is tenfold deeper than the reserve of a maid, she having been made for one +end only by blind Nature, but man for several” (<i>Stalky and Co.</i> p. 212).</p> + +<p><a name='f_54' id='f_54' href='#fna_54'>[54]</a> Henry de Causton, <i>mercator</i> of London, left a bequest to Johanna, a +“sister” at Ankerwyke, formerly servant to his father (1350). Sharpe, <i>op. +cit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 638.</p> + +<p><a name='f_55' id='f_55' href='#fna_55'>[55]</a> <i>Register of Bishop Godfrey Giffard</i> (Worc. Hist. Soc.), <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. +288-9.</p> + +<p><a name='f_56' id='f_56' href='#fna_56'>[56]</a> <i>Testamenta Eboracensia</i> (Surtees Soc.), <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 6.</p> + +<p><a name='f_57' id='f_57' href='#fna_57'>[57]</a> <i>Test. Ebor.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 9, dated 1345. Cf. will of Roger de Moreton +“civis et mercerus Ebor.” 1390; two of four daughters nuns at St +Clement’s, York (<i>ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 133).</p> + +<p><a name='f_58' id='f_58' href='#fna_58'>[58]</a> Sharpe, <i>op. cit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 400, dated 1335.</p> + +<p><a name='f_59' id='f_59' href='#fna_59'>[59]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 501, dated 1349.</p> + +<p><a name='f_60' id='f_60' href='#fna_60'>[60]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 503, dated 1348.</p> + +<p><a name='f_61' id='f_61' href='#fna_61'>[61]</a> <i>Testamenta Vetusta</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 286.</p> + +<p><a name='f_62' id='f_62' href='#fna_62'>[62]</a> See above, p. <a href="#Page_7">7</a>. There were two Welbys, two Lekes and two Paynelles +at Stixwould; <i>Alnwick’s Visit.</i> MS. f. 76. Other references might be +multiplied.</p> + +<p><a name='f_63' id='f_63' href='#fna_63'>[63]</a> Cf. also Sharpe, <i>op. cit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 238; and <i>Reg. of Bishop +Ginsborough</i> (Worc. Hist. Soc.), p. 51.</p> + +<p><a name='f_64' id='f_64' href='#fna_64'>[64]</a> <i>Testamenta Eboracensia</i> (Surtees Soc.) <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 187 ff. (will of Sir +John Fayrfax, rector of Prescot, 1393).</p> + +<p><a name='f_65' id='f_65' href='#fna_65'>[65]</a> See below, p. <a href="#Page_302">302</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_66' id='f_66' href='#fna_66'>[66]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 172.</p> + +<p><a name='f_67' id='f_67' href='#fna_67'>[67]</a> On this subject see Coulton, <i>Monastic Schools in the Middle Ages</i> +(Medieval Studies), pp. 34-5.</p> + +<p><a name='f_68' id='f_68' href='#fna_68'>[68]</a> <i>Hali Meidenhad</i>, ed. Cockayne (E.E.T.S.), p. 8.</p> + +<p><a name='f_69' id='f_69' href='#fna_69'>[69]</a> <i>Old English Miscellany</i>, ed. Morris (E.E.T.S., 1872), p. 96.</p> + +<p><a name='f_70' id='f_70' href='#fna_70'>[70]</a> <i>Clene Maydenhod</i>, ed. Furnivall (E.E.T.S.), pp. 5-6.</p> + +<p><a name='f_71' id='f_71' href='#fna_71'>[71]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 113.</p> + +<p><a name='f_72' id='f_72' href='#fna_72'>[72]</a> <i>The English Register of Godstow Nunnery</i> (E.E.T.S.), introduction, +pp. xxv-xxvi. Cf. <i>Cartulary of Buckland Priory</i> (Somerset Rec. Soc.), +introd. pp. xxii-xxiii.</p> + +<p><a name='f_73' id='f_73' href='#fna_73'>[73]</a> <i>Reg. of Godstow</i>, u.s. no. 76, pp. 78-9. See also an exceedingly +interesting action of <i>quare impedit</i> brought by John Stonor (probably the +Lord Chief Justice) against the Prioress of Marlow in 1339, probably +merely to secure a record. He had bought the advowsons of the two moieties +of the church of Little Marlow and an acre of land with each and conveyed +the whole to the Prioress, subject to the provision “that out of it the +said Prioress and nuns shall find Joan and Cecily, sisters of the +aforesaid John, and Katherine, daughter of the aforesaid John, nuns of the +aforesaid place, 40<i>s.</i> a year each during their lives, and also for the +sustenance of all the nuns towards their kitchen half a mark of silver +each year and for the vesture of the twenty nuns serving God there each +year 10<i>s.</i> of silver, to be divided equally between them.” After the +deaths of the Stonor ladies all the money is to go to the common funds of +the house, with certain provisions. <i>Year Books of Edward III, years <span class="smcaplc">XII</span> +and <span class="smcaplc">XIII</span></i>, ed. L. O. Pike (Rolls Series, 1885), pp. cxi-cxvii, 260-2. For +the appropriation of these money dowries to the use of the individual +nuns, see below, <a href="#CHAPTER_VIII">Ch. VIII</a>, <i>passim</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_74' id='f_74' href='#fna_74'>[74]</a> Nicolas, <i>Testamenta Vetusta</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 118.</p> + +<p><a name='f_75' id='f_75' href='#fna_75'>[75]</a> Gibbons, <i>Early Lincoln Wills</i>, p. 113.</p> + +<p><a name='f_76' id='f_76' href='#fna_76'>[76]</a> <i>Testamenta Eboracensia</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 11.</p> + +<p><a name='f_77' id='f_77' href='#fna_77'>[77]</a> See above, p. <a href="#Page_6">6</a>. See also the interesting deed (1429-30) in which +Richard Fairfax “scwyer,” made arrangements for the entrance of his +daughter “Elan,” to Nunmonkton, always patronised by the Fairfaxes. He +left an annual rent of five marks in trust for her “yat my doghtir Elan be +made nun in ye house of Nun Monkton, and yat my saydes feffis graunt a +nanuel rent of fourty schilyngs ... terme of ye lyffe of ye sayd Elan to +ye tym be at sche be a nun.” His feoffees were to pay nineteen marks “for +ye makyng ye sayd Elan nun.” And “if sche will be no nun” his wife and +feoffees were to marry her at their discretion. <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. +123. Cf. an interesting case in which Matilda Toky, the orphan of a +citizen of London, is allowed by the mayor and aldermen to become a nun of +Kilburn in 1393, taking with her her share (£38. 5<i>s.</i> 4½<i>d.</i>) of her +father’s estate, after which the prioress of the house comes in person to +receive the money from the chamberlain of the city. Riley, <i>Memorials of +London</i>, p. 535. The father’s will is in Sharpe, <i>op. cit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 288-9; +he had three sons and a daughter besides Matilda.</p> + +<p><a name='f_78' id='f_78' href='#fna_78'>[78]</a> <i>V.C.H Essex</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 117.</p> + +<p><a name='f_79' id='f_79' href='#fna_79'>[79]</a> Quoted in <i>V.C.H. Beds.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 254.</p> + +<p><a name='f_80' id='f_80' href='#fna_80'>[80]</a> <i>Testamenta Eboracensia</i>, <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 168. The sum left for entrance of +Ellen Fairfax to Nunmonkton was about the same, £10. 13<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i> (16 +marks). Above, p. <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, note 4. There is an interesting note of the outfit +provided for an Austin nun of Lacock on her profession in 1395, attached +to a page of the cartulary of that house. “Memorandum concerning the +expenses of the veiling of Joan, daughter of Nicholas Samborne, at Lacock, +viz. in the 19th year of the reign of King Richard the second after the +conquest. First paid to the abbess for her fee 20<i>s.</i> then to the convent +40<i>s.</i>, to each nun 2<i>s.</i> Item paid to John Bartelot for veils and linen +cloth 102<i>s.</i>” (this large sum may include a supply for the whole house). +“Item to a certain woman for one veil 40<i>d.</i> Item for one mantle 10<i>s.</i> +Item for one fur of shankes (a cheap fur made from the underpart of rabbit +skin) for another mantle, 16<i>s.</i> Item for white cloth to line the first +mantle, 16<i>s.</i> Item for white cloth for a tunic 10<i>s.</i> Item one fur for +the aforesaid pilch 20<i>s.</i> Item for a maser (cup) 10<i>s.</i> Item for a silver +spoon 2<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i> Item for blankets 6<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i> Item in canvas for a bed +2<i>s.</i> Item for the purchase of another mantle of worsted 20<i>s.</i> Item paid +at the time of profession at one time 20<i>s.</i> Item for a new bed 20<i>s.</i> +Item for other necessaries 20<i>s.</i> ... Item paid to the said Joan by the +order of the abbess.” The total (excluding the last item) is £17. 6<i>s.</i> +2<i>d.</i> <i>Archaeol. Journ.</i> 1912, <span class="smcaplc">LXIX</span>, p. 117.</p> + +<p><a name='f_81' id='f_81' href='#fna_81'>[81]</a> Mackenzie E. C. Walcott, <i>Inventories of ... the Benedictine Priory +of St Mary and Sexburga in the Island of Shepey for Nuns</i> (1869) +(reprinted from <i>Archaeologia Cantiana</i>, <span class="smcaplc">VII</span>, pp. 272-306). Compare the +letter to Cromwell from Sir Thomas Willoughby, who asks that Elizabeth +Rede, his sister-in-law, who had resigned the office of Abbess of Malling, +may have suitable lodging within the monastery, “not only that but such +plate as my father-in-law did deliver her to occupy in her chamber, that +she may have it again.” Wood, <i>Letters of Royal and Illustrious Ladies</i>, +<span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 153.</p> + +<p><a name='f_82' id='f_82' href='#fna_82'>[82]</a> “Nullus praelatus in recipiendo monacho, vel canonico, vel +sanctimoniali pretium sumere vel exigere ab hiis, qui ad conversionem +veniunt, aliqua pacti occasione praesumat. Si quis autem hoc fecerit +anathema sit.” Wilkins, <i>Concilia</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 477.</p> + +<p><a name='f_83' id='f_83' href='#fna_83'>[83]</a> “Monachi etiam sub pretio non recipiantur in monasterio.... Si quis +autem exactus pro sua receptione aliquid dederit, ad canonicos ordines non +accedat.” <i>Ib.</i> p. 508.</p> + +<p><a name='f_84' id='f_84' href='#fna_84'>[84]</a> “Praeterea statuimus, praesenti concilio approbante, ut nullus de +cetero pro receptione alicujus in religionis domum pecuniam vel quicquam +aliud extorquere praesumat; adeo ut si pro paupertate domus ingrediens +debeat vestire seipsum praetextu vestimentorum ultra justum pretium eorum +ab eo nihil penitus recipiatur.” <i>Ib.</i> p. 591.</p> + +<p><a name='f_85' id='f_85' href='#fna_85'>[85]</a> <i>Reg. of Walter Giffard</i> (Surtees Soc.), p. 147.</p> + +<p><a name='f_86' id='f_86' href='#fna_86'>[86]</a> <i>Reg. of Roger de Norbury</i> (Will. Salt Archaeol. Soc. Collections, +<span class="smcaplc">I</span>), p. 259.</p> + +<p><a name='f_87' id='f_87' href='#fna_87'>[87]</a> <i>Reg. of Ralph of Shrewsbury</i> (Somerset Rec. Soc.), p. 684.</p> + +<p><a name='f_88' id='f_88' href='#fna_88'>[88]</a> <i>MS. Register at New College</i>, f. 87<i>d</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_89' id='f_89' href='#fna_89'>[89]</a> <i>Linc. Epis. Reg. Memo. Bokyngham</i>, f. 397<i>d</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_90' id='f_90' href='#fna_90'>[90]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 49.</p> + +<p><a name='f_91' id='f_91' href='#fna_91'>[91]</a> See <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, and <i>Alnwick’s Visit.</i> MS., <i>passim</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_92' id='f_92' href='#fna_92'>[92]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 133, 134. See also the very sternly worded +prohibition sent by Bishop Spofford of Hereford to Aconbury in 1438. <i>Reg. Thome Spofford</i> (Cantilupe Soc.), pp. 223-4.</p> + +<p><a name='f_93' id='f_93' href='#fna_93'>[93]</a> <i>Archaeologia</i>, <span class="smcaplc">XLVII</span>, p. 57.</p> + +<p><a name='f_94' id='f_94' href='#fna_94'>[94]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 117.</p> + +<p><a name='f_95' id='f_95' href='#fna_95'>[95]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 49.</p> + +<p><a name='f_96' id='f_96' href='#fna_96'>[96]</a> <i>Reg. Johannis Peckham</i> (Rolls Series), <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 189.</p> + +<p><a name='f_97' id='f_97' href='#fna_97'>[97]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 40-1, 356.</p> + +<p><a name='f_98' id='f_98' href='#fna_98'>[98]</a> <i>Wykeham’s Reg.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 60-61. Cf. <i>ib.</i> p. 462.</p> + +<p><a name='f_99' id='f_99' href='#fna_99'>[99]</a> <i>Reg. Johannis de Pontissara</i>, pp. 240, 252.</p> + +<p><a name='f_100' id='f_100' href='#fna_100'>[100]</a> <i>Linc. Epis. Reg. Memo. Bokyngham</i>, f. 397<i>d</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_101' id='f_101' href='#fna_101'>[101]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 53. Cf. Flemyng’s injunction in 1422, <i>ib.</i></p> + +<p><a name='f_102' id='f_102' href='#fna_102'>[102]</a> <i>Testamenta Vetusta</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 63-4.</p> + +<p><a name='f_103' id='f_103' href='#fna_103'>[103]</a> See above, p. <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, note 2.</p> + +<p><a name='f_104' id='f_104' href='#fna_104'>[104]</a> <i>V.C.H. London</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 518.</p> + +<p><a name='f_105' id='f_105' href='#fna_105'>[105]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 5.</p> + +<p><a name='f_106' id='f_106' href='#fna_106'>[106]</a> <i>Alnwick’s Visit.</i> MS. f. 26<i>d</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_107' id='f_107' href='#fna_107'>[107]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 217.</p> + +<p><a name='f_108' id='f_108' href='#fna_108'>[108]</a> Liveing, <i>Records of Romsey Abbey</i>, p. 248.</p> + +<p><a name='f_109' id='f_109' href='#fna_109'>[109]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks</i>, <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 163. In 1312 the prioress of Hampole was +rebuked for receiving a little girl (<i>puellulam</i>), not on account of her +youth, but because she had omitted to obtain the archbishop’s licence. +<i>Ib.</i></p> + +<p><a name='f_110' id='f_110' href='#fna_110'>[110]</a> <i>Reg. of Archbishop John le Romeyn</i> (Surtees Soc.), <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 66.</p> + +<p><a name='f_111' id='f_111' href='#fna_111'>[111]</a> <i>Reg. Epis. Johannis Peckham</i> (Rolls Series), <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 356. Compare +Caesarius of Heisterbach: “In the diocese of Trèves is a certain convent +of nuns named Lutzerath, wherein by ancient custom no girl is received but +at the age of seven years or less; which constitution hath grown up for +the preservation of that simplicity of mind which maketh the whole body to +shine” (<i>Dial. Mirac.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 389, quoted in Coulton, <i>Medieval Garner</i>, p. +255). The thirteenth century visitations of the diocese of Rouen by Eudes +Rigaud make it clear that novices there were often very young, e.g. at +St-Saëns in 1266 “una earum erat novicia et minima” (<i>Reg. Visit. +Archiepiscopi Rothomagensis</i>, ed. Bonnin, p. 566). The Archbishop ordered +novices to be professed at the age of fourteen and not before (<i>ib.</i> pp. +51, 121, 207).</p> + +<p><a name='f_112' id='f_112' href='#fna_112'>[112]</a> For example the béguine Christina von Stommeln, who said of herself, +“So far back as my memory can reach, from the earliest dawn of my +childhood, whensoever I heard the lives and manners, the passion and the +death of saints and especially of our Lord Christ and His glorious Mother, +then in such hearing I was delighted to the very marrow” (quoted in +Coulton, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 403). At the age of ten she contracted a mystic +marriage with Christ, and at the age of thirteen she joined the béguines +at Cologne. Cf. St Catherine of Siena.</p> + +<p><a name='f_113' id='f_113' href='#fna_113'>[113]</a> Caesarius of Heisterbach, <i>Dialogus Miraculorum</i>, ed. Joseph +Strange, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 53-4.</p> + +<p><a name='f_114' id='f_114' href='#fna_114'>[114]</a> This was Helswindis von Gimmenich, first abbess of Burtscheid after +the transference thither of the nuns of St Saviour of Aachen c. 1220-1222. +See Quix, <i>Gesch. der ehemaligen Reichs-Abtei Burtscheid</i> (Aachen 1834).</p> + +<p><a name='f_115' id='f_115' href='#fna_115'>[115]</a> Caesarius, <i>op. cit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 54-5. For another case of children in +this convent see the charming story of Gertrude’s purgatory, <i>ib.</i> pp. +344-5. There are fifteenth century English translations in the <i>Myroure of +Oure Ladye</i> (E.E.T.S.), pp. 46-7 and in <i>An Alphabet of Tales</i> (E.E.T.S.), +p. 249. A little girl of nine years old had died, and, after death, +appeared in broad daylight in her own place in the choir, next to a child +of her own age. The latter was so terrified that she was noticed and on +being questioned told the vision to the Abbess (from whom Caesarius +professes to have had the story). The Abbess says to the child “Sister +Margaret, ... if Sister Gertrude come to thee again, say to her: +<i>Benedicite</i>, and if she reply to thee, <i>Dominus</i>, ask her whence she +comes and what she seeks.” On the following day (continues Caesarius) “she +came again and since she replied <i>Dominus</i> when she was saluted, the +maiden added: ‘Good Sister Gertrude, why come you at such a time and what +seek you with us?’ Then she replied: ‘I come here to make satisfaction. +Because I willingly whispered with thee in the choir, speaking in half +tones, therefore am I ordered to make satisfaction in that place where it +befell me to sin. And unless thou beware of the same vice, dying thou +shalt suffer the same penance.’ And when she had four times made +satisfaction in the same way (by prostrating herself) she said to her +sister: ‘Now have I completed my satisfaction; henceforth thou shalt see +me no more.’ And thus it was done. For in the sight of her friend she +proceeded towards the cemetery, passing over the wall by a miracle. Behold +such was the purgatory of this virgin.” It is a tender little tale, and +kinder to childish sins than medieval moralists sometimes were; Saint +Douceline beat a little girl of seven (one of her béguines) “so shrewdly +that the blood ran down her ribs, saying meanwhile that she would +sacrifice her to God” simply because she had looked at some men who were +at work in the house (see Coulton, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 321).</p> + +<p><a name='f_116' id='f_116' href='#fna_116'>[116]</a> <i>V.C.H. Lincs.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 184. But the usual custom was to place such +women as lay boarders in the custody of a nunnery. See below, pp. <a href="#Page_419">419</a> ff.</p> + +<p><a name='f_117' id='f_117' href='#fna_117'>[117]</a> “Processus et sententia divortii inter Thomam Tudenham militem et +Aliciam filiam quondam Johannis Woodhous armigeri, racione quia est +monialis professa in prioratu de Crabhous et nunquam carnaliter cognita +per maritum suum predictum durante matrimonio predicto, licet matrimonium +predictum duravit et ut vir et uxor cohabitaverunt per spacium viij +annorum. Durante matrimonio unicus filius ab eadem suscitatus, non tamen +per dictum Thomam maritum suum, sed per Ricardum Stapleton servientem +patris ipsius Aliciae” (1437). Her husband’s sister Margaret Bedingfield +left her a legacy of 10 marks in 1474. <i>Norfolk Archaeology</i> (Norf. and +Norwich Arch. Soc.), <span class="smcaplc">XIII</span>, pp. 351-2.</p> + +<p><a name='f_118' id='f_118' href='#fna_118'>[118]</a> <i>Testamenta Vetusta</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 74.</p> + +<p><a name='f_119' id='f_119' href='#fna_119'>[119]</a> <i>Testamenta Eboracensia</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 18.</p> + +<p><a name='f_120' id='f_120' href='#fna_120'>[120]</a> See the letter from John Clusey to Cromwell in her favour: “Rygthe +honorable, after most humyll comendacyons, I lykewyce besuche you that the +Contents of this my symple Letter may be secret; and that for as myche as +I have grete cause to goo home I besuche your good Mastershipe to comand +Mr Herytag to give attendans opon your Mastershipe for the knowlege off +youre plesure in the seyd secrete mater, whiche ys this, My Lord Cardinall +causyd me to put a yong gentyll homan to the Monystery and Nunry off +Shafftysbyry, and there to be provessyd, and wold hur to be namyd my +doythter; and the troythe ys shew was his dowythter; and now by your +Visitacyon she haythe commawynment to departe, and knowythe not whether +Wherefore I humely besuche youre Mastershipe to dyrect your Letter to the +Abbas there, that she may there contynu at hur full age to be professed. +Withoute dowyte she ys other xxiiij yere full, or shalbe at shuche tyme of +the here as she was boren, which was abowyte Mydelmas. In this your doyng +your Mastershipe shall do a very charitable ded, and also bynd her and me +to do you such servyce as lyzthe in owre lytell powers; as knowythe owre +Lord God, whome I humely besuche prosperyusly and longe to preserve you. +Your orator John Clusey.” Ellis, <i>Original Letters</i>, Series I, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. +92-3. An injunction had been made that profession made under twenty-four +years was invalid, and that novices or girls professed at an earlier age +were to be dismissed.</p> + +<p><a name='f_121' id='f_121' href='#fna_121'>[121]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 161.</p> + +<p><a name='f_122' id='f_122' href='#fna_122'>[122]</a> <i>Test. Ebor.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 289, note. She was one of the Conyers of +Hornby (Richmondshire) and is mentioned in the will of her brother +Christopher Conyers, rector of Rudby in 1483.</p> + +<p><a name='f_123' id='f_123' href='#fna_123'>[123]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 177.</p> + +<p><a name='f_124' id='f_124' href='#fna_124'>[124]</a> <i>V.C.H. Durham</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 107. For another instance of dispensation +and installation on the same day see <i>Reg. of Bishop Bronescombe of +Exeter</i>, ed. Hingeston-Randolph, p. 163. For other dispensations <i>super +defectu natalium</i>, see <i>Cal. of Papal Letters</i>, <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 470 (cf. <i>Cal. of +Petit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 367), <span class="smcaplc">V</span>, p. 549 and <i>Reg. Johannis de Trillek Episcopi +Herefordensis</i> (Cantilupe Soc.), p. 404.</p> + +<p><a name='f_125' id='f_125' href='#fna_125'>[125]</a> Rabelais, <i>Gargantua</i>, ch. <span class="smcaplc">LII.</span></p> + +<p><a name='f_126' id='f_126' href='#fna_126'>[126]</a> <i>Reg. Epis. Johannis Peckham</i> (Rolls Ser.), <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 367. +Cf. pp. <a href="#Page_191">191</a> ff. below.</p> + +<p><a name='f_127' id='f_127' href='#fna_127'>[127]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 4. She was also charged with the introduction +of unsuitable persons as lay boarders, etc. “Item priorissa introducit in +prioratum diuersos extraneos et ignotos, tam mares quam feminas et eos +sustentat communibus expensis domus et aliquas quasi ideotas et alias +inhabiles fecit moniales. Negat articulum.” But <i>ideota</i> probably simply +means unlearned here, and in the case of Agnes Hosey, below p. <a href="#Page_33">33</a>. Compare +the case at Bival in Normandy 1251. “Ibi est quedam filia burgensis de +Vallibus que stulta est.” <i>Reg. Visit. Archiep. Rothomag.</i>, ed. Bonnin, p. 111.</p> + +<p><a name='f_128' id='f_128' href='#fna_128'>[128]</a> <i>Visitations of the Diocese of Norwich</i> (Camden Soc.), pp. 91, 311.</p> + +<p><a name='f_129' id='f_129' href='#fna_129'>[129]</a> Gasquet, <i>Henry VIII and the English Monasteries</i> (pop. ed. 1899), +p. 293.</p> + +<p><a name='f_130' id='f_130' href='#fna_130'>[130]</a> Gairdner, <i>Letters and Papers, etc.</i>, <span class="smcaplc">IX</span>, no. 1075.</p> + +<p><a name='f_131' id='f_131' href='#fna_131'>[131]</a> <i>Alnwick’s Visit.</i> MS. f. 71<i>d</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_132' id='f_132' href='#fna_132'>[132]</a> <i>Visitations of the Diocese of Norwich</i>, p. 91.</p> + +<p><a name='f_133' id='f_133' href='#fna_133'>[133]</a> <i>Sussex Archaeol. Coll.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IX</span>, p. 26.</p> + +<p><a name='f_134' id='f_134' href='#fna_134'>[134]</a> Wilkins, <i>Concilia</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 487.</p> + +<p><a name='f_135' id='f_135' href='#fna_135'>[135]</a> <i>Alnwick’s Visit.</i> MS. f. 77.</p> + +<p><a name='f_136' id='f_136' href='#fna_136'>[136]</a> Hence the certificates sometimes required from bishops to testify +whether or not a girl had actually been professed. Such a certificate +occurs in <i>Wykeham’s Register</i> (<span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 192), announcing that Joan, +daughter of Stephen Asshewy, deceased, was not yet professed at St Mary’s +Winchester or at any other house. The case of Isabel, daughter of Sir +Philip de Coverle, is also interesting; she left the wretchedly poor house +of Sewardsley to claim her share of her mother’s inheritance, therewith to +provide fit maintenance for herself among the nuns; but she was excluded +from inheriting with her sisters on account of her religious profession +(<i>V.C.H. Northants.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 125-6). Compare also the case of Joan, wife +of Nicholas de Grene (1357-8); on a question of inheritance the King’s +court issued a writ of inquiry as to whether she had been professed at +Nuneaton. <i>Reg. of Bishop Roger de Norbury</i> (William Salt Archaeol. Soc. +Collections, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>), pp. 285-7.</p> + +<p><a name='f_137' id='f_137' href='#fna_137'>[137]</a> See e.g. the commission for the release of a novice preserved in the +register of Ralph Baldock, Bishop of London (1310). “We have lately +received the supplication of our beloved daughter in Christ, Cristina de +Burgh, daughter of the noble Sir Robert Fitzwalter, to the effect that +whereas she was delivered by her parents, while not yet of a marriageable +age, into the order of St Augustine in the monastery of Haliwell of our +diocese, and for some time wore the habit of a novice therein and still +wears it, nevertheless there is no canonical reason why she should not +freely return to the world at her own free will; and whereas we do +condescend to licence her to return to the world, having diligently made +inquiries in the aforesaid monastery for our information as to the truth +of the aforesaid matters, etc. etc.”; the Bishop having no time to finish +the inquiry himself commissions his official to carry it on and to release +Cristina if the result is satisfactory. <i>Reg. Radulphi Baldock</i> (Cant. and +York Soc.), p. 129. But note that this girl is only a novice.</p> + +<p><a name='f_138' id='f_138' href='#fna_138'>[138]</a> See below, pp. <a href="#Page_502">502-9</a>, and <a href="#note_h">Note H</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_139' id='f_139' href='#fna_139'>[139]</a> <i>V.C.H. Bucks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 355.</p> + +<p><a name='f_140' id='f_140' href='#fna_140'>[140]</a> <i>Cal. of Papal Letters</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 17.</p> + +<p><a name='f_141' id='f_141' href='#fna_141'>[141]</a> <i>P.R.O. Early Chanc. Proc.</i> 7/70.</p> + +<p><a name='f_142' id='f_142' href='#fna_142'>[142]</a> <i>Reg. of Bishop Robert de Stretton</i> (Will. Salt Archaeol. Soc. +Collections, N.S. <span class="smcaplc">VIII</span>), pp. 149-50. With her case compare that of Jane +Wadham, which came up after the Dissolution in 1541. She “after arriving +at years of discretion was forced by the threats and machinations of +malevolent persons to become a regular nun in the house of nuns at Romsey, +but having both in public and in private always protested against this +seclusion, she conceived herself free from regular observance and in that +persuasion joined herself in matrimony with one John Foster, <i>per verba de +presenti</i>, intending to have the marriage solemnised as soon as she was +free from her religion.” For the further vicissitudes of her married life, +see Liveing, <i>Records of Romsey Abbey</i>, p. 255. Compare also the case of +Margery of Hedsor who left Burnham in 1311. <i>V.C.H. Bucks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 383.</p> + +<p><a name='f_143' id='f_143' href='#fna_143'>[143]</a> <i>Year Book of 12 Richard II</i>, ed. G. F. Deiser (Ames Foundation, +1914), pp. 71-7. Cf. pp. 150-3. It may be noticed that Marvell, in his +poem “Upon Appleton House” (dedicated to the great Lord Fairfax), +preserves the tradition of another of these cases. In the time of Anna +Langton, the last Prioress of Nunappleton, a certain Isabella Thwaites, +who had been placed in her charge, fell in love with William Fairfax. The +Prioress, who wished her to become a nun, shut her up, but eventually +Fairfax, having got the law upon his side, broke his way into the nunnery +and released her and she married him in 1518. It was her sons who obtained +the house on its dissolution (see Markham, <i>Life of the great Lord +Fairfax</i>, pp. 3, 4).</p> + +<p>For a somewhat similar case to that of Clarice Stil, see <i>Gentleman’s +Magazine</i>, vol. 102, p. 615. A widow Joan de Swainton married a widower +Hugh de Tuthill. She had four daughters by her first husband, and of these +Hugh married two to his own two sons by his first wife, and placed the +other two (they being under twelve years of age) in the nunnery of +Kirklees, in order that his two sons might obtain through their wives the +whole inheritance of the co-heiresses. But the wardship of the girls +belonged to a certain William de Notton, who prepared to dispute the +arrangement, but was dissuaded by one of the young nuns.</p> + +<p><a name='f_144' id='f_144' href='#fna_144'>[144]</a> It was probably more common for widows to take a simple vow of +chastity and to remain in the world. But the will of Thomas de Kent, +fishmonger, seems to show that it would be considered quite natural for a +widow to take the veil, even in the burgess class, which possibly +remarried more frequently than the nobles. He left his wife a tenement for +life, adding that should she wish to enter any religious house the same +was to be sold and half the proceeds given for her maintenance (Sharpe, +<i>op. cit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 124).</p> + +<p><a name='f_145' id='f_145' href='#fna_145'>[145]</a> <i>V.C.H. Suffolk</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 113. Cf. +<i>Testamenta Eboracensia</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 117.</p> + +<p><a name='f_146' id='f_146' href='#fna_146'>[146]</a> <i>V.C.H. London</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 519. Cf. Sybil de Felton, widow of Sir Thomas +Morley, who became Abbess of Barking in 1393, at the age of thirty-four. +<i>V.C.H. Essex</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 121.</p> + +<p><a name='f_147' id='f_147' href='#fna_147'>[147]</a> <i>V.C.H. Warwick</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 71.</p> + +<p><a name='f_148' id='f_148' href='#fna_148'>[148]</a> <i>English Register of Godstow Nunnery</i> (E.E.T.S.), p. 43.</p> + +<p><a name='f_149' id='f_149' href='#fna_149'>[149]</a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 383. Confirmation of this deed of grant by Peter Durant, +about 1200. <i>Ib.</i> p. 384.</p> + +<p><a name='f_150' id='f_150' href='#fna_150'>[150]</a> Sharpe, <i>op. cit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 108.</p> + +<p><a name='f_151' id='f_151' href='#fna_151'>[151]</a> <i>V.C.H. Essex</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 120-2. Margaret Botetourt became Abbess of +Polesworth in 1362, by episcopal dispensation, when under the age of +twenty. “This early promotion was not the only mark of favour which this +prioress obtained. In 1390 the Pope granted her exemption from the +jurisdiction of the Archbishop or Bishop of Lichfield.” <i>V.C.H. Warwick</i>, +<span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 63.</p> + +<p><a name='f_152' id='f_152' href='#fna_152'>[152]</a> “I take it that Prioress Joan was an heiress, and, in fact, the last +representative of the elder line of her family, and the nuns knew +perfectly well what they were about when they chose a lady of birth and +wealth, and highly connected to boot, to rule over them. They certainly +were not disappointed in any expectations they may have formed. The new +prioress set to work in earnest to make the nunnery into quite a new and +imposing place and her friends and kinsfolk rallied round her nobly.” +Jessopp, <i>Ups and Downs of an Old Nunnery</i> in <i>Frivola</i>, pp. 59-60.</p> + +<p><a name='f_153' id='f_153' href='#fna_153'>[153]</a> <i>Reg. of Crabhouse Nunnery</i>, ed. Mary Bateson (<i>Norf. Archaeology</i>, +<span class="smcaplc">XI</span>), pp. 57-62 <i>passim</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_154' id='f_154' href='#fna_154'>[154]</a> They are as follows: (1) <i>congé d’élire</i> by the Bishop-Elect as +patron, (2) notification by the subprioress and nuns of the date appointed +for the election, (3) formal warning by the subprioress that all who ought +not to be present should leave the chapter house, (4) notification of the +election of Alice de la Flagge, (5) declaration of Alice’s assent, (6) +letter from subprioress and convent to the Bishop-Elect praying him to +confirm the election, (7) letter from the Prior of Worcester to the same +effect, to the Bishop-Elect, (8) the same to the commissary general, (9) +commission from the Bishop-Elect to the Prior and to the +commissary-general, empowering them to receive, examine and confirm the +election, (10) instrument by the subprioress and convent appointing +Richard de Bereburn, chaplain, their proctor to present the elect to the +Bishop-Elect, (11) another appointing two of the nuns as proctors “to +instruct and do things concerning the business of the election,” (12) +decree by the subprioress and convent, describing the method and result of +the election and addressed to the Bishop-Elect, (13) acts concerning the +election made before the Bishop’s commissaries by Richard de Bereburn, +proctor, by the subprioress and by the two nuns, <i>instructrices</i>, examined +on oath, (14) certificate by the Dean of the Christianity of Worcester that +he had proclaimed the election, (15) confirmation of the election by the +commissaries, (16) final declaration by the Prior of this confirmation and +of the installation and benediction of the new prioress and of the +injunction of obedience upon the nuns, and (17) a certificate by the +commissaries of the Bishop-Elect that the business was completed. <i>Reg. +Sede Vacante</i> (Worc. Hist. Soc.), pp. 111-4; the text in Nash, <i>Hist. and +Antiquities of Worcestershire</i> (1781), <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 212-6, which also contains +many documents relating to the election of other prioresses of this house. +There are frequent notices of elections in episcopal registers; for other +very detailed accounts, see <i>Reg. of Bishop Grandisson of Exeter</i>, ed. +Hingeston-Randolph, pt <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, pp. 999-1002 (Canonsleigh) and <i>Reg. of Ralph +of Shrewsbury</i> (Somerset Rec. Soc.) pp. 284-7 (Cannington). See also +Eckenstein, <i>Woman under Monasticism</i>, pp. 367-8.</p> + +<p><a name='f_155' id='f_155' href='#fna_155'>[155]</a> See e.g. <i>V.C.H. Glouc.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 93; <i>Reg. of Bishop Grandisson</i>, pt +<span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 742; <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, pp. 114-5, 120, 124; Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, +p. 636; <i>ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">V</span>, p. 207; <i>V.C.H. Durham</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 107.</p> + +<p><a name='f_156' id='f_156' href='#fna_156'>[156]</a> Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 458.</p> + +<p><a name='f_157' id='f_157' href='#fna_157'>[157]</a> Evidently this was the usual payment here, for, in the roll for +1392-3, there is an item “Paye al officiale pour stalling de prioris +x<i>s.</i>” <i>P.R.O. Mins. Accts.</i> 1260/4.</p> + +<p><a name='f_158' id='f_158' href='#fna_158'>[158]</a> <i>P.R.O. Mins. Accts.</i> 1260.</p> + +<p><a name='f_159' id='f_159' href='#fna_159'>[159]</a> The Cistercians fixed the age at 30. Later the Council of Trent +fixed it at 40 including 8 years of profession.</p> + +<p><a name='f_160' id='f_160' href='#fna_160'>[160]</a> An election by acclamation was said to be conducted <i>via Spiritus +sancti</i> or <i>per inspirationem</i>. For this and the methods of election <i>via +scrutinii</i> and <i>via compromissi</i>, see J. Wickham Legg, <i>On the Three Ways +of Canonical Election</i> (<i>Trans. St Paul’s Eccles. Soc.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, 299-312).</p> + +<p><a name='f_161' id='f_161' href='#fna_161'>[161]</a> <i>Reg. Sede Vacante</i> (Worc. Hist. Soc.), p. 114, and Nash, <i>op. cit.</i> +<span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 214.</p> + +<p><a name='f_162' id='f_162' href='#fna_162'>[162]</a> From a document preserved at the Exchequer Gate, Lincoln.</p> + +<p><a name='f_163' id='f_163' href='#fna_163'>[163]</a> For the following account, see <i>Linc. Epis. Reg. Visit. Longland</i>, +ff. 22-25.</p> + +<p><a name='f_164' id='f_164' href='#fna_164'>[164]</a> Compare the complaint of one of the nuns at St Michael’s Stamford in +1445, “Dicit quod priorissa est sibi nimis rigorosa in correccionibus, nam +pro leuibus punit eam rigorose.” <i>Alnwick’s Visit.</i> MS. f. 96.</p> + +<p><a name='f_165' id='f_165' href='#fna_165'>[165]</a> Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 415. For another instance of disturbances in +a convent caused by the appointment of a Prioress (here the head of the +house) by the Bishop contrary to the will of the nuns, see two letters +written by the nuns of Stratford to Cromwell, about the same time that +Longland was having such trouble at Elstow. In one they ask his help “for +the removing of our supposed prioress,” explaining “Sir, since the time +that we put up our supplication unto the king, we have been worse +entreated than ever we were before, for meat, drink and threatening words; +and as soon as we speak to have anything remedied she biddeth us to go to +Cromwell and let him help us; and that the old lady, who is prioress in +right, is like to die for lack of sustenance and good keeping, for she can +get neither meat, drink nor money to help herself.” In another letter they +report “that the chancellor of my lord of London (the Bishop) hath been +with us yesterday and that he sayeth the prioress shall continue and be +prioress still, in spite of our teeth, and of their teeths that say nay to +it, and that he commanded her to assault us and to punish us, that other +may beware by us.” Wood, <i>Letters of Royal and Illustrious Ladies</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, +nos. xxx and xxxi, pp. 68-70.</p> + +<p><a name='f_166' id='f_166' href='#fna_166'>[166]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, pp. 167-9.</p> + +<p><a name='f_167' id='f_167' href='#fna_167'>[167]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 180 and <i>Reg. of John le Romeyn</i> (Surtees Soc.), <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, +pp. 213-4. Whether any nuns were sent to Rosedale does not appear, but +shortly afterwards two nuns, Elizabeth de Rue and Helewis Darains, were +sent to Nunburnholme and to Wykeham respectively; these punishments may +not have been connected with the election trouble. <i>Reg. Romeyn</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. +177, 214 note, 225; compare p. 216. Josiana appears to have been twice +Prioress; she was confirmed in 1290 and finally resigned because of old +age in 1320, but Joan de Moubray is mentioned as Prioress in 1308 and she +resigned in 1309. <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 181. There was discord over an +election at St Clement’s, York, in 1316, one party in the convent electing +Agnes de Methelay, and the other Beatrice de Brandesby. <i>Sede vacante</i>, +the Dean and Chapter appointed the former. <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 129. +See also a case at Goring. <i>V.C.H. Oxon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 103.</p> + +<p><a name='f_168' id='f_168' href='#fna_168'>[168]</a> Translated from Caesarius of Heisterbach’s <i>Dialogus Miraculorum</i> in +Coulton, <i>A Medieval Garner</i>, pp. 251-2.</p> + +<p><a name='f_169' id='f_169' href='#fna_169'>[169]</a> Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 318.</p> + +<p><a name='f_170' id='f_170' href='#fna_170'>[170]</a> See Brewer, <i>Reign of Henry VIII</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 281-3.</p> + +<p><a name='f_171' id='f_171' href='#fna_171'>[171]</a> See Wood, <i>op. cit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, nos. xxi, xxii, pp. 52-6. (See nos. xxiii, +xxiv, xxv, lxxiii and lxxiv for further letters from Margaret Vernon.)</p> + +<p><a name='f_172' id='f_172' href='#fna_172'>[172]</a> See, for example, the account in the <i>St Albans Chronicles</i> (Rolls +Series) of the great costs incurred by the Abbots of St Albans in seeking +confirmation here. A detailed account of expenses incurred at Rome for the +confirmation of Abbot John IV in 1302 has been translated in Coulton, +<i>Medieval Garner</i>, p. 517; the total was 2561 marks sterling, i.e. about +£34,000 in modern money. See also Froude’s essay entitled “Annals of an +English Abbey” in his <i>Short Studies on Great Subjects</i>, 3rd ser. pp. 1 <i>sqq.</i></p> + +<p><a name='f_173' id='f_173' href='#fna_173'>[173]</a> Pierre Du Bois, <i>De Recuperatione Terre Sancte</i>, ed. Ch.-V. Langlois +(Paris, 1891), p. 83.</p> + +<p><a name='f_174' id='f_174' href='#fna_174'>[174]</a> Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 363.</p> + +<p><a name='f_175' id='f_175' href='#fna_175'>[175]</a> At the time of the suppression Joan Scott “late prioress” is placed +second in the list of nuns at Handale and is described as “aet. 90 and +blynd.” <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 166. At Esholt the ex-prioress was over 70 +and is described as “decrepita et non abilis ad equitandum, neque eundum.” +<i>Ib.</i> p. 162.</p> + +<p><a name='f_176' id='f_176' href='#fna_176'>[176]</a> Wood, <i>op. cit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 153. See A. H. Thompson, <i>English +Monasteries</i>, p. 123.</p> + +<p><a name='f_177' id='f_177' href='#fna_177'>[177]</a> <i>V.C.H. Suffolk</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 116. See also the provision made for Joyce +Brome, ex-prioress of Wroxall. Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 89 note. For the +case of Isabel Spynys, prioress of Wilberfoss (1348), see <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> +<span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 126; and for an example of such an arrangement at a priory of +monks see the very detailed ordinance for the living of John Assheby, +ex-prior of Daventry, by Bishop Flemyng of Lincoln in 1420. <i>Linc. Visit.</i> +<span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 39-42. It was not unusual to make provision in the form of +corrodies such as these for other nuns, who were prevented by age and +infirmity from taking part in the communal life of the convent. Isabel +Warde of Moxby, “impotens et surda,” held such a grant for life at the +time of the dissolution (<i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 239) and Margaret de +Shyrburn of Yedingham, who was ill of dropsy, had a secular girl to wait +on her in 1314. <i>Ib.</i> p. 127 note. Compare the amusing case of Joan +Heyronne of St Helen’s, Bishopsgate (1385), who was ill of gout and not +sympathised with by her sisters (<i>V.C.H. London</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 458), and see also +cases at Romsey (1507), Liveing, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 230; Malling (1400), <i>Cal. +of Pap. Letters</i>, <span class="smcaplc">V</span>, p. 355; and St Mary’s, Neasham, <i>V.C.H. Durham</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, +p. 107.</p> + +<p><a name='f_178' id='f_178' href='#fna_178'>[178]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, pp. 120-1. Compare an amusing and very similar +disturbance at Flixton between 1514 and 1532. <i>Visit. of Dioc. Norwich</i>, +ed. Jessopp (Camden Soc.), pp. 142-4, 185, 190, 261, 318.</p> + +<p><a name='f_179' id='f_179' href='#fna_179'>[179]</a> The abbess’s or prioress’s chamber is constantly mentioned in the +surveys of nunneries made at the time of the Dissolution, e.g. at +Arthington, Wykeham, Basedale and Kirklees (<i>Yorks. Archaeol. Journ.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IX</span>, +pp. 212, 326, 327, 332); at Cheshunt (Cussans, <i>Hist. of Herts., Hertford +Hundred</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 270), Sheppey (Mackenzie E. C. Walcott, <i>Inventories of +St Mary’s Hospital, Dover, etc.</i> p. 28), Kilburn (Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. +424). See also the inventory of the goods of Langley in 1485 (Walcott, +<i>Inventory of St Mary’s Benedictine Nunnery at Langley</i> [Leic. Architec. +Soc. 1872], p. 4). The last three contain interesting inventories of the +furniture of the prioress’s chamber. At Sheppey it was hung with green +“saye” and contained “a trussyng bed of waynscot with testar, sylar and +cortens of red and yelow sarcenet”; at Kilburn it was hung with “four +peces of sey redde and grene, with a bordure of story,” and contained “a +standinge bedd with four posts of weynscott, a trundle bedd under the same +... a syller of yelowe and redde bokerame and three curteyns of the same +work.” At Langley also there were two beds in the prioress’s chamber “hur +owne bed” and “ye secunde bed in hur chambur.” Clearly the prioress nearly +always had a nun to sleep with her, and the evidence of visitations bears +this out; see e.g. cases at Redlingfield, 1427 (<i>V.C.H. Suffolk</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. +83), Littlemore, 1445 (<i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 217, “iacet de nocte in eodem +lecto cum priorissa”), Flamstead, 1530 (<i>V.C.H. Herts.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 433). For +the position of the prioress’s chamber see plan of the nunnery buildings +of St Radegund’s, Cambridge (now Jesus College) (Gray, <i>Priory of St +Radegund, Cambridge</i>, p. 53).</p> + +<p><a name='f_180' id='f_180' href='#fna_180'>[180]</a> Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 458.</p> + +<p><a name='f_181' id='f_181' href='#fna_181'>[181]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 443, 445.</p> + +<p><a name='f_182' id='f_182' href='#fna_182'>[182]</a> <i>Reg. Epis. Johannis Peckham</i> (Rolls Series), <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 84.</p> + +<p><a name='f_183' id='f_183' href='#fna_183'>[183]</a> <i>Reg. Epis. Johannis Peckham</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 651-2.</p> + +<p><a name='f_184' id='f_184' href='#fna_184'>[184]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 659-60, 662-3. For another instance of a prioress +faring better than her nuns, see Archbishop Lee’s injunctions to +Nunappleton in 1534: “That their be no difference betwene the breade and +ale prepared for the prioresse and the bredde and ale provided for the +covent, but that she and they eatt of oon breade, and drinke of oon drinke +and of oon ale.” <i>Yorks. Archaeol. Journ.</i> <span class="smcaplc">XVI.</span> pp. 443-4.</p> + +<p><a name='f_185' id='f_185' href='#fna_185'>[185]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 214.</p> + +<p><a name='f_186' id='f_186' href='#fna_186'>[186]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 50.</p> + +<p><a name='f_187' id='f_187' href='#fna_187'>[187]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 124.</p> + +<p><a name='f_188' id='f_188' href='#fna_188'>[188]</a> <i>V.C.H. Lincs.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 155, 131-2.</p> + +<p><a name='f_189' id='f_189' href='#fna_189'>[189]</a> Sometimes, however, bishops licenced the head of a house to hear the +service separately, e.g. in 1401 Wykeham licenced dame Lucy Everard, +abbess of Romsey, to hear divine service in her oratory during one year, +in the presence of one of her sisters and of her servants (<i>familia</i>). +<i>Wykeham’s Reg.</i> (Hants. Rec. Soc.), <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 538. Cf. similar licence to +the prioress of Polsloe in 1388. <i>Reg. of Bishop Brantyngham of Exeter</i>, +pt. II, p. 675.</p> + +<p><a name='f_190' id='f_190' href='#fna_190'>[190]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 8. The same injunction was sent to Stixwould. +<i>Alnwick’s Visit.</i> MS. f. 75<i>d</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_191' id='f_191' href='#fna_191'>[191]</a> <i>Ib.</i> f. 83<i>d</i>. The next year when Alnwick came again this prioress +announced that she did not lie in the dorter, nor keep frater, cloister +and church on account of bodily weakness; she alleged that he had +dispensed her from these observances, which he denied. <i>Ib.</i> f. 39<i>d</i>. +Compare injunctions to Godstow, Gracedieu and Langley, <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, +pp. 115, 125, 177. For other injunctions on these points, see <i>Alnwick’s +Visit.</i> MS. f. 78 (Nuncoton, 1440); <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, pp. 119 +(Nunburnholme, 1318), 120 (Nunkeeling, 1314), 124 (Thicket, 1309), 188 +(Arthington, 1318), 239 (Moxby, 1318).</p> + +<p><a name='f_192' id='f_192' href='#fna_192'>[192]</a> <i>Reg. Epis. Johannis Peckham</i> (Rolls Series), <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 662. Compare +<i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, pp. 113, 239 and <i>Alnwick’s Visit.</i> MS. f. 6.</p> + +<p><a name='f_193' id='f_193' href='#fna_193'>[193]</a> Before it was realised that this office was often held by a woman in +nunneries, scholars were much exercised to explain this passage in +Chaucer’s <i>Prologue</i>, though a search through Dugdale would have provided +them with several instances. The office is still held in modern convents, +and Dr Furnivall printed an interesting letter from a Benedictine nun, +describing the duties attached to it. “It is in fact the nun who has +special charge of attending on the Abbess and giving assistance when she +needs it, either in writing when she (the Abbess) is busy, or in attending +when sick, etc., but that which comes most often to claim her services is, +on the twelve or fourteen great festivals,” when the chaplain attends the +Abbess in the choir and holds her crosier, while she reads the hymns, +lesson, etc. <i>Anglia</i>, <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, pp. 238-9. In the middle ages the chief stress +was laid on the constant presence of a witness to the superior’s mode of +life, that it might be beyond suspicion. Miss Eckenstein has pointed out +that in the allegory of the “Ghostly Abbey,” by the béguine Mechthild of +Magdeburg, in which the nuns are personified Virtues, Charity is Abbess +and Meekness her Chaplain; and in the English version of the poem printed +by Wynkyn de Worde (1500), Charity was Abbess and Mercy and Truth were to +be her “chapeleyns” and to go about with her wherever she went. The +Prioress (Wisdom) and the Sub-Prioress (Meekness) were also to have +chaplains (Righteousness and Peace) because they were “most of worship.” +Eckenstein, <i>Woman under Monasticism</i>, pp. 339, 377.</p> + +<p><a name='f_194' id='f_194' href='#fna_194'>[194]</a> <i>New College</i> MS., f. 88<i>d</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_195' id='f_195' href='#fna_195'>[195]</a> <i>Sussex Archaeol. Coll.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IX</span>, p. 15.</p> + +<p><a name='f_196' id='f_196' href='#fna_196'>[196]</a> <i>Visit. of Dioc. of Norwich</i> (Camden Soc.), p. 190.</p> + +<p><a name='f_197' id='f_197' href='#fna_197'>[197]</a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 108.</p> + +<p><a name='f_198' id='f_198' href='#fna_198'>[198]</a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 138.</p> + +<p><a name='f_199' id='f_199' href='#fna_199'>[199]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 50. For other references to the abbess’s +nun-chaplain at Elstow, see <i>Archaeologia</i>, <span class="smcaplc">XLVII</span>, p. 52 and Dugdale, +<i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 415.</p> + +<p><a name='f_200' id='f_200' href='#fna_200'>[200]</a> <i>Alnwick’s Visit.</i> MS. f. 6. The Prioress was Denise Loweliche (see +p. <a href="#Page_458">458</a> below) and at the visitation Dame Margaret Loweliche “<i>cappellana +priorisse</i>” (evidently a relative) said that she had held the office for +the last eight years. Another nun said “that the Prioress ever holds and +has held for seven years, one and the same nun as chaplain, without ever +replacing her by another, and when she goes out she always has this young +nun with her.”</p> + +<p><a name='f_201' id='f_201' href='#fna_201'>[201]</a> E.g. at Campsey (1532) and Redlingfield (1526 and 1532). <i>Visit. of +Dioc. of Norwich</i>, pp. 224, 291, 297. At Elstow (1539). Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> +<span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 415. At Barking (still in receipt of pension in 1553). <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. +438 note.</p> + +<p><a name='f_202' id='f_202' href='#fna_202'>[202]</a> <i>Litt. Johannis Peckham</i> (Rolls Series), <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 658-9. Compare +injunctions to the Abbess of Chatteris in 1345. Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. +619.</p> + +<p><a name='f_203' id='f_203' href='#fna_203'>[203]</a> <i>Visit. of Dioc. of Norwich</i> (Camden Soc.), pp. 108, 109, 138-9, +143, 185, 190-1.</p> + +<p><a name='f_204' id='f_204' href='#fna_204'>[204]</a> See <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 3, 48, 120, 130, 133; and <i>Alnwick’s +Visit.</i> MS. ff. 83, 75<i>d</i>, 26<i>d</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_205' id='f_205' href='#fna_205'>[205]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 49.</p> + +<p><a name='f_206' id='f_206' href='#fna_206'>[206]</a> <i>Visit. of Dioc. of Norwich</i>, p. 108.</p> + +<p><a name='f_207' id='f_207' href='#fna_207'>[207]</a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 143, 191.</p> + +<p><a name='f_208' id='f_208' href='#fna_208'>[208]</a> See below, p. <a href="#Page_216">216</a> ff.</p> + +<p><a name='f_209' id='f_209' href='#fna_209'>[209]</a> Among “greuous defautes” enumerated in the “additions to the rules” +of Syon Abbey (fifteenth century) is the following: “If any lye in a +wayte, or in a spye, or els besyly and curyously serche what other sustres +or brethren speke betwene themselfe, that they afterwardes may revele or +schewe the saynge of the spekers to ther grete hurte”; others are, “if any +sowe dyscorde amonge the sustres and brethren,” and “if any be founde a +preuy rowner or bakbyter.” Aungier, <i>Hist. and Antiquities of Syon +Monastery</i>, p. 257.</p> + +<p><a name='f_210' id='f_210' href='#fna_210'>[210]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 121, 123.</p> + +<p><a name='f_211' id='f_211' href='#fna_211'>[211]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 123, 185, 133.</p> + +<p><a name='f_212' id='f_212' href='#fna_212'>[212]</a> See e.g. <i>Visit. of Dioc. of Norwich</i> (Camden Soc.), pp. 143, 290.</p> + +<p><a name='f_213' id='f_213' href='#fna_213'>[213]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 186. Compare <i>ib.</i> pp. 124, 135 (Gracedieu and +Heynings); <i>Linc. Epis. Reg. Memo. Gynewell</i>, ff. 139-40 (Elstow, 1359); +<i>Linc. Epis. Reg. Memo. Bokyngham</i>, ff. 343 (Elstow, 1387), 397 (Heynings, +1392); <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, pp. 117 (Moxby, 1252), 164 (Hampole, 1314).</p> + +<p><a name='f_214' id='f_214' href='#fna_214'>[214]</a> Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, pp. 359-60. There are various other references +to “Wynge” (i.e. Wing in Buckinghamshire) in the account, e.g. “Item +receyvid of Richard Saie for the ferme of the personage of Wynge for a +yere and a half within the tyme of this accompte xlviij<i>li</i>. Item. rec. of +the same Richard Saie as in party of payment of the same ferme for a +quarter of a yere x<i>s</i>,” “item, paid to the bisshop of Lincolns officers +for the licens of Wynge for ij yere xxij<i>s</i> viij<i>d</i>. Item paid to the +ffermour of Wynge for his goune for ij yere xiij<i>s</i> iiij<i>d</i>.” For the +London lawsuit see below, p. <a href="#Page_202">202</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_215' id='f_215' href='#fna_215'>[215]</a> See <i>P.R.O. Mins. Accts.</i> 1260, <i>passim</i>. The London references are +in 1260/7 and 1260/17 respectively.</p> + +<p><a name='f_216' id='f_216' href='#fna_216'>[216]</a> Constitutions of the legate Ottobon in 1268. Wilkins, <i>Concilia</i>, +<span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 18.</p> + +<p><a name='f_217' id='f_217' href='#fna_217'>[217]</a> Hugo, <i>Medieval Nunneries of the County of Somerset, Minchin +Barrow</i>, p. 81.</p> + +<p><a name='f_218' id='f_218' href='#fna_218'>[218]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 187.</p> + +<p><a name='f_219' id='f_219' href='#fna_219'>[219]</a> <i>Wykeham’s Reg.</i> (Hants Rec. Soc.), p. 500.</p> + +<p><a name='f_220' id='f_220' href='#fna_220'>[220]</a> <i>V.C.H. Dorset</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 89. In 1374 the Abbess of Canonsleigh had +licence to have divine service celebrated in her presence in the chapel of +St Theobald in the parish of Burlescombe “dicto monasterio contigua,” but +her nuns were not to leave the claustral precincts on this pretext. <i>Reg. +of Bishop Brantyngham</i>, ed. Hingeston-Randolph, pt I, p. 335.</p> + +<p><a name='f_221' id='f_221' href='#fna_221'>[221]</a> Wood, <i>op. cit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 156-7. Even Ap Rice seems to have +considered Dr Legh’s enforcement of enclosure as overstrict “for as many +of these houses stand by husbandry they must fall to decay if the heads +are not allowed to go out.” Gairdner, <i>Letters and Papers, etc.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IX</span>, no. +139; cf. preface, p. 20.</p> + +<p><a name='f_222' id='f_222' href='#fna_222'>[222]</a> Rye, <i>Carrow Abbey</i>, p. 8.</p> + +<p><a name='f_223' id='f_223' href='#fna_223'>[223]</a> <i>Linc. Dioc. Documents</i>, ed. A. Clark (E.E.T.S.), pp. 50, 53.</p> + +<p><a name='f_224' id='f_224' href='#fna_224'>[224]</a> <i>Test. Ebor.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 314.</p> + +<p><a name='f_225' id='f_225' href='#fna_225'>[225]</a> For instance Margaret Fairfax of Nunmonkton was one of the +<i>supervisores testamenti</i> of John Fairfax, rector of Prescot, in 1393 and +of Thomas Fairfax of Walton in 1394. <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 190, 204. The abbess of +Syon was one of the three overseers of the will of Sir Richard Sutton, +steward of her house in 1524. Aungier, <i>Hist. and Antiquities of Syon +Mon.</i> p. 532. Emmota Farethorpe, Prioress of Wilberfoss, was executrix of +John Appilby of Wilberfoss in 1438. <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 126 note. +Margaret Delaryver, Prioress of St Clement’s York, was executrix of +Elizabeth Medlay (probably a boarder there). <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 130. Joan Kay +in 1525 left most of her property to her daughter the Prioress of +Stixwould to found an obit there and made her executrix. <i>Linc. Wills</i>, +ed. C. W. Foster (Linc. Rec. Soc.), <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 155. Sir John Beke, vicar of +Aby, who left the greater part of his property to Greenfield for the same +purpose, made the Prioress Isabel Smith executrix. <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 162. These +offices were sometimes filled by nuns other than heads of houses, e.g. the +will of John Suthwell, rector of St Mary’s South Kelsey, Lincs., was +witnessed by his sister Margaret, a nun, in 1390. Gibbons, <i>Early Linc. +Wills</i>, p. 76. Alice Conyers of Nunappleton was made coadjutress of the +executors of Master John de Woodhouse in 1345. <i>Test. Ebor.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 15. For +Carrow nuns (usually the prioress) as executors, supervisors and +witnesses, see Rye, <i>Carrow Abbey</i>, pp. xv, xvi, xxii, xxiii, xxix.</p> + +<p><a name='f_226' id='f_226' href='#fna_226'>[226]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 2.</p> + +<p><a name='f_227' id='f_227' href='#fna_227'>[227]</a> <i>V.C.H. Sussex</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 84. +See <i>Rot. Parl.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 147.</p> + +<p><a name='f_228' id='f_228' href='#fna_228'>[228]</a> <i>An Alphabet of Tales</i>, ed. M. M. Banks (E.E.T.S., 1904), no. <span class="smcaplc">XV</span>, +pp. 13-14. I have modernised spelling. This fifteenth century English +version is ultimately derived from an <i>exemplum</i> by Jacques de Vitry, of +which it is a close translation. <i>Exempla e sermonibus vulgaribus J. +Vitriacensis</i>, ed. T. F. Crane, no. <span class="smcaplc">LIX</span>, pp. 23-4.</p> + +<p><a name='f_229' id='f_229' href='#fna_229'>[229]</a> “Item Priorissa raro venit ad matutinas aut missas. Domina Katerina +Hoghe dicit quod quedam moniales sunt quodammodo sompnolentes, tarde +veniendo ad matutinas et alias horas canonicas.” <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 133.</p> + +<p><a name='f_230' id='f_230' href='#fna_230'>[230]</a> J. P. Krapp, <i>The Legend of St Patrick’s Purgatory; its later +Literary History</i> (1899), pp. 75-6.</p> + +<p><a name='f_231' id='f_231' href='#fna_231'>[231]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 3, 4, 5, 8. The Prioress of Brewood White +Ladies in Shropshire was severely rebuked in the first part of the +fourteenth century for <i>expensae voluptuariae</i>, dress and laxity of rule. +<i>Reg. of Roger de Norbury</i> (Will. Salt Archaeol. Soc. Collections, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>), p. 261.</p> + +<p><a name='f_232' id='f_232' href='#fna_232'>[232]</a> Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 194.</p> + +<p><a name='f_233' id='f_233' href='#fna_233'>[233]</a> <i>Sussex Archaeol. Coll.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IX</span>, pp. 7-9.</p> + +<p><a name='f_234' id='f_234' href='#fna_234'>[234]</a> Compare the anecdote related by Caesarius of Heisterbach about +Ensfrid of Cologne. “One day he met the abbess of the holy Eleven Thousand +Virgins; before her went her clerks, wrapped in mantles of grey fur like +the nuns; behind her went her ladies and maidservants, filling the air +with the sound of their unprofitable words; while the Dean was followed by +his poor folk who besought him for alms. Wherefore this righteous man, +burning with the zeal of discipline, cried aloud in the hearing of all: +‘Oh, lady Abbess, it would better adorn your religion, that ye, like me, +should be followed, not by buffoons, but by poor folk!’ Whereat she was +much ashamed, not presuming to answer so worthy a man.” Translated in +Coulton, <i>A Medieval Garner</i>, p. 251.</p> + +<p><a name='f_235' id='f_235' href='#fna_235'>[235]</a> <i>V.C.H. Lincs.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 148.</p> + +<p><a name='f_236' id='f_236' href='#fna_236'>[236]</a> <i>V.C.H. Warwick</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 71.</p> + +<p><a name='f_237' id='f_237' href='#fna_237'>[237]</a> <i>V.C.H. Lincs.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 155. Sometimes however, the heads of houses +received episcopal dispensations to reside for a period outside their +monasteries, for the sake of health. Joan Formage, Abbess of Shaftesbury, +received one in 1368, allowing her to leave her abbey for a year and to +reside in her manors for air and recreation. <i>V.C.H. Dorset</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 78. +Josiana de Anlaby (the Prioress of Swine about whose election there had +been so much trouble) had licence in 1303 to absent herself on account of +ill-health. Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">V</span>, p. 493.</p> + +<p><a name='f_238' id='f_238' href='#fna_238'>[238]</a> Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 638.</p> + +<p><a name='f_239' id='f_239' href='#fna_239'>[239]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 187.</p> + +<p><a name='f_240' id='f_240' href='#fna_240'>[240]</a> Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 619.</p> + +<p><a name='f_241' id='f_241' href='#fna_241'>[241]</a> <i>Sussex Archaeol. Coll.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IX</span>, pp. 18-19.</p> + +<p><a name='f_242' id='f_242' href='#fna_242'>[242]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">V</span>, p. 256.</p> + +<p><a name='f_243' id='f_243' href='#fna_243'>[243]</a> <i>V.C.H. Oxon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 78.</p> + +<p><a name='f_244' id='f_244' href='#fna_244'>[244]</a> <i>Archaeologia</i>, <span class="smcaplc">XLVIII</span>, pp. 56, 58.</p> + +<p><a name='f_245' id='f_245' href='#fna_245'>[245]</a> <i>Alnwick’s Visit.</i> MS. ff. 83 and <i>d</i>, 39<i>d</i>, 96.</p> + +<p><a name='f_246' id='f_246' href='#fna_246'>[246]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 120, 121.</p> + +<p><a name='f_247' id='f_247' href='#fna_247'>[247]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 2-4, 6.</p> + +<p><a name='f_248' id='f_248' href='#fna_248'>[248]</a> <i>Cal. of Pat. Rolls</i> (1441-6), p. 141.</p> + +<p><a name='f_249' id='f_249' href='#fna_249'>[249]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 46-52.</p> + +<p><a name='f_250' id='f_250' href='#fna_250'>[250]</a> Compare the complaint of the sisters of the hospital of St James +outside Canterbury in 1511, that the Prioress was a <i>diffamatrix</i> of the +sisters and used to say publicly in the neighbourhood that they were +incontinent <i>et publice meretrices</i>, to the great scandal of the house. +The ages of the sisters were 84, 80, 50 and 36 respectively and the +Prioress herself was 74. <i>Eng. Hist. Rev.</i> <span class="smcaplc">VI</span>, p. 23.</p> + +<p><a name='f_251' id='f_251' href='#fna_251'>[251]</a> Compare Archbishop Bowet’s injunction to the Prioress of Hampole in +1411 that “Alice Lye, her nun who held the office of <i>hostilaria</i>, or +anyone who succeeded her in office, should henceforth be free from +entering the rooms of guests to lay beds, but that the porter should +receive the bedclothes from the <i>hostilaria</i> at the lower gate, and when +the guests had departed, should give them back to her at the same place.” +<i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 165. For the charge that the Prioress made the +nuns work, compare the case of Eleanor Prioress of Arden in 1396 (pp. <a href="#Page_85">85-6</a> +below) and the case of the Prioress of Easebourne in 1441: “Also the +Prioress compels her sisters to work continually like hired workwomen (<i>ad +modum mulieres conducticiarum</i>) and they receive nothing whatever for +their own use from their work, but the prioress takes the whole profit +(<i>totum percipit</i>).” <i>Sussex Archaeol. Coll.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IX</span>, p. 7.</p> + +<p><a name='f_252' id='f_252' href='#fna_252'>[252]</a> Compare the case of Denise Loweliche, p. <a href="#Page_458">458</a> below.</p> + +<p><a name='f_253' id='f_253' href='#fna_253'>[253]</a> <i>Test. Ebor.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. +283-5 (summary in <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, pp. 114-5).</p> + +<p><a name='f_254' id='f_254' href='#fna_254'>[254]</a> An analysis of receipts and expenditure by the Prioress during her +term of office, given at the end of the <i>comperta</i>, stands thus:</p> + +<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="5" summary="table"> +<tr><td>In the first year:</td> + <td>Receipts £22. 7<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></td> + <td><span class="spacer"> </span></td> + <td>Expenses £27. 6<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i></td></tr> +<tr><td>In the second year:</td> + <td>Receipts £25. 3<i>s.</i> 0<i>d.</i></td> + <td> </td> + <td>Expenses £40.</td></tr> +<tr><td>In the third year:</td> + <td>Receipts £26. 9<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></td> + <td> </td> + <td>Expenses £27. 3<i>s.</i> 0<i>d.</i></td></tr></table> + +<p><a name='f_255' id='f_255' href='#fna_255'>[255]</a> The nuns of Swine made the same complaint in 1268. “Binis, tamen, +diebus in ebdomada aqua pro cervisia eisdem subministratur.” <i>Reg. of +Walter Giffard</i> (Surtees Soc.), p. 148.</p> + +<p><a name='f_256' id='f_256' href='#fna_256'>[256]</a> Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 506 note.</p> + +<p><a name='f_257' id='f_257' href='#fna_257'>[257]</a> <i>Cal. of Papal Letters</i>, <span class="smcaplc">VI</span>, p. 55.</p> + +<p><a name='f_258' id='f_258' href='#fna_258'>[258]</a> <i>V.C.H. Suffolk</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 83-4. The other cases may be noted more +briefly. For the story of Denise Loweliche, Prioress of Markyate (Beds.), +see <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 82-6, and below, pp. <a href="#Page_458">458-9</a>. Alice de Chilterne, +Prioress of White Hall, Ilchester, was deprived for incontinence with the +chaplain and for wasting the goods of the house to such an extent that the +nuns were reduced to begging their bread (1323). Hugo, <i>Med. Nunneries of +Somerset, Whitehall in Ilchester</i>, pp. 78-9 and <i>Reg. John of Drokensford</i> +(Somerset Rec. Soc.), pp. 227, 245, 259. In 1325 Joan de Barton, Prioress +of Moxby, was deprived <i>super lapsu carnis</i> with the chaplain. <i>V.C.H. +Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 240. In 1495 Elizabeth Popeley was deprived, two years +after her confirmation as Prioress of Arthington, for having given birth +to a child and for wasting the goods of the house. <i>Ib.</i> p. 189. The case +of Katherine Wells, Prioress of Littlemore, who put her nuns in the stocks +and took the goods of the house to provide a dowry for her illegitimate +daughter is noted below, <a href="#note_f">Note F</a>. See also the stories of Elizabeth Broke, +Abbess of Romsey, and Agnes Tawke, Prioress of Easebourne. Liveing, <i>Rec. +Romsey Abbey</i>, pp. 211-222 and <i>Sussex Archaeol. Coll.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IX</span>, pp. 14-19. +Joan Fletcher, Prioress of Basedale, resigned from fear of deposition in +1527 and then cast aside her habit and left the house. <i>Yorks. Archaeol. +Journ.</i> <span class="smcaplc">XVI</span>, pp. 431-2.</p> + +<p><a name='f_259' id='f_259' href='#fna_259'>[259]</a> It was translated by the Rev. Dr Cox in <i>V.C.H. Hants.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. +132-3, from a chartulary of Wherwell Abbey compiled in the fourteenth +century (<i>Brit. Mus. Egerton MS.</i> 2104) and quoted by Gasquet, <i>English +Monastic Life</i>, pp. 155-8.</p> + +<p><a name='f_260' id='f_260' href='#fna_260'>[260]</a> See the account in the <i>Reg. of Crabhouse Nunnery</i>, ed. Mary Bateson +(<i>Norfolk Archaeology</i>, <span class="smcaplc">XI</span>, pp. 59-63). Also a charming account of +Crabhouse (founded largely on this register) in Jessopp, <i>Ups and Downs of +an Old Nunnery</i> (<i>Frivola</i>, 1896, pp. 28 ff.). The English portion of the +register was written some time after 1470.</p> + +<p><a name='f_261' id='f_261' href='#fna_261'>[261]</a> <i>Reliquiae Antiquae</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 314. See also a little further on in the +Crabhouse Register: “And xx mark we hadde of the gifte of Edmunde Peris +persoun of Watlington before seyde sekatoure to the same Roger wiche was +nought payed tyl xvj yere aftyr his day.” Compare the complaint at Rusper +in 1478: “Item dicit quod Johannes Wood erat executor domini Ricardi +Hormer ... qui fuit a retro in solucione pensionis v<i>s.</i> per xxx annos +priorisse et conventui de Rushper.” But this may mean that the late +Richard (a rector) had failed to pay. <i>Sussex Archaeol. Coll.</i> <span class="smcaplc">V</span>, p. 255.</p> + +<p><a name='f_262' id='f_262' href='#fna_262'>[262]</a> With this account of the building of Crabhouse church it is +interesting to compare the costs incurred in building the “newe chirch” of +Syon Abbey in 1479-80. Two small schedules of accounts dealing with this +work are preserved in the Public Record Office. The first is particularly +interesting for its list of workmen employed: “Summa of the wages of +Werkmen wirchyng as well opon and wyane the newe chirch of the monastery +of Syun, as opon parte of the newe byldyng of the Brether Cloyster, +chapitirhous and library, that is to sey fr. the xth day of October in the +xixth yere of the reigne of kyng E. the iiijth vnto the vijth day of +October in the xxth yere of the reigne of the same kyng, as it is declared +partelly in ij jurnalles of work thereof examyned. It. ffremasons ccxlv +li. xij s. xj d. It. harde-hewers xxx li. xj s. vij d. ob. It. Brekeleyers +xvj li. xvj s. ij d. It. chalk-hewers xlj s. iij d. It. Carpenters and +joynours xlvj s. ix d. It. Tawyers ix li. xvj s. iiij d. It. Smythes +xliiij li. xix s. x d. It. Laborers xxxvj li. xix s. vij d. It. Paied to +James Powle Brekeman for makyng of breks lxxvj li. viij s. iiij d. Summa +to<sup>l</sup>, cccclxvij li. viij s. iij d. ob.” (<i>P.R.O. Mins. Accts.</i> 1261/2). +The other schedule gives further details: “Expenses vpon our newe churche. +The makyng of the rof w<sup>t</sup> tymber and cariage and workmanship ix<sup>c</sup>lxv li. +xviij s. iij d. q<sup>a</sup>, lede castyng, jynyng, leyyng sawdir with diuers cariage +v<sup>c</sup>xxxv li. x s. x d. Iron bought with cariage, weyng and whirvage lxxiij +li. xvi s. x d. Ragstone, assheler ffreston with cariage, masons and +labourers for the vantyng and ffurryng of the pilers and purvyaunes vnto +the xxvij of maii m<sup>l</sup>m<sup>l</sup>v<sup>c</sup>xlix li. xj s. j d. ob. Summa total for the +church m<sup>l</sup>m<sup>l</sup>m<sup>l</sup>m<sup>l</sup>cxxxiiij li. xvij s. ob. q<sup>a</sup>. Expenses of the +cloystor and dortour vnto the xxvij day of maii vj<sup>c</sup>iiij<sup>xx</sup>xviij li. ix +s. x d. Summa to<sup>l</sup>. m<sup>l</sup>m<sup>l</sup>m<sup>l</sup>m<sup>l</sup>viij<sup>c</sup>xxxiij li. vj s. x d. ob. +q<sup>a</sup>.” (<i>Ib.</i> 1261/3.)</p> + +<p><a name='f_263' id='f_263' href='#fna_263'>[263]</a> Mr Coulton suggests the reading ‘a mason hewande,’ i.e. a hard-hewer +or rough hewer, as opposed to the better freemason.</p> + +<p><a name='f_264' id='f_264' href='#fna_264'>[264]</a> The <i>Valor Ecclesiasticus</i> was published in six volumes by the +Record Commission (1810-34). It is the subject of a detailed study by +Professor Alexander Savine, “English Monasteries on the Eve of the +Suppression,” in <i>Oxford Studies in Social and Legal History</i>, ed. +Vinogradoff, vol. <span class="smcaplc">I</span> (1909). For this reason, and also because of their +greater interest, I have preferred to base my study of nunnery finance on +the account rolls of the nuns. The <i>Valor</i> as it affects nunneries has +been largely drawn upon in an unpublished thesis by Miss H. T. Jacka, <i>The +Dissolution of the English Nunneries, Thesis submitted for the Degree of +M.A. in the University of London</i> (Dec. 1917). It is a pity that this +useful little work is not published. I have been able to consult it and +have made use (as will be seen from footnotes to this chapter) of the +admirable chapter <span class="smcaplc">II</span> on “The Property of the Nunneries”; for my quotations +from the <i>Valor</i> I have invariably used her analysis. Anyone wishing for +an intensive study of the Dissolution from the point of view of monastic +houses for women cannot do better than consult this thesis, which is far +more detailed, exact and judicial in tone than any other modern account.</p> + +<p><a name='f_265' id='f_265' href='#fna_265'>[265]</a> <i>P.R.O. Mins. Accts.</i> 1260.</p> + +<p><a name='f_266' id='f_266' href='#fna_266'>[266]</a> The wardens’ accounts are in <i>P.R.O. Mins. Accts.</i> 867/21-6 and the +prioress’s accounts, <i>ib.</i> 867/30, 32, 33-36. and <i>Hen. VII</i>, no. 274. +They are briefly described in <i>V.C.H. Herts.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, pp. 430-1 (notes 30, 31, +39). An excellent prioress’s account for 2-4 Hen. VII is printed by +Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, pp. 358-61, the prioress being Christian Bassett.</p> + +<p><a name='f_267' id='f_267' href='#fna_267'>[267]</a> <i>P.R.O. Mins. Accts.</i> 1257/10. See Gasquet, <i>Eng. Monastic Life</i>, +pp. 158-176.</p> + +<p><a name='f_268' id='f_268' href='#fna_268'>[268]</a> A. Gray, <i>Priory of St Radegund’s, Cambridge</i>, pp. 145-85.</p> + +<p><a name='f_269' id='f_269' href='#fna_269'>[269]</a> Baker, <i>Hist. and Antiq. of Northants.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 278-83. Compare +<i>P.R.O. Mins. Accts.</i> 1257/1 for a Catesby account roll for 11-14 Hen. IV.</p> + +<p><a name='f_270' id='f_270' href='#fna_270'>[270]</a> Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, pp. 458-60. See also <i>P.R.O.</i> 1257/2 for Denney, +14 Hen. IV-1 Hen. V.</p> + +<p><a name='f_271' id='f_271' href='#fna_271'>[271]</a> See <a href="#CHAPTER_IV">Ch. <span class="smcaplc">IV</span></a>, <i>passim</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_272' id='f_272' href='#fna_272'>[272]</a> <i>Valor Eccles.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 302.</p> + +<p><a name='f_273' id='f_273' href='#fna_273'>[273]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 103.</p> + +<p><a name='f_274' id='f_274' href='#fna_274'>[274]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 119.</p> + +<p><a name='f_275' id='f_275' href='#fna_275'>[275]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 397.</p> + +<p><a name='f_276' id='f_276' href='#fna_276'>[276]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 424.</p> + +<p><a name='f_277' id='f_277' href='#fna_277'>[277]</a> Jacka, <i>op. cit.</i> f. 44.</p> + +<p><a name='f_278' id='f_278' href='#fna_278'>[278]</a> Jacka, <i>op. cit.</i> ff. 27, 29-30. The information about Syon and the +Minoresses is taken from <i>Valor Eccles.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 424 and <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 397 +respectively.</p> + +<p><a name='f_279' id='f_279' href='#fna_279'>[279]</a> See Jacka, <i>op. cit.</i> f. 25.</p> + +<p><a name='f_280' id='f_280' href='#fna_280'>[280]</a> If the demesne land were let out in farm the customary ploughing and +other services of the villeins would no longer be needed and if only a +portion of it were so farmed the number of villein services required would +be proportionately less. This, as well as the increasing employment of +hired labour on the demesne during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, +accounts for the item “Sale of Works” which appears in the Romsey account +for 1412. Liveing, <i>Records of Romsey Abbey</i>, p. 194. From another point +of view the number of rent-payers was increased by the fact that both free +and unfree tenants could rent pieces of the demesne. As to the farming of +the demesne, note however the conclusion to which Miss Jacka comes from a +study of the <i>Valor</i> and the Dissolution <i>Surveys</i> now in the Augmentation +Office: “The question ‘to what extent did the nuns in 1535 farm their +demesnes?’ cannot be confidently answered on the evidence of any of the +records before us. Apart from the fact that in many cases there is no +statement at all, the word ‘firma’ or ‘farm’ is used so ambiguously that +even where it occurs it is impossible to be certain that a lease +existed.... There are, of course, unmistakeable cases in which the +demesnes were farmed: Tarrant Keynes kept in hand the demesnes of 3 manors +and farmed that of 7; Shaftesbury occupied the demesne of one manor and +farmed that of 18 (<i>Valor Eccles.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 265, 276). But in none of the +few cases in which the whole of the demesne is described as yielding a +‘firma,’ should we be justified, in view of the several uses of the word, +in asserting that it had the definite character of a lease. That is to +say, whatever may be our suspicions, the evidence before us does not +warrant the assertion that in a single case did the nuns farm the whole of +their demesnes; and this conclusion is an unexpected and remarkable one, +for we might well expect them to be among the first land holders who +seized this method of simplifying their manorial economy.” Jacka, <i>op. +cit.</i> f. 47.</p> + +<p><a name='f_281' id='f_281' href='#fna_281'>[281]</a> In the account roll of Dame Christian Bassett, Prioress of Delapré +(St Albans) for 2-4 Hen. VII, the “rente fermys” range between £7 from +Robert Pegge for the farm of the whole manor of Pray, to 2<i>s.</i> received +from Richard Franklin “for the ferme of vj acres of londe in Bacheworth”; +one John Shon pays 6<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i> “for the ferme of certeyne londs in +Bacheworth and ij tenements in Seint Mighell strete with a lyme kylne”; +Richard Ordeway pays 10<i>s.</i> for rent farm of “an hous w<sup>t</sup>in the Pray” and +Robert Pegge 8<i>s.</i> for rent farm of “an hous and a stable w<sup>t</sup>in +Praygate.” Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, pp. 358-9. In this account her assize +rents amount to £2. 11<i>s.</i> 2<i>d.</i> within the town of St Albans and her +rents farm to £4. 13<i>s.</i> 2<i>d.</i>; while outside the town the rents of assize +amount to £2. 5<i>s.</i> 0<i>d.</i> and the rents farm to £11. 19<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i>, while +four items amounting to £1. 19<i>s.</i> 11<i>d.</i> are doubtful, but probably +represent farms. That is to say very nearly three quarters of the lands +and houses belonging to Delapré were farmed out, and if we except payments +from the town of St Albans, which were probably house-rents, over +four-fifths of its possessions were in farm. Similarly in the account roll +of Margaret Ratclyff, Prioress of Swaffham, for 22 Ed. IV. the rents are +classified as <i>Redditus Assise</i> (£6. 0<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i> in all), <i>Firma Terrae</i> +(£13. 0<i>s.</i> 3½<i>d.</i> in all) and <i>Firma Molendini</i>, the farm of a mill +(£3. 14<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i>). <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 459.</p> + +<p><a name='f_282' id='f_282' href='#fna_282'>[282]</a> References to money paid in fees to rent-collectors, or in +gratuities to men who had brought rents up to the house often occur in +account rolls, e.g. in the Catesby roll for 1414-15, “Also in expenses of +collecting rents wheresoever to be collected ... xix<i>s.</i> Also paid to +divers receivers of rent for the time viij<i>s.</i> viij<i>d.</i>” Baker, <i>Hist. of +Northants.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 280. In the Delapré account of 2-4 Hen. IV, “Item paid +to a man that brought money from Cambryg for a rewarde viij<i>d.</i> Item for +dyvers men y<sup>t</sup> brought in their rent at dyvers tymes xx<i>s.</i> ij<i>d.</i>” +Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 359. In the St Radegund’s Cambridge account of +1449-51, “In the expenses of Thomas Key (xvij<i>d.</i> ob.) at Abyngton, +Litlyngton, Whaddon, Crawden, Bumpsted and Cambridge for the business of +the lady (prioress) and for levying rent ... and in the stipend of Thomas +Key collecting rents in Cambridge and the district this year xiii<i>s.</i> +iiij<i>d.</i>” Gray, <i>Priory of St Radegund, Cambridge</i>, pp. 173-4.</p> + +<p><a name='f_283' id='f_283' href='#fna_283'>[283]</a> Gray, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 148, 164.</p> + +<p><a name='f_284' id='f_284' href='#fna_284'>[284]</a> See for a translation of the whole charter, Aungier, <i>Hist. of +Syon</i>, pp. 60-67. The original is given <i>ib.</i> pp. 411-8.</p> + +<p><a name='f_285' id='f_285' href='#fna_285'>[285]</a> See the valuation of Syon Monastery, <span class="smcaplc">A.D.</span> 1534, translated from the +<i>Valor Ecclesiasticus</i>, <i>ib.</i> pp. 439-450. At Romsey in 1412 the +perquisites of courts brought in a total of £14 out of an annual income of +£404. 6<i>s.</i> 0½<i>d.</i>, made up of the rents and farms, sale of works, sale +of farm produce and perquisites of courts on six manors. Liveing, <i>Records +of Romsey Abbey</i>, p. 194.</p> + +<p><a name='f_286' id='f_286' href='#fna_286'>[286]</a> <i>V.C.H. Hants.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 135.</p> + +<p><a name='f_287' id='f_287' href='#fna_287'>[287]</a> <i>V.C.H. Norfolk</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 370. So apparently had the Prioress of +Carrow. Rye, <i>Carrow Abbey</i>, p. 21.</p> + +<p><a name='f_288' id='f_288' href='#fna_288'>[288]</a> See p. <a href="#Page_70">70</a> above. Compare the Catesby roll for 1414-15. “And in the +expenses of the steward at the court this year and at other times vi<i>s.</i> +viii<i>d.</i>” Baker, <i>Hist. and Antiq. of Northants.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 280.</p> + +<p><a name='f_289' id='f_289' href='#fna_289'>[289]</a> <i>V.C.H. Essex</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 118.</p> + +<p><a name='f_290' id='f_290' href='#fna_290'>[290]</a> <i>Cal. of Close Rolls</i>, 1272-9, p. 392.</p> + +<p><a name='f_291' id='f_291' href='#fna_291'>[291]</a> <i>Cal. of Close Rolls</i>, 1296-1302, p. 238.</p> + +<p><a name='f_292' id='f_292' href='#fna_292'>[292]</a> In the account of the Prioress of Delapré already quoted occurs the +item “Receyvid for ij standyngs at Prayffayre at ij tymes v<i>s.</i>” Dugdale, +<i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 359. The fair time was the feast of the Nativity of the +B.V.M. (Sept. 8th) and the account for another year shows that over £1 was +spent on the convent and visitors at this time. The accounts for 1490-3 +include payments for making trestles and forms in connection with the +fair. <i>V.C.H. Herts.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 430 (note 31) and p. 439 (note 39). The nuns +of St Radegund’s, Cambridge, were granted by Stephen a fair, which was +afterwards known as Garlick fair, and was held in their churchyard for two +days on August 14th and 15th. They did not receive much from it; in 1449 +the tolls amounted only to 5<i>s.</i> 2<i>d.</i>; moreover they had to give the toll +collectors 6<i>d.</i> for a wage and they evidently made the occasion one for +entertainment, for they hired an extra cook for 3<i>d.</i> “to help in the +kitchin at the fair time.” Gray, <i>Priory of St Radegund, Cambridge</i>, pp. +49-50.</p> + +<p><a name='f_293' id='f_293' href='#fna_293'>[293]</a> The <i>Valor Eccles.</i> occasionally notes income derived from fairs. +Tarrant Keynes had £2 from the fair at Woodburyhill, Shaftesbury had £2. +4<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i> from Shaftesbury fair, Malling received £3. 6<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i> from +Malling market and fair and £3 from a market “cum terris et tenementis” at +Newheth, Blackborough had £1 from Blackborough fair and Elstow had £7. +12<i>s.</i> 0<i>d.</i> from Elstow fair. <i>Valor Eccles.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 265, 276, 106; <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, +p. 205; <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 395; <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 188.</p> + +<p><a name='f_294' id='f_294' href='#fna_294'>[294]</a> The mill belonging to the home farm would be in the charge of a +miller, who was one of the hired servants of the house and was paid a +regular stipend. Other mills would probably be farmed out. The nuns of +Catesby had two mills, which brought them in 12<i>s.</i> and 22<i>s.</i> a year +respectively; one, a wind-mill, was probably farmed, but the water-mill +was in charge of Thomas Milner, at a wage of 20<i>s.</i> and his servant, who +was paid 2<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i> The nuns also received tolls of grain in kind from +the mill; a certain proportion of which was handed over to the miller for +his household. The mill does not seem to have paid very well, for a heavy +list of “Costs of the Mill,” amounting to 31<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i> appears in the +account; it includes the wages of the miller and his boy and payments to a +carpenter for making the mill-wheel for seventeen days and in damming the +mill-tail and buying shoes with nails for the mill horses. Baker, <i>op. +cit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 279, 281. At Swaffham Bulbeck the “Firma Molendini” brought +in £3. 14<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i> Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 457. Malling Abbey had a +fulling-mill. <i>Valor Eccles.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 276.</p> + +<p><a name='f_295' id='f_295' href='#fna_295'>[295]</a> For instance in Hone, <i>The Manor and Manorial Records</i> (1906).</p> + +<p><a name='f_296' id='f_296' href='#fna_296'>[296]</a> Coulton, <i>Med. Garn.</i> p. 591.</p> + +<p><a name='f_297' id='f_297' href='#fna_297'>[297]</a> Baker, <i>op. cit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 279, 282.</p> + +<p><a name='f_298' id='f_298' href='#fna_298'>[298]</a> <i>V.C.H. Norfolk</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 370.</p> + +<p><a name='f_299' id='f_299' href='#fna_299'>[299]</a> For examples of mortuary law-suits, receipts and results, see +Coulton, <i>Med. Garn.</i>, pp. 561-6. On the whole subject of mortuaries and +the unpopularity which they entailed upon the church, see Coulton, +<i>Medieval Studies</i>, no. 8 (“Priests and People before the Reformation,” +pp. 3-7).</p> + +<p><a name='f_300' id='f_300' href='#fna_300'>[300]</a> Translated in Coulton, <i>Med. Garn.</i> p. 323. Compare another of +Caesarius’ tales of the usurer who was taken by the devil through various +places of torment: “There also he saw a certain honest knight lately dead, +Elias von Rheineck, castellan of Horst, seated on a mad cow with his face +towards her tail and his back to her horns; the beast rushed to and fro, +goring his back every moment so that the blood rushed forth. To whom the +usurer said, ‘Lord, why suffer ye this pain?’ ‘This cow,’ replied the +knight, ‘I tore mercilessly from a certain widow; wherefore I must now +endure this merciless punishment from the same beast.’” <i>Ib.</i> p. 214. +Certainly the medieval imagination had a genius for making the punishment +fit the crime.</p> + +<p><a name='f_301' id='f_301' href='#fna_301'>[301]</a> A nunnery in a large town would be far more dependent on buying +food. Thus an account of the household expenses of St Helen’s Bishopsgate, +in the sixteenth century shows that the nuns had to pay £22 for buying +corn and £60. 13<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i> for meat and other foodstuffs. They were +heavily in debt, and their creditors included a brewer, a “cornman,” two +fishmongers and a butcher. <i>V.C.H. London</i>, I, p. 460.</p> + +<p><a name='f_302' id='f_302' href='#fna_302'>[302]</a> Baker, <i>op. cit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 281-3.</p> + +<p><a name='f_303' id='f_303' href='#fna_303'>[303]</a> The convent bought 4½ qrs. of salt for 25<i>s.</i> for the operation +this year. Baker, <i>op. cit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 280. Compare, for the operation at +Gracedieu, Gasquet, <i>Eng. Mon. Life</i>, p. 174.</p> + +<p><a name='f_304' id='f_304' href='#fna_304'>[304]</a> The account of the cellaress of Syon for the year 1536-7 gives very +full details of the income derived from the sale of hides and fells. John +Lyrer, tanner, buys from her fifty-five ox-hides at 3<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i> each, and +three cow-hides, two steer-hides, one bull-hide, and one murrain ox-hide +at 2<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i> each, making a total of £10. 8<i>s.</i> 10<i>d.</i> The same John +Lyrer buys 230 calf-skins for £3. 16<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i> John Cockes, fellmonger, +buys 287 “shorling felles,” at 3<i>s.</i> the dozen, 190 “skynnes of wynter +felles” at 6<i>s.</i> the dozen, 77 “skynnes somerfelles” at 8<i>s.</i> the dozen, +for a total for £10. 18<i>s.</i> 1<i>d.</i> The different qualities of wool were +always carefully distinguished and priced. <i>Myroure of Oure Ladye</i>, ed. +Blunt, p. xxix.</p> + +<p><a name='f_305' id='f_305' href='#fna_305'>[305]</a> A few examples taken at random will suffice: “By the sale of wool 4 +marks 11<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i> From Gilbert of Chesterton for the wool <i>del aan ke est +aveni</i> 100<i>s.</i>” (32-3 Edw. I). <i>P.R.O. Mins. Accts.</i> 1260/1. “From the +sale of 14 stone of wool, price per stone 7<i>s.</i>, 4<i>l.</i> 18<i>s.</i>” (48-9 Edw. +III). <i>Ib.</i> 1260/4. “Received for one sack of 20 stone of wool sold last +year, at 4<i>s.</i> per stone, 13 marks, 10<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i> Received for one sack of +this years wool, at 4<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i> per stone, 5<i>l.</i> 17<i>s.</i> 0<i>d.</i>” (either +46-7 or 47-8 Edw. III). <i>Ib.</i> 1260/21. “From John of the Pantry for 11½ +stone of wool at 6<i>s.</i> the stone, 69<i>s.</i>” (1-2 Rich. II). <i>Ib.</i> 1260/7. In +1412 Romsey Abbey derived £60 out of a total income of £404. 6<i>s.</i> +4½<i>d.</i> from the sale of wool. Liveing, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 194.</p> + +<p><a name='f_306' id='f_306' href='#fna_306'>[306]</a> See, for this very interesting document, Cunningham, <i>Growth of +English Industry and Commerce</i> (1905 ed.), <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, App. D, pp. 628-41. The +nunneries mentioned, with the amount of wool obtainable from each +annually, are Stainfield (from 12 sacks), Stixwould (from 15 sacks), +Nuncoton (from 10 sacks), Hampole (from 6 sacks), St Leonard’s Grimsby +(from 2 sacks), Heynings (from 2 sacks), Gokewell (from 4 sacks), Langley +(from 5 sacks), Arden (from 10 sacks), Keldholme (from 12 sacks), Rosedale +(from 10 sacks), St Clement’s York (from 3 sacks), Swine (from 8 sacks), +Marrick (from 8 sacks), Wykeham (from 4 sacks), Ankerwyke (from 4 sacks), +Thicket (from 4 sacks), Nunmonkton (number missing), Yedingham (do.), +Legbourne (from 3 sacks). A similar Flemish list mentions Hampole, +Nuncoton, Stainfield and Gracedieu (33 lbs.). Varenbergh, <i>Hist. des +Relations Diplomatiques entre le Comté de Flandre et l’Angleterre au Moyen +Âge</i> (Brussels, 1874), pp. 214-7.</p> + +<p><a name='f_307' id='f_307' href='#fna_307'>[307]</a> “The Libel of English Policie,” in <i>Hakluyt’s Voyages</i> (Everyman’s +Lib. edit.), I, p. 186.</p> + +<p><a name='f_308' id='f_308' href='#fna_308'>[308]</a> See, for instance, a petition from the nuns of Carrow asking to be +allowed to appropriate the church of Surlingham, of which they had the +advowson, “qar, tres dute seignour, lauoesoun ne les fait bien eynz de les +mettre en daunger de presentement en chescune voedaunce”; <i>P.R.O. Anct. +Petit.</i> 232/11587. It appears that the prioress had letters patent to +appropriate the church, probably in answer to this petition in 22 Edw. II; +Rye, <i>Carrow Abbey</i>, App. p. xxxvi. It may be useful to give a few out of +very many references to the appropriation of a church to a nunnery on +account of poverty: Clifton to Lingbrook (<i>Reg. R. de Swinfield</i>, p. 134), +Wolferlow and Bridge Sollers to Aconbury (<i>Reg. A. de Orleton</i>, pp. 176, +200), Rockbeare to Canonsleigh (<i>Reg. Grandisson</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 698), Compton +and Upmardon to Easebourne (<i>Bp. Rede’s Reg.</i> p. 137), Itchen Stoke to +Romsey (<i>Reg. Sandale</i>, p. 269), Whenby to Moxby (<i>Reg. Wickwane</i>, p. +290), Horton to St Clement’s York (<i>Reg. Gray</i>, p. 107), Bishopthorpe to +the same (<i>Reg. Giffard</i>, p. 59), Dallington to Flamstead (Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> +<span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 301), Quadring to Stainfield (<i>V.C.H. Lincs.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 131), Easton +Neston to Sewardsley and Desborough to Rothwell (<i>V.C.H. Northants.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, +p. 137), Lidlington to Barking (<i>V.C.H. Essex</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 119), Bradford, +Tisbury and Gillingham to Shaftesbury (<i>V.C.H. Dorset</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 77).</p> + +<p><a name='f_309' id='f_309' href='#fna_309'>[309]</a> An analysis of the possessions of Carrow gives some good examples of +this. The churches of Earlham, Stow Bardolph, Surlingham, Swardeston, East +Winch and Wroxham were all appropriated soon after their advowsons had +been granted to the priory, which also possessed the advowsons of four +churches in Norwich, the moiety of another advowson, the moiety of a +rectory and various tithes or portions of tithes in different manors and +parishes. Rye, <i>Carrow Abbey</i>, App. <span class="smcaplc">X</span>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_310' id='f_310' href='#fna_310'>[310]</a> Gasquet, <i>Eng. Mon. Life</i>, p. 194.</p> + +<p><a name='f_311' id='f_311' href='#fna_311'>[311]</a> For the abuses of appropriation, see Coulton, <i>Medieval Studies</i>, +no. 8, pp. 6-8. For the part played by the lower clergy in the Peasants’ +Revolt, see Petit-Dutaillis, <i>Studies Supplementary to Stubbs’ Constit. +Hist.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 270-1, and Kriehn, <i>Studies in the Sources of the Social +Revolt</i> in 1381 (<i>Amer. Hist. Review</i>, 1901), <span class="smcaplc">VI</span>, pp. 480-4.</p> + +<p><a name='f_312' id='f_312' href='#fna_312'>[312]</a> <i>Valor Eccles.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 188.</p> + +<p><a name='f_313' id='f_313' href='#fna_313'>[313]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 276.</p> + +<p><a name='f_314' id='f_314' href='#fna_314'>[314]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 897.</p> + +<p><a name='f_315' id='f_315' href='#fna_315'>[315]</a> Jacka, <i>op. cit.</i> f. 35. See the list of “Farms and Pensions” in the +prioress of Catesby’s accounts for 1414-5. Baker, <i>Hist. and Antiqs. of +Northants.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 279.</p> + +<p><a name='f_316' id='f_316' href='#fna_316'>[316]</a> <i>V.C.H. Northants.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 98.</p> + +<p><a name='f_317' id='f_317' href='#fna_317'>[317]</a> Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 268.</p> + +<p><a name='f_318' id='f_318' href='#fna_318'>[318]</a> This appears from the regular entry of the amount brought in by the +farms of the two churches in the account rolls. In 1458 the nuns received +formal permission from the bishop to lease out and dispose of the fruits +and revenues of any of the appropriated churches. Madox, <i>Form. Anglic.</i> +dxc.</p> + +<p><a name='f_319' id='f_319' href='#fna_319'>[319]</a> <i>P.R.O. Mins. Accts.</i> 1260/7.</p> + +<p><a name='f_320' id='f_320' href='#fna_320'>[320]</a> See for instance Norris’ note (quoted by Rye) on the grant to Carrow +Priory of the tithes of all wheat growing in the parishes of Bergh and +Apton, which tithes “occasioned many disputes between the Rector and the +Convent, till at length about the year 1237 it was agreed by the Prioress +and Convent and Thomas, the then Rector, ... that the Rector should pay to +the Convent 14 quarters of wheat in lieu of all their tithes there, which +was constantly paid, with some little allowance for defect of measure, +until 29 Edw. III, when there was a suit between Prioress and Rector about +them. What was the event of it I find not, but they soon after returned to +the old payment of 14 qrs., which continued until 21 Hen. VI, when the +dispute was revived and in a litigious way they continued above ten years, +but I find they afterwards returned again to the old agreement and kept to +it, I believe, to the dissolution of the Priory.” Rye mentions a suit +between the Rector and Prioress in 1321. Similarly the nuns were involved +in a tedious suit (10 Edw. I) about the tithes of the demesne of the manor +of Barshall in Riston, with the Rector of Riston. Rye, <i>Carrow Abbey</i>, +App. pp. xxx, xxxv.</p> + +<p><a name='f_321' id='f_321' href='#fna_321'>[321]</a> See below, p. <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, for the other side of the matter.</p> + +<p><a name='f_322' id='f_322' href='#fna_322'>[322]</a> Similarly the nuns of Kingsmead, Derby, had part of the shirt of St +Thomas of Canterbury, and the nuns of Gracedieu had the girdle and part of +the tunic of St Francis, both of which were good for the same purpose. +<i>V.C.H. Derby</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 43; Nichols, <i>Hist. of Leic.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 652.</p> + +<p><a name='f_323' id='f_323' href='#fna_323'>[323]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, pp. 115, 119, 130, 159, 178, 189.</p> + +<p><a name='f_324' id='f_324' href='#fna_324'>[324]</a> <i>V.C.H. Northants.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 122.</p> + +<p><a name='f_325' id='f_325' href='#fna_325'>[325]</a> <i>V.C.H. Essex</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 118.</p> + +<p><a name='f_326' id='f_326' href='#fna_326'>[326]</a> See for instance the receipts of the nuns of St Michael’s Stamford +from <i>Almes, Almoignes et Auenture</i> entered in their roll for 45-6 Edw. +III. “From Sir John Weston for a soul, 13<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i> For the soul of Simon +the Taverner, 1<i>s.</i> For the soul of Sir Robert de Thorp, £20. 6<i>s.</i> 7<i>d.</i> +For the soul of William Apethorp, 3<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i> For the soul of Alice atte +Halle, 3<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i> In alms from William Ouneby, 6<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i> In alms from +Emma of Okham £5. Received from the pardon at the church 6<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i> For +the pardon from Lady Idayne and from Emma Okham £1.” <i>P.R.O. Mins. Accts.</i> +1260/3. But this was an unusually good year.</p> + +<p><a name='f_327' id='f_327' href='#fna_327'>[327]</a> The account rolls of St Michael’s Stamford usually arrange expenses +under the following headings: (1) rents, (2) petty expenses, (3) convent +expenses, (4) cost of carts and ploughs, (5) repair of houses, (6) +purchase of stock, (7) weeding corn and mowing hay, (8) threshing and +winnowing, (9) harvest expenses, (10) hire of servants, (11) chaplains’ +fees. See <i>P.R.O. Mins. Accts.</i> 1260/<i>passim</i>. The active prioress of St +Mary de Pré, Christian Bassett, classifies her payments as for (1) +“comyns, pytances and partycions,” (2) “yerely charges,” (3) “wagys and +ffees,” (4) “reparacions,” (5) “divers expensis.” Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, pp. +358-61. The prioress of Catesby (1414-5) classifies (1) rents, (2) petty +expenses, (3) expenses of the houses (i.e. repairs), (4) household +expenses, (5) necessary expenses (miscellaneous), (6) expenses of carts, +(7) purchase of livestock, (8) customary payments (to nuns, pittancers, +farmers, cottagers, etc. in clothing; details not given); (9) purchase of +corn, (10) rewards (various small tips to nuns and servants), (11) tedding +and making hay, harvest expenses, stubble, thrashing and winnowing corn, +(12) costs of the mill, (13) servants’ wages. Baker, <i>Hist. and Antiq. of +Northants.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 278-83.</p> + +<p><a name='f_328' id='f_328' href='#fna_328'>[328]</a> Liveing, <i>Records of Romsey Abbey</i>, pp. 194-5.</p> + +<p><a name='f_329' id='f_329' href='#fna_329'>[329]</a> See below, p. <a href="#Page_323">323</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_330' id='f_330' href='#fna_330'>[330]</a> See below, pp. <a href="#Page_157">157-8</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_331' id='f_331' href='#fna_331'>[331]</a> Gray, <i>Priory of St Radegund, Cambridge</i>, p. 156.</p> + +<p><a name='f_332' id='f_332' href='#fna_332'>[332]</a> <i>P.R.O. Mins. Accts.</i> 1260/10.</p> + +<p><a name='f_333' id='f_333' href='#fna_333'>[333]</a> <i>Valor Eccles.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 84.</p> + +<p><a name='f_334' id='f_334' href='#fna_334'>[334]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 119.</p> + +<p><a name='f_335' id='f_335' href='#fna_335'>[335]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 394.</p> + +<p><a name='f_336' id='f_336' href='#fna_336'>[336]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 76.</p> + +<p><a name='f_337' id='f_337' href='#fna_337'>[337]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 77.</p> + +<p><a name='f_338' id='f_338' href='#fna_338'>[338]</a> <i>Archaeol. Journ.</i> <span class="smcaplc">LXIX</span> (1912), pp. 120-1.</p> + +<p><a name='f_339' id='f_339' href='#fna_339'>[339]</a> Gray, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 172.</p> + +<p><a name='f_340' id='f_340' href='#fna_340'>[340]</a> Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 359. The heading under which this item comes +is <i>Yerely Charges</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_341' id='f_341' href='#fna_341'>[341]</a> Baker, <i>Hist. and Antiq. of Northants.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 281.</p> + +<p><a name='f_342' id='f_342' href='#fna_342'>[342]</a> A. G. Little, <i>Studies in English Franciscan History</i> (1917), pp. +25, 43.</p> + +<p><a name='f_343' id='f_343' href='#fna_343'>[343]</a> See below, p. <a href="#Page_199">199</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_344' id='f_344' href='#fna_344'>[344]</a> Gray, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 156, 172.</p> + +<p><a name='f_345' id='f_345' href='#fna_345'>[345]</a> <i>Myroure of Oure Ladye</i>, ed. Blunt, introd. p. xxxi.</p> + +<p><a name='f_346' id='f_346' href='#fna_346'>[346]</a> See below, p. <a href="#Page_202">202</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_347' id='f_347' href='#fna_347'>[347]</a> See e.g. above, p. <a href="#Page_70">70</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_348' id='f_348' href='#fna_348'>[348]</a> Gray, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 153-5.</p> + +<p><a name='f_349' id='f_349' href='#fna_349'>[349]</a> Mackenzie Walcott, <i>Inventories of ... Shepey</i>, pp. 32-3.</p> + +<p><a name='f_350' id='f_350' href='#fna_350'>[350]</a> Maurice Hewlett, <i>The Song of the Plow</i> (1916), pp. 9-10.</p> + +<p><a name='f_351' id='f_351' href='#fna_351'>[351]</a> Baker, <i>Hist. and Antiq. of Northants.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 283. Compare the St +Radegund’s Cambridge accounts: “Et in butumine empto cum pycche hoc anno +pro bidentibus signandis et ungendis, ij s j d. Et in clatis emptis ad +faldam, iij s iij d. Et solutum pro remocione falde per diversas vices, +iij d. ... Et in bidentibus hoc anno lavandis et tondendis ij s iij d.” +Gray, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 155, 171.</p> + +<p><a name='f_352' id='f_352' href='#fna_352'>[352]</a> They are a regular item in the St Michael’s, Stamford, accounts and +compare the accounts of St Radegund’s, Cambridge: “And in viij pairs of +gloves bought for divers hired men at harvest as was needful xij d.” Gray, +<i>op. cit.</i> pp. 157, 172.</p> + +<p><a name='f_353' id='f_353' href='#fna_353'>[353]</a> Tusser, <i>Fiue Hundred Pointes of Good Husbandrie</i>, ed. W. Payne and +S. J. Herrtage (Eng. Dialect. Soc. 1878), pp. 129-30.</p> + +<p><a name='f_354' id='f_354' href='#fna_354'>[354]</a> Tusser, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 132.</p> + +<p><a name='f_355' id='f_355' href='#fna_355'>[355]</a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 181.</p> + +<p><a name='f_356' id='f_356' href='#fna_356'>[356]</a> C. T. Flower, <i>Obedientiars’ Accounts of Glastonbury and other +Religious Houses</i> (St Paul’s Ecclesiological Soc. vol. <span class="smcaplc">VII</span>, pt <span class="smcaplc">II</span> (1912)), +pp. 50-62. The nunnery accounts described include accounts of the Abbess +of Elstow (22 Hen. VII), the Prioress of Delapré (4 and 9 Hen. VII), the +Cellaress of Barking, the Cellaress of Syon, the Sacrist of Syon and the +Chambress of Syon. On obedientiaries and their accounts in general, see +the introduction to <i>Compotus Rolls of the Obedientiaries of St Swithun’s +Priory, Winchester</i>, ed. G. W. Kitchin (Hants. Rec. Soc. 1892).</p> + +<p><a name='f_357' id='f_357' href='#fna_357'>[357]</a> Liveing, <i>Records of Romsey Abbey</i>, p. 236. At St Mary’s Winchester +at the same date the 14 nuns included the abbess, prioress, subprioress, +infirmaress, <i>precentrix</i> and three sub-chantresses, <i>scrutatrix</i>, +<i>dogmatista</i> and librarian. <i>V.C.H. Hants.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 124.</p> + +<p><a name='f_358' id='f_358' href='#fna_358'>[358]</a> Aungier, <i>Hist. of Syon Mon.</i> p. 392.</p> + +<p><a name='f_359' id='f_359' href='#fna_359'>[359]</a> <i>Myroure of Oure Ladye</i>, ed. Blunt (E.E.T.S.), introd. p. xxviii.</p> + +<p><a name='f_360' id='f_360' href='#fna_360'>[360]</a> Aungier, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 392-3.</p> + +<p><a name='f_361' id='f_361' href='#fna_361'>[361]</a> See below, <a href="#note_a">Note A</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_362' id='f_362' href='#fna_362'>[362]</a> Aungier, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 395.</p> + +<p><a name='f_363' id='f_363' href='#fna_363'>[363]</a> I have been unable to discover what is meant by <i>feri</i> and <i>asser</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_364' id='f_364' href='#fna_364'>[364]</a> <i>Tabite</i> was a sort of <i>moiré</i> silk. Probably carpets or tablecloths +here.</p> + +<p><a name='f_365' id='f_365' href='#fna_365'>[365]</a> <i>Register of Crabhouse Nunnery</i>, ed. M. Bateson (Norfolk +Archaeology, <span class="smcaplc">XI</span>, 1892), pp. 38-9.</p> + +<p><a name='f_366' id='f_366' href='#fna_366'>[366]</a> See, for instance, the Godstow Register; charters nos. 105, 139, 556 +and 644 concern grants appropriated to clothing and nos. 52, 250, 536, 619 +and 630 to the infirmary. No. 862 is a grant of five cartloads of +alderwood yearly “to be take xv dayes after myghelmasse to drye their +heryng.” <i>Eng. Reg. of Godstow Nunnery</i>, ed. A. Clark (E.E.T.S. 1905-11), +pp. 102, etc. In the Crabhouse Register it is noted that a certain meadow +is set aside so that “all the produce of the said meadow be forever +granted for the vesture of the ten ladies who are oldest in religion of +the whole house, so that each of the ten ladies receive yearly from the +aforesaid meadow four shillings at the feast of St Margaret.” <i>Op. cit.</i> +p. 37. When Wothorpe was merged in St Michael’s, Stamford, the diocesan +stipulated that the proceeds of the priory and rectory of Wothorpe should +be applied to the support of the infirmary and kitchen of St Michael’s. +Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 268.</p> + +<p><a name='f_367' id='f_367' href='#fna_367'>[367]</a> See, for instance, the payment of a yearly pension of five marks +from the appropriated church of St Clement’s for the clothing of the nuns +of St Radegund’s, Cambridge, and similar assignations of the income from +appropriated churches at Studley, St Michael’s Stamford, and Marrick. +Gray, <i>Priory of St Radegund, Cambridge</i>, p. 27.</p> + +<p><a name='f_368' id='f_368' href='#fna_368'>[368]</a> See C. T. Flower, <i>loc. cit.</i>, for an account of the Syon, Barking +and Elstow accounts; also Blunt, <i>Myroure of Oure Ladye</i>, introd. pp. +xxvi-xxxi, for Syon chambresses’ and cellaresses’ accounts (1536-7) and +<i>P.R.O. Mins. Accts.</i> 1261/4 for a Syon cellaress’s account (1481-2). See +<i>P.R.O. Mins. Accts.</i> 1260/14 for a St Michael’s Stamford chambress’s +account (1408-9).</p> + +<p><a name='f_369' id='f_369' href='#fna_369'>[369]</a> See below, <a href="#CHAPTER_VIII">Ch. <span class="smcaplc">VIII</span></a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_370' id='f_370' href='#fna_370'>[370]</a> Blunt, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. xxvi-xxviii.</p> + +<p><a name='f_371' id='f_371' href='#fna_371'>[371]</a> Gray, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 149, 165, 167.</p> + +<p><a name='f_372' id='f_372' href='#fna_372'>[372]</a> A barrel contained ten great hundreds of six score each.</p> + +<p><a name='f_373' id='f_373' href='#fna_373'>[373]</a> A cade contained six great hundreds of six score each.</p> + +<p><a name='f_374' id='f_374' href='#fna_374'>[374]</a> A warp was a parcel of four dried fish.</p> + +<p><a name='f_375' id='f_375' href='#fna_375'>[375]</a> Gray, <i>op. cit.</i> See the accounts, pp. 145-79 <i>passim</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_376' id='f_376' href='#fna_376'>[376]</a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 10-11.</p> + +<p><a name='f_377' id='f_377' href='#fna_377'>[377]</a> <i>Catholicon Anglicum</i>, ed. S. J. Herrtage (E.E.T.S. 1881), p. 365.</p> + +<p><a name='f_378' id='f_378' href='#fna_378'>[378]</a> Blunt, <i>op. cit.</i> p. xxx. In 1481-2 their Lenten store included +“saltfysshe,” “stokfyssh,” “white heryng,” “rede haryng,” “muddefissh,” +“lyng,” “aburden,” “Scarburgh fysshe,” “salt samon,” “salt elys,” “oyle +olyue” (34¾ gallons), a barrel of honey and figs. At other times this +year the cellaress purchased beans (1 qr. 4 bushels), green peas (7 +bushels), “grey” (i.e. dried) peas (4 bushels), “harreos” (3 bushels), +oatmeal (2 qrs. 7 bushels), bread, wheat, malt, various animals for meat +and to stock the farm, a kilderkin of good ale, 15 lbs. of almonds, 39 +Essex cheeses, 111½ gallons of butter, white salt and bay salt, also +firewood and coals. <i>P.R.O. Mins. Accts.</i> 1261/4.</p> + +<p><a name='f_379' id='f_379' href='#fna_379'>[379]</a> <i>Poems of John Skelton</i>, ed. W. H. Williams, pp. 107-8 (from “Colyn +Cloute,” ll. 210-13). For the curious custom of eating dried peas on the +fifth Sunday in Lent, called Passion or Care Sunday, see Brand, +<i>Observations On Popular Antiquities</i> (1877 ed.), pp. 57 ff. In the north +of England peas boiled on Care Sunday were called <i>carlings</i>. Compare the +St Mary de Pré (St Albans) accounts (2-4 Hen. VII) “Item paid for ij +busshell of pesyn departyd amongs the susters in Lente xvj d.” Dugdale, +<i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 359, and the Barking cellaress’ <i>Charthe</i>, below, <a href="#note_a">Note A</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_380' id='f_380' href='#fna_380'>[380]</a> See below, p. <a href="#Page_568">568</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_381' id='f_381' href='#fna_381'>[381]</a> Blunt, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. xxx-xxxi.</p> + +<p><a name='f_382' id='f_382' href='#fna_382'>[382]</a> Shakespeare, <i>Winter’s Tale</i>, <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, ii, 38 sqq.</p> + +<p><a name='f_383' id='f_383' href='#fna_383'>[383]</a> For <i>sowce</i>, see below, p. <a href="#Page_565">565</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_384' id='f_384' href='#fna_384'>[384]</a> The weekly allowance of beer to each member was supposed to be seven +gallons, four of the better sort and three weaker, but the amount varied +from house to house. See <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 89 (note). The Syon nuns +had water on certain days, but doubtless as a mortification of the flesh, +for it was sometimes complained of as a hardship when nuns had to drink +water. (“Item they say that they do not get their corrody (i.e. weekly +allowance of bread and beer) at the due times, but it is sometimes omitted +for a fortnight and sometimes for a month, so that the nuns, by reason of +the non-payment of the corrody, drink water.” <i>Test. Ebor.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 284.) +The weekly allowance of bread was seven loaves. A note in the Register of +Shaftesbury Abbey (15th century) which then numbered about 50 nuns and a +large household, says: “Hit is to wytyng that me baketh and breweth by the +wike in the Abbey of Shaftesbury atte leste weye xxxvj quarters whete and +malt. And other while me baketh and breweth xlj quarters and ij bz. whete +and malte.” Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 473.</p> + +<p><a name='f_385' id='f_385' href='#fna_385'>[385]</a> Aungier, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 393-4.</p> + +<p><a name='f_386' id='f_386' href='#fna_386'>[386]</a> See below, p. <a href="#Page_568">568</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_387' id='f_387' href='#fna_387'>[387]</a> They are diversely defined as pancakes, cheese cakes or custards, +but they differed from our pancakes in being made in crusts. See the +recipe in <i>Liber Cure Cocorum</i> for flawns made with cheese:</p> + +<p class="poem">Take new chese and grynde hyt fayre,<br /> +In morter with egges, without dysware;<br /> +Put powder therto of sugur, I say,<br /> +Coloure hit with safrone ful wele thou may;<br /> +Put hit in cofyns that ben fayre,<br /> +And bake hit forthe, I the pray.</p> + +<p><i>Liber Cure Cocorum</i>, ed. Morris (Phil. Soc. 1862), p. 39. A fifteenth +century cookery book gives this recipe for <i>Flathouns in lente</i>: “Take and +draw a thrifty Milke of Almandes; temper with Sugre Water; than take +hardid cofyns [pie-crusts] and pore thin comad [mixture] theron; blaunch +Almaundis hol and caste theron Pouder Gyngere, Canelle, Sugre, Salt and +Safroun; bake hem and serue forth.” <i>Two Fifteenth Century Cookery Books</i>, +ed. T. Austen (E.E.T.S. 1888), p. 56.</p> + +<p><a name='f_388' id='f_388' href='#fna_388'>[388]</a> For Maundy Thursday, see Brand, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 75-9. For the Barking +Maundy see below, p. <a href="#Page_568">568</a>, for the St Mary de Pré Maundy see Dugdale, +<i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 359, and for the St Michael’s, Stamford, Maundy, see +<i>P.R.O. Mins. Accts.</i> 1260 <i>passim</i>. The nuns of St Radegund’s owned +certain lands in Madingley which were held by the Prior of Barnwell on +payment of a rent of 2<i>s.</i> 3<i>d.</i>, called “Maundy silver.” Gray, <i>op. cit.</i> +p. 146. Maundy money is still distributed at Magdalen College, Oxford.</p> + +<p><a name='f_389' id='f_389' href='#fna_389'>[389]</a> See below, p. <a href="#Page_566">566</a>, for the Barking pittances. The following extracts +from one of the St Michael’s, Stamford, accounts is typical of the rest: +“Item paid for wassail 4<i>d.</i> ... paid to the convent on the Feast of St +Michael and the dedication of the church 6<i>s.</i> Item paid for ... on All +Saints Day and St Martin’s Day 3<i>s.</i> Item paid for a pittance of pork on +two occasions 6<i>s.</i> Item paid for fowls at Christmas for the convent 5<i>s.</i> +6<i>d.</i> Item paid for herrings on St Michael’s Day for the poor 1<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i> +Item paid for beer for the convent on Maundy Thursday (<i>Jour de Cene</i>) +10<i>d.</i> Item paid for bread and wafers on the same day 6<i>d.</i> Item paid for +spices on the same day 3<i>s.</i> Item paid for herrings for the poor on the +same day 1<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i> Item given to the poor on the same day 1<i>s.</i> 9<i>d.</i> +Item for holy bread on Good Friday 2<i>d.</i> Item paid for <i>fflaunes</i> 2<i>d.</i> +Item paid for herrings on St Laurence’s Day 9<i>d.</i>” <i>P.R.O. Mins. Accts.</i> +1260/11. At this convent “holy bread” was always brought for Good Friday, +“flaunes” (or sometimes eggs, saffron and spices to make them) for +Rogationtide, beer and spices on Maundy Thursday, herrings on St +Lawrence’s Day, and various money pittances were paid to the nuns from +time to time for the <i>misericord</i> of Corby and sometimes of Thurlby, the +appropriated churches. On one occasion there is an entry “Paid to the +convent for the misericord of Thurlby, to wit 28 fowls, 12 gallons of beer +and mustard and a gift to the prioress 9<i>s.</i>, paid to the convent for the +misericord of Corby 9<i>s.</i>, paid to the pittancer for a pittance from +Thurlby throughout the year 14<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i>” <i>Ib.</i> 1260/3. See an interesting +list of pittances payable on forty different feasts throughout the year to +the nuns of Lillechurch or Higham: they are either extra portions of food +or special sorts of food, e.g. “crepis” on the Sunday before Ash +Wednesday, “flauns” on Easter Day and 12<i>d.</i> on St Radegund’s Day. R. F. +Scott, <i>Notes from the Records of St John’s Coll. Cambridge</i>, 1st series +(from <i>The Eagle</i>, 1893, vol. <span class="smcaplc">XVII</span>, no. 101, pp. 5-7).</p> + +<p><a name='f_390' id='f_390' href='#fna_390'>[390]</a> For these prebendal canonries see Mr Hamilton Thompson’s article on +“Double Monasteries and the Male Element in Nunneries,” in <i>The Ministry +of Women, A Report by a Committee appointed by his Grace the Lord +Archbishop of Canterbury</i>, app. <span class="smcaplc">VIII</span>, pp. 150 <i>sqq.</i></p> + +<p><a name='f_391' id='f_391' href='#fna_391'>[391]</a> Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 424.</p> + +<p><a name='f_392' id='f_392' href='#fna_392'>[392]</a> Walcott, M. E. C. <i>Inventories of ... the Priory of Minster in +Shepey</i> (<i>Arch. Cant.</i> 1869), p. 30. This house paid stipends to three +chaplains, one being “curat of the Paryshe churche”; a “Vycar’s chamber” +is described among what are obviously outlying buildings. At Cheshunt the +“Prestes Chamber” contained a feather bed, with sheets and coverlet and a +“celer of blewe cloth,” valued at 4<i>s.</i> 10<i>d.</i> Cussans, <i>Hist. of Herts. +Hertford Hundred</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 70.</p> + +<p><a name='f_393' id='f_393' href='#fna_393'>[393]</a> Chaucer, <i>Cant. Tales</i>, Prologue of the Nonne Prestes Tale, ll. 3998 +ff.</p> + +<p><a name='f_394' id='f_394' href='#fna_394'>[394]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 120-1, 123.</p> + +<p><a name='f_395' id='f_395' href='#fna_395'>[395]</a> <i>Valor. Eccles.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 397, IV, p. 220.</p> + +<p><a name='f_396' id='f_396' href='#fna_396'>[396]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 276.</p> + +<p><a name='f_397' id='f_397' href='#fna_397'>[397]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 109.</p> + +<p><a name='f_398' id='f_398' href='#fna_398'>[398]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 76.</p> + +<p><a name='f_399' id='f_399' href='#fna_399'>[399]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 106.</p> + +<p><a name='f_400' id='f_400' href='#fna_400'>[400]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">V</span>, pp. 43, 87, 94.</p> + +<p><a name='f_401' id='f_401' href='#fna_401'>[401]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 114.</p> + +<p><a name='f_402' id='f_402' href='#fna_402'>[402]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">V</span>, p. 206.</p> + +<p><a name='f_403' id='f_403' href='#fna_403'>[403]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 424, <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 339.</p> + +<p><a name='f_404' id='f_404' href='#fna_404'>[404]</a> E.g. in the Sheppey inventory, after “the chamber over the Gate +Howse called the Confessor’s Chamber,” comes “the Chamber next to that,” +“<i>the Steward’s chamber</i>” (well furnished), “the next chamber to the +same,” “the chamber under the same,” and “the Portar’s Lodge,” all +evidently outside the cloister. Walcott, M. E. C. <i>op. cit.</i> p. 31.</p> + +<p><a name='f_405' id='f_405' href='#fna_405'>[405]</a> Gray, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 163, 167, 173. Cf. pp. 156, 157, 158.</p> + +<p><a name='f_406' id='f_406' href='#fna_406'>[406]</a> Walcott, M. E. C. <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 30, 33.</p> + +<p><a name='f_407' id='f_407' href='#fna_407'>[407]</a> E.g. Brewood (Black Ladies). See Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 500.</p> + +<p><a name='f_408' id='f_408' href='#fna_408'>[408]</a> A Joan Key or Kay votes at the election of Joan Lancaster as +prioress of St Radegund’s in 1457 and is receiver-general, keeping the +account in 1481-2. Gray, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 38, 176.</p> + +<p><a name='f_409' id='f_409' href='#fna_409'>[409]</a> See, for instance, an item in the accounts of St Radegund’s +Cambridge: “Paid in a pittance for the convent ... at the month’s mind of +John Brown, lately bailiff there ... in accordance with his last will.” +Gray, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 151.</p> + +<p><a name='f_410' id='f_410' href='#fna_410'>[410]</a> <i>The Ministry of Women</i>, <i>loc. cit.</i> pp. 162-3. So in 1492 it is +complained at Carrow “quod mali servientes Priorissae fecerunt magnum +dampnum in bonis prioratus.” Jessopp, <i>Visit. of Dioc. of Norwich</i>, p. 16.</p> + +<p><a name='f_411' id='f_411' href='#fna_411'>[411]</a> Chaucer, <i>Cant. Tales</i>, Prologue, ll. 597 ff.</p> + +<p><a name='f_412' id='f_412' href='#fna_412'>[412]</a> See, for instance, the Prioress of Marrick <i>v.</i> Simon Wayt, to give +an account for the time when he was her bailiff in Fletham (1332); the +Prioress of Molseby (Moxby) <i>v.</i> Lawrence de Dysceford, chaplain, to give +an account of the time when he was bailiff of Joan de Barton, late +Prioress of Molseby at Molseby (1330)—an interesting case of a chaplain +acting as bailiff for a small and poor house; Idonia, Prioress of Appleton +<i>v.</i> John Boston of Leven for an account as bailiff and receiver in Holme +(1413). <i>Notes on Relig. and Secular Houses of York</i>, ed. W. P. Baildon +(Yorks. Arch. Soc. 1895), <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 127, 139, 161. Visitation injunctions +sometimes regulate the presentation of accounts by bailiffs and receivers, +e.g. <i>Exeter Reg. Stapeldon</i>, p. 318, <i>V.C.H. Beds.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 356.</p> + +<p><a name='f_413' id='f_413' href='#fna_413'>[413]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 67.</p> + +<p><a name='f_414' id='f_414' href='#fna_414'>[414]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 185. An illustration may be found in the +Gracedieu rolls where on one occasion the nuns paid wages to the bailiff +John de Northton, to his wife Joan, to his daughter Joan, to Philip de +Northton (doubtless his son) and to Philip’s wife Constance. <i>P.R.O. Mins. +Accts.</i> 1257/10, ff. 203-5.</p> + +<p><a name='f_415' id='f_415' href='#fna_415'>[415]</a> <i>V.C.H. Suffolk</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 84.</p> + +<p><a name='f_416' id='f_416' href='#fna_416'>[416]</a> <i>Reg. Epis. J. Peckham</i> (Rolls Ser.), <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 658-9. Compare p. 662. +The injunction that the head of the house should not appoint stewards, +bailiffs or receivers without the consent of the major part of the convent +was a common one; cf. <i>ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 652; Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 619.</p> + +<p><a name='f_417' id='f_417' href='#fna_417'>[417]</a> Liveing, <i>Records of Romsey Abbey</i>, pp. 218-22 <i>passim</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_418' id='f_418' href='#fna_418'>[418]</a> Liveing, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 229-30, 232.</p> + +<p><a name='f_419' id='f_419' href='#fna_419'>[419]</a> <i>Essays on Chaucer</i>, 2nd Series, <span class="smcaplc">VII</span> (Chaucer Soc.), pp. 191-4; also +in Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, 456-7.</p> + +<p><a name='f_420' id='f_420' href='#fna_420'>[420]</a> Gray, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 158; cf. p. 174.</p> + +<p><a name='f_421' id='f_421' href='#fna_421'>[421]</a> <i>V.C.H. Hants.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, 151.</p> + +<p><a name='f_422' id='f_422' href='#fna_422'>[422]</a> <i>Alnwick’s Visit.</i> MS. f. 71<i>d.</i> The Bishop forbade them to keep +more than the necessary servants and made the same injunction at +Legbourne. <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 187.</p> + +<p><a name='f_423' id='f_423' href='#fna_423'>[423]</a> <i>Archaeologia</i>, <span class="smcaplc">XLVII</span>, pp. 57-8. Compare his injunction to Studley, +<i>ib.</i> pp. 54-5. In 1306 every useless servant who was a burden to the +impoverished house of Arden was to be removed within a week. <i>V.C.H. +Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 113. In 1326 the <i>custos</i> of Minchin Barrow was told to +remove the <i>onerosa familia</i>. <i>Reg. John of Drokensford</i> (Somerset Rec. +Soc.), p. 242.</p> + +<p><a name='f_424' id='f_424' href='#fna_424'>[424]</a> <i>P.R.O. Suppression Papers</i>, 833/39.</p> + +<p><a name='f_425' id='f_425' href='#fna_425'>[425]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 4, 121, 131; <i>Alnwick’s Visit.</i> MS. f. 6. At +Ankerwyke Alnwick enjoined “that ye hafe an honeste woman seruaund in your +kychyne, brewhowse and bakehowse, deyhowse and selere wythe an honeste +damyselle wythe hire to saruf yowe and your sustres in thise saide +offices, so that your saide sustres for occupacyone in any of the saide +offices be ne letted fro diuine seruice.” Compare the complaint of the +nuns of Sheppey that they had no “covent servante” to wash their clothes +and tend them when they were ill, unless they hired a woman from the +village out of their own pockets. <i>E.H.R.</i> <span class="smcaplc">VI</span>, pp. 33-4. The provision of +a laundress was ordered at Nunappleton in 1534. <i>Yorks. Arch. Journ.</i> <span class="smcaplc">XVI</span>, +p. 444.</p> + +<p><a name='f_426' id='f_426' href='#fna_426'>[426]</a> <i>Yorks. Arch. Journ.</i> <span class="smcaplc">XVI</span>, p. 443.</p> + +<p><a name='f_427' id='f_427' href='#fna_427'>[427]</a> “Also she says that secular servingwomen do lie among the sisters in +the dorter, and especially one who did buy a corrody there” (Heynings, +1440). <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 133. The Abbess of Malling in 1324 was +forbidden to give a corrody to her maid. Wharton, <i>Anglia Sacra</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. +364.</p> + +<p><a name='f_428' id='f_428' href='#fna_428'>[428]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 133.</p> + +<p><a name='f_429' id='f_429' href='#fna_429'>[429]</a> See below, pp. <a href="#Page_395">395</a>, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_430' id='f_430' href='#fna_430'>[430]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 121. Alnwick notes “Amoueatur quedam +francigena manens in prioratu propter vite inhonestatem, nam omnes +admittit vniformiter ad concubitus suos”; and see his general injunction, +<i>ib.</i> pp. 122, 125.</p> + +<p><a name='f_431' id='f_431' href='#fna_431'>[431]</a> <i>Ancren Riwle</i>, introd. Gasquet (King’s Classics), p 287.</p> + +<p><a name='f_432' id='f_432' href='#fna_432'>[432]</a> <i>Alnwick’s Visit.</i> MS. f. 7.</p> + +<p><a name='f_433' id='f_433' href='#fna_433'>[433]</a> <i>Ib.</i> f. 26<i>d</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_434' id='f_434' href='#fna_434'>[434]</a> <i>E.H.R.</i> <span class="smcaplc">VI</span>, p. 33.</p> + +<p><a name='f_435' id='f_435' href='#fna_435'>[435]</a> Liveing, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 101.</p> + +<p><a name='f_436' id='f_436' href='#fna_436'>[436]</a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 104. Compare Peckham’s injunctions to Wherwell in 1284 “Et +si quis inveniatur, serviens masculus aut femina, qui amaris +responsionibus consueverit monialem aliquam vel aliquas molestare, nisi se +monitione praemissa sufficienter corrigat in futurum, illico expellatur.” +<i>Reg. Epist. J. Peckham</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 654; also his injunctions to Barking and +Holy Sepulchre, Canterbury, <i>ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 85; <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 707. Also Thomas of +Cantilupe’s injunctions to Lingbrook, c. 1277. <i>Reg. Thome de Cantilupo</i>, p. 202.</p> + +<p><a name='f_437' id='f_437' href='#fna_437'>[437]</a> <i>New Coll.</i> MS. f. 87<i>d</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_438' id='f_438' href='#fna_438'>[438]</a> Gray, <i>op. cit.</i> <i>passim</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_439' id='f_439' href='#fna_439'>[439]</a> “<i>Names of the Servants now in Wages by the yere.</i> Mr Oglestone, +taking wages by the yere. Mr White, taking 26 s 8 d by the yere and +lyvere. John Coks, butler, lyvere, xxvi s viij d, whereof to pay 1 quarter +and lyvere. Alyn Sowthe bayly, taking by yere for closure and hys servant +6 l 13 s 4 d and two lyveryes. Jhon Mustarde 20 s a kowes pasture and a +lyvere. William Rowet, carpentar, 40 s and lyvere. Richard Gyllys 26 s 8 d +and lyvere. The carter 33 s 4 d and no lyvere. Thomas Thressher by yere 33 +s 4 d and no lyvere. Robert Dawton by yere 33 s 4 d and no lyvere. The +kowherd for kepyng of the kene and hoggys by yere 30 s and no lyvere. Jhon +Hartnar by yere 28 s and no lyvere. Robard Welshe, brewer, by yere 20 s +and no lyvere. A thatcher 33 s 4 d, a hose cloth and no lyvere. William +Nycolls 20 s and no lyvere. Jhon Andrew 22 s 4 d and no lyverye. Jhon +Putsawe 13 s 4 d and a shyrt redy made. George Myllar 21 s 8 d and no +lyverye. Robert Rychard, horse keper, 20 s and no liverye. Jhon Harryes, +Frencheman, 13 s 4 d, a shyrt and no lyverye. Jhon Gyles the shepherd, 14 +s, a payre of hoses, a payre of shoys and no lyverye. Richard Gladwyn for +to make malte, 26 s 8 d by yere, he hath ben here 8 wekes, and no lyverye. +Dorothe Sowthe, the baylyffe wyfe, owing for a yere’s wages at 40 s by +yere and no liverye. Ales Barkar 13 s 4 d and lyvere. Also Sykkers 13 s 4 +d and lyverye. Gladwyn’s wyfe 13 s 4 d and lyverye. Ellyn at my ladyes +lyndyng. Emme Cawket 12 s and lyvere. Rose Salmon 12 s, she hath been here +a month. Marget Lambard 13 s 4 d and lyvere. Sir Jhon Lorymer, curat of +the Parysche churche, 3 l 16 s 8 d and no lyvere. Sir Jhon Ingram, +chaplen, 3 l 3 s 3 d and no lyvere. Jhon Gayton shepard 53 s 4 d and no +lyvere. Jhon Pelland 20 s and no lyverye. Jhon Marchant 13 s 4 d and +pasture for 40 shepe and no lyverye. Jhon Helman 16 s and 10 shepes +pasture and no lyverye. Jhon Cannyng shepard by yere 20 s and no lyverye.” +Walcott, E. C. M. <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 33-4.</p> + +<p><a name='f_440' id='f_440' href='#fna_440'>[440]</a> <i>Letters relating to the Suppression of the Monasteries</i>, ed. Thomas +Wright (Camden Soc. 1843), p. 140.</p> + +<p><a name='f_441' id='f_441' href='#fna_441'>[441]</a> <i>Essays on Chaucer</i>, 2nd Series (Chaucer Soc.), p. 189.</p> + +<p><a name='f_442' id='f_442' href='#fna_442'>[442]</a> Savine, <i>English Monasteries on the Eve of the Dissolution</i> (Oxford +Hist. Studies, ed. Vinogradoff, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 221-2). See also above, <a href="#CHAPTER_I">Ch. <span class="smcaplc">I</span></a>, pp. +<a href="#Page_2">2-3</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_443' id='f_443' href='#fna_443'>[443]</a> <i>Cal. of Papal Letters</i>, <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 436. In 1442 its numbers (which +should have been fourteen) had sunk to seven and it was six marks in debt +(<i>Alnwick’s Visit.</i> MS. f. 38). The clear annual value of the house in the +<i>Valor Ecclesiasticus</i> was only £5. 19<i>s.</i> 8½<i>d.</i> Compare the case of +Heynings, whose founder, Sir John Darcy, had also died without completing +its endowment. <i>Cal. of Papal Letters</i>, <span class="smcaplc">V</span>, p. 347.</p> + +<p><a name='f_444' id='f_444' href='#fna_444'>[444]</a> Fuller, <i>Church History</i>, <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 332. Its net income at the +Dissolution was £1329. 1<i>s.</i> 3<i>d.</i> Compare <i>The Italian Relation of +England</i> (Camden Soc.), pp. 40-1.</p> + +<p><a name='f_445' id='f_445' href='#fna_445'>[445]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 1, 49, 117, 119, 130, 133, 175, 184; +<i>Alnwick’s Visit.</i> MS. ff. 6<i>d</i>, 38, 83.</p> + +<p><a name='f_446' id='f_446' href='#fna_446'>[446]</a> <i>Cal. of Papal Letters</i>, <span class="smcaplc">V</span>, p. 347.</p> + +<p><a name='f_447' id='f_447' href='#fna_447'>[447]</a> The Prioress of Ankerwyke also claimed to have reduced the debt from +300 marks to £40, but one of the nuns said that it had been only £30 on +her installation and that it had not been paid by the Prioress but from +other sources. <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 1, 3.</p> + +<p><a name='f_448' id='f_448' href='#fna_448'>[448]</a> <i>P.R.O. Mins. Accts.</i> 1260 <i>passim</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_449' id='f_449' href='#fna_449'>[449]</a> <i>P.R.O. Mins. Accts.</i> 1260/1. It should, however, be noted that some +of the items which go to make up the total of the debts are sums of money +owing to members of the convent (e.g. the Prioress and Subprioress) by the +treasuresses, though the sums owing to outsiders are larger.</p> + +<p><a name='f_450' id='f_450' href='#fna_450'>[450]</a> <i>P.R.O. Mins. Accts.</i> 1257/10 ff. 34 and 34<i>d</i>, 39<i>d</i>. Similarly the +Prioress’s account of Delapré for 4 Henry VIII contains a long list of +debts. <i>St Paul’s Ecclesiological Soc.</i> <span class="smcaplc">VII</span> (1912), p. 52. An analysis of +Archbishop Eudes Rigaud’s visitations of nunneries in the Diocese of Rouen +gives even more startling information on this point; all but four of the +fourteen houses show a list of debts growing heavier year by year and this +was in the thirteenth century (1249-69). See <i>Reg. Visit. Archiep. +Rothomag.</i> ed. Bonnin <i>passim</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_451' id='f_451' href='#fna_451'>[451]</a> <i>V.C.H. Dorset</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 88.</p> + +<p><a name='f_452' id='f_452' href='#fna_452'>[452]</a> <i>V.C.H. Oxon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 73.</p> + +<p><a name='f_453' id='f_453' href='#fna_453'>[453]</a> <i>Cal. of Papal Petit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 56, 122, 230.</p> + +<p><a name='f_454' id='f_454' href='#fna_454'>[454]</a> For other cases of debt, in different centuries, see <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> +<span class="smcaplc">III</span>, pp. 124, 161, 163-4, 188, 239, 240; <i>Reg. Walter Giffard</i> (Surtees +Soc.), p. 148; <i>V.C.H. Oxon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 78, 104; <i>V.C.H. Essex</i>, p. 122; +<i>V.C.H. Derby</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 43; <i>V.C.H. Norfolk</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 351; <i>V.C.H. Hants.</i> +<span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 150; <i>V.C.H. Bucks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 355; <i>Visit. of Diocese of Norwich</i> +(Camden Soc.), pp. 108, 109; <i>Test. Ebor.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 284-5; <i>Cal. of Papal +Letters</i>, <span class="smcaplc">VI</span>, p. 25; <i>Sussex Archaeol. Coll.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IX</span>, p. 7.</p> + +<p><a name='f_455' id='f_455' href='#fna_455'>[455]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 186.</p> + +<p><a name='f_456' id='f_456' href='#fna_456'>[456]</a> <i>V.C.H. Lincs.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 157.</p> + +<p><a name='f_457' id='f_457' href='#fna_457'>[457]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 92.</p> + +<p><a name='f_458' id='f_458' href='#fna_458'>[458]</a> <i>The Knights Hospitallers in England</i> (Camden Soc.), p. 20.</p> + +<p><a name='f_459' id='f_459' href='#fna_459'>[459]</a> <i>V.C.H. Worcs.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 157-8.</p> + +<p><a name='f_460' id='f_460' href='#fna_460'>[460]</a> Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 285.</p> + +<p><a name='f_461' id='f_461' href='#fna_461'>[461]</a> See below, p. <a href="#Page_340">340</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_462' id='f_462' href='#fna_462'>[462]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 177.</p> + +<p><a name='f_463' id='f_463' href='#fna_463'>[463]</a> <i>Test. Ebor.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 133. The account book of Gracedieu (1414-8) +contains entries of money paid by William Roby “for the clothes of his +relation Dame Agnes Roby” and at another time by Margaret Roby for the +same purpose (6<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i>). Gasquet, <i>English Monastic Life</i>, p. 170.</p> + +<p><a name='f_464' id='f_464' href='#fna_464'>[464]</a> <i>Lincoln Diocese Documents</i> (E.E.T.S.), p. 57.</p> + +<p><a name='f_465' id='f_465' href='#fna_465'>[465]</a> It is amusing to notice the indignation of the nuns when their beer +was not strong enough. See e.g. <i>Alnwick’s Visit.</i> MS. ff. 71<i>d</i>, 72; +<i>Visit. of Dioc. of Norwich</i> (Camden Soc.), p. 209; <i>Yorks. Archaeol. +Journal</i>, <span class="smcaplc">XVI</span>, p. 443.</p> + +<p><a name='f_466' id='f_466' href='#fna_466'>[466]</a> Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">V</span>, pp. 493-4.</p> + +<p><a name='f_467' id='f_467' href='#fna_467'>[467]</a> When little Elizabeth Sewardby was boarding in Nunmonkton she had +ten pairs in eighteen months! <i>Test. Ebor.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 168.</p> + +<p><a name='f_468' id='f_468' href='#fna_468'>[468]</a> <i>Reg. of Walter Giffard</i> (Surtees Soc.), pp. 147-8.</p> + +<p><a name='f_469' id='f_469' href='#fna_469'>[469]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 181.</p> + +<p><a name='f_470' id='f_470' href='#fna_470'>[470]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 4, 5. This lack of bedclothes for the younger +nuns was partly due to the fact that the Prioress did not want them to +sleep in the dorter, for Thomasine adds “and when my lord had commanded +this deponent to lie in the dorter and this deponent asked bedclothes of +the Prioress, she said chidingly to her ‘Let him who gave you leave to lie +in the dorter supply you with raiment.’” Mr Hamilton Thompson thinks that +“probably sister Thomasine had previously been lodged separately with the +other younger nuns and the Prioress and elders objected to the crowding of +the dorter.” But poverty was the main cause, for at a later visitation the +Prioress stated that she was unable to supply the sisters with sufficient +raiment for their habits “because of the poverty and insufficiency of the +resources of the house.” <i>Ib.</i> p. 7.</p> + +<p><a name='f_471' id='f_471' href='#fna_471'>[471]</a> The same injunction was sent to Wherwell. <i>Reg. Epist. Johannis +Peckham</i> (Rolls Ser.), <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 651, 659-60.</p> + +<p><a name='f_472' id='f_472' href='#fna_472'>[472]</a> Liveing, <i>Records of Romsey Abbey</i>, p. 103.</p> + +<p><a name='f_473' id='f_473' href='#fna_473'>[473]</a> <i>New Coll.</i> MS. f. 86<i>d</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_474' id='f_474' href='#fna_474'>[474]</a> <i>Visit. of the Diocese of Norwich</i> (Camden Soc.), pp. 290-2. Cf. the +complaint of the nuns of Studley in 1530: “They be oftentymes served with +beffe and no moton upon Thursday at nyght and Sondays at nyght and be +served oftentymes with new ale and not hulsome.” <i>V.C.H. Oxon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 78.</p> + +<p><a name='f_475' id='f_475' href='#fna_475'>[475]</a> Other houses in the diocese of Norwich which complained of bad food +were Flixton (1520) and Carrow (1492, 1514, 1526). Carrow was one of the +most famous nunneries in England, but in 1492 one of the Bishop’s +<i>comperta</i> ran: “That the present sisters are restricted to eight loaves, +and this is very little for ten sisters, for the whole day. Item there is +often a lack of bread in the house, contrary to the good repute of the +place.” See <i>Visit. of the Diocese of Norwich</i>, pp. 16-17, 145, 185-6, +209.</p> + +<p><a name='f_476' id='f_476' href='#fna_476'>[476]</a> <i>Reliquiae Antiquae</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 291. Translated in Coulton, <i>A Medieval +Garner</i>, p. 597.</p> + +<p><a name='f_477' id='f_477' href='#fna_477'>[477]</a> <i>V.C.H. Hants.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 135. The belfry of St Radegund’s, Cambridge, +fell down and injured the church in 1277. Gray, <i>Hist. of the Priory of St +Radegund, Cambridge</i>, pp. 37-8; cf. p. 79. That of Esholt fell in 1445. +<i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 161.</p> + +<p><a name='f_478' id='f_478' href='#fna_478'>[478]</a> <i>Reg. of Crabhouse Nunnery</i> (<i>Norfolk Archaeology</i>, <span class="smcaplc">XI</span>, 1892), pp. +61, 62.</p> + +<p><a name='f_479' id='f_479' href='#fna_479'>[479]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 181.</p> + +<p><a name='f_480' id='f_480' href='#fna_480'>[480]</a> Gray, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 32.</p> + +<p><a name='f_481' id='f_481' href='#fna_481'>[481]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 217.</p> + +<p><a name='f_482' id='f_482' href='#fna_482'>[482]</a> <i>V.C.H. Hants.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 129-31 <i>passim</i>. For another complaint that +tenements and leasehold houses belonging to a priory were ruinous and like +to fall down, through the negligence of the prioress and bailiff, see the +case of Legbourne in 1440. <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 185.</p> + +<p><a name='f_483' id='f_483' href='#fna_483'>[483]</a> <i>New Coll.</i> MS. ff. 87<i>d</i>-88. He ordered the Abbess to repair +defects at once out of the common goods of the house. Better still, he +would seem to have assisted them from his own pocket to carry out the +injunction, for by his will (1402) he remitted to them a debt of £40, for +the repair of their church and cloister. Nicolas, <i>Testamenta Vetusta</i>, +<span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 708.</p> + +<p><a name='f_484' id='f_484' href='#fna_484'>[484]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, pp. 113, 124, 168, 174, 181, 183, 188, 240; +Yedingham and Esholt (<i>ib.</i> pp. 128, 161) and St Mary, Neasham (<i>V.C.H. +Durham</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 107) needed repair in the middle of the fifteenth century.</p> + +<p><a name='f_485' id='f_485' href='#fna_485'>[485]</a> <i>Sussex Arch. Coll.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IX</span>, p. 23; <span class="smcaplc">V</span>, pp. 256, 258.</p> + +<p><a name='f_486' id='f_486' href='#fna_486'>[486]</a> <i>Visitations of the Diocese of Norwich</i> (Camden Soc.), pp. 107-8, +109, 261, 311.</p> + +<p><a name='f_487' id='f_487' href='#fna_487'>[487]</a> <i>Archaeologia</i>, <span class="smcaplc">XLVII</span>, pp. 52, 54, 59.</p> + +<p><a name='f_488' id='f_488' href='#fna_488'>[488]</a> <i>V.C.H. Lincs.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 104. A few out of many other references to +ruinous buildings may be given here. Easebourne (1411). <i>Bishop Rede’s +Reg.</i> p. 137. Polsloe (1319). <i>Reg. of Bishop Stapeldon of Exeter</i>, p. +318. Delapré (Northampton) (1303), Wothorpe (1292), Rothwell (fourteenth +century), Catesby (1301, 1312). <i>V.C.H. Northants.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 101, 114, 138, +123. Rowney (1431). <i>V.C.H. Herts.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, pp. 435-6. St Radegund’s +Cambridge. Gray, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 36-8, 79. St Clare without Aldgate (1290). +<i>Ely Epis. Records</i>, ed. Gibbons, p. 415. St Mary’s Winchester (1343-52). +<i>Cal. of Pap. Pet.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 56, 122, 230.</p> + +<p><a name='f_489' id='f_489' href='#fna_489'>[489]</a> Perhaps in the same way that a fire broke out at Sempringham in the +lifetime of St Gilbert. “A nun, bearing a light through the kitchen by +night, fixed a part of a burnt candle to another she was going to burn, so +that both were alight at once. But when the part fixed on to the other was +almost consumed, it fell on the floor, on which much straw was collected, +ready for a fire. The nun did not heed it, and believing that the fire +would go out by itself, she went away and shut the door. But the flame, +finding food, first devoured the straw lying close by, then the whole +house with the adjacent offices and their contents, whence a great loss +happened to the church.” Quoted from MS. Cott. <i>Cleop. B.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, f. 77 by R. +Graham, <i>St Gilbert of Sempringham and the Gilbertines</i>, p. 135. It will +be remembered that the author of the thirteenth century treatise, called +“Seneschaucie,” is most careful to declare that ploughmen, waggoners and +cowherds must not carry fire into the byres, stables and cowhouse, either +for light or to warm themselves, “unless the candle be in a lantern and +this for great need and then it must be carried and watched by another +than himself.” <i>Walter of Henley’s Husbandry</i>, ed. E. Lamond (1890), p. +113.</p> + +<p><a name='f_490' id='f_490' href='#fna_490'>[490]</a> <i>Reg. of Crabhouse Nunnery u.s.</i> p. 61.</p> + +<p><a name='f_491' id='f_491' href='#fna_491'>[491]</a> Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 328. +See also <i>V.C.H. Herts.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 426.</p> + +<p><a name='f_492' id='f_492' href='#fna_492'>[492]</a> <i>V.C.H. Herts.</i> <i>loc. cit.</i></p> + +<p><a name='f_493' id='f_493' href='#fna_493'>[493]</a> <i>Cal. of Close Rolls</i>, 1296-1302, p. 238.</p> + +<p><a name='f_494' id='f_494' href='#fna_494'>[494]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 183.</p> + +<p><a name='f_495' id='f_495' href='#fna_495'>[495]</a> Gray, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 79.</p> + +<p><a name='f_496' id='f_496' href='#fna_496'>[496]</a> <i>V.C.H. Lincs.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 179.</p> + +<p><a name='f_497' id='f_497' href='#fna_497'>[497]</a> Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 485.</p> + +<p><a name='f_498' id='f_498' href='#fna_498'>[498]</a> Wood, <i>Letters of Royal and Illustrious Ladies</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 35.</p> + +<p><a name='f_499' id='f_499' href='#fna_499'>[499]</a> <i>Reg. of John of Drokensford</i> (Somerset Rec. Soc.), p. 227. Text in +Hugo, <i>Medieval Nunneries of Somerset: Whitehall in Ilchester</i>, p. 78. But +seven years before they had been begging, according to the Bishop, by the +compulsion of this expelled prioress, whose case was <i>sub judice</i>. <i>Reg.</i> p. +115 and Hugo, <i>loc. cit.</i></p> + +<p><a name='f_500' id='f_500' href='#fna_500'>[500]</a> <i>Reg. Sede Vacante</i> (Worc. Rec. Soc.), pp. 112-3.</p> + +<p><a name='f_501' id='f_501' href='#fna_501'>[501]</a> Liveing, <i>Records of Romsey Abbey</i>, p. 145.</p> + +<p><a name='f_502' id='f_502' href='#fna_502'>[502]</a> <i>V.C.H. Herts.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 427.</p> + +<p><a name='f_503' id='f_503' href='#fna_503'>[503]</a> <i>V.C.H. Northants.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 137.</p> + +<p><a name='f_504' id='f_504' href='#fna_504'>[504]</a> <i>V.C.H. Herts.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, pp. 434-5. The text of their petition is as +follows: “A tres reverend pier en dieu, mon treshonure seigneur le +chaunceller dengleterre, suppliant voz pouers oratrices la prioresse et +les noneyns de Rowney en le countee de ... qe come lour esglise et autres +mesons sont en poynt de cheyer a terre pur defaute de reparacion et ils +nount dont lez reparailler, si noun dalmoigne de bones gens, qe plese a +vostre treshonure seignurie de vostre grace eux granter vn patent pur vn +lour procuratour, de aler en la paiis a coiller almoigns de bones gentz +pur la sustenance et releuacioun du dit pouere mesoun et en noun de +charite.” <i>P.R.O. Ancient Petitions</i>, 302/15063.</p> + +<p><a name='f_505' id='f_505' href='#fna_505'>[505]</a> <i>V.C.H. Bucks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 358.</p> + +<p><a name='f_506' id='f_506' href='#fna_506'>[506]</a> <i>V.C.H. Lincs.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 179. Another licence in 1459.</p> + +<p><a name='f_507' id='f_507' href='#fna_507'>[507]</a> <i>V.C.H. Northants.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 137.</p> + +<p><a name='f_508' id='f_508' href='#fna_508'>[508]</a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 100, 126.</p> + +<p><a name='f_509' id='f_509' href='#fna_509'>[509]</a> <i>Linc. Epis. Reg. Memo. Dalderby</i>, f. 374. (<i>Pro monialibus de +Rowell.</i>) It is surprising, however, that Peckham, in his constitution +forbidding nuns to be absent from their convents for longer than three, or +at the most six, days, adds: “We do not extend this ordinance to those +nuns who are forced to beg their necessities outside, while they are +begging.” Wilkins, <i>Concilia</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 59. It is certain that the nuns did +beg in their own persons. When Archbishop Eudes Rigaud visited St-Aubin in +1261 he ordered that the younger nuns should not be sent out to beg (<i>pro +questu</i>); and in 1263 two of them were absent in France, seeking alms. +<i>Reg. Visit. Archiepiscopi Rothomagensis</i>, ed. Bonnin, pp. 412, 471.</p> + +<p><a name='f_510' id='f_510' href='#fna_510'>[510]</a> On this subject see an interesting article by C. Wordsworth, “On +some Pardons or Indulgences preserved in Yorkshire 1412-1527” (<i>Yorks. +Arch. Journ.</i> <span class="smcaplc">XVI</span>, pp. 369 ff.).</p> + +<p><a name='f_511' id='f_511' href='#fna_511'>[511]</a> <i>V.C.H. Herts.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, pp. 426, 432.</p> + +<p><a name='f_512' id='f_512' href='#fna_512'>[512]</a> <i>V.C.H. Northants.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 114, 123, 116.</p> + +<p><a name='f_513' id='f_513' href='#fna_513'>[513]</a> <i>V.C.H. Bucks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 353.</p> + +<p><a name='f_514' id='f_514' href='#fna_514'>[514]</a> <i>V.C.H. Lincs.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 157.</p> + +<p><a name='f_515' id='f_515' href='#fna_515'>[515]</a> <i>Linc. Epis. Reg. Memo. Dalderby</i>, ff. 96<i>d</i>, 244<i>d</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_516' id='f_516' href='#fna_516'>[516]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, pp. 115, 128, 161.</p> + +<p><a name='f_517' id='f_517' href='#fna_517'>[517]</a> <i>Cal. of Papal Letters</i>, <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 393; <span class="smcaplc">V</span>, p. 373.</p> + +<p><a name='f_518' id='f_518' href='#fna_518'>[518]</a> Except where otherwise stated the following references all occur in +Gray, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 79 and are printed in full in R. Willis, +<i>Architectural Hist. of the Univ. of Cambridge</i>, ed. J. Willis Clark +(1886), <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 183-6.</p> + +<p><a name='f_519' id='f_519' href='#fna_519'>[519]</a> <i>Linc. Epis. Reg. Memo. Dalderby</i>, f. 96<i>d</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_520' id='f_520' href='#fna_520'>[520]</a> Gray, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 36.</p> + +<p><a name='f_521' id='f_521' href='#fna_521'>[521]</a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 37-8.</p> + +<p><a name='f_522' id='f_522' href='#fna_522'>[522]</a> A few other references may be given: Bishop Fordham of Ely for +Rowney (1408) and Bishop Alcock of Ely for the Minories (1490). Gibbons, +<i>Ely Epis. Records</i>, pp. 406, 414. Bishop Sutton of Lincoln to Wothorpe +(1292). <i>V.C.H. Northants.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 114.</p> + +<p><a name='f_523' id='f_523' href='#fna_523'>[523]</a> <i>V.C.H. Wilts.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 77.</p> + +<p><a name='f_524' id='f_524' href='#fna_524'>[524]</a> <i>V.C.H. Essex</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 119. References to this occur in 1380, 1382, +1384, 1392, 1402 and 1409.</p> + +<p><a name='f_525' id='f_525' href='#fna_525'>[525]</a> Gibbons, <i>Ely Epis. Records</i>, p. 399.</p> + +<p><a name='f_526' id='f_526' href='#fna_526'>[526]</a> <i>V.C.H. Lincs.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, +p. 179. Cf. Thetford. <i>V.C.H. Norfolk</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 355.</p> + +<p><a name='f_527' id='f_527' href='#fna_527'>[527]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 161.</p> + +<p><a name='f_528' id='f_528' href='#fna_528'>[528]</a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 124.</p> + +<p><a name='f_529' id='f_529' href='#fna_529'>[529]</a> <i>V.C.H. Wilts.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 77. The reference is perhaps to the famous +storm of St Maur’s Day, 1362, which, together with the Black Death, is +commemorated in a <i>graffito</i> in the church of Ashwell (Herts.) and in a +distich quoted by Adam Murimuth</p> + +<p class="poem">C ter erant mille, decies sex unus et ille.<br /> +Luce tua Maure, vehemens fuit impetus aurae.<br /> +Ecce flat hoc anno, Maurus in orbe tonans.</p> + +<p><a name='f_530' id='f_530' href='#fna_530'>[530]</a> Gray, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 79.</p> + +<p><a name='f_531' id='f_531' href='#fna_531'>[531]</a> <i>Bishop Rede’s Reg.</i> (Sussex Rec. Soc.), p. 137.</p> + +<p><a name='f_532' id='f_532' href='#fna_532'>[532]</a> <i>Cal. of Papal Letters</i>, <span class="smcaplc">V</span>, p. 347.</p> + +<p><a name='f_533' id='f_533' href='#fna_533'>[533]</a> Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 301.</p> + +<p><a name='f_534' id='f_534' href='#fna_534'>[534]</a> The following account of medieval plagues and famines is taken +mainly from Creighton, <i>Hist. of Epidemics in Britain</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 202-7, +215-223. See also Denton, <i>England in the Fifteenth Century</i>, pp. 91-105.</p> + +<p><a name='f_535' id='f_535' href='#fna_535'>[535]</a> Creighton, <i>op. cit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 19.</p> + +<p><a name='f_536' id='f_536' href='#fna_536'>[536]</a> Denton, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 93.</p> + +<p><a name='f_537' id='f_537' href='#fna_537'>[537]</a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 93 <i>sqq.</i></p> + +<p><a name='f_538' id='f_538' href='#fna_538'>[538]</a> <i>V.C.H. Hants.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 150. He attributed their condition to +negligence and bad administration.</p> + +<p><a name='f_539' id='f_539' href='#fna_539'>[539]</a> <i>P.R.O. Ancient Correspondence</i>, <span class="smcaplc">XXXVI</span>, no. 201.</p> + +<p><a name='f_540' id='f_540' href='#fna_540'>[540]</a> <i>V.C.H. Derby</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 43. See below, p. <a href="#Page_200">200</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_541' id='f_541' href='#fna_541'>[541]</a> See P. G. Mode, <i>The Influence of the Black Death on the English +Monasteries</i> (Univ. of Chicago, 1916), <i>passim</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_542' id='f_542' href='#fna_542'>[542]</a> Dugdale. <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 268.</p> + +<p><a name='f_543' id='f_543' href='#fna_543'>[543]</a> A. Hamilton Thompson, <i>Registers of John Gynewell, Bishop of Lincoln +for the years 1347-1350</i> (reprinted from <i>Archaeol. Journ.</i> <span class="smcaplc">LXVIII</span>, pp. +301-360, 1912), p. 328.</p> + +<p><a name='f_544' id='f_544' href='#fna_544'>[544]</a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 359-60.</p> + +<p><a name='f_545' id='f_545' href='#fna_545'>[545]</a> A. Hamilton Thompson, <i>The Pestilences of the Fourteenth Century in +the Diocese of York</i> (reprinted from <i>Archaeol. Journ.</i> <span class="smcaplc">LXXI</span>, pp. 97-154, +1914), pp. 121-2.</p> + +<p><a name='f_546' id='f_546' href='#fna_546'>[546]</a> Wharton, <i>Anglia Sacra</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 364, 375.</p> + +<p><a name='f_547' id='f_547' href='#fna_547'>[547]</a> <i>V.C.H. Warwick.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 65.</p> + +<p><a name='f_548' id='f_548' href='#fna_548'>[548]</a> <i>V.C.H. Suffolk</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 116.</p> + +<p><a name='f_549' id='f_549' href='#fna_549'>[549]</a> Liveing, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 146.</p> + +<p><a name='f_550' id='f_550' href='#fna_550'>[550]</a> <i>Cal. of Papal Petitions</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 230.</p> + +<p><a name='f_551' id='f_551' href='#fna_551'>[551]</a> <i>Cal. Pat. Rolls</i>, 1364, pp. 21, 485.</p> + +<p><a name='f_552' id='f_552' href='#fna_552'>[552]</a> Rye, <i>Carrow Abbey</i>, p. 37.</p> + +<p><a name='f_553' id='f_553' href='#fna_553'>[553]</a> <i>V.C.H. Northants.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 126.</p> + +<p><a name='f_554' id='f_554' href='#fna_554'>[554]</a> Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 301. Their petition had been presented in +1380. <i>V.C.H. Herts.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 433.</p> + +<p><a name='f_555' id='f_555' href='#fna_555'>[555]</a> <i>Cal. of Papal Letters</i>, <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 521.</p> + +<p><a name='f_556' id='f_556' href='#fna_556'>[556]</a> <i>Bishop Rede’s Reg.</i> p. 137.</p> + +<p><a name='f_557' id='f_557' href='#fna_557'>[557]</a> <i>V.C.H. Norfolk</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 335.</p> + +<p><a name='f_558' id='f_558' href='#fna_558'>[558]</a> <i>Rot. Parl.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. +129 and Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 485.</p> + +<p><a name='f_559' id='f_559' href='#fna_559'>[559]</a> <i>V.C.H. Dorset</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 77.</p> + +<p><a name='f_560' id='f_560' href='#fna_560'>[560]</a> <i>Visit. of Diocese of Norwich</i> (Camden Soc.), p. 155.</p> + +<p><a name='f_561' id='f_561' href='#fna_561'>[561]</a> <i>V.C.H. Glouc.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 93.</p> + +<p><a name='f_562' id='f_562' href='#fna_562'>[562]</a> On other occasions, however, they were careful to take all their +due. <i>Vide</i> the great Bishop Grandisson’s letter to the abbess and convent +of Canonsleigh, announcing his forthcoming visitation and “mandantes quod +in illum eventum de procuracione ea occasione nobis debita providere +curetis in pecunia numerata.” <i>Reg. of Bishop Grandisson</i>, ed. +Hingeston-Randolph, pt <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 767. At Davington in 1511 the Prioress +deposed that “the house has to pay 20<i>s.</i> to the Archbishop for board at +the time of his visitation.” <i>E.H.R.</i> <span class="smcaplc">VI</span>, p. 28.</p> + +<p><a name='f_563' id='f_563' href='#fna_563'>[563]</a> <i>Reg. Johannis de Pontissara</i> (Cant. and York. Soc.), <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 299.</p> + +<p><a name='f_564' id='f_564' href='#fna_564'>[564]</a> <i>Reg. Rich. de Swinfield</i> (Cantilupe Soc.), p. 366. Other cases of +excommunication are sometimes to be found in Bishops’ Registers, e.g. in +1335 the Prioresses of Cokehill and Brewood were excommunicated for +failure to pay the tenth; one owed 9½<i>d.</i> and the other 1<i>s.</i> +8¼<i>d.</i>—paltry sums for which to damn a poor nun’s soul! <i>Reg. Thomas +de Charlton</i> (Cantilupe Soc.), p. 57.</p> + +<p><a name='f_565' id='f_565' href='#fna_565'>[565]</a> <i>Reg. John le Romeyn</i> (Surtees Soc.), <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 159.</p> + +<p><a name='f_566' id='f_566' href='#fna_566'>[566]</a> <i>Reg. Sede Vacante</i> (Worc. Hist. Soc.), p. 62. Cf. remission of +tithes by Bishop Dalderby to Greenfield, because of its poverty. <i>V.C.H. +Lincs.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 155. Some Cistercian houses held papal bulls exempting them +from the payment of tithes, e.g. Sinningthwaite and Swine. Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> +<span class="smcaplc">V</span>, pp. 463, 494.</p> + +<p><a name='f_567' id='f_567' href='#fna_567'>[567]</a> Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 288.</p> + +<p><a name='f_568' id='f_568' href='#fna_568'>[568]</a> For a few out of many instances of remission of payment on account +of poverty see Ivinghoe, Little Marlow, Burnham (<i>V.C.H. Bucks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. +353, 358, 382); Cheshunt (<i>V.C.H. Herts.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, pp. 426-7); Stixwould, +Heynings, Greenfield, Fosse, St Leonard’s Grimsby (<i>V.C.H. Lincs.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. +122, 147, 149, 155, 157, 179); Catesby (<i>V.C.H. Northants.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 122); +Ickleton, Swaffham, Chatteris, St Radegund’s Cambridge (Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> +<span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 439); Malling (<i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 382); St Mary Magdalen’s Bristol +(<i>V.C.H. Glouc.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 93); Minchin Barrow (Hugo, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 108); +Blackborough (<i>V.C.H. Norfolk</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 351); Arden (<i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, +p. 113); Nunkeeling and Nunappleton (<i>Reg. John le Romeyn</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 140, +234); Wintney (<i>V.C.H. Hants.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 150).</p> + +<p><a name='f_569' id='f_569' href='#fna_569'>[569]</a> <i>Cal. of Papal Letters</i>, <span class="smcaplc">V</span>, p. 347. Compare the case of the hospital +of St James of Canterbury which “grievoussement ad estez chargez pur +diverse contribucions faitz au Roy entre les laiz, ou les biens ... ne +sufficent mye ala sustinaunce de la Priouresse et les seoures.” <i>Hist. +MSS. Comm. Report</i>, <span class="smcaplc">IX</span>, p. 87.</p> + +<p><a name='f_570' id='f_570' href='#fna_570'>[570]</a> <i>Cal. of Pat. Rolls</i>, 1467-77, pp. 138, 587.</p> + +<p><a name='f_571' id='f_571' href='#fna_571'>[571]</a> Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 472. Cf. p. 328.</p> + +<p><a name='f_572' id='f_572' href='#fna_572'>[572]</a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 473. Cf. <i>Parl. Writs</i> (Rec. Comm.), <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, div. 3, 1424.</p> + +<p><a name='f_573' id='f_573' href='#fna_573'>[573]</a> <i>Cal. of Close Rolls</i>, 1339-41, pp. 215, 217.</p> + +<p><a name='f_574' id='f_574' href='#fna_574'>[574]</a> On this subject see Rose Graham, <i>St Gilbert of Sempringham and the +Gilbertines</i>, pp. 90-2.</p> + +<p><a name='f_575' id='f_575' href='#fna_575'>[575]</a> <i>Cal. of Close Rolls</i>, 1307-13, p. 50. Compare the entry in the +treasuresses’ account of St Michael’s, Stamford, for 1392-3. “Item done en +curtasy a le Balyf de Roy quant nostre carre fuist areste al seruice del +roy viijd.” <i>P.R.O. Ministers’ Accounts</i>, 1260/10.</p> + +<p><a name='f_576' id='f_576' href='#fna_576'>[576]</a> <i>Cal. of Close Rolls</i>, 1307-13, pp. 262-6, <i>passim</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_577' id='f_577' href='#fna_577'>[577]</a> For instance in 1275 the King granted the custody of Barking Abbey, +void and in his hands, to his mother, Queen Eleanor. <i>Cal. of Close +Rolls</i>, 1272-9, p. 210.</p> + +<p><a name='f_578' id='f_578' href='#fna_578'>[578]</a> <i>Reg. Sede Vacante</i> (Worc. Rec. Soc.), pp. 112-3. Compare the +petition of St Mary’s Chester to Queen Eleanor, p. <a href="#Page_172">172</a> above.</p> + +<p><a name='f_579' id='f_579' href='#fna_579'>[579]</a> See above, p. <a href="#Page_182">182</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_580' id='f_580' href='#fna_580'>[580]</a> Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 485 +and <i>Rot. Parl.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 129. The +petition was granted, but the nuns seem to have shown themselves unworthy +of the royal clemency, for, after the death of Abbess Joan Furmage in +1394, the King was forced to abrogate the grant, because by fraudulent +means an election had been obtained of an unfit person, who, with the +object of securing confirmation, had repaired with an excessive number of +men to places remote, to the waste and desolation of the convent. <i>Cal. of +Pat. Rolls</i>, 1391-6, p. 511.</p> + +<p><a name='f_581' id='f_581' href='#fna_581'>[581]</a> <i>Cal. of Papal Petitions</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 56-7.</p> + +<p><a name='f_582' id='f_582' href='#fna_582'>[582]</a> <i>Cal. of Close Rolls</i> (1313-8), p. 189 and <i>ib.</i> (1333-7), pp. 70-1; +cf. <i>ib.</i> (1307-13), p. 1 and <i>ib.</i> (1323-7), p. 252 and <i>ib.</i> (1349-54), +p. 29.</p> + +<p><a name='f_583' id='f_583' href='#fna_583'>[583]</a> <i>Cal. of Close Rolls</i> (1339-41), p. 377.</p> + +<p><a name='f_584' id='f_584' href='#fna_584'>[584]</a> <i>Ib.</i> (1343-6), pp. 407-8. Cf. p. 418.</p> + +<p><a name='f_585' id='f_585' href='#fna_585'>[585]</a> <i>Ib.</i> (1343-6), p. 599. The profits during vacancy were similarly +remitted to Godstow in 1385 “because of its poverty and misfortunes” +(<i>V.C.H. Oxon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 73).</p> + +<p><a name='f_586' id='f_586' href='#fna_586'>[586]</a> <i>Reg. Epist. Johannis Peckham</i> (Rolls Ser.), <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 40-1, 56-7, +189-90, 356-7, 366-7, 577.</p> + +<p><a name='f_587' id='f_587' href='#fna_587'>[587]</a> <i>Reg. of ... Rigaud de Asserio</i> (Hants. Rec. Soc.), pp. 387, 388, +394-5. Compare nominations of John de Pontoise. <i>Reg. Johannis de +Pontissara</i> (Cant. and York. Soc.), <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 240, 241, 252 and of William of +Wykeham, <i>Wykeham’s Reg.</i> (Hants. Rec. Soc.), <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 60, 61.</p> + +<p><a name='f_588' id='f_588' href='#fna_588'>[588]</a> <i>Reg. of Ralph of Shrewsbury</i> (Somerset Rec. Soc.), pp. 26, 39, 146.</p> + +<p><a name='f_589' id='f_589' href='#fna_589'>[589]</a> <i>Reg. ... Stephani de Gravesend</i> (Cant. and York. Soc.), p. 200.</p> + +<p><a name='f_590' id='f_590' href='#fna_590'>[590]</a> Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. +473 and <i>V.C.H. Dorset</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 75.</p> + +<p><a name='f_591' id='f_591' href='#fna_591'>[591]</a> Liveing, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 97-8 and <i>Wykeham’s Reg.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 461-2.</p> + +<p><a name='f_592' id='f_592' href='#fna_592'>[592]</a> Liveing, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 98.</p> + +<p><a name='f_593' id='f_593' href='#fna_593'>[593]</a> <i>Cal. of Close Rolls</i> (1307-8), pp. 48, 53, 134.</p> + +<p><a name='f_594' id='f_594' href='#fna_594'>[594]</a> <i>V.C.H. Essex</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 117.</p> + +<p><a name='f_595' id='f_595' href='#fna_595'>[595]</a> <i>V.C.H. Dorset</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 76-7.</p> + +<p><a name='f_596' id='f_596' href='#fna_596'>[596]</a> <i>Cal. of Close Rolls</i> (1318-23), p. 517. She was still unadmitted in +1327, when the order was repeated. <i>Ib.</i> (1327-30), p. 204.</p> + +<p><a name='f_597' id='f_597' href='#fna_597'>[597]</a> <i>Ib.</i> (1333-7), p. 175.</p> + +<p><a name='f_598' id='f_598' href='#fna_598'>[598]</a> <i>Ib.</i> (1343-6), p. 604.</p> + +<p><a name='f_599' id='f_599' href='#fna_599'>[599]</a> Liveing, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 99, and in the Register of Bishop Norbury of +Lichfield there is a certificate (dated 1358) of “having admitted, twenty +years ago, <i>thirty</i> nuns at Nuneaton at the request of the patron, the E. +of Lancaster,” Will Salt Arch. Soc. Coll. <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 286. Perhaps there is a +clerical error.</p> + +<p><a name='f_600' id='f_600' href='#fna_600'>[600]</a> <i>Reg. Epist. Johannis Peckham</i> (Rolls Ser.), <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 189-90.</p> + +<p><a name='f_601' id='f_601' href='#fna_601'>[601]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 356-7. The reference to “distinguished friends and +benefactors” is interesting, because she was the daughter of Robert Bret, +“<i>civis London.</i>”</p> + +<p><a name='f_602' id='f_602' href='#fna_602'>[602]</a> <i>Op. cit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 366-7. The assertion that the convent was required +to receive Isabel “without burden to themselves by the provision of the +parents of the said little maid” is interesting, partly because it +suggests that the royal and episcopal nominees were not always received at +a loss, partly because it looks suspiciously like a condonation of the +dowry system by an otherwise strict disciplinarian.</p> + +<p><a name='f_603' id='f_603' href='#fna_603'>[603]</a> Sharpe, <i>Cal. of Wills</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 111.</p> + +<p><a name='f_604' id='f_604' href='#fna_604'>[604]</a> <i>Op. cit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 56-7.</p> + +<p><a name='f_605' id='f_605' href='#fna_605'>[605]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 704.</p> + +<p><a name='f_606' id='f_606' href='#fna_606'>[606]</a> An Agnes Turberville was sent by the King to Shaftesbury in 1345. +<i>Cal. of Close Rolls</i>, 1343-6, p. 604.</p> + +<p><a name='f_607' id='f_607' href='#fna_607'>[607]</a> <i>Reg. of Bishop Grandisson</i>, ed. Hingeston-Randolph, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 213-4.</p> + +<p><a name='f_608' id='f_608' href='#fna_608'>[608]</a> <i>Op. cit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 222-3. Does the Bishop mean that he will help to +provide a dowry for Johanete out of his private purse, in another +religious house?</p> + +<p><a name='f_609' id='f_609' href='#fna_609'>[609]</a> See below, p. <a href="#Page_452">452</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_610' id='f_610' href='#fna_610'>[610]</a> <i>Cal. of Close Rolls</i> (1313-8), p. 210. A few months later, however, +Richard de Ayreminn was sent on the same pretext (p. 312).</p> + +<p><a name='f_611' id='f_611' href='#fna_611'>[611]</a> <i>Op. cit.</i> (1333-7), p. 175.</p> + +<p><a name='f_612' id='f_612' href='#fna_612'>[612]</a> <i>Op. cit.</i> (1349-54), p. 82.</p> + +<p><a name='f_613' id='f_613' href='#fna_613'>[613]</a> <i>Op. cit.</i> (1339-41), p. 466.</p> + +<p><a name='f_614' id='f_614' href='#fna_614'>[614]</a> <i>Op. cit.</i> (1337-9), p. 286.</p> + +<p><a name='f_615' id='f_615' href='#fna_615'>[615]</a> <i>Op. cit.</i> (1343-6), p. 652.</p> + +<p><a name='f_616' id='f_616' href='#fna_616'>[616]</a> <i>Op. cit.</i> (1318-23), p. 517; (1343-6), p. 475.</p> + +<p><a name='f_617' id='f_617' href='#fna_617'>[617]</a> <i>Op. cit.</i> (1327-30), p. 366.</p> + +<p><a name='f_618' id='f_618' href='#fna_618'>[618]</a> <i>Op. cit.</i> (1313-8), p. 611; (1327-30), p. 564; (1341-3), p. 133.</p> + +<p><a name='f_619' id='f_619' href='#fna_619'>[619]</a> See below. For the prebendal stalls in the churches of five of these +abbeys (Romsey, Wherwell, St Mary’s Winchester, Shaftesbury and Wilton), see above, p. <a href="#Page_144">144</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_620' id='f_620' href='#fna_620'>[620]</a> <i>Reg. Johannis de Pontissara</i> (Cant. and York. Soc.), <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 243-4, +300-1, 315-6.</p> + +<p><a name='f_621' id='f_621' href='#fna_621'>[621]</a> <i>Reg. Simonis de Gandavo</i> (Cant. and York. Soc.), pp. 2-3.</p> + +<p><a name='f_622' id='f_622' href='#fna_622'>[622]</a> <i>Hist. MSS. Comm. Report</i>, <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 329.</p> + +<p><a name='f_623' id='f_623' href='#fna_623'>[623]</a> <i>Rot. Parl.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 381. John de Houton, clerk, had been sent to +Elstow in 1318 (<i>Cal. of Close Rolls</i> (1318-23), p. 119).</p> + +<p><a name='f_624' id='f_624' href='#fna_624'>[624]</a> <i>Cal. of Close Rolls</i> (1313-8), p. 611.</p> + +<p><a name='f_625' id='f_625' href='#fna_625'>[625]</a> <i>Op. cit.</i> (1307-13), pp. 581-2.</p> + +<p><a name='f_626' id='f_626' href='#fna_626'>[626]</a> <i>Cal. of Close Rolls</i> (1313-8), p. 437. The avenere was an officer +of the household who had the charge of supplying provisions for the +horses. See <i>Promptorium Parvulorum</i> (Camden Soc.), <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 19, n. 2.</p> + +<p><a name='f_627' id='f_627' href='#fna_627'>[627]</a> <i>Cal. of Close Rolls</i> (1327-30), p. 393.</p> + +<p><a name='f_628' id='f_628' href='#fna_628'>[628]</a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 523.</p> + +<p><a name='f_629' id='f_629' href='#fna_629'>[629]</a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 396, 534.</p> + +<p><a name='f_630' id='f_630' href='#fna_630'>[630]</a> <i>Rot. Parl.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 381-2. Letters patent were duly sent to Barking +bidding them admit Agnes, on Nov. 6th, 1331. <i>Cal. of Patent Rolls</i> +(1330-3), p. 407.</p> + +<p><a name='f_631' id='f_631' href='#fna_631'>[631]</a> <i>V.C.H. Essex</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 117.</p> + +<p><a name='f_632' id='f_632' href='#fna_632'>[632]</a> <i>Cal. of Close Rolls</i> (1307-13), p. 267.</p> + +<p><a name='f_633' id='f_633' href='#fna_633'>[633]</a> <i>Op. cit.</i> (1318-23), p. 117.</p> + +<p><a name='f_634' id='f_634' href='#fna_634'>[634]</a> <i>Op. cit.</i> (1307-13), p. 328. She was the niece of John de London, +late the King’s escheator south of Trent.</p> + +<p><a name='f_635' id='f_635' href='#fna_635'>[635]</a> <i>Loc. cit.</i></p> + +<p><a name='f_636' id='f_636' href='#fna_636'>[636]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 129.</p> + +<p><a name='f_637' id='f_637' href='#fna_637'>[637]</a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 237.</p> + +<p><a name='f_638' id='f_638' href='#fna_638'>[638]</a> <i>Alnwick’s Visit.</i> MS. f. 83. The Taxation of Pope Nicholas mentions +a pension due to the Abbot of York of £3 for the church of Corby, which +was appropriated to the nuns, and for other tithes elsewhere. The sum of +£3 is occasionally mentioned in the account rolls of St Michael’s, +Stamford, as having been paid to “our Lady of York,” or as being still +due.</p> + +<p><a name='f_639' id='f_639' href='#fna_639'>[639]</a> Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, pp. 256 ff. Payments to the abbot and to other +officiaries of Peterborough also occur very frequently in the conventual +accounts.</p> + +<p><a name='f_640' id='f_640' href='#fna_640'>[640]</a> See above, p. <a href="#Page_180">180</a>. Compare the case of St Mary’s, Winchester, where +the nuns complained in 1468 that they were so burdened, that they could +not fulfil the obligations of their order as to hospitality. <i>V.C.H. +Hants.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 123-4. The difficulty of keeping up the accustomed +hospitality was one of the reasons for annexing Wothorpe to St Michael’s, +Stamford, after the Black Death. Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 268.</p> + +<p><a name='f_641' id='f_641' href='#fna_641'>[641]</a> <i>Cal. of Papal Letters</i>, <span class="smcaplc">V</span>, p. 347. Compare Gynewell’s injunction in +1351: “E vous, Prioresse, chastiez les soers qils ne acuillent mie trop +souent lour amys en la Priorie, a costage e damage de dit mesoun.” <i>Linc. +Epis. Reg. Memo. Gynewell</i>, f. 34<i>d</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_642' id='f_642' href='#fna_642'>[642]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, pp. 117, 171, 172, 239. On the subject of abuse +of monastic hospitality, see Jusserand, <i>English Wayfaring Life</i>, p. 121. +Edward I forbade anyone to eat or lodge in a religious house, unless the +superior had invited him or that he were its founder, and even then his +consumption was to be moderate.</p> + +<p><a name='f_643' id='f_643' href='#fna_643'>[643]</a> Pope Boniface VIII’s edict for the stricter enclosure of nuns +contained a clause warning secular lords against summoning nuns to attend +in person at the law courts; they were to act through their proctors (see +version promulgated by Simon of Ghent, Bishop of Salisbury in 1299. <i>Reg. +Simonis de Gandavo</i> [Cant. and York Soc.], p. 11). The heads of the larger +houses often did act through proctors, but less wealthy convents usually +sent the head or one of the other nuns in person. See Eckenstein, <i>Woman +under Monasticism</i>, pp. 362-3.</p> + +<p><a name='f_644' id='f_644' href='#fna_644'>[644]</a> Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 360.</p> + +<p><a name='f_645' id='f_645' href='#fna_645'>[645]</a> <i>V.C.H. Oxon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 104. Compare a long lawsuit waged by Carrow +Priory. Rye, <i>Carrow Abbey</i>, App. p. xxi.</p> + +<p><a name='f_646' id='f_646' href='#fna_646'>[646]</a> <i>P.R.O. Mins. Accts.</i> 1260/4. Compare the amusing account of how the +Prior of Barnwell secured a favourable judgment from the itinerant +justices. “Ipsis eciam justiciariis dedit herbagium alicui tres acras et +alicui quatuor, et exennia panis, ceruisie et vini frequenter, in tantum +quod in recessu suo omnes tam justiciarii quam clerici, seruientes et +precones, gracias uberes referebant, et ipsi Priori (et) canonicis se et +sua obligabant.” <i>Liber Memorandorum Ecclesie de Bernewelle</i>, ed. J. +Willis Clark (1907), p. 171.</p> + +<p><a name='f_647' id='f_647' href='#fna_647'>[647]</a> <i>V.C.H. Hants.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 150.</p> + +<p><a name='f_648' id='f_648' href='#fna_648'>[648]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 164. The “misrule of past presidents” is +mentioned as a contributory cause of distress at Lilleshall (1351), St +Mary’s Winchester (1364) and Tarrant (1366). <i>Cal. Pat. Rolls</i>, 1351, p. +177; 1364, p. 485; 1366, p. 239.</p> + +<p><a name='f_649' id='f_649' href='#fna_649'>[649]</a> <i>E.H.R.</i> <span class="smcaplc">VI</span>, p. 28.</p> + +<p><a name='f_650' id='f_650' href='#fna_650'>[650]</a> Wharton, <i>Anglia Sacra</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 362.</p> + +<p><a name='f_651' id='f_651' href='#fna_651'>[651]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 364.</p> + +<p><a name='f_652' id='f_652' href='#fna_652'>[652]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 377.</p> + +<p><a name='f_653' id='f_653' href='#fna_653'>[653]</a> Gasquet, however, mistakenly attributes its state entirely to the +plague. <i>The Great Pestilence</i>, p. 106.</p> + +<p><a name='f_654' id='f_654' href='#fna_654'>[654]</a> <i>Alnwick’s Visit.</i> MS. ff. 39<i>d</i>, 83, 96.</p> + +<p><a name='f_655' id='f_655' href='#fna_655'>[655]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 185.</p> + +<p><a name='f_656' id='f_656' href='#fna_656'>[656]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 114.</p> + +<p><a name='f_657' id='f_657' href='#fna_657'>[657]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 133.</p> + +<p><a name='f_658' id='f_658' href='#fna_658'>[658]</a> <i>Alnwick’s Visit.</i> MS. f. 72.</p> + +<p><a name='f_659' id='f_659' href='#fna_659'>[659]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 130, 131.</p> + +<p><a name='f_660' id='f_660' href='#fna_660'>[660]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 175.</p> + +<p><a name='f_661' id='f_661' href='#fna_661'>[661]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 159.</p> + +<p><a name='f_662' id='f_662' href='#fna_662'>[662]</a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 174.</p> + +<p><a name='f_663' id='f_663' href='#fna_663'>[663]</a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 164.</p> + +<p><a name='f_664' id='f_664' href='#fna_664'>[664]</a> <i>Sussex Archaeol. Coll.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IX</span>, p. 7.</p> + +<p><a name='f_665' id='f_665' href='#fna_665'>[665]</a> Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 353.</p> + +<p><a name='f_666' id='f_666' href='#fna_666'>[666]</a> It must be understood that the judicious sale of corrodies was not +necessarily harmful to a house. Sometimes it might lead to the acquisition +of land or rents at comparatively little expense to the convent, as a +glance at some of the charters in the English Register of Godstow Abbey +will show. See <i>Eng. Reg. of Godstow Abbey</i> (E.E.T.S.), pp. xxvii-xxviii. +The convent probably drove a good bargain when in 1230 the harassed +Stephen, son of Waryn the miller of Oxford, conveyed all his Oxford +property to Godstow “and for this graunte, & cetera, the forsaid mynchons +yaf to them to ther grete nede, that is to sey, to aquyte hym of the jewry +and otherwise where he was endited, X markes of siluer in warison. And +furthermore they graunted to hym and to hys wyf molde, with ther seruant +to serve them while they lived, two corrodies of ij mynchons and a +corrodye of one seruant to their systeynynge” (<i>op. cit.</i> p. 392). Nor was +there much harm in grants for a term of years, such as the grant of board +and lodging made by the convent of Nunappleton in 1301 to Richard de +Fauconberg, in return for certain lands bringing in an annual rent of two +marks of silver, both the corrody and the tenure of these lands being for +a term of twelve years. Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">V</span>, p. 653. Sometimes, again, +corrodies were granted in return for specified services; in 1270 Richard +Grene of Cassington surrendered 5½ acres of arable and 2 roods of +meadow land to Godstow in return for “the seruyce under the porter for +ever at the yate of Godestowe and j half mark in the name of his wagis +yerely.” <i>Eng. Reg. of Godstow</i>, p. 305. At Yedingham in 1352 an +interesting grant of a <i>corrodium moniale</i> was made to one Emma Hart, who, +in return for a sum of money, was given the position of deye or dairy +woman; she was to have the same food-allowance as a nun and a share in all +their small pittances, and a building called “le chesehouse” with a solar +and cellar to inhabit and was allowed to keep ten sheep and ten ewes at +the convent’s charge. In return she was to do the dairy-work and when too +old to work any longer the convent engaged to grant her a place in “le +sisterhouse.” <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 128. Sometimes also corrodies were +granted by way of pensioning off old servants, as when, in 1529, the nuns +of Arden granted one to their chaplain “for the gud and diligent seruice +yt oure wellbeloued sir Thomas parkynson, preste, hav done to vs in tyme +paste.” <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 115. To corrodies such as these there was +little objection (though the last might lead to financial loss). The +danger came from life-grants in return for an inadequate sum of ready +money.</p> + +<p><a name='f_667' id='f_667' href='#fna_667'>[667]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 115.</p> + +<p><a name='f_668' id='f_668' href='#fna_668'>[668]</a> She received 68<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i> in part payment for the commutation of the +corrody.</p> + +<p><a name='f_669' id='f_669' href='#fna_669'>[669]</a> Jessopp, <i>Frivola</i>, pp. 55-6.</p> + +<p><a name='f_670' id='f_670' href='#fna_670'>[670]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 175.</p> + +<p><a name='f_671' id='f_671' href='#fna_671'>[671]</a> <i>Alnwick’s Visit.</i> MS. f. 71<i>d</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_672' id='f_672' href='#fna_672'>[672]</a> <i>Visit. of the Diocese of Norwich</i> (Camden Soc.), pp. 243, 303-4. +There is in the Record Office a petition to the Chancellor from Richard +Englyssh and Marjorie his wife, setting out that the Bishop of Rochester +had granted Marjorie for life a corrody in Malling Abbey of seven loaves +and four gallons of convent ale and three pence for cooked food weekly, +which corrody she and her husband had held for some time, but that now the +abbess and convent withheld it. Evidently it was a burden to the house, +but it is not clear whether the bishop had forced a corrodian on the nuns, +or had merely confirmed a grant by them. <i>P.R.O. Early Chanc. Proc.</i> +4/196.</p> + +<p><a name='f_673' id='f_673' href='#fna_673'>[673]</a> <i>Archaeologia</i>, <span class="smcaplc">XLVII</span>, p. 58.</p> + +<p><a name='f_674' id='f_674' href='#fna_674'>[674]</a> Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 554. He had once before ordered the holders +of corrodies there to display their grants, that it might be known whether +they had fulfilled the services due from them. <i>V.C.H. London</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 459.</p> + +<p><a name='f_675' id='f_675' href='#fna_675'>[675]</a> The appropriation was confirmed by the Pope in 1401. <i>Cal. of Papal +Letters</i>, <span class="smcaplc">V</span>, p. 347. In 1440 Bishop Alnwick made an injunction at Heynings +against the granting of corrodies. <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 135.</p> + +<p><a name='f_676' id='f_676' href='#fna_676'>[676]</a> See below, pp. <a href="#Page_225">225-6</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_677' id='f_677' href='#fna_677'>[677]</a> <i>Sussex Archaeol. Coll.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IX</span>, p. 25.</p> + +<p><a name='f_678' id='f_678' href='#fna_678'>[678]</a> Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 516.</p> + +<p><a name='f_679' id='f_679' href='#fna_679'>[679]</a> See below, pp. <a href="#Page_225">225-6</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_680' id='f_680' href='#fna_680'>[680]</a> Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 194.</p> + +<p><a name='f_681' id='f_681' href='#fna_681'>[681]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 175.</p> + +<p><a name='f_682' id='f_682' href='#fna_682'>[682]</a> <i>Alnwick’s Visit.</i> MS. f. 6.</p> + +<p><a name='f_683' id='f_683' href='#fna_683'>[683]</a> Liveing, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 146; <i>Cal. of Papal Petitions</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 122. At +Studley in 1530 it was found that the woods of the priory had been much +diminished by the late prioress and by “Thomas Cardinal of York for the +construction of his college in the university of Oxford.” <i>V.C.H. Oxon.</i> +<span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 78.</p> + +<p><a name='f_684' id='f_684' href='#fna_684'>[684]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 120.</p> + +<p><a name='f_685' id='f_685' href='#fna_685'>[685]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 147.</p> + +<p><a name='f_686' id='f_686' href='#fna_686'>[686]</a> <i>Archaeologia</i>, <span class="smcaplc">XLVII</span>, pp. 58-9.</p> + +<p><a name='f_687' id='f_687' href='#fna_687'>[687]</a> <i>V.C.H. Durham</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 107.</p> + +<p><a name='f_688' id='f_688' href='#fna_688'>[688]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 177.</p> + +<p><a name='f_689' id='f_689' href='#fna_689'>[689]</a> <i>Test. Ebor.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 283-4.</p> + +<p><a name='f_690' id='f_690' href='#fna_690'>[690]</a> Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 506, note <i>b</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_691' id='f_691' href='#fna_691'>[691]</a> <i>Sussex Arch. Coll.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IX</span>, p. 19.</p> + +<p><a name='f_692' id='f_692' href='#fna_692'>[692]</a> <i>V.C.H. Oxon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 76.</p> + +<p><a name='f_693' id='f_693' href='#fna_693'>[693]</a> See above, p. <a href="#Page_153">153</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_694' id='f_694' href='#fna_694'>[694]</a> See <a href="#CHAPTER_IV">Ch. <span class="smcaplc">IV</span></a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_695' id='f_695' href='#fna_695'>[695]</a> Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 71.</p> + +<p><a name='f_696' id='f_696' href='#fna_696'>[696]</a> <i>Reg. of Archbishop William Wickwane</i> (Surtees Soc.), p. 113.</p> + +<p><a name='f_697' id='f_697' href='#fna_697'>[697]</a> Liveing, <i>Records of Romsey Abbey</i>, p. 98. Similarly Bishop Edyndon +wrote in 1346 and again in 1363 to St Mary’s Winchester, Wherwell and +Romsey, forbidding them to take a greater number of nuns than was +anciently accustomed or than could be sustained by them without penury. +<i>Ib.</i> p. 165.</p> + +<p><a name='f_698' id='f_698' href='#fna_698'>[698]</a> <i>V.C.H. Dorset</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 77. Nevertheless at Romsey and at +Shaftesbury the King and the Bishop himself continued to “dump” nuns, in +accordance with their prerogative right, throughout the career of both +houses. In the six years following this prohibition of 1326 Bishop +Stratford not only gave permission for a novice to be received at the +nuns’ own request, but deposited no less than three there himself. The +words and the actions of bishops sometimes tallied ill.</p> + +<p><a name='f_699' id='f_699' href='#fna_699'>[699]</a> See <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, pp. 113, 117, 119, 120, 124, 161, 163, +171-2, 188; <i>Reg. of Archbishop Giffard</i> (Surtees Soc.), p. 148; <i>Reg. of +Archbishop Wickwane</i> (Surtees Soc.), pp. 112, 113, 140-1.</p> + +<p><a name='f_700' id='f_700' href='#fna_700'>[700]</a> <i>Reg. Giffard</i>, <i>loc. cit.</i></p> + +<p><a name='f_701' id='f_701' href='#fna_701'>[701]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 117.</p> + +<p><a name='f_702' id='f_702' href='#fna_702'>[702]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 163. The house was heavily in debt at the time and +though the Bishop had forbidden the granting of corrodies and liveries +without leave, the Prioress was also charged with having “sold or granted +corrodies very burdensome to the house.”</p> + +<p><a name='f_703' id='f_703' href='#fna_703'>[703]</a> Heynings, Ankerwyke, Legbourne, Nuncoton, St Michael’s Stamford, +Gracedieu, Langley.</p> + +<p><a name='f_704' id='f_704' href='#fna_704'>[704]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 134.</p> + +<p><a name='f_705' id='f_705' href='#fna_705'>[705]</a> <i>Alnwick’s Visit.</i> MS. ff. 71<i>d</i>, 77<i>d</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_706' id='f_706' href='#fna_706'>[706]</a> It would be interesting to collect statistics as to the relative +size of different nunneries at different periods. It is here possible to +give only a few examples of the decline in the number of inmates. The +numbers at Nuneaton varied as follows: 93 (1234), 80 (1328), 46 (1370), 40 +(1459), 23 (1539). (<i>V.C.H. Warwick.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 66-9.) At Romsey (where the +statutory number was supposed to be 100) as follows: 91 (1333) and 26 +(from 1478 to the Dissolution). (Liveing, <i>Records of Romsey Abbey</i>, +<i>passim</i>.) At Shaftesbury as follows: forbidden to receive more than 100 +in 1218 and in 1322; number fixed at 120 in 1326; between 50-57 (from 1441 +to the Dissolution). <i>V.C.H. Dorset</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 77.</p> + +<p><a name='f_707' id='f_707' href='#fna_707'>[707]</a> <i>New Coll.</i> MS. f. 55<i>d</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_708' id='f_708' href='#fna_708'>[708]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 53.</p> + +<p><a name='f_709' id='f_709' href='#fna_709'>[709]</a> <i>Archaeologia</i>, <span class="smcaplc">XLVII</span>, p. 55.</p> + +<p><a name='f_710' id='f_710' href='#fna_710'>[710]</a> <i>E.H.R.</i> <span class="smcaplc">VI</span>, pp. 33-4. From the fact that the Prioress was ordered +to make up the number again to fourteen, as soon as she conveniently +could, it appears that the ten nuns who gave evidence before the +Archbishop represented the full strength of the house.</p> + +<p><a name='f_711' id='f_711' href='#fna_711'>[711]</a> A few out of many specific instances may be given: Wroxall 1323 +(<i>V.C.H. Warwick.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 71); Polesworth 1456 (<i>ib.</i> p. 63); Fairwell +1367 (<i>Reg. of Bishop Stretton</i>, p. 119); Romsey 1302 (<i>Reg. Johannis de +Pontissara</i> Cant. and York. Soc. p. 127); Moxby 1318 (<i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> +<span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 239); Nuncoton 1531 (<i>Arch.</i> <span class="smcaplc">XLVII</span>, p. 58); Sinningthwaite 1534 +(<i>Yorks. Arch. Journ.</i> <span class="smcaplc">XVI</span>, p. 441).</p> + +<p><a name='f_712' id='f_712' href='#fna_712'>[712]</a> See above, pp. <a href="#Page_64">64-5</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_713' id='f_713' href='#fna_713'>[713]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 50.</p> + +<p><a name='f_714' id='f_714' href='#fna_714'>[714]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 188.</p> + +<p><a name='f_715' id='f_715' href='#fna_715'>[715]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 177.</p> + +<p><a name='f_716' id='f_716' href='#fna_716'>[716]</a> E.g. Clemence Medforde at Ankerwyke in 1441 and Eleanor of Arden in +1396. See above, pp. <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_717' id='f_717' href='#fna_717'>[717]</a> Liveing, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 100-101.</p> + +<p><a name='f_718' id='f_718' href='#fna_718'>[718]</a> <i>New Coll.</i> MS. f. 88<i>d</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_719' id='f_719' href='#fna_719'>[719]</a> See above, p. <a href="#Page_204">204</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_720' id='f_720' href='#fna_720'>[720]</a> <i>Reg. of Bishop Stapeldon</i>, ed. Hingeston-Randolph, p. 318.</p> + +<p><a name='f_721' id='f_721' href='#fna_721'>[721]</a> Liveing, <i>Records of Romsey Abbey</i>, pp. 99-100.</p> + +<p><a name='f_722' id='f_722' href='#fna_722'>[722]</a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 102-3.</p> + +<p><a name='f_723' id='f_723' href='#fna_723'>[723]</a> <i>New Coll.</i> MS. f. 87. In 1492, at the visitation by Archbishop +Morton’s commissioners, a nun prays that injunctions be made to the +sisters and abbess that they choose no one as auditor without consulting +the Archbishop of Canterbury. Liveing, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 218-9.</p> + +<p><a name='f_724' id='f_724' href='#fna_724'>[724]</a> For other mentions of the rendering of accounts by bailiffs, +officiaries, etc. see Arden 1306 and Arthington 1315 (<i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, +pp. 113, 188), Fairwell 1367 (<i>Reg. of Robert de Stretton</i>, p. 119), +Elstow 1422 (<i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 50).</p> + +<p><a name='f_725' id='f_725' href='#fna_725'>[725]</a> Writing to Sinningthwaite in 1534. <i>Yorks. Archaeol. Journ.</i> <span class="smcaplc">XVI</span>, +pp. 442-3.</p> + +<p><a name='f_726' id='f_726' href='#fna_726'>[726]</a> <i>Visit. of the Dioc. of Norwich</i> (Camden Soc.), p. 108.</p> + +<p><a name='f_727' id='f_727' href='#fna_727'>[727]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 119.</p> + +<p><a name='f_728' id='f_728' href='#fna_728'>[728]</a> Sometimes specific mention is made of this duty, e.g. in 1318 Thomas +de Mydelsburg, rector of Loftus, was ordered to administer the temporal +goods of the Cistercian house of Handale, to receive the accounts of the +servants and to substitute more capable ones for those who were useless. +<i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 166. Cf. the commission to the rector of Aberford to be +custos of Kirklees about the same time. <i>Yorks. Archaeol. Journ.</i> <span class="smcaplc">XVI</span>, p. +362.</p> + +<p><a name='f_729' id='f_729' href='#fna_729'>[729]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 171.</p> + +<p><a name='f_730' id='f_730' href='#fna_730'>[730]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 52-3.</p> + +<p><a name='f_731' id='f_731' href='#fna_731'>[731]</a> In 1442, for instance, the Prioress of Rusper was ordered to render +accounts yearly before the Bishop of Chichester and the nuns of the house +(<i>Sussex Arch. Coll.</i> <span class="smcaplc">V</span>, p. 255), and at Sheppey in 1511, two nuns having +complained that the Prioress did not account, she was ordered to render +accounts, with an inventory to the convent and to Archbishop Warham +(<i>E.H.R.</i> <span class="smcaplc">VI</span>, p. 34).</p> + +<p><a name='f_732' id='f_732' href='#fna_732'>[732]</a> <i>Alnwick Visit.</i> MS. f. 83.</p> + +<p><a name='f_733' id='f_733' href='#fna_733'>[733]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 184.</p> + +<p><a name='f_734' id='f_734' href='#fna_734'>[734]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 1.</p> + +<p><a name='f_735' id='f_735' href='#fna_735'>[735]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 174.</p> + +<p><a name='f_736' id='f_736' href='#fna_736'>[736]</a> An inventory of the goods of Easebourne Priory, drawn up for the +Bishop of Chichester on May 27th, 1450, has survived. It is very complete +and comprises all departments of the house, together with a list of land, +chapels and appropriated churches and a note that the house can expend in +all £22. 3<i>s.</i> on repairs and other expenses and that the debts “for +repairs and other necessary expenses this year” amount to £66. 6<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i> +<i>Sussex Arch. Coll.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IX</span>, pp. 10-13. It may be of interest to quote the +briefer inventory of the poor house of Ankerwyke, as presented to Bishop +Atwater at his visitation in 1519 and copied by his clerk into the +register. There were at the time five nuns in the house and one in +apostasy. “Redditus ibidem extendunt prima facie ad xxxiij li. x s. Inde +resoluunt pro libris (<i>sic</i>) redditibus v li. x s. Et sic habent clare ad +reparacionem & alia onera sustinenda ultra xl marcas. <i>Jocalia in +Ecclesia</i>: Habent ibidem vestimenta sacerdotalia ad minus serica xiij. +Habent eciam vnicam capam de serica & auro. j calicem de argento deaurato. +j par Turribulorum. j pixidem de argento pro sacramento. ij libros +missales impressos. j magnum par candelabrorum ante summum altare. j +paruum par candelabrorum super summum altare. ij urciolos argenteos. j +paxbread de argento, una parua campana argentea. <i>Catalla</i>: Habent vaccas +duas, ij equas, boues senes iij, unus bouiculus (<i>sic</i>), j vaccam anne +(<i>sic</i>) (<i>blank</i>), iij equas pro aratro. <i>Vtensilia</i> vj plumalia, x paria +linthiaminum, iiij superpellectilia, iiij paria de le blanketts, ij le +white Testers. Habent Redditus Annuales preter terras ipsarum dominicalium +(<i>sic</i>) in earundem manibus occupatas xlvj li. xj s. x d.” <i>Linc. Epis. +Reg. Visit. Atwater</i>, f. 42. A fair number of inventories of convent +property made for this or for other purposes is extant; notably those +drawn up, for purposes of spoliation instead of preservation, at the +Dissolution. See <a href="#Page_693"><i>Bibliography</i></a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_737' id='f_737' href='#fna_737'>[737]</a> <i>Reg. of Walter Giffard</i> (Surtees Soc.), p. 147.</p> + +<p><a name='f_738' id='f_738' href='#fna_738'>[738]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 120.</p> + +<p><a name='f_739' id='f_739' href='#fna_739'>[739]</a> <i>V.C.H. Warwick</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 71.</p> + +<p><a name='f_740' id='f_740' href='#fna_740'>[740]</a> See below, p. <a href="#Page_226">226</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_741' id='f_741' href='#fna_741'>[741]</a> <i>Reg. Epis. Johannis Peckham</i> (Rolls Ser.), <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, pp. 805-6.</p> + +<p><a name='f_742' id='f_742' href='#fna_742'>[742]</a> See below, pp. <a href="#Page_337">337-8</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_743' id='f_743' href='#fna_743'>[743]</a> See <i>Reg. Epis. Johannis Peckham</i> (Rolls. Ser.), <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 654-5, 659, +708.</p> + +<p><a name='f_744' id='f_744' href='#fna_744'>[744]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 187-8.</p> + +<p><a name='f_745' id='f_745' href='#fna_745'>[745]</a> <i>Reg. of Bishop Stapeldon</i>, ed. Hingeston-Randolph, p. 96.</p> + +<p><a name='f_746' id='f_746' href='#fna_746'>[746]</a> <i>Reg. of Ralph of Shrewsbury</i> (Somerset Rec. Soc.), pp. 240-1, 684.</p> + +<p><a name='f_747' id='f_747' href='#fna_747'>[747]</a> At Ankerwyke, Catesby, Gracedieu and St Michael’s Stamford. <i>Linc. +Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 6, 9, 52, 125; <i>Alnwick’s Visit.</i> MS. f. 39<i>d</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_748' id='f_748' href='#fna_748'>[748]</a> To this reception of boarders was sometimes added, but with a +different purpose, viz. to protect the nuns from contact with the world.</p> + +<p><a name='f_749' id='f_749' href='#fna_749'>[749]</a> At Moxby in 1318 no fresh debts, especially large ones, were to be +incurred without the convent’s consent and the Archbishop’s special +licence. <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 239. At Nuncoton in 1440 “ne that ye +aleyne or selle any bondman” was added to the usual prohibition. +<i>Alnwick’s Visit.</i> MS. f. 77<i>d</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_750' id='f_750' href='#fna_750'>[750]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 131. A few other instances of these +injunctions may be given: Arden (1306), Marrick (1252), Nunburnholme +(1318), Nunkeeling (1314), Thicket (1309), Yedingham (1314), Esholt +(1318), Hampole (1308, 1312), Nunappleton (1489), Rosedale (1315), +Sinningthwaite (1315), Arthington (1318), Moxby (1314, 1318, 1328), +<i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, pp. 113, 117, 119, 124, 128, 161, 163, 172, 174, 177, +188, 239-40; Sinningthwaite (1534), <i>Yorks. Arch. Journ.</i> <span class="smcaplc">XVI</span>, p. 441; +Arthington (1286), <i>Reg. John le Romeyn</i> (Surtees Soc. <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 55); +Ankerwyke, Godstow, Gracedieu, Heynings, Langley, Legbourne, Markyate, +Nuncoton, Stixwould, St Michael’s Stamford (all 1440-5), <i>Linc. Visit.</i> +<span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 8, 115, 124, 134, 186 and <i>Alnwick’s Visit.</i> MS. ff. 6<i>d</i>, 77<i>d</i>, +81<i>d</i>, 75<i>d</i>; Elstow (1359), <i>Linc. Epis. Reg. Memo. Gynewell</i>, f. 139<i>d</i>; +Elstow (1421), Burnham (1434), <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 24, 49; Studley, +Nuncoton (1531), <i>Arch.</i> <span class="smcaplc">XLVII</span>, pp. 54, 58; Polsloe and Canonsleigh +(1319), <i>Reg. Stapeldon of Exeter</i>, p. 317; Romsey (1302), <i>Reg. J. de +Pontissara</i>, p. 127.</p> + +<p><a name='f_751' id='f_751' href='#fna_751'>[751]</a> <i>Linc. Epis. Reg. Memo. Bokyngham</i>, f. 343.</p> + +<p><a name='f_752' id='f_752' href='#fna_752'>[752]</a> <i>Lambeth Reg. Courtenay I</i>, f. 336.</p> + +<p><a name='f_753' id='f_753' href='#fna_753'>[753]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 49-50.</p> + +<p><a name='f_754' id='f_754' href='#fna_754'>[754]</a> <i>Linc. Epis. Reg. Memo. Bokyngham</i>, ff. 397-397<i>d</i>. These +injunctions are scattered among the others, but have been placed together +here for the sake of reference.</p> + +<p><a name='f_755' id='f_755' href='#fna_755'>[755]</a> <i>Linc. Epis. Reg. Memo. Bokyngham</i>, f. 343. Compare Flemyng’s +injunctions in 1422. <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 49.</p> + +<p><a name='f_756' id='f_756' href='#fna_756'>[756]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 151.</p> + +<p><a name='f_757' id='f_757' href='#fna_757'>[757]</a> <i>V.C.H. Lincs.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 148, 150, 154 (note 1).</p> + +<p><a name='f_758' id='f_758' href='#fna_758'>[758]</a> <i>V.C.H. Northants.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 121.</p> + +<p><a name='f_759' id='f_759' href='#fna_759'>[759]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, pp. 178-9, and <i>Reg. of Archbishop Giffard</i> +(Surtees Soc.), pp. 147-8. The canons at these houses must be +distinguished from the canons who held prebendal stalls in the Abbeys of +Romsey, St Mary’s, Winchester, Wherwell, Wilton and Shaftesbury; these +were often bad pluralists and could have been of little use to the abbeys, +as chaplains or as <i>custodes</i>. See <i>V.C.H. Hants.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 122-3 and p. +<a href="#Page_144">144</a> above, note 1.</p> + +<p><a name='f_760' id='f_760' href='#fna_760'>[760]</a> <i>Loc. cit.</i> Compare the complaint of the nuns of Brodholme in +1321-2. “A nostre Seyngnur le Roy e a son Counsaill monstrent le Prioresse +el Covente de Brodholme, qe lour Gardayns de la dit meson par lour defaute +sount lour Rentes abatez, e lour meson a poy ennente e le dit Gardayns ne +vollent nulle entent mettre ne despender pur les ayder kaunt eles sount +empleydie, mes come eles meymes defendent a graunt meschef. Pur qoi eles +prient pur l’amour de Dieu, trescher Seygnour, pur l’alme vostre Pier, e +ouir de charite, qe Vous vollez graunter vostre Charter qe l’avantdit +Prioresse el covent pouissent avoir lour rentes e lour enproumens, de +ordiner a lour voluntes, e al profist de la dit meson, si pleiser Vous +soit, Kare autrement ne poivent eles viver.” The reply was “Injusta est +peticio, ideo non potest fieri.” <i>Rot. Parl.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 393-4. Brodholme was +one of the only two convents of Premonstratensian nuns in England; the +guardians were probably the canons of the Premonstratensian Abbey of +Newhouse; for an ordinance (1354, confirmed 1409) regulating the relations +between the two houses, see <i>Cal. of Papal Letters</i>, <span class="smcaplc">VI</span>, pp. 159-60.</p> + +<p><a name='f_761' id='f_761' href='#fna_761'>[761]</a> <i>V.C.H. Lincs.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 148 (from Pat. 2 Edw. II, pt ii, m. 22<i>d</i>.).</p> + +<p><a name='f_762' id='f_762' href='#fna_762'>[762]</a> <i>Linc. Epis. Reg. Memo. Dalderby</i>, f. 330. Roger de Dauentry, canon +of Catesby, had been made master in 1297. <i>Reg. Memo. Sutton.</i> f. 175.</p> + +<p><a name='f_763' id='f_763' href='#fna_763'>[763]</a> <i>Reg. Epis. Johannis Peckham</i>, <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, pp. 850-1.</p> + +<p><a name='f_764' id='f_764' href='#fna_764'>[764]</a> <i>V.C.H. Northants.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 98.</p> + +<p><a name='f_765' id='f_765' href='#fna_765'>[765]</a> <i>V.C.H. Derby.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 43.</p> + +<p><a name='f_766' id='f_766' href='#fna_766'>[766]</a> <i>Loc. cit.</i> see also <i>Linc. Epis. Reg. Institution Roll</i> +(<i>Northampton</i>) of Sutton for the presentation of William de Stok, monk of +Peterborough as Prior of St Michael’s Stamford, by the Abbot, and the +Bishop’s ratification.</p> + +<p><a name='f_767' id='f_767' href='#fna_767'>[767]</a> Walsingham, <i>Gesta Abbatum</i> (Rolls Ser.), <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 519, and <i>V.C.H. +Herts.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 429. On their misdeeds see Archbishop Morton’s famous +letter in 1490. Wilkins, <i>Concilia</i>, <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 632.</p> + +<p><a name='f_768' id='f_768' href='#fna_768'>[768]</a> See <i>Cal. of Papal Letters</i>, <span class="smcaplc">VI</span>, pp. 159-160.</p> + +<p><a name='f_769' id='f_769' href='#fna_769'>[769]</a> Mention of <i>custodes</i> occurs at the following houses, in addition to +those mentioned in the text: Studley (1290), Goring (1309), <i>V.C.H. Oxon.</i> +<span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 78, 104; Markyate (1323), Harrold (late thirteenth century), +<i>V.C.H. Beds.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 359, 388; Flamstead (1337), Rowney (1302, 1328), +<i>V.C.H. Herts.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, pp. 432, 434; Arden (1302, 1324), Marrick (1252), +Nunburnholme (1314), Yedingham (1280), Basedale (1304), Hampole (1268, +1280, 1308), Handale (1318), Nunappleton (1306), Swine (1267, 1291, 1298), +<i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, pp. 113, 117, 119, 127, 159, 163, 166, 171, 180; all +in Lincoln or York. For mention of <i>custodes</i> in other dioceses, see +Cookhill (1285), <i>Reg. of Godfrey Giffard</i> (Worc. Hist. Soc.), <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 267; +St Sepulchre’s Canterbury, Davington, Usk, Whitehall (Ilchester), Minchin +Barrow, Easebourne, St Bartholomew’s Newcastle, King’s Mead, Derby, below, +pp. <a href="#Page_231">231-5</a> <i>passim</i>. The frequency with which <i>custodes</i> occur in houses in +the diocese of Lincoln and York and their rarity in other dioceses would +seem to support the theory of Gilbertine influence. Of the cases quoted +from other dioceses all are either <i>custodes</i> appointed as a deliberate +policy by Archbishop Peckham, or <i>custodes</i> appointed to meet some special +moral or financial crisis, not regular officials. King’s Mead, Derby, +seems to be the only nunnery outside the two dioceses of York and Lincoln +(with the exception of those in direct dependence on a house of monks) +which started its career under the joint government of a <i>custos</i> and a +Prioress. <i>V.C.H. Derby</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 43.</p> + +<p><a name='f_770' id='f_770' href='#fna_770'>[770]</a> <i>Reg. of John le Romeyn</i> (Surtees Soc.), <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. xii, xiii, 86, 125, +157, 180.</p> + +<p><a name='f_771' id='f_771' href='#fna_771'>[771]</a> <i>Linc. Epis. Reg. Memo. Dalderby</i>, ff. 23<i>d</i>, 37, 44, 60<i>d</i>, 79<i>d</i>, +118<i>d</i>, 328<i>d</i>, 366, 373, 378, 382, 388. (These comprise two appointments +to Rowney, Godstow and Nuncoton; the dates are between 1301 and 1318.)</p> + +<p><a name='f_772' id='f_772' href='#fna_772'>[772]</a> <i>Reg. of John le Romeyn</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 203-4, 209, 211, 217.</p> + +<p><a name='f_773' id='f_773' href='#fna_773'>[773]</a> <i>Linc. Epis. Reg. Memo. Sutton</i>, ff. 82<i>d</i>-83.</p> + +<p><a name='f_774' id='f_774' href='#fna_774'>[774]</a> <i>V.C.H. Lincs.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 179. But in 1318 Dalderby appointed the vicar +of Little Coates, <i>loc. cit.</i> f. 373. Originally St Leonard’s Grimsby, had +been placed under the protection of the canons of Wellow.</p> + +<p><a name='f_775' id='f_775' href='#fna_775'>[775]</a> <i>Reg. of Archbishop Giffard</i> (Surtees Soc.), p. 54.</p> + +<p><a name='f_776' id='f_776' href='#fna_776'>[776]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 113.</p> + +<p><a name='f_777' id='f_777' href='#fna_777'>[777]</a> <i>Linc. Epis. Reg. Memo. Sutton</i>, ff. 25, 92<i>d</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_778' id='f_778' href='#fna_778'>[778]</a> Sometimes the chaplain of the house must have acted as an unofficial +<i>custos</i> and sometimes he held the position by special mandate, e.g. in +1285 Bishop Giffard ordered the nuns of Cookhill that “for the better +conduct of temporal business and for the increase of divine praise,” +Thomas their chaplain was to have full charge of their temporal affairs. +<i>Reg. of Godfrey Giffard</i> (Worc. Hist. Soc.), <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 267.</p> + +<p><a name='f_779' id='f_779' href='#fna_779'>[779]</a> <i>Reg. Epis. Johannis Peckham</i> (Rolls Ser.), <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, +pp. 72-3; <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 708-9, <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 806.</p> + +<p><a name='f_780' id='f_780' href='#fna_780'>[780]</a> <i>V.C.H. Northants.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 99.</p> + +<p><a name='f_781' id='f_781' href='#fna_781'>[781]</a> <i>V.C.H. Somerset</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 157. Text in Hugo, <i>Medieval Nunneries of +the County of Somerset: Whitehall in Ilchester</i>, App. <span class="smcaplc">VII</span>, pp. 78-9.</p> + +<p><a name='f_782' id='f_782' href='#fna_782'>[782]</a> <i>Reg. of Ralph of Shrewsbury</i> (Somerset Rec. Soc.), p. 177.</p> + +<p><a name='f_783' id='f_783' href='#fna_783'>[783]</a> Hugo, <i>op. cit.</i> <i>Minchin Barrow Priory</i>, App. <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 81-3. With +these cases compare the appointment of <i>custodes</i> to the worldly Prioress +of Easebourne in 1441. See above, p. <a href="#Page_77">77</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_784' id='f_784' href='#fna_784'>[784]</a> Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 413.</p> + +<p><a name='f_785' id='f_785' href='#fna_785'>[785]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 485.</p> + +<p><a name='f_786' id='f_786' href='#fna_786'>[786]</a> <i>V.C.H. Oxon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 73.</p> + +<p><a name='f_787' id='f_787' href='#fna_787'>[787]</a> <i>V.C.H. Derby</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 43-4 (from <i>Ancient Petitions</i>, No. 11730); +cf. <i>Cal. Pat. Rolls</i>, 1327-30, p. 139. See above, p. <a href="#Page_180">180</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_788' id='f_788' href='#fna_788'>[788]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 7.</p> + +<p><a name='f_789' id='f_789' href='#fna_789'>[789]</a> <i>Alnwick’s Visit.</i> MS. f. 39<i>d</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_790' id='f_790' href='#fna_790'>[790]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 117.</p> + +<p><a name='f_791' id='f_791' href='#fna_791'>[791]</a> See e.g. <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, pp. 113, 117, 119.</p> + +<p><a name='f_792' id='f_792' href='#fna_792'>[792]</a> <i>Yorks. Arch. Journal</i>, <span class="smcaplc">XVI</span>, p. 362.</p> + +<p><a name='f_793' id='f_793' href='#fna_793'>[793]</a> It will be noticed that all the references to <i>custodes</i> given on p. +230, note 8, belong to the thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries; +appointments at a later date are generally made to meet some regular +crisis. There are no references to the Prior of St Michael’s Stamford in +the later account rolls of that house, though one or two rolls belonging +to the beginning of the century mention him. One of the few references to +the regular appointment of a master in a Cistercian house after the first +quarter of the fourteenth century is at Legbourne, where “later Lincoln +regulations record the appointment of several masters from 1294-1343 and +in 1366 the same official is apparently called an <i>yconomus</i> of Legbourne” +(<i>V.C.H. Lincs.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 154, note 1). The will of Adam, vicar of +Hallington, “custos sive magister domus monialium de Legbourne,” dated +1345, has been preserved. Gibbons, <i>Early Lincoln Wills</i>, p. 17. The +<i>yconomus</i> of Gokewell in 1440 is a very late instance. (Compare +Bokyngham’s advice to the Abbess of Elstow in 1387, above, p. <a href="#Page_228">228</a>.) Much +the same function as that of the <i>custos</i>, was, however, probably +performed by the steward (<i>senescallus</i>), an official often mentioned +during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.</p> + +<p><a name='f_794' id='f_794' href='#fna_794'>[794]</a> See account in L. Eckenstein, <i>Woman under Monasticism</i>, ch. <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_795' id='f_795' href='#fna_795'>[795]</a> L. Eckenstein, <i>Woman under Monasticism</i>, ch. <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, pp. 160 ff.</p> + +<p><a name='f_796' id='f_796' href='#fna_796'>[796]</a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 238 ff.</p> + +<p><a name='f_797' id='f_797' href='#fna_797'>[797]</a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 256 ff.</p> + +<p><a name='f_798' id='f_798' href='#fna_798'>[798]</a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 328 ff.</p> + +<p><a name='f_799' id='f_799' href='#fna_799'>[799]</a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 416, 419, 428, 458 ff.</p> + +<p><a name='f_800' id='f_800' href='#fna_800'>[800]</a> See <i>Romania</i> <span class="smcaplc">XIII</span> (1884), pp. 400-3.</p> + +<p class="poem">“Je ke la vie ai translatee<br /> +Par nun sui Climence numee,<br /> +De Berekinge sui nunain;<br /> +Par s’amur pris ceste oevre en main.”</p> + +<p><a name='f_801' id='f_801' href='#fna_801'>[801]</a> Devon, <i>Issues of the Exchequer</i>, p. 144.</p> + +<p><a name='f_802' id='f_802' href='#fna_802'>[802]</a> There does exist a catalogue of Syon library, but unluckily it is +that of the brothers’ library and the catalogue of the sisters’ library is +missing; it was probably a good one since we have notice of several books +written for them. See M. Bateson, <i>Cat. of the Lib. of Syon Mon.</i> (1898). +Only three continental library catalogues survive, of which two are +printed and accessible; one is of the library of the Dominican nuns of +Nuremberg, made between 1456-69 and containing 350 books, the other +belonged to the Franciscan tertiaries of Delft in the second half of the +fifteenth century and contained 109 books; the third comes from the +women’s cloister at Wonnenstein in 1498. See M. Deanesly, <i>The Lollard +Bible</i>, pp. 110-5.</p> + +<p><a name='f_803' id='f_803' href='#fna_803'>[803]</a> <i>Sussex Arch. Coll.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IX</span>, p. 12.</p> + +<p><a name='f_804' id='f_804' href='#fna_804'>[804]</a> Mackenzie, Walcott, <i>Inventories of ... the Ben. Priory ... of +Shepey for Nuns</i>, pp. 21, 23, 28.</p> + +<p><a name='f_805' id='f_805' href='#fna_805'>[805]</a> Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 424.</p> + +<p><a name='f_806' id='f_806' href='#fna_806'>[806]</a> At a visitation of St Mary’s Winchester by Dr Hede in 1501, “Elia +Pitte, librarian, was also well satisfied with that which was in her +charge.” <i>V.C.H. Hants.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 124.</p> + +<p><a name='f_807' id='f_807' href='#fna_807'>[807]</a> <i>Test. Ebor.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 179.</p> + +<p><a name='f_808' id='f_808' href='#fna_808'>[808]</a> Sharpe, <i>Cal. of Wills</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 327.</p> + +<p><a name='f_809' id='f_809' href='#fna_809'>[809]</a> <i>Test. Ebor.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 13.</p> + +<p><a name='f_810' id='f_810' href='#fna_810'>[810]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 262.</p> + +<p><a name='f_811' id='f_811' href='#fna_811'>[811]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 199. See an interesting list of books left by Peter, +vicar of Swine, to Swine Priory some time after 1380. <i>King’s Descrip. +Cat. MS.</i> 18.</p> + +<p><a name='f_812' id='f_812' href='#fna_812'>[812]</a> <i>Reg. Stafford of Exeter</i>, p. 419.</p> + +<p><a name='f_813' id='f_813' href='#fna_813'>[813]</a> <i>Test. Ebor.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 66.</p> + +<p><a name='f_814' id='f_814' href='#fna_814'>[814]</a> For Barking books (including a book of English religious treatises) +see M. Deanesly, <i>The Lollard Bible</i>, pp. 337-9. Besides the books +mentioned in the text there are fine psalters written for nuns at St +Mary’s Winchester, Amesbury and Wilton in the libraries of Trinity +College, Cambridge, All Souls College, Oxford, and the Royal College of +Physicians respectively. There is an interesting book in the Fitzwilliam +Museum, Cambridge (<i>McClean MS.</i> 123), which belonged to Nuneaton; it +contains (1) the metrical Bestiary of William the Norman, (2) the +<i>Chasteau d’Amours</i> of Robert Grosseteste, (3) exposition of the +Paternoster, (4) the Gospel of Nicodemus, (5) Apocalypse with pictures, +(6) <i>Poema Morale</i>, etc.</p> + +<p><a name='f_815' id='f_815' href='#fna_815'>[815]</a> Wright and Halliwell, <i>Reliquiae Antiquae</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 117.</p> + +<p><a name='f_816' id='f_816' href='#fna_816'>[816]</a> Capgrave, <i>Life of St Katharine of Alexandria</i>, ed. Horstmann +(E.E.T.S. 1893), Introd. p. xxix.</p> + +<p><a name='f_817' id='f_817' href='#fna_817'>[817]</a> <i>St John’s Coll. MS.</i> 68. Other psalters from the aristocratic house +of Wherwell are <i>MS. add.</i> 27866 at the British Museum and <i>MS. McClean</i> +45 at the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge.</p> + +<p><a name='f_818' id='f_818' href='#fna_818'>[818]</a> <i>MS.</i> 136 (T. 6. 18). See J. Young and P. Henderson Aitkin, <i>Cat. of +MSS. in the Lib. of the Hunterian Museum in the Univ. of Glasgow</i> (1908), +p. 124. In the introduction the book is conjectured to have belonged to +the Carthusian monastery at Sheen, where it obviously was written; but the +reference to “sorores et ffratres” and the name of Elizabeth Gibbs (see +Blunt, <i>Myroure of Oure Ladye</i> (E.E.T.S.), p. xxiii), show clearly that it +belonged to Syon.</p> + +<p><a name='f_819' id='f_819' href='#fna_819'>[819]</a> So John of Pontoise sends Juliana de Spina to Romsey on the occasion +of his consecration (1282), with the recommendation “Ejusdem Juliane +competenter ad hujusmodi officii debitum litterate laudabile propositum +speciali gracia prosequentes, etc.” <i>Reg. J. de Pontissara</i> (Cant. and +York Soc.), <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 240. Cp. <i>ib.</i> p. 252.</p> + +<p><a name='f_820' id='f_820' href='#fna_820'>[820]</a> <i>Collectanea Anglo-Praemonstratensia</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 267.</p> + +<p><a name='f_821' id='f_821' href='#fna_821'>[821]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 53.</p> + +<p><a name='f_822' id='f_822' href='#fna_822'>[822]</a> <i>Gesta Abbatum</i> (Rolls Ser. 1867), II, pp. 410-2. But professions +were often written by others, and the postulant only put his or her cross. +So also with the vote.</p> + +<p><a name='f_823' id='f_823' href='#fna_823'>[823]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 213. This was a not uncommon method of voting. It is +clear, too, from prohibitions of letter-writing in various injunctions +that nuns could sometimes write.</p> + +<p><a name='f_824' id='f_824' href='#fna_824'>[824]</a> <i>Sussex Archaeol. Coll.</i> <span class="smcaplc">V</span>, p. 256. Compare the editor’s note on the +education of Christina von Stommeln: “Simul cum psalterio videtur tantum +didicisse linguae latinae, quantum satis erat non solum illi legendo, sed +etiam epistolis ad se Latine scriptis pro parte intelligendis, ac vicissim +dictandis: nam scribendi ignoram fuisse habeo.” <i>Acta SS. Junii</i>, t. <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, +p. 279.</p> + +<p><a name='f_825' id='f_825' href='#fna_825'>[825]</a> Jusserand, <i>A Literary History of the English People</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. +239-40.</p> + +<p><a name='f_826' id='f_826' href='#fna_826'>[826]</a> Jusserand, <i>op. cit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 236.</p> + +<p><a name='f_827' id='f_827' href='#fna_827'>[827]</a> It is interesting to find the Master-General of the Dominicans in +1431 giving Jane Fisher, a nun of Dartford, leave to have a <i>master</i> to +instruct her in grammar and the Latin tongue. Jarrett, <i>The English +Dominicans</i>, p. 11.</p> + +<p><a name='f_828' id='f_828' href='#fna_828'>[828]</a> <i>Reg. Walter Giffard</i> (Surtees Soc.), pp. 147-8.</p> + +<p><a name='f_829' id='f_829' href='#fna_829'>[829]</a> <i>Reg. John le Romeyn</i>, etc. (Surtees Soc.), <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 222-4.</p> + +<p><a name='f_830' id='f_830' href='#fna_830'>[830]</a> <i>Reg. Epis. J. Peckham</i> (Rolls Ser.), <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, pp. 845-52.</p> + +<p><a name='f_831' id='f_831' href='#fna_831'>[831]</a> <i>Reg. Thome de Cantilupo</i> (Cant. and York Soc. and Cantilupe Soc.), +p. 202.</p> + +<p><a name='f_832' id='f_832' href='#fna_832'>[832]</a> <i>Reg. R. de Norbury</i> (Wm. Salt Archaeol. Soc. Coll. <span class="smcaplc">I</span>), p. 257.</p> + +<p><a name='f_833' id='f_833' href='#fna_833'>[833]</a> <i>Reg. R. de Stretton</i> (<i>ib.</i> New Series, <span class="smcaplc">VIII</span>), p. 119.</p> + +<p><a name='f_834' id='f_834' href='#fna_834'>[834]</a> <i>Reg. W. de Stapeldon</i>, p. 316. See below, p. <a href="#Page_286">286</a>. In the same year +Archbishop Melton writes to the nuns of Sinningthwaite that in all +writings under the common seal a faithful clerk is to be employed and the +deed is to be sealed in the presence of the whole convent, the clerk +reading the deed plainly in the mother tongue and explaining it. <i>V.C.H. +Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 177.</p> + +<p><a name='f_835' id='f_835' href='#fna_835'>[835]</a> Liveing, <i>Records of Romsey Abbey</i>, p. 105.</p> + +<p><a name='f_836' id='f_836' href='#fna_836'>[836]</a> <i>New Coll.</i> MS. f. 84.</p> + +<p><a name='f_837' id='f_837' href='#fna_837'>[837]</a> <i>Linc. Epis. Reg. Memo. Gynewell</i>, ff. 34. 139<i>d</i>, 100<i>d</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_838' id='f_838' href='#fna_838'>[838]</a> <i>Ib. Reg. Memo. Bokyngham</i>, ff. 343 (Elstow), 397 (Heynings).</p> + +<p><a name='f_839' id='f_839' href='#fna_839'>[839]</a> <i>V.C.H. Suffolk</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 83.</p> + +<p><a name='f_840' id='f_840' href='#fna_840'>[840]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 52.</p> + +<p><a name='f_841' id='f_841' href='#fna_841'>[841]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 45. At Kyme and Wellow, houses of canons, however, the +injunctions are also to be expounded in the mother tongue.</p> + +<p><a name='f_842' id='f_842' href='#fna_842'>[842]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 1.</p> + +<p><a name='f_843' id='f_843' href='#fna_843'>[843]</a> <i>Alnwick’s Visit.</i> MS. f. 6.</p> + +<p><a name='f_844' id='f_844' href='#fna_844'>[844]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 91; <i>Alnwick’s Visit.</i> MS. ff. 83, 38.</p> + +<p><a name='f_845' id='f_845' href='#fna_845'>[845]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 117.</p> + +<p><a name='f_846' id='f_846' href='#fna_846'>[846]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 174.</p> + +<p><a name='f_847' id='f_847' href='#fna_847'>[847]</a> Archbishop Lee’s visitations of the York diocese on the eve of the +Dissolution (1534-5) are typical. The injunctions sent to the nunneries of +Sinningthwaite, Nunappleton and Esholt (<i>Yorks. Archaeol. Journ.</i> <span class="smcaplc">XVI</span>, pp. +440, 443, 451) are in English, but those sent to the houses of monks and +canons are all in Latin.</p> + +<p><a name='f_848' id='f_848' href='#fna_848'>[848]</a> Sir David Lyndesay’s <i>Poems</i>, ed. Small, Hall and Murray (E.E.T.S. +2nd ed. 1883), p. 21.</p> + +<p><a name='f_849' id='f_849' href='#fna_849'>[849]</a> <i>Three Middle Eng. Versions of the Rule of St Benet</i> (E.E.T.S. +1902), p. 48.</p> + +<p>On the other hand the Caxton abstract at the end of the century is +translated “for men and wymmen, of the habyte therof, the whiche +vnderstande lytyll laten or none.” <i>Ib.</i> p. 119.</p> + +<p><a name='f_850' id='f_850' href='#fna_850'>[850]</a> The preface is quoted in <i>The Register of Richard Fox while Bishop +of Bath and Wells, with a Life of Bishop Fox</i>, ed. E. C. Batten (1889), +pp. 102-4.</p> + +<p><a name='f_851' id='f_851' href='#fna_851'>[851]</a> <i>Eng. Reg. of Godstow Nunnery</i> (E.E.T.S.), pp. 25-6.</p> + +<p><a name='f_852' id='f_852' href='#fna_852'>[852]</a> <i>The Myroure of Oure Ladye</i> (E.E.T.S.), pp. 2-3.</p> + +<p><a name='f_853' id='f_853' href='#fna_853'>[853]</a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 63 ff.</p> + +<p><a name='f_854' id='f_854' href='#fna_854'>[854]</a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. xliv-xlvi; Eckenstein, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 395. Wynkyn de +Worde’s edition was reprinted for the Henry Bradshaw Society in 1893.</p> + +<p><a name='f_855' id='f_855' href='#fna_855'>[855]</a> Deanesly, <i>The Lollard Bible</i>, pp. 320, 336-7. It may be noted as of +some interest that when in 1528 a wealthy London merchant was imprisoned +for distributing Tyndale’s books and for similar practices, he pleaded +that the abbess of Denney, Elizabeth Throgmorton, had wished to borrow +Tyndale’s <i>Enchiridion</i> and that he had lent it to her. Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> +VI, p. 1549.</p> + +<p><a name='f_856' id='f_856' href='#fna_856'>[856]</a> <i>Sussex Arch. Coll.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IX</span>, p. 7.</p> + +<p><a name='f_857' id='f_857' href='#fna_857'>[857]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 49. At Bondeville in 1251 Archbishop Eudes +Rigaud has to forbid the nuns to sell their thread and their spindles to +raise money, “quod moniales non vendant nec distrahant filum <i>et lor +fusees</i>,” <i>Reg. Visit. Archiepiscopi Roth.</i> ed. Bonnin (1852), p. 111.</p> + +<p><a name='f_858' id='f_858' href='#fna_858'>[858]</a> “Nuns with their needles wrote histories also,” as Fuller prettily +says, “that of Christ his passion for their altar clothes, as other +Scripture (and moe legend) Stories to adorn their houses.” Fuller, <i>Church +Hist.</i> (ed. 1837), II, p. 190.</p> + +<p><a name='f_859' id='f_859' href='#fna_859'>[859]</a> J. H. Middleton, <i>Illuminated MSS.</i> (1892), p. 112. On nunnery +embroidery at different periods see <i>ib.</i> pp. 224-30; but the book must be +read with great caution.</p> + +<p><a name='f_860' id='f_860' href='#fna_860'>[860]</a> Mackenzie Walcott, <i>Inventory of St Mary’s Ben. Nunnery at Langley, +Co. Leic. 1485</i> (Leic. Architec. Soc. 1872), pp. 3, 4.</p> + +<p><a name='f_861' id='f_861' href='#fna_861'>[861]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, 120, 127, 183. Greenfield may have so enjoined +other houses; the injunctions are not always fully summarised. As to nuns’ +embroidery there is an interesting passage in the thirteenth century +German poem <i>Helmbrecht</i> by Wernher “the Gardener”: “Old farmer Helmbrecht +had a son. Young Helmbrecht’s yellow locks fell down to his shoulders. He +tucked them into a handsome silken cap, embroidered with doves and parrots +and many a picture. This cap had been embroidered by a nun who had run +away from her convent through a love adventure, as happens to so many. +From her Helmbrecht’s sister Gotelind had learned to embroider and to sew. +The girl and her mother had well earned that from the nun, for they gave +her in pay a calf, and many cheeses and eggs.” J. Harvey Robinson, +<i>Readings in Eur. Hist.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 418-9, translated from Freytag, <i>Bilder +aus der deutschen Vergangenheit</i> (1876, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 52 ff.).</p> + +<p><a name='f_862' id='f_862' href='#fna_862'>[862]</a> <i>Manners and Household Expenses</i> (Roxburghe Club 1841), p. 18.</p> + +<p><a name='f_863' id='f_863' href='#fna_863'>[863]</a> Gasquet, <i>Engl. Monastic Life</i>, p. 170.</p> + +<p><a name='f_864' id='f_864' href='#fna_864'>[864]</a> <i>Trans. St Paul’s Eccles. Soc.</i> <span class="smcaplc">VII</span>, pt <span class="smcaplc">II</span> (1912), p. 54.</p> + +<p><a name='f_865' id='f_865' href='#fna_865'>[865]</a> <i>Ancren Riwle</i>, ed. Gasquet, p. 318.</p> + +<p><a name='f_866' id='f_866' href='#fna_866'>[866]</a> See below, p. <a href="#Page_655">655</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_867' id='f_867' href='#fna_867'>[867]</a> Wood, <i>Letters of Royal and Illustrious Ladies</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 229-31.</p> + +<p><a name='f_868' id='f_868' href='#fna_868'>[868]</a> Peckham, forbidding the nuns of Barking (1279) to eat or sleep in +private rooms or to receive mass there, makes an exception for those who +are seriously ill, “in which case we permit the confessor and the doctor, +also the father or brother, to have access to them.” <i>Reg. Epis. Johannis +Peckham</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 84. Cf. <i>ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 652, 663. For nuns and medicine see +S. Luce, <i>La Jeunesse de Bertrand de Guesclin</i> (1882), p. 10.</p> + +<p><a name='f_869' id='f_869' href='#fna_869'>[869]</a> At Romsey Abbey a pittance of sixpence was due to each nun “when +blood is let” (see Bishop John de Pontoise’s injunctions in 1302 and those +of Bishop Woodlock in 1311, both of which refer to the payments not having +been made). Bishop Woodlock enjoined that “Nuns who have been bled shall +be allowed to enter the cloister if they wish.” Liveing, <i>Records of +Romsey Abbey</i>, pp. 100, 103, 104. In 1338 Abbot Michael of St Albans +orders all the nuns of Sopwell to attend the service of prime, “horspris +les malades et les seynes.” Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 366. At Nuncoton in +1440 the sub-prioress deposed that “the infirm, the weakminded and they +that are in their seynies ... do eat in the convent cellar.” <i>Alnwick’s +Visit.</i> MS. f. 71<i>d</i>. Bishop Stapeldon forbids the nuns of Polsloe in 1319 +to enter convent offices outside the cloistral precincts “pour estre +seigne ou pur autre encheson feynte.” <i>Reg. Stapeldon</i>, ed. +Hingeston-Randolph, p. 317.</p> + +<p><a name='f_870' id='f_870' href='#fna_870'>[870]</a> On the custom of periodical bleeding in monasteries see J. W. Clark, +<i>The Observances ... at Barnwell</i>, Introd. pp. lxi, ff. It is interesting +to note that medieval treatises on the diseases of women occasionally +refer specifically to nuns, e.g. in a fourteenth century English MS. a +certain “worschipfull sirop” for use in cases of anaemia is said to be +“for ladyes & for nunnes and other also þat ben delicate.” Brit. Mus. MS. +Sloane 2463, f. 198 vº.</p> + +<p><a name='f_871' id='f_871' href='#fna_871'>[871]</a> E.g. Nicholaa de Fulham dates her will in 1327 from Clerkenwell and +leaves certain rents for life to Joan her sister, a nun there. Sharpe, +<i>Cal. of Wills enrolled in Court of Husting</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 324. The will of +Elizabeth Medlay “of the house of St Clement’s in Clementthorpe” directs +her body to be buried in the conventual church, bequeathes legacies to the +high altar, the Prioress and each nun there and appoints dame Margaret +Delaryver, prioress, as executor (1470). <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 130.</p> + +<p><a name='f_872' id='f_872' href='#fna_872'>[872]</a> <i>New Coll.</i> MS. ff. 88, 88<i>dº</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_873' id='f_873' href='#fna_873'>[873]</a> <i>The Fifty Earliest Wills in the Court of Probate</i>, ed. F. J. +Furnivall (E.E.T.S.), p. 54. But she may have been a sister from a +hospital.</p> + +<p><a name='f_874' id='f_874' href='#fna_874'>[874]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 4, 5, 6.</p> + +<p><a name='f_875' id='f_875' href='#fna_875'>[875]</a> <i>Visit. of Dioc. Norwich</i> (Camden Soc.), p. 243.</p> + +<p><a name='f_876' id='f_876' href='#fna_876'>[876]</a> Liveing, <i>Records of Romsey Abbey</i>, pp. 226, 236. William of Wykeham +in 1387 ordered that three or four at least of the more discreet nuns of +this large abbey, “in regula sancti benedicti et obseruanciis regularibus +sufficienter erudite” should be chosen to instruct the younger nuns in +these matters. <i>New Coll.</i> MS. f. 86. At St Mary’s, Winchester, in 1501, +besides Margaret Legh, mistress of the novices, there was Agnes Cox, +senior teacher (<i>dogmatista</i>). <i>V.C.H. Hants.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 124. At Elstow in +1421-2 the bishop ordered “That a more suitable nun be deputed and +ordained to be precentress; and that elder nuns, if they shall be capable +and fit for such offices, be preferred to younger.” <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. +50. Dean Kentwode’s injunction to St Helen’s Bishopsgate in 1432 runs: +“That ye ordeyne and chese on of yowre sustres, honest, abille and cunnyng +of discretyone, the whiche can, may and schall have the charge of techyng +and informacyone of yowre sustres that be uncunnyng, for to teche hem here +service and the rule of here religione.” Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 554.</p> + +<p><a name='f_877' id='f_877' href='#fna_877'>[877]</a> The controversy was roused by an article by Mr J. E. G. de +Montmorency entitled “The Medieval Education of Women in England” in the +<i>Journal of Education</i> (June, 1909) pp. 427-31. This was challenged by Mr +Coulton, <i>loc. cit.</i> (July, 1910), pp. 456-7; see the correspondence +<i>passim</i>, especially the two articles by Mr A. F. Leach, <i>loc. cit.</i> (Oct. +and Dec. 1910), pp. 667-9, 838-41. The subject was afterwards treated with +great erudition by Mr Coulton in a paper read before the International +Congress of Historical Studies in 1913, reprinted with notes as <i>Monastic +Schools in the Middle Ages</i> (<i>Medieval Studies</i>, X, 1913).</p> + +<p><a name='f_878' id='f_878' href='#fna_878'>[878]</a> For the rest of this chapter I shall not give full references in +footnotes, because they can easily be traced in <a href="#note_b">Note B</a>, p. <a href="#Page_568">568</a> below.</p> + +<p><a name='f_879' id='f_879' href='#fna_879'>[879]</a> <i>Cistercian Statutes</i>, 1256-7, ed. J. T. Fowler (reprinted from +<i>Yorks. Archaeol. Journ.</i>), p. 105.</p> + +<p><a name='f_880' id='f_880' href='#fna_880'>[880]</a> Probably, however, after the dissolution of her house.</p> + +<p><a name='f_881' id='f_881' href='#fna_881'>[881]</a> Tanner, <i>Notitia Monastica</i> (1744 edit.), p. xxxii (basing his +opinion on three secondary authorities and on a misunderstanding of two +medieval entries, one of which refers to lay sisters and the other to an +adult boarder).</p> + +<p><a name='f_882' id='f_882' href='#fna_882'>[882]</a> N. Sanderus, <i>de Schismate Anglicana</i>, ed. 1586, p. 176. The +statement is not in the original Sanders. A well-known passage in the +<i>Paston Letters</i> illustrates the practice as regards girls; Margaret +Paston writes to her son in 1469 “Also I would ye should purvey for your +sister to be with my Lady of Oxford, or with my Lady of Bedford, or in +some other worshipful place whereas ye think best, for we be either of us +weary of other.” It is probable that this method of educating girls was +more common than nunnery education.</p> + +<p><a name='f_883' id='f_883' href='#fna_883'>[883]</a> Quoted by Mr Leach, <i>Journ. of Educ.</i> (1910), p. 668.</p> + +<p><a name='f_884' id='f_884' href='#fna_884'>[884]</a> Possibly, as Mr Coulton points out (<i>Med. Studies</i>, <span class="smcaplc">X</span>, p. 26), this +may account for the fact that evidence of girl pupils is wanting for some +of the wealthier and more important nunneries; he instances Shaftesbury, +Amesbury, Syon, Studley and Lacock. For the life of the nuns at Lacock and +Amesbury we have very little information of any kind, but our information +is fairly full for Shaftesbury, and very full for Syon and for Studley.</p> + +<p><a name='f_885' id='f_885' href='#fna_885'>[885]</a> For a discussion of these charges and of other prices and payments, +with which they may be compared, see J. E. G. de Montmorency in <i>Journ. of +Educ.</i> (1909), pp. 429-30 and Coulton, <i>op. cit.</i> app. iv. (School +Children in Nunnery Accounts), pp. 38-40.</p> + +<p><a name='f_886' id='f_886' href='#fna_886'>[886]</a> Quoted in S. H. Burke, <i>The Monastic Houses of England, their +Accusers and Defenders</i> (1869), p. 32. Compare the words of a Venetian +traveller, Paolo Casenigo: “The English nuns gave instructions to the +poorer virgins as to their duties when they became wives; to be obedient +to their husbands and to give good example,” a curious note. <i>Ib.</i> p. 31.</p> + +<p><a name='f_887' id='f_887' href='#fna_887'>[887]</a> Quoted in Fosbroke, <i>British Monachism</i> (1802), <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 35.</p> + +<p><a name='f_888' id='f_888' href='#fna_888'>[888]</a> <i>Ancren Riwle</i>, ed. Gasquet, p. 319.</p> + +<p><a name='f_889' id='f_889' href='#fna_889'>[889]</a> Notice the recognition of the financial reasons for taking +schoolchildren. So also in 1489 the nuns of Nunappleton are to take no +boarders “but if they be childern or ellis old persons by which availe by +likelihod may grow to your place”—fees or legacies, in fact. Dugdale, +<i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 654.</p> + +<p><a name='f_890' id='f_890' href='#fna_890'>[890]</a> Caesarius of Heisterbach gives a picture of a less disturbing child +in quire (though she was more probably a little girl who was intended for +a nun). This is the English fifteenth century translation: “Caesarius +tellis how that in Essex” (really in Saxony, but the translator was +anxious to introduce local colour for the sake of his audience), “in a +monasterye of nonnys, ther was a litle damysell, and on a grete solempne +nyght hur maistres lete hur com with hur to matyns. So the damysell was +bod a wayke thyng, and hur maistres was ferd at sho sulde take colde, and +she commaundid hur befor Te Deum to go vnto the dortur to her bed agayn. +And at hur commandment sho went furth of the where, thuff all it war with +ill wyll, and abade withoute the where and thoght to here the residue of +matyns”; whereat she saw a vision of the nuns caught up to heaven praising +God among the angels, at the <i>Te Deum</i>. <i>An Alphabet of Tales</i> (E.E.T.S. +1905), <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 406.</p> + +<p><a name='f_891' id='f_891' href='#fna_891'>[891]</a> Fuller, <i>Church Hist.</i> See p. <a href="#Page_255">255</a> above, note 3.</p> + +<p><a name='f_892' id='f_892' href='#fna_892'>[892]</a> Quoted in Gasquet, <i>Eng. Monastic Life</i>, p. 177.</p> + +<p><a name='f_893' id='f_893' href='#fna_893'>[893]</a> Hugo, <i>Medieval Nunneries of Somerset</i> (<i>Minchin Buckland</i>), p. 107.</p> + +<p><a name='f_894' id='f_894' href='#fna_894'>[894]</a> G. Hill, <i>Women in Eng. Life</i> (1896), p. 79.</p> + +<p><a name='f_895' id='f_895' href='#fna_895'>[895]</a> <i>Times Educational Supplement</i> (Sept. 4, 1919). This seems to be +taken from Fosbroke, <i>Brit. Monachism</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 6-7, who takes it from Sir +H. Chauncey’s <i>Hist. and Antiqs. of Hertfordshire</i>, p. 423; it is the +first appearance of dancing; as Fosbroke sapiently argued, “The dancing of +nuns will be hereafter spoken of and if they dance they must somewhere +learn how.”</p> + +<p><a name='f_896' id='f_896' href='#fna_896'>[896]</a> <i>Journ. of Education</i>, 1910, p. 841. Mr Hamilton Thompson sends me +this note: “Probably, so far as any systematic teaching went, they were +taught ‘grammar’ and song, which would vary in quality according to the +teacher. These are the only two elements of which we regularly hear in the +ordinary schools of the day. I do not see any reason to suppose that they +were taught more or less. Song (i.e. church song) takes such a very +prominent part in medieval education that I think it would not have been +neglected; it was also one of the things which nuns ought to have been +able to teach from their daily experience in quire. Bridget Plantagenet’s +book of matins (see below) would be an appropriate lesson book for both +grammar and song, as nuns would understand them.”</p> + +<p><a name='f_897' id='f_897' href='#fna_897'>[897]</a> <i>An Alphabet of Tales</i> (E.E.T.S. 1905), p. 272, from Caesarius of +Heisterbach, <i>Dialog. Mirac.</i> ed. Strange, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 196.</p> + +<p><a name='f_898' id='f_898' href='#fna_898'>[898]</a> See e.g. the Knight of La Tour Landry, p. 178, “Et pour ce que +aucuns gens dient que ilz ne voudroient pas que leurs femmes ne leurs +filles sceussent rien de clergie ne d’escripture, je dy ainsi que, quant +d’escryre, n’y a force que femme en saiche riens; mais quant a lire, tout +femme en vault mieulx de le scavoir et cognoist mieulx la foy et les +perils de l’ame et son saulvement, et n’en est pas de cent une qui n’en +vaille mieulx; car c’est chose esprouvee.” Quoted in A. A. Hentsch, <i>De la +littérature didactique du moyen âge s’addressant spécialement aux femmes</i> +(Cahors, 1903), p. 133. So Philippe de Novare († 1270) refuses to +allow women to learn reading or writing, because they expose her to evil, +and Francesco da Barberino († 1348) refuses to allow reading and +writing except to girls of the highest rank (not including the daughters +of esquires, judges and gentlefolk of their class); both, however, make +exception for nuns. <i>Ib.</i> pp. 84, 106-7.</p> + +<p><a name='f_899' id='f_899' href='#fna_899'>[899]</a> See below, p. <a href="#Page_388">388</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_900' id='f_900' href='#fna_900'>[900]</a> <i>Archaeologia</i>, <span class="smcaplc">XLIII</span> (1871), p. 245 (Redlingfield and Bruisyard).</p> + +<p><a name='f_901' id='f_901' href='#fna_901'>[901]</a> See below, p. <a href="#Page_309">309</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_902' id='f_902' href='#fna_902'>[902]</a> Wood, <i>Letters of Royal and Illustrious Ladies</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 213-7.</p> + +<p><a name='f_903' id='f_903' href='#fna_903'>[903]</a> Quoted Gasquet, <i>Hen. VIII and the Eng. Monasteries</i> (1899), p. 227.</p> + +<p><a name='f_904' id='f_904' href='#fna_904'>[904]</a> <i>The Catechism of Thomas Bacon, S.T.P.</i>, ed. John Ayre (Parker Soc. +1894), p. 377.</p> + +<p><a name='f_905' id='f_905' href='#fna_905'>[905]</a> See above, p. <a href="#Page_82">82</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_906' id='f_906' href='#fna_906'>[906]</a> <i>Yorks. Archaeol. Journ.</i> <span class="smcaplc">XVI</span>, pp. 452-3. Unluckily among Archbishop +Lee’s injunctions there remain only three sets addressed to nunneries; +there are also two letters concerning an immoral and apostate ex-Prioress +of Basedale. At the other two nunneries addressed, Nunappleton and +Sinningthwaite, no specific accusations are made, but the Archbishop +enjoins that the nuns shall “observe chastity” (§ <span class="smcaplc">IX</span>, p. 440) and avoid +the suspicious company of men (§ <span class="smcaplc">V</span>, p. 441).</p> + +<p><a name='f_907' id='f_907' href='#fna_907'>[907]</a> Aungier, <i>Hist. of Syon Mon.</i> p. 385. Compare also the regulations +for behaviour in choir, “There also none shal use to spytte ouer the +stalles, nor in any other place wher any suster is wonte to pray, but yf +it anone be done oute, for defoylyng of ther clothes.” <i>Ib.</i> p. 320.</p> + +<p><a name='f_908' id='f_908' href='#fna_908'>[908]</a> The hours seem to have varied in length according to the season; see +Butler, <i>Benedictine Monachism</i>, ch. <span class="smcaplc">XVII.</span></p> + +<p><a name='f_909' id='f_909' href='#fna_909'>[909]</a> <i>Reg. W. de Stapeldon</i>, p. 316.</p> + +<p><a name='f_910' id='f_910' href='#fna_910'>[910]</a> Aungier, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 405-9. It is unlikely, however, that Betsone +actually invented any of the signs, for similar lists are to be found in +the early consuetudinaries of Cluniac houses and other sources. The signs +were probably to a great extent “common form.”</p> + +<p><a name='f_911' id='f_911' href='#fna_911'>[911]</a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 298.</p> + +<p><a name='f_912' id='f_912' href='#fna_912'>[912]</a> Bernold, <i>Chron.</i> (1083) in <i>Mon. Germ. Hist.</i> <span class="smcaplc">V</span>, p. 439, quoted in +Workman, <i>The Evolution of the Monastic Ideal</i>, p. 157.</p> + +<p><a name='f_913' id='f_913' href='#fna_913'>[913]</a> E.g. a nun asks that sufficient clothes and food be ministered to +her “ut fortis sit ad subeundum pondus religionis et diuini seruicii.” +<i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 5. A bishop orders no nun to be admitted unless she +be “talem que onera chori ... ceteris religionem concernentibus poterit +supportare.” <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 53.</p> + +<p><a name='f_914' id='f_914' href='#fna_914'>[914]</a> Vattasso, <i>Studi Medievali</i> (1904), <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 124. Quoted in <i>Mod. +Philology</i> (1908), <span class="smcaplc">V</span>, pp. 10-11. I have ventured to combine parts of two +verses.</p> + +<p><a name='f_915' id='f_915' href='#fna_915'>[915]</a> <i>Alnwick’s Visit.</i> MS. f. 1<i>d</i>; but some of these would be absent +from the monastery.</p> + +<p><a name='f_916' id='f_916' href='#fna_916'>[916]</a> <i>Ib.</i> ff. 71<i>d</i>, 72. For other injunctions against “cutting” +services, see Heynings, 1351 and 1392 (<i>Linc. Epis. Reg. Memo. Gynewell</i>, +f. 34<i>d</i>, and <i>Bokyngham</i>, f. 397), Elstow 1387 and 1421 (<i>ib.</i> <i>Bokyngham</i>, +f. 343 and <i>Linc. Visit.</i> I, p. 51), Godstow 1279 and 1434 (<i>Reg. J. +Peckham</i>, <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 846, <i>Linc. Visit.</i> I, p. 66), Romsey 1387 (<i>New Coll.</i> +MS. f. 84), Cannington 1351 (<i>Reg. R. of Shrewsbury</i>, p. 684), Nunkeeling +1314, Thicket 1309, Yedingham 1314, Swine 1318, Wykeham 1314, Arthington +1318 (<i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, pp. 120, 124, 127, 181, 183, 188), +Sinningthwaite 1534 (<i>Yorks. Arch. Journ.</i> <span class="smcaplc">XVI</span>, p. 443), etc.</p> + +<p><a name='f_917' id='f_917' href='#fna_917'>[917]</a> See e.g. <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 1, 8, 67, 131, 133, 134-5, <i>Linc. +Epis. Reg. Memo. Gynewell</i>, f. 34<i>d</i>, <i>Sede Vacante Reg.</i> (Worc. Hist. +Soc.), p. 276, <i>Reg. Epis. J. Peckham</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 651-2, etc.</p> + +<p><a name='f_918' id='f_918' href='#fna_918'>[918]</a> <i>V.C.H. Lincs.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 131. For other instances of lateness at +matins, see Heynings 1442 (<i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 133), Godstow 1432 +(<i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 66), Flixton 1514 (Jessopp, <i>Visit. of Dioc. of +Norwich</i>, p. 143), Romsey 1302 (Liveing, <i>Records of Romsey Abbey</i>, p. +100), Easebourne 1478, 1524 (<i>Sussex Arch. Coll.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IX</span>, pp. 17, 26-7), St +Radegund’s, Cambridge (Gray, <i>Prior of St Radegund, Cambridge</i>, p. 36).</p> + +<p><a name='f_919' id='f_919' href='#fna_919'>[919]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 48; Jessopp, <i>Visit. of Dioc. of Norwich</i>, p. +209; <i>Arch.</i> <span class="smcaplc">XLVII</span>, p. 55; compare Romsey 1387, 1507 (<i>New Coll.</i> MS. f. +84; Liveing, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 231), St Helen’s Bishopsgate, c. 1432 (<i>Hist. +MS. Com. Rep.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IX</span>, App. p. 57).</p> + +<p><a name='f_920' id='f_920' href='#fna_920'>[920]</a> “These are they who wickedly corrupt the holy psalms: the dangler, +the gasper, the leaper, the galloper, the dragger, the mumbler, the +foreskipper, the forerunner and the over leaper: Tittivillus collecteth +the fragments of these men’s words.” G. G. Coulton, <i>Med. Garn.</i> p. 423. +He also collected the gossip of women in church. On Tittivillus see my +article in the <i>Cambridge Magazine</i>, 1917, pp. 158-60.</p> + +<p><a name='f_921' id='f_921' href='#fna_921'>[921]</a> <i>Myroure of Oure Ladye</i>, ed. Blunt (E.E.T.S.), p. 54.</p> + +<p><a name='f_922' id='f_922' href='#fna_922'>[922]</a> Greek ἀκηδία; whence <i>acedia</i> or <i>accidia</i> in Latin; +English <i>accidie</i>. It is a pity that the word has fallen out of use. The +disease has not.</p> + +<p><a name='f_923' id='f_923' href='#fna_923'>[923]</a> An interesting modern study of this moral disease is to be found in +a book of sermons by the late Bishop of Oxford, Dr Paget, <i>The Spirit of +Discipline</i> (1891), which contains an introductory essay “concerning +<i>Accidie</i>,” in which the subject is treated historically, with +illustrations from the writings of Cassian, St John of the Ladder, Dante +and St Thomas Aquinas, in the middle ages, Marchantius and Francis +Neumayer in the seventeenth century, and Wordsworth, Keble, Trench, +Matthew Arnold, Tennyson and Stevenson in the nineteenth century. See also +Dr Paget’s first sermon “The Sorrow of the World,” which deals with the +same subject. He diagnoses the main elements of <i>Accidia</i> very ably: “As +one compares the various estimates of the sin one can mark three main +elements which help to make it what it is—elements which can be +distinguished, though in experience, I think, they almost always tend to +meet and mingle, they are <i>gloom</i> and <i>sloth</i> and <i>irritation</i>.” <i>Op. +cit.</i> p. 54. On <i>Accidia</i>, see also H. B. Workman, <i>The Evolution of the +Monastic Ideal</i> (1913), pp. 326-31. During the great war the disease of +<i>accidie</i> was prevalent in prison camps, as any account of Ruhleben shows +very clearly. For a short psychological study of this manifestation of it, +see Vischer, A. L., <i>Barbed Wire Disease</i> (1919).</p> + +<p><a name='f_924' id='f_924' href='#fna_924'>[924]</a> See book X of Cassian’s <i>De Coenobiorum Institutis</i>, which is +entitled “De Spiritu Acediae” (Wace and Schaff, <i>Select Library of Nicene +and Post-Nicene Fathers of the Christian Church</i>, 2nd ser., vol. <span class="smcaplc">XI</span>, +Sulpitius Severus, Vincent of Lerins and John Cassian, pp. 266 ff.; +chapters <span class="smcaplc">I</span> and <span class="smcaplc">II</span> are paraphrased by Dr Paget, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 8-10); Book +IX, on the kindred sin of <i>Tristitia</i> is also worthy of study; the two are +always closely connected, as is shown by the anecdotes quoted below.</p> + +<p><a name='f_925' id='f_925' href='#fna_925'>[925]</a> Dante, <i>Inferno</i>, <span class="smcaplc">VII</span>, l. 121 ff. Translation by J. A. Carlyle.</p> + +<p><a name='f_926' id='f_926' href='#fna_926'>[926]</a> Chaucer, <i>The Persones Tale</i>, §§ 53-9.</p> + +<p><a name='f_927' id='f_927' href='#fna_927'>[927]</a> See the translation of the episode (from Busch, <i>Chronicon +Windeshemense</i>, ed. K. Grube, p. 395) in Coulton, <i>Med. Garner</i>, pp. +641-4. On the subject of medieval doubt and despair see Coulton in the +<i>Hibbert Journal</i>, <span class="smcaplc">XIV</span> (1916), pp. 598-9 and <i>From St Francis to Dante</i>, pp. +313-4.</p> + +<p><a name='f_928' id='f_928' href='#fna_928'>[928]</a> Caes. of Heist. <i>Dial. Mirac.</i> ed. Strange, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 209-10.</p> + +<p><a name='f_929' id='f_929' href='#fna_929'>[929]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>. pp. 210-11. For a case of doubt in an anchoress, which, +however ended well, see <i>ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 206-8.</p> + +<p><a name='f_930' id='f_930' href='#fna_930'>[930]</a> Langland, <i>Piers Plowman</i>, ed. Skeat, B, passus <span class="smcaplc">X</span>, 300-5.</p> + +<p><a name='f_931' id='f_931' href='#fna_931'>[931]</a> Langland, <i>Piers Plowman</i>, ed. Skeat, B, passus <span class="smcaplc">V</span>, ll. 153-65. The C +text has a variant for the last four lines:</p> + +<p class="poem">Thus thei sitte the sustres · somtyme, and disputen,<br /> +Til “thow lixt” and “thow lixt” · be lady over hem alle;<br /> +And then awake ich, Wratthe · and wold be auenged.<br /> +Thanne ich crie and cracche · with my kene nailes,<br /> +Bothe byte and bete · and brynge forthe suche thewes,<br /> +That alle ladies me lothen · that louen eny worschep.</p> + +<p>It is strange that the same hand which wrote these lines should have +written the beautiful description of convent life quoted on p. 297.</p> + +<p><a name='f_932' id='f_932' href='#fna_932'>[932]</a> See above, p. <a href="#Page_82">82</a> and below, <a href="#note_f">Note F</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_933' id='f_933' href='#fna_933'>[933]</a> From “Why can’t I be a nun,” <i>Trans. of Philol. Soc.</i> 1858, Pt <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, +p. 268.</p> + +<p><a name='f_934' id='f_934' href='#fna_934'>[934]</a> <i>Wykeham’s Reg.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 361-2 (1384). Compare case at Shaftesbury +(1298) where the nuns had incurred excommunication. <i>Reg. Sim. de +Gandavo</i>, p. 14.</p> + +<p><a name='f_935' id='f_935' href='#fna_935'>[935]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 8. Compare Winchelsey’s injunctions to Sheppey +in 1296. <i>Reg. Roberti Winchelsey</i>, pp. 99-100.</p> + +<p><a name='f_936' id='f_936' href='#fna_936'>[936]</a> Liveing, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 245-6. The “bad language” may be scolding or +defamation rather than swearing. It is rare to find a nun accused of using +oaths. But see the list of faults drawn up for the nuns of Syon Abbey; +among “greuous defautes” is “if any ... be take withe ... any foule worde, +or else brekethe her sylence, or swerethe horribly be Criste, or be any +parte of hys blyssed body, or unreuerently speketh of God, or of any +saynte, and namely of our blessyd lady”; among “more greuous defautes” is +“yf they swere be the sacramente, or be the body of Cryste, or be hys +passion, or be hys crosse, or be any boke, or be any other thynge lyke”; +and among “most greuous defautes” is “yf any in her madness or drunkenesse +blaspheme horrybly God, or our Lady, or any of hys sayntes” (Aungier, +<i>Hist. of Syon Mon.</i> pp. 256, 259, 262). In 1331, on readmitting Isabella +de Studley (who had been guilty of incontinence and apostasy) to St +Clement’s York, Archbishop Melton announced that if she were disobedient +to the Prioress or quarrelsome with her sisters or <i>indulged in blasphemy</i> +he would transfer her to another house. <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 130.</p> + +<p><a name='f_937' id='f_937' href='#fna_937'>[937]</a> <i>V.C.H. Bucks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, +p. 383 and <i>V.C.H. Lincs.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 155.</p> + +<p><a name='f_938' id='f_938' href='#fna_938'>[938]</a> In 1311 Archbishop Greenfield issued a general order that nuns only +and not sisters were to use the black veil; sisters wore a white veil +(<i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 188 note, and <i>Journ. of Education</i>, 1910, p. +841). This order was repeated at various houses, which shows that there +must have been a widespread attempt to usurp the black veil (<i>V.C.H. +Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, pp. 124, 127, 175, 177, 188). At Sinningthwaite the Prioress +was also ordered not to place the sisters above the nuns. A common +punishment in this district was to remove the black veil from a nun and +this was reserved for the more serious misdeeds.</p> + +<p><a name='f_939' id='f_939' href='#fna_939'>[939]</a> <i>York Reg. Giffard</i>, pp. 147-8. For further instances, see <a href="#note_c">Note C</a> +below.</p> + +<p><a name='f_940' id='f_940' href='#fna_940'>[940]</a> Injunctions against dicing and other games of chance are common in +the case of monks (see e.g. <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 30, 46, 77, 89). I have +found none in nunneries, but a more stately game of skill, the fashionable +tables, was played by Margaret Fairfax with John Munkton. Above, p. <a href="#Page_77">77</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_941' id='f_941' href='#fna_941'>[941]</a> Quoted from St Aldhelm’s <i>De Laudibus Virginitatis</i> in Eckenstein, +<i>Woman under Mon.</i> p. 115. Compare Bede’s account of the nuns of +Coldingham some years before: “The virgins who are vowed to God, laying +aside all respect for their profession, whenever they have leisure spend +all their time in weaving fine garments with which they adorn themselves +like brides, to the detriment of their condition and to secure the +friendship of men outside.” <i>Ib.</i> pp. 102-3.</p> + +<p><a name='f_942' id='f_942' href='#fna_942'>[942]</a> For detailed examples, see <a href="#note_d">Note D</a> below.</p> + +<p><a name='f_943' id='f_943' href='#fna_943'>[943]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 118. Similar <i>detecta</i> and injunctions at +Catesby, Rothwell and Studley (<i>ib.</i> pp. 47, 52; <i>Alnwick’s Visit.</i> MS. +ff. 38, 26<i>d</i>) and at Ankerwyke (quoted above, p. <a href="#Page_76">76</a>). Also at Studley +(1531), <i>Archaeol.</i> <span class="smcaplc">XLVII</span>, p. 55, and Romsey (1523), Liveing, <i>op. cit.</i> +p. 244.</p> + +<p><a name='f_944' id='f_944' href='#fna_944'>[944]</a> <i>Archaeol.</i> <span class="smcaplc">XLVII</span>, p. 52. For an equally detailed account see the +case of the Prioress of Ankerwyke, quoted above p. <a href="#Page_76">76</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_945' id='f_945' href='#fna_945'>[945]</a> See below, p. <a href="#Page_543">543</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_946' id='f_946' href='#fna_946'>[946]</a> See below, pp. <a href="#Page_325">325-30</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_947' id='f_947' href='#fna_947'>[947]</a> For nunnery pets as a literary theme, see <a href="#note_e">Note E</a> and for pet animals +in the nunneries of Eudes Rigaud’s diocese see below, p. <a href="#Page_662">662</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_948' id='f_948' href='#fna_948'>[948]</a> “Ye shall not possess any beasts, my dear sisters, except only a +cat.” <i>Ancren Riwle</i>, p. 316. At the nunnery of Langendorf in Saxony, +however, a set of reformed rules drawn up in the early fifteenth century +contains the proviso “Cats, dogs and other animals are not to be kept by +the nuns, as they detract from seriousness.” Eckenstein, <i>op. cit.</i> p. +415.</p> + +<p><a name='f_949' id='f_949' href='#fna_949'>[949]</a> “Mem. quod apud manerium de Newenton fuerunt quedam moniales.... Et +postea contingit [<i>sic</i>] quod priorissa eiusdem manerii strangulata fuit +de cato suo in lecto suo noctu et postea tractata ad puteum quod vocatur +Nunnepet.” Quoted from Sprott’s Chronicle in <i>The Black Book of St +Augustine’s Abbey, Canterbury</i> (British Acad. 1915), <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 283. In Thorn’s +Chronicle, however, the crime is attributed to the prioress’ <i>cook</i>. See +Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">VI</span>, p. 1620. The nuns were afterwards removed to Sheppey.</p> + +<p><a name='f_950' id='f_950' href='#fna_950'>[950]</a> There really seems to have been a parrot at Fontevrault in 1477, to +judge from an item in the inventory of goods left on her death by the +Abbess Marie de Bretagne, “Item xviij serviecttes en une aultre piece, +led. linge estant en ung coffre de cuir boully, en la chambre ou est la +papegault (perroquet).” Alfred Jubien, <i>L’Abbesse Marie de Bretagne</i> +(Angers and Paris 1872), p. 156. It is interesting to note that J. B. +Thiers, writing on enclosure in 1681, mentions “de belles volieres à +petits oiseaux” as one of those unnecessary works for which artisans may +not be introduced into the cloister. Thiers, <i>De la Clôture</i>, p. 412.</p> + +<p><a name='f_951' id='f_951' href='#fna_951'>[951]</a> <i>Reg. Epis. Peckham</i> (R.S.), <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 660.</p> + +<p><a name='f_952' id='f_952' href='#fna_952'>[952]</a> Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 619 (Chatteris) and <i>Camb. Antiq. Soc. Proc.</i> +<span class="smcaplc">XLV</span> (1905), p. 190 (Ickleton).</p> + +<p><a name='f_953' id='f_953' href='#fna_953'>[953]</a> A decree of the Council of Vienne (1311) complains that many church +ministers come into choir “bringing hawks with them or causing them to be +brought and leading hunting dogs.” Coulton, <i>Med. Garn.</i> p. 588. Similarly +Geiler on the eve of the Reformation complains, in his <i>Navicula +Fatuorum</i>, that “some men, when they are about to enter a church, equip +themselves like hunters, bearing hawks and bells on their wrists and +followed by a pack of baying hounds, that trouble God’s service. Here the +bells jangle, there the barking of dogs echoes in our ears, to the +hindrance of preachers and hearers.” He goes on to say that the habit is +particularly reprehensible in clergy. The privilege of behaving thus was +an adjunct of noble birth and in the cathedrals of Auxerre and Nevers the +treasurers had the legal right of coming to service with hawk on wrist, +because these canonries were hereditary in noble families. <i>Ib.</i> pp. +684-5. Medieval writers on hawking actually advise that hawks should be +taken into church to accustom them to crowds. “Mais en cest endroit +d’espreveterie, le convient plus que devant tenir sur le poing et le +porter aux plais et entre les gens aux églises et ès autres assamblées, et +emmy les rues, et le tenir jour et nuit le plus continuelment que l’en +pourra, et aucune fois le perchier emmi les rues pour veoir gens, +chevaulx, charettes, chiens, et toutes choses congnoistre.” Gaces de la +Bugne gives the same advice. <i>Le Ménagier de Paris</i> (Paris, 1846), <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. +296.</p> + +<p><a name='f_954' id='f_954' href='#fna_954'>[954]</a> Below, p. <a href="#Page_412">412</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_955' id='f_955' href='#fna_955'>[955]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, pp. 168, 175.</p> + +<p><a name='f_956' id='f_956' href='#fna_956'>[956]</a> <i>New Coll.</i> MS. ff. 88-88<i>d</i>, translated in Coulton, <i>Soc. Life in +Britain from the Conquest to the Reformation</i>, p. 397.</p> + +<p><a name='f_957' id='f_957' href='#fna_957'>[957]</a> <i>Hist. MSS. Com. Rep.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IX</span>, app. pt. <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 57.</p> + +<p><a name='f_958' id='f_958' href='#fna_958'>[958]</a> Jessopp, <i>Visit. of Dioc. of Norwich</i>, p. 191.</p> + +<p><a name='f_959' id='f_959' href='#fna_959'>[959]</a> Chaucer’s description of the monk is well known:</p> + +<p class="poem">Therfore he was a pricasour aright;<br /> +Grehoundes he hadde, as swifte as fowel in flight;<br /> +Of priking and of hunting for the hare<br /> +Was al his lust, for no cost wolde he spare.</p> + +<p>Compare Langland’s picture of the monk, riding out on his palfrey from +manor to manor, “an hepe of houndes at hus ers as he a lord were” (<i>Piers +Plowman</i>, C Text <span class="smcaplc">VI</span>, ll. 157-61). Visitation documents amply bear out +these accounts; in a single set of visitations (those by Bishops Flemyng +and Gray of Lincoln during the years 1420-36) we have “Furthermore we +enjoin and command you all and several ... that no canon apply himself in +any wise to hunting, hawking or other lawless wanderings abroad” +(Dunstable Priory 1432); “further we enjoin upon you, the prior and all +and several the canons of the convent aforesaid ... that you utterly +remove and drive away all hounds for hunting from the said priory and its +limits; and that neither you nor any one of you keep, rear, or maintain +such hounds by himself or by another’s means, directly or indirectly, in +the priory or without the priory, under colour of any pretext whatsoever” +(Huntingdon Priory 1432); “also that hounds for hunting be not nourished +within the precinct of your monastery” (St Frideswide’s Oxford, 1422-3) +and a similar injunction to Caldwell Priory. <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 27, 47, +78, 97.</p> + +<p><a name='f_960' id='f_960' href='#fna_960'>[960]</a> Wm. Salt Arch. Soc. Coll. I, p. 261. Compare also the provision in +one of Charlemagne’s capitularies: “Ut episcopi et abbates <i>et abbatissae</i> +cupplas canum non habeant nec falcones nec accipitres,” Baretius, <i>Capit. +Reg. Franc.</i> (1853), p. 64. Some of the birds at Romsey may have been +hawks, though it is more likely that they were larks and other small pets, +such as Eudes Rigaud found in his nunneries.</p> + +<p><a name='f_961' id='f_961' href='#fna_961'>[961]</a> <i>V.C.H. Essex</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 123, and see above, p. <a href="#Page_105">105</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_962' id='f_962' href='#fna_962'>[962]</a> The nuns of St Mary de Pré, St Albans, kept a huntsman. <i>V.C.H. +Herts.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 430 (note).</p> + +<p><a name='f_963' id='f_963' href='#fna_963'>[963]</a> <i>V.C.H. Herts.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 431 +(note); Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, pp. 359-60.</p> + +<p><a name='f_964' id='f_964' href='#fna_964'>[964]</a> <i>Hereford Reg. Thome Spofford</i>, p. 82. (This was combined with an +injunction against going to “comyn wakes and festes, spectacles and other +worldly vanytees” outside the convent. Below, p. <a href="#Page_377">377</a>.).</p> + +<p><a name='f_965' id='f_965' href='#fna_965'>[965]</a> Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 554.</p> + +<p><a name='f_966' id='f_966' href='#fna_966'>[966]</a> Quoted in Coulton, <i>Med. Garn.</i> p. 304.</p> + +<p><a name='f_967' id='f_967' href='#fna_967'>[967]</a> See Chambers, <i>op. cit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 38-41.</p> + +<p><a name='f_968' id='f_968' href='#fna_968'>[968]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 56 (note). “The bishops of Durham in 1355, Norwich in +1362, and Winchester in 1374, 1422, and 1481 had ‘minstrels of honour’ +like any secular noble.”</p> + +<p><a name='f_969' id='f_969' href='#fna_969'>[969]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 39, 56 (notes).</p> + +<p><a name='f_970' id='f_970' href='#fna_970'>[970]</a> Langland, <i>Piers the Plowman</i>, C, Text <span class="smcaplc">VIII</span>, l. 97.</p> + +<p><a name='f_971' id='f_971' href='#fna_971'>[971]</a> “Payments for performances are frequent in the accounts of the +Augustinian priories at Canterbury, Bicester and Maxstoke and the great +Benedictine houses of Durham, Norwich, Thetford and St Swithin’s, +Winchester, and doubtless in those of many another cloistered retreat. The +Minorite chroniclers relate how, at the coming of the friars in 1224, two +of them were mistaken for minstrels by the porter of a Benedictine grange +near Abingdon, received by the brethren with unbecoming glee, and when the +error was discovered, turned out with contumely,” Chambers, <i>op. cit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, +pp. 56-7. In the Register of St Swithun’s it is recorded under the year +1374 that “on the feast of Bishop Alwyn ... six minstrels with four +harpers performed their minstrelsies. And after dinner in the great arched +chamber of the lord Prior, they sang the same geste.... And the said +jongleurs came from the household of the bishop,” <i>ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 56 (note). +See extracts from the account books of Durham, Finchale, Maxstoke and +Thetford Priories relating to the visits of minstrels, <i>ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. +240-6. At Finchale there was even a room called “le Playerchambre,” <i>ib.</i> +<span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 244. In 1258 Eudes Rigaud had to order the Abbot of Jumièges “that +he should send strolling players away from his premises.” <i>Reg. Visit. +Arch. Roth.</i> p. 607. At a later date, in 1549, a council at Cologne +directed a canon against comedians who were in the habit of visiting the +German nunneries and by their profane plays and amatory acting excited to +unholy desires the virgins dedicated to God. Lea, <i>Hist. of Sacerdotal +Celibacy</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 189.</p> + +<p><a name='f_972' id='f_972' href='#fna_972'>[972]</a> “Histrionibus potest dari cibus, quia pauperes sunt, non quia +histriones; et eorum ludi non videantur, vel audiantur vel permittantur +fieri coram abbate vel monachis.” <i>Annales de Burton</i> (<i>Ann. Monast. R. +S.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 485), quoted Chambers, <i>op. cit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 39 (note).</p> + +<p><a name='f_973' id='f_973' href='#fna_973'>[973]</a> <i>Alnwick’s Visit.</i> f. 83.</p> + +<p><a name='f_974' id='f_974' href='#fna_974'>[974]</a> <i>Aucassin and Nicolete</i>, ed. Bourdillon (1897), p. 22.</p> + +<p><a name='f_975' id='f_975' href='#fna_975'>[975]</a> See the well-known story of “Le Tombeor de Notre Dame” (<i>Romania</i>, +<span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 315), and “Du Cierge qui descendi sus la viele au vieleeux devant +l’ymage Nostre Dame,” Gautier de Coincy, <i>Miracles de Nostre Dame</i>, ed. +Poquet (1859), p. 310. Both are translated in <i>Of The Tumbler of Our Lady +and Other Miracles</i> by A. Kemp-Welch (King’s Classics 1909).</p> + +<p><a name='f_976' id='f_976' href='#fna_976'>[976]</a> For the following account, see A. F. Leach’s article on “The +Schoolboy’s Feast,” <i>Fortnightly Review</i>, N.S. <span class="smcaplc">LIX</span> (1896), p. 128, and +Chambers, <i>op. cit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, ch. XV.</p> + +<p><a name='f_977' id='f_977' href='#fna_977'>[977]</a> See below, p. <a href="#Page_662">662</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_978' id='f_978' href='#fna_978'>[978]</a> <i>Reg. Epis. J. Peckham</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 82-3. For a similar injunction to +Godstow, see <i>ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 846. At Romsey the Archbishop forbade the +festivities altogether: “Superstitionem vero quae in Natali Domini et +Ascensione Ejusdem fieri consuevit, perpetuo condemnamus,” <i>ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. +664. The superstition was probably the election of the youngest nun as +abbess.</p> + +<p><a name='f_979' id='f_979' href='#fna_979'>[979]</a> <i>Norwich Visit.</i> pp. 209-10.</p> + +<p><a name='f_980' id='f_980' href='#fna_980'>[980]</a> <i>Archaeol.</i> <span class="smcaplc">XLVII</span>, p. 56. On the Lord of Misrule, see Chambers <i>op. +cit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, ch. <span class="smcaplc">XVII</span>. There is a vivid account (from the Puritan point of +view) in Philip Stubbes, <i>The Anatomie of Abuses</i> (1583) quoted in <i>Life +in Shakespeare’s England</i>, ed. J. D. Wilson (1915), pp. 25-7.</p> + +<p><a name='f_981' id='f_981' href='#fna_981'>[981]</a> Chambers, <i>op. cit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 361 (note 1).</p> + +<p><a name='f_982' id='f_982' href='#fna_982'>[982]</a> Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 360.</p> + +<p><a name='f_983' id='f_983' href='#fna_983'>[983]</a> Cussans, <i>Hist. of Herts., Hertford Hundred</i>, app. <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 268.</p> + +<p><a name='f_984' id='f_984' href='#fna_984'>[984]</a> Walcott, <i>Inventory of Shepey</i>, p. 23. There is perhaps another +reference in the inventory of Langley in 1485: “iij quesyns (cushions) of +olde red saye, ij smale quechyns embrodred and ij qwechyns namyde Seynt +Nicolas qwechyns,” Walcott, <i>Inventory of Langley</i>, p. 6.</p> + +<p><a name='f_985' id='f_985' href='#fna_985'>[985]</a> E.g. (besides the well-known case of Dr Rock in <i>The Church of Our +Fathers</i>), Gayley, <i>Plays of our Forefathers</i>, pp. 67-8.</p> + +<p><a name='f_986' id='f_986' href='#fna_986'>[986]</a> Leach, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 137.</p> + +<p><a name='f_987' id='f_987' href='#fna_987'>[987]</a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 131.</p> + +<p><a name='f_988' id='f_988' href='#fna_988'>[988]</a> Leach, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 137 (from <i>Martène</i>, <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 39). I have +slightly altered the translation.</p> + +<p><a name='f_989' id='f_989' href='#fna_989'>[989]</a> On Benedictine poverty, see Dom Butler, <i>Benedictine Monachism</i>, ch. +<span class="smcaplc">X</span>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_990' id='f_990' href='#fna_990'>[990]</a> The alteration was made even by the Cistercians in 1335. See <i>Linc. +Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 238 (under <i>Misericord</i>). Among Black Monks it began much +earlier.</p> + +<p><a name='f_991' id='f_991' href='#fna_991'>[991]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 238. Alnwick’s visitations sometimes mention +this division of the frater. “Also she prays that frater may be kept every +day, since there is one upper frater wherein they feed on fish and food +made with milk, and another downstairs, wherein they feed of grace on +flesh” (Nuncoton 1440). “Also she says that they feed on fish and milk +foods in the upper frater and on flesh in the lower” (Stixwould 1440). +<i>Alnwick’s Visit.</i> MS. ff. 71<i>d</i>, 76.</p> + +<p><a name='f_992' id='f_992' href='#fna_992'>[992]</a> “Et qe nule Dame de Religion ne mange hors du Refreytour en chambre +severale si ceo ne soit en compaignie la Priouresse, ou par maladie ou +autre renable encheson.... Item, purceo qe ascune foitz ascunes Dames de +vostre Religion orent lur damoiseles severales por faire severalement lur +viaunde, si ordinoms, voloms et establioms qe totes celles damoiseles +soyent de tut oste de la cusine, et qe un keu covenable, qi eit un page +desoutz lui soit mys per servir a tut le Covent” (1319). <i>Exeter Reg. +Stapeldon</i>, pp. 317-8. Compare <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 165 (Hampole 1411).</p> + +<p><a name='f_993' id='f_993' href='#fna_993'>[993]</a> For the following references, see <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 46, 89, +114, 117, 119, 121, 175; <i>Alnwick’s Visit.</i> MS. ff. 71<i>d</i>, 76, 77, 83.</p> + +<p><a name='f_994' id='f_994' href='#fna_994'>[994]</a> Pupils or boarders may account for these discrepancies.</p> + +<p><a name='f_995' id='f_995' href='#fna_995'>[995]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. +67 (and note 3); compare <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 181.</p> + +<p><a name='f_996' id='f_996' href='#fna_996'>[996]</a> Walcott, M. E. C., <i>Inventories of ... the Ben. Priory of ... Shepey +for Nuns</i> (<i>Arch. Cant.</i> 1869), pp. 23 ff.</p> + +<p><a name='f_997' id='f_997' href='#fna_997'>[997]</a> E.g. at Gracedieu “<i>The dorter</i>, item ther three nunnes selles +whyche as sould for 30<i>s.</i>” Nichols, <i>Hist. and Antiq. of Leic.</i> (1804), +<span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 653; at Catesby where the “sells in the dorter were sold at 6<i>s.</i> +8<i>d.</i> apiece,” <i>Archaeologia</i>, <span class="smcaplc">XLIII</span>, p. 241. In theory the nuns were +supposed to get up and lie down in full view of each other and curtains +were forbidden by Woodlock at Romsey in 1311. Liveing, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 104. +On the other hand at Redlingfield in 1514 a nun complained that “sorores +non habent curricula inter cubilia, sed una potest aliam videre quando +surgit vel aliquid aliud facit” and the Bishop ordered the Prioress to +provide curtains between the cubicles in the dorter. Jessopp, <i>Visit. of +Dioc. of Norwich</i> (Camden Soc.), pp. 139-40. Dom Butler thus traces the +transition from the open dorter to private cells: open dorter; side +partitions between the beds; curtains in front; a latticed door in front, +making a cubicle; a solid door with a large window; the window grew +smaller and smaller until it became a peephole; the dorter became a +gallery of private rooms. <i>Downside Review</i> (1899), pp. 119-21.</p> + +<p><a name='f_998' id='f_998' href='#fna_998'>[998]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 51-2. See also among many other injunctions +and references to the custom the following: Gracedieu (1440-1), <i>ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, +p. 125; Godstow (1432), <i>ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 67-8; Barking (1279); Wherwell +(1284), <i>Reg. Epis. Johannis Peckham</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 84, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 653; Hampole +(1311), <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 181; Swine (1318), <i>ib.</i> p. 163; +Nunappleton (1346 and 1489), <i>ib.</i> pp. 171-2; Fairwell (1367), <i>Reg. +Stretton of Lichfield</i>, p. 119; Romsey (1387 and 1492), <i>New Coll.</i> MS. +ff. 85, 85<i>d</i>, 86, Liveing, <i>Records of Romsey Abbey</i>, p. 218; Aconbury +(1438), <i>Reg. Spofford of Hereford</i>, p. 224; Stixwould (1519), <i>V.C.H. +Lincs.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 148; Sinningthwaite (1534), <i>Yorks. Arch. Journ.</i> <span class="smcaplc">XVI</span>, p. +441. Sometimes the system can be traced in one house over a long period of +years. At Elstow, for instance, in 1387, <i>Linc. Epis. Reg. Memo. +Bokyngham</i>, f. 343; in 1421-2, <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 50, 51; in 1432, +<i>ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 53; in 1442-3, <i>ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 89; and in 1531, <i>Archaeologia</i>, +<span class="smcaplc">XLVII</span>, p. 51. For an admonition to a nun by name see “Moneatis insuper +dominam Johannam de Wakefelde commonialem quod illam cameram quam modo +inhabitat contra debitam honestatem religionis predicte solitarie +commorando omnino dimittat et sequatur conventum assidue tam in choro, +claustro, refectorio et dormitorio quam in ceteris locis et temporibus +opportunis, prout religionis convenit honestati” (Kirklees 1315), <i>Yorks. +Arch. Journ.</i> <span class="smcaplc">XVI</span>, p. 359.</p> + +<p><a name='f_999' id='f_999' href='#fna_999'>[999]</a> See, for instance, Longland’s careful injunction to Elstow in 1531: +“Foras moche as the very ordre off sainct benedicte his rules ar nott ther +obserued in keping the ffratrye att meale tymes ... butt customably they +resorte to certayn places within the monasterye called the housholdes, +where moche insolency is use contrarye to the good rules of the said +religion, by reason of resorte of seculars both men women and children and +many other inconvenyents hath thereby ensewed ... we inioyne ... that ye +lady abbesse and your successours see that noo suche householdes be then +kepte frome hensforth, butt oonly oon place which shalbe called the +mysericorde, where shalbe oon sadde lady of the eldest sorte oversear and +maistres to all the residue that thidre shall resorte, whiche in nombre +shall nott passe fyve att the uttermoost, besides ther saide ladye +oversear or maistres and those fyve wekely to chaunge and soo ... all the +covent have kepte the same, and they agen to begynne and the said +gouernour and oversear of them contynally to contynue in thatt roome by +the space of oon quarter of a yere, and soo quarterly to chaunge att the +nominacon and plesure of the ladye abbesse for the tyme being. Over this +it is ordered undre the said payne and Iniunction that the ladye abbesse +haue no moo susters from hensforth in hir householde butt oonly foure with +hir chapleyne and likewise wekely to chaunge till they have goon by course +thrugh the hole nomber off susters, and soo aȝen to begynne and +contynue.” <i>Archaeologia</i>, <span class="smcaplc">XLVII</span>, p. 51.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1000' id='f_1000' href='#fna_1000'>[1000]</a> Wilkins, <i>Conc.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 16. See also “Et fetez qe lez deuz parties +du covent a meyns mangent checun jour en le refreytour” (Wroxall 1338); +<i>Sede Vacante Reg.</i> (Worc.), p. 276; cf. Elstow (c. 1432), <i>Linc. Visit.</i> +<span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 53. It is often accepted that the nuns shall keep frater only on the +three fish days, but see Gray’s injunction to Delapré Abbey (c. 1432-3) +enjoining its observance on the three accustomed days (Sunday, Wednesday +and Friday) and on Monday as well. <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 45.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1001' id='f_1001' href='#fna_1001'>[1001]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 68.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1002' id='f_1002' href='#fna_1002'>[1002]</a> See, for instance, Bokyngham’s injunction to Heynings in 1392: +“Item that no nun there shall keep a private chamber, but that all the +nuns, who are in good health, shall lie and sleep in the dorter and those +who are ill in the infirmary, saving dame Margaret Darcy, nun of the +aforesaid house, to whom on account of her noble birth we wish for the +time being to allow that room which she now occupies, but without any +service of bread and beer, save in case of manifest illness,” <i>Linc. Epis. +Reg. Memo. Bokyngham</i>, f. 397<i>d</i>. But see Gynewell’s injunctions to the +convent in 1351. <i>Linc. Epis. Reg. Memo. Gynewell</i>, f. 34<i>d</i>. For the use +of separate rooms allowed to ill nuns, see Nunappleton (1489), <i>V.C.H. +Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 172. At Romsey in 1507 the nuns, under the eye of the +visitor, “concluded and provided that Joan Patent, nun, who had hurt her +leg, by her consent shall in future have meals in her own chamber and +shall daily have in her chamber the right of one nun.” Liveing, <i>Records +of Romsey Abbey</i>, p. 230. But usually the use of the common infirmary is +enjoined. Separate lodgings were also allowed to ex-superiors after +resignation. See above, p. <a href="#Page_57">57</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1003' id='f_1003' href='#fna_1003'>[1003]</a> <i>P.R.O. Mins. Accts.</i> 1257/10, ff. 46, 119, 170, 214.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1004' id='f_1004' href='#fna_1004'>[1004]</a> <i>P.R.O. Mins. Accts.</i> 1260/14.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1005' id='f_1005' href='#fna_1005'>[1005]</a> Gray, <i>Priory of St Radegund, Cambridge</i>, pp. 27, 147, 155, 163, +171.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1006' id='f_1006' href='#fna_1006'>[1006]</a> Baker, <i>Hist. of Northants.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 280.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1007' id='f_1007' href='#fna_1007'>[1007]</a> <i>Reg. J. de Pontissara</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 126. William of Wykeham writes to +Wherwell in 1387 concerning the abbess’ illicit detention of “certain +distributions and pittances as well in money as in spices,” which divers +benefactors had endowed. <i>New Coll.</i> MS. f. 89 vº.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1008' id='f_1008' href='#fna_1008'>[1008]</a> See below, p. <a href="#Page_653">653</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1009' id='f_1009' href='#fna_1009'>[1009]</a> <i>Reg. Thome de Cantilupo</i>, p. 202. Compare Archbishop Winchelsey’s +injunction to Sheppey (1296) “ne qua monialis pecuniam vel aliam rem sibi +donatam aut aliqualiter adquisitam sibi retineat sine expressa licencia +priorisse” (a loophole). <i>Reg. Roberti Winchelsey</i>, p. 100.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1010' id='f_1010' href='#fna_1010'>[1010]</a> W. Rye, <i>Carrow Abbey</i>, app. <span class="smcaplc">IX</span>, p. xix.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1011' id='f_1011' href='#fna_1011'>[1011]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 68.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1012' id='f_1012' href='#fna_1012'>[1012]</a> See above, pp. <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1013' id='f_1013' href='#fna_1013'>[1013]</a> <i>Test. Ebor.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 296-7.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1014' id='f_1014' href='#fna_1014'>[1014]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 97.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1015' id='f_1015' href='#fna_1015'>[1015]</a> <i>Lincolnshire Wills</i>, ed. A. R. Maddison (1880), pp. 4, 6.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1016' id='f_1016' href='#fna_1016'>[1016]</a> See, for example, <i>Test. Ebor.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 6, 9, 11, 12, 14, 15, 16, +18, 19, 31, 43, 54, 62, 90, 98, 109, 143, 166, 179, 216, 292, 337, 345, +349, 363, 376, 382 (chiefly wills of clergy and country gentry); Nicolas, +<i>Test. Vetusta</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 52, 70, 76, 79, 85, 115, 116, 120, 121, 123, 137, +155, 170, 196, 300, 377 (chiefly wills of the aristocracy); Gibbons, +<i>Early Lincoln Wills</i>, pp. 18, 21, 25, 26, 40, 41, 56, 60, 67, 71, 76, 80, +87, 97, 125, 138, 139, 150, 160 (chiefly wills of clergy and country +gentry). The wills of the citizens of London preserved in the court of +Husting contain many legacies to nuns, chiefly annual rents.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1017' id='f_1017' href='#fna_1017'>[1017]</a> Gray, <i>Priory of St Radegund, Cambridge</i>, p. 156.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1018' id='f_1018' href='#fna_1018'>[1018]</a> <i>Test. Ebor.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 317, 322, 324. The items occur in the +inventory of the Bishop’s goods and against each is written “Detur +Priorissae de Swyna sorori meae.”</p> + +<p><a name='f_1019' id='f_1019' href='#fna_1019'>[1019]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 332.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1020' id='f_1020' href='#fna_1020'>[1020]</a> <i>Test. Ebor.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 187-9. He also left the Prioress 13<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i> +and each nun 6<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i> and each sister 3<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i> To certain nuns he +left special bequests, to Margaret de Pykering, “one piece of silver, with +the head of a stag in the bottom and 2<i>s.</i>,” to Elizabeth Fairfax 26<i>s.</i> +8<i>d.</i> and to Margaret de Cotam 13<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i>; also to the Prioress and +convent “my white vestment with the gold stars and all the appurtenances +thereof and my cross with Mary and John in silver and one gilt chalice.” +Nor were his legacies confined to Nunmonkton; he left his two sisters at +Sempringham 100<i>s.</i> and two nuns of Nunappleton and Marrick respectively, +a cow each.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1021' id='f_1021' href='#fna_1021'>[1021]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 14-15. He also leaves 40<i>s.</i> to the Prioress and +convent “for a pittance,” 20<i>s.</i> to another nun there and 6<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i> to a +nun of Watton. He evidently had great confidence in Alice Conyers, for the +injunctions of his will are to be carried out “according to the counsel +and help of the said Alice Conyers and of my executors.” For other gifts +of plate to individuals, see <i>Test. Ebor.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 216, <i>Somerset Med. +Wills</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 18, 144, <i>Reg. Stafford of Exeter</i>, pp. 392, 415, 416, +<i>Testamenta Leodiensia</i> (Thoresby Soc. Pub. <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, 1890), p. 108.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1022' id='f_1022' href='#fna_1022'>[1022]</a> Sharpe, <i>Cal. of Wills ... in the Court of Husting</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 688. She +also leaves Margaret and two other nuns a piece of blanket to be divided +between them.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1023' id='f_1023' href='#fna_1023'>[1023]</a> <i>Test. Ebor.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 179. He also leaves her 40<i>s.</i> and a silver +cup.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1024' id='f_1024' href='#fna_1024'>[1024]</a> <i>Somerset Medieval Wills</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 47. Eleanor, Duchess of +Gloucester, left a bed among other things to her daughter, a nun of the +house of Minoresses without Aldgate (1399). Nicolas, <i>Test. Vetusta</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, +p. 148.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1025' id='f_1025' href='#fna_1025'>[1025]</a> <i>Test. Ebor.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 382.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1026' id='f_1026' href='#fna_1026'>[1026]</a> Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 194.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1027' id='f_1027' href='#fna_1027'>[1027]</a> <i>Test. Ebor.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 51.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1028' id='f_1028' href='#fna_1028'>[1028]</a> <i>Reg. Stafford of Exeter</i>, p. 392. For other gifts of clothes see +Rye, <i>Carrow Abbey</i>, app. p. xix (a habit cloth), <i>Lincoln Wills</i>, ed. +Foster, p. 84 (“a fyne mantyll of ix yerds off narow cloth”), <i>Test. +Ebor.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 59 (my two robes with mantles), <i>ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 255 (my best +harnassed belt).</p> + +<p><a name='f_1029' id='f_1029' href='#fna_1029'>[1029]</a> At Hampole in 1320 he warned the prioress to correct those nuns who +used new-fangled clothes, contrary to the accustomed use of the order, +“whatever might be their condition or state of dignity,” <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> +<span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 164 (where the date is wrongly given as 1314).</p> + +<p><a name='f_1030' id='f_1030' href='#fna_1030'>[1030]</a> See e.g. Wilkins, <i>Conc.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 591; +<i>V.C.H. Bucks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 383; +<i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 52; <i>ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 3, 8.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1031' id='f_1031' href='#fna_1031'>[1031]</a> See above, p. <a href="#Page_76">76</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1032' id='f_1032' href='#fna_1032'>[1032]</a> See above, p. <a href="#Page_328">328</a>. For other bequests of rings, see the wills of +Sir Guy de Beauchamp, 1359 (his fourth best gold ring to his daughter +Katherine at Shouldham), Robert de Ufford, Earl of Suffolk, 1368 (“to the +Lady of Ulster, a Minoress ... a ring of gold, which was the duke’s, her +brother’s”), Thomas Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick, 1369 (rings to his +daughter and granddaughter at Shouldham). Nicolas, <i>Test. Vetusta</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. +63, 74, 79. But rings might be put to pious uses. The inventory of +<i>jocalia</i> in the custody of the sacrist of Wherwell (c. 1333-40) contains +the item, “a small silver croun, with eleven gold rings fixed in it, for +the high altar; another better croun of silver, with nineteen gold +rings.” <i>V.C.H. Hants.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 135.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1033' id='f_1033' href='#fna_1033'>[1033]</a> <i>Linc. Dioc. Doc.</i> ed. A. Clark (E.E.T.S.), p. 50.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1034' id='f_1034' href='#fna_1034'>[1034]</a> <i>Reg. Stafford of Exeter</i>, p. 415.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1035' id='f_1035' href='#fna_1035'>[1035]</a> Gibbons, <i>Early Linc. Wills</i>, p. 5. In the Prioress’ room at +Sheppey at the Dissolution were found “iiij payre of corall beds, +contaynyng in all lviij past gawdy (ed.).” Walcott, <i>Invent. of ... +Shepey</i>, p. 29.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1036' id='f_1036' href='#fna_1036'>[1036]</a> <i>Sussex Arch. Coll.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IX</span>, p. 8.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1037' id='f_1037' href='#fna_1037'>[1037]</a> See pp. <a href="#Page_272">272-3</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1038' id='f_1038' href='#fna_1038'>[1038]</a> Another nun says that she has nothing at all for raiment and +another deposes, “seeing that the revenues of the house are not above +forty pounds and the nuns are thirteen in number with one novice, so many +out of rents so slender cannot have sufficient food and clothing, unless +some help be given them from other sources by their secular friends.” +<i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 184, 186.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1039' id='f_1039' href='#fna_1039'>[1039]</a> For these references, see <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 7, 47, 92, 117, +184, 186; <i>Alnwick’s Visit.</i> MS. ff. 6, 71<i>d</i>, 76, 83. Also injunctions as +to food at Elstow <i>ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 39 (and note).</p> + +<p><a name='f_1040' id='f_1040' href='#fna_1040'>[1040]</a> Baker, <i>Hist. and Antiq. of Northants.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 280, 282-3.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1041' id='f_1041' href='#fna_1041'>[1041]</a> Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 359.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1042' id='f_1042' href='#fna_1042'>[1042]</a> Temp. Henry VII the Abbess of Elstow’s account records the payment +of double commons of 1<i>s.</i> a week to the Prioress and 6<i>d.</i> a week single +commons to each of the nuns. Pittances (double to the prioress) are paid +on days of profession and on the greater feast. The nuns also had dress +allowances in money. C. T. Flower, <i>Obedientiars’ Accounts of Glastonbury +and other Relig. Houses</i> (St Paul’s Ecclesiol. Soc. <span class="smcaplc">VII</span>, pt <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, 1912), pp. +52, 55.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1043' id='f_1043' href='#fna_1043'>[1043]</a> <i>Visit. of Dioc. of Norwich</i>, ed. Jessopp, p. 290.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1044' id='f_1044' href='#fna_1044'>[1044]</a> <i>Eng. Hist. Rev.</i> <span class="smcaplc">VI</span>, p. 34.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1045' id='f_1045' href='#fna_1045'>[1045]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 176, 177.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1046' id='f_1046' href='#fna_1046'>[1046]</a> <i>Reg. J. de Pontissara</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 125.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1047' id='f_1047' href='#fna_1047'>[1047]</a> Liveing, <i>Records of Romsey Abbey</i>, p. 103.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1048' id='f_1048' href='#fna_1048'>[1048]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 164.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1049' id='f_1049' href='#fna_1049'>[1049]</a> <i>Linc. Epis. Reg. Memo. Bokyngham</i>, f. 397<i>d</i>. Compare Eudes +Rigaud’s difficulties with the hens at Saint-Aubin, below, p. <a href="#Page_653">653</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1050' id='f_1050' href='#fna_1050'>[1050]</a> E.g. in the will of Agnes de Denton, 1356 (Item to dame Cecilie de +Hmythwayt two cows), <i>Testamenta Karleolensia</i>, p. 12; Sir John Fairfax, +1393 (Item I bequeath to dame Katherine de Barlay, nun of Appleton, one +cow. Item to dame Custance Colvyll, nun of Marrick, one cow); Sir William +Dronsfeld, 1406 (Item I bequeath to dame Alice de Totehill, nun, one cow. +Item I bequeath to dame Margaret de Barneby, one cow); Sir Thomas Rednes +1407 (Item to Alice Redness nun [of Hampole] one cow and one fat pig). +<i>Test. Ebor.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 189, 345, 349.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1051' id='f_1051' href='#fna_1051'>[1051]</a> <i>Alnwick’s Visit.</i> MS. f. 72.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1052' id='f_1052' href='#fna_1052'>[1052]</a> Wilkins, <i>Conc.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 593.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1053' id='f_1053' href='#fna_1053'>[1053]</a> <i>New Coll.</i> MS. ff. 85<i>d</i>, 86. The sin of <i>proprietas</i> seems to +have been serious in this house, for the Bishop couples his prohibition of +wills with a prohibition of private rooms and pupils, and later (f. 86<i>d</i>) +makes a general injunction against private property.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1054' id='f_1054' href='#fna_1054'>[1054]</a> <i>V.C.H. Dorset</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 78.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1055' id='f_1055' href='#fna_1055'>[1055]</a> Wilkins, <i>Conc.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 592.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1056' id='f_1056' href='#fna_1056'>[1056]</a> In connection with this, see Wickwane’s injunction to Nunappleton +in 1281, “We also forbid locked boxes and chests, save if the prioress +shall have ordained some seemly arrangement of the kind and shall often +see and inspect the contents.” <i>Reg. Wickwane</i> (Surtees Soc.), p. 141. +Also Newark’s injunction to Swine in 1298 that “the Prioress and two +senior nuns should cause the boxes of any nuns of whom suspicion [of +property] should arise to be opened in her presence and the contents seen. +And if anyone will not open her box ... then let the prioress break it +open.” <i>Reg. of John le Romayn and Hen. of Newark</i> (Surtees Soc.), II, p. +223; compare Eudes Rigaud’s struggle against locked boxes, below, p. <a href="#Page_652">652</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1057' id='f_1057' href='#fna_1057'>[1057]</a> Wilkins, <i>Conc.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 16.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1058' id='f_1058' href='#fna_1058'>[1058]</a> “Where the lawe and the professyon of yche religyouse person that +thei have shuld have one fraitoure and house to ete in in commyn and not +in private chaumbers, and so to lygg and slepe in one house, in youre said +covent sustren reteynen money and proveis thame selfe privatly ayensthe +ordir of religion, etc.” The injunction is coupled with a strong +injunction against dowries. <i>Hereford Reg. T. Spofford</i>, p. 224. Compare +the injunction to Lymbrook, p. <a href="#Page_324">324</a> above.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1059' id='f_1059' href='#fna_1059'>[1059]</a> <i>V.C.H. Dorset</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 77.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1060' id='f_1060' href='#fna_1060'>[1060]</a> For other references to the <i>peculium</i> for clothing, see <i>Visit. of +Dioc. of Norwich</i>, ed. Jessopp, p. 274; <i>Sussex Arch. Coll.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IX</span>, p. 23; +Liveing, <i>Records of Romsey Abbey</i>, p. 130.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1061' id='f_1061' href='#fna_1061'>[1061]</a> Thus William of Wykeham, in the course of his severe injunction +against <i>proprietas</i> at Romsey (1387), thus defines it: “Vt autem quid sit +proprium vobis plenius innotescat, nos sancti Benedicti regulam imitantes, +id totum proprium siue proprietatem fore dicimus et eciam declaramus, +quicquid videlicet dederitis vel receperitis sine iussu vestre Abbatisse +aut retinueritis sine permissione illius.” <i>New Coll.</i> MS. f. 86<i>d</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1062' id='f_1062' href='#fna_1062'>[1062]</a> <i>Reg. Wickwane</i> (Surtees Soc.), p. 140.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1063' id='f_1063' href='#fna_1063'>[1063]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 174.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1064' id='f_1064' href='#fna_1064'>[1064]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 164.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1065' id='f_1065' href='#fna_1065'>[1065]</a> Jessopp, <i>Visit. of Dioc. of Norwich</i>, p. 143.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1066' id='f_1066' href='#fna_1066'>[1066]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 8.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1067' id='f_1067' href='#fna_1067'>[1067]</a> “The monastery, however, itself ought if possible to be so +constructed as to contain within it all necessaries, that is, water, mill, +garden and [places for] the various crafts which are exercised within a +monastery, so that there be no occasion for monks to wander abroad, since +this is in no wise expedient for their souls.” <i>Rule of St Benedict</i>, tr. +Gasquet, pp. 117-8.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1068' id='f_1068' href='#fna_1068'>[1068]</a> Chap. <span class="smcaplc">L</span>, <i>ib.</i> p. 88.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1069' id='f_1069' href='#fna_1069'>[1069]</a> Chap. <span class="smcaplc">LI</span>, <i>ib.</i> p. 89.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1070' id='f_1070' href='#fna_1070'>[1070]</a> Chap. <span class="smcaplc">LXVII</span>, <i>ib.</i> p. 118. This, however, is clearly exceptional; +the regulation comes in a later chapter and not in the first edition of +the rule. The translations of the rule made at a later date for nuns, +sometimes specify visits “to fadir or moder or oþer frend” not mentioned +in the original.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1071' id='f_1071' href='#fna_1071'>[1071]</a> In some reformed orders founded at a later date the formula of +profession actually contained a vow of perpetual enclosure, e.g. the Poor +Clares, whose vow, under the second rule given to them by Urban IV in +1263, comprised obedience, poverty, chastity and enclosure. Thiers, <i>De la +Clôture</i> (1681), pp. 41-2. Compare the formula given in the rule of the +Order of the Annunciation, founded at the close of the fifteenth century +by Jeanne de France, daughter of Louis XI. <i>Ib.</i> p. 55. The nuns of the +older orders did not make any specific vow of enclosure, and it was +enforced upon them only as an indispensable condition for the fulfilment + +of their other vows, which accounts for the obstinacy of their opposition; +some jurisconsults, indeed, were of the opinion that the Pope could not +oblige a nun to be enclosed against her will. <i>Ib.</i> p. 50.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1072' id='f_1072' href='#fna_1072'>[1072]</a> The passage is quoted in the preface to Thiers, <i>op. cit.</i> For the +Church’s view of virginity, see especially St Jerome’s famous <i>Epistola</i> +(22) <i>ad Eustochium</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1073' id='f_1073' href='#fna_1073'>[1073]</a> Thiers, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 245. Quoting the jurisconsult Philippus +Probus. For a good example of the mixture of ideas, see Mr Coulton’s +account of the arguments used by the monk Idung of St Emmeram in favour of +enclosure: “He begins with the usual medieval emphasis on feminine +frailty, of which (as he points out) the Church reminds us in her collect +for every Virgin Martyr’s feast ‘Victory ... even in the weaker sex.’ Then +comes the usual quotation from St Jerome, with its reference to Dinah, +which Idung is bold enough to clinch by a detailed allusion to Danae. +This, of course, is little more than the usual clerkly ungallantry; but it +is followed by a passage of more cruel courtesy. The monk must needs go +abroad sometimes on business, as for instance, to buy and sell in markets; +‘but such occupations as these would be most indecent for even an earthly +queen, and far below the dignity of a bride of the King of Heaven.’” +Coulton, <i>Med. Studies</i>, No. 10, “Monastic Schools in Middle Ages” (1913), +pp. 21-2.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1074' id='f_1074' href='#fna_1074'>[1074]</a> Words which Menander puts in the mouth of one of his characters. +Compare the famous Periclean definition of womanly virtue, which is “not +to be talked about for good or for evil among men.”</p> + +<p><a name='f_1075' id='f_1075' href='#fna_1075'>[1075]</a> Coulton, <i>Chaucer and his England</i>, p. 111.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1076' id='f_1076' href='#fna_1076'>[1076]</a> The following references will be found conveniently collected in +Part I chs. 1-16 of a very interesting little book, the <i>Traité de la +Clôture des Religieuses</i>, published in Paris in 1681 by Jean-Baptiste +Thiers, “Prestre, Bachelier en Theologie de la Faculté de Paris et Curé de +Chambrond.” The treatise is divided into two parts, one of which shows +“that it is not permitted to nuns to leave their enclosure without +necessity,” the other “that it is not permitted to strangers to enter the +enclosure of nuns without necessity.” The author contends that enclosure +was the immemorial practice of the Church, though the first general decree +on the subject was the Bull <i>Periculoso</i>; but what he proves is really +that the demand grew up gradually and naturally out of the effort to +reform the growing abuses in conventual life, which sprang from too free +an intercourse with the world.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1077' id='f_1077' href='#fna_1077'>[1077]</a> <i>Sext. Decret.</i> lib. <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, tit. XVI. Quoted in <i>Reg. Simonis de +Gandavo</i>, pp. 10 ff.; from which I quote. See also Thiers, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. +45-9.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1078' id='f_1078' href='#fna_1078'>[1078]</a> See Thiers, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 53-60 for these, except the reforms of +Busch, for which see below, <a href="#APPENDIX_III">App. <span class="smcaplc">III</span></a>. Three papal bulls were published in +the sixteenth century reinforcing <i>Periculoso</i>, viz. the Bull <i>Circa +pastoralis</i> (1566) and <i>Decori et honestati</i> (1570) of Pius V and the Bull +<i>Deo sacris</i> of Gregory XIII (1572).</p> + +<p><a name='f_1079' id='f_1079' href='#fna_1079'>[1079]</a> “Cependant il n’y a gueres aujourd’hui de point de Discipline +Ecclesiastique qui soit ou plus negligé, ou plus ignoré que celui de la +clôture des Religieuses; et quoique les Conciles, les Saints Docteurs et +les Pères des Monasteres, ayent en divers temps et en divers rencontres, +employé leur zèle et leur authorité pour en établir la pratique; nous ne +laissons pas neanmoins de voir souvent avec douleur qu’on le viole +empunément, sans scrupule, sans réflexion et sans necessité. L’Eglise +gemit tous les jours en veuë de ce desordre qui la deshonore notablement; +et c’est pour compatir en quelque façon à ses gemissemens, que +j’entreprens de le combattre dans ce Traité.” <i>Op. cit.</i> Preface.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1080' id='f_1080' href='#fna_1080'>[1080]</a> Wilkins, <i>Concilia</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II.</span>, p. 18.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1081' id='f_1081' href='#fna_1081'>[1081]</a> See, however, the injunctions of Thomas of Cantilupe, Bishop of +Hereford, to Lymbrook in 1277, which are in part a recital of Ottobon’s +Constitutions. <i>Reg. Thome de Cantilupo</i>, p. 201. Peckham, in the +injunctions which he sent to Barking and Godstow in 1279, states that they +are based respectively upon those issued by John de Chishull, Bishop of +London, and by Robert de Kilwardby, his predecessor as Archbishop of +Canterbury, and it is probable that both of these prelates had attempted +to enforce Ottobon’s Constitutions. <i>Reg. Epis. J. Peckham</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 81; <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, +p. 846.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1082' id='f_1082' href='#fna_1082'>[1082]</a> He visited Wherwell in the same year, but his injunctions to that +house dealt with the entrance of seculars into the nunnery, not with the +exit of nuns.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1083' id='f_1083' href='#fna_1083'>[1083]</a> <i>Reg. Epis. J. Peckham</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 247.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1084' id='f_1084' href='#fna_1084'>[1084]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 85-6.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1085' id='f_1085' href='#fna_1085'>[1085]</a> <i>Reg. Epis. J. Peckham</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 265-6, and in Wilkins, <i>op. cit.</i> +<span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 61.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1086' id='f_1086' href='#fna_1086'>[1086]</a> Wilkins, <i>op. cit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 53-9. Thiers’ remarks on the practice +of begging by nuns are interesting in this connection. He contends that +only sheer famine justifies the breach of enclosure and adds: “C’est +pourquoy je ne comprends pas d’où vient que nous voyons à Paris et +ailleurs, tant de Religieuses, quelquefois assez jeunes et assez bien +faites qui sous pretexte que leurs Monasteres sont dans le besoin, +demandent l’aumône aux portes des Eglises, qui courent par les maisons des +seculiers et qui demeurent un temps considerable hors de leurs Monasteres, +le plus souvent sans sçavoir ne la vie ni les moeurs des personnes qui +exercent l’hospitalité envers elles. On rendroit, ce me semble, un grand +service à l’Eglise si on les reduisoit aux termes de la Bulle de Gregoire +XIII. <i>Deo sacris</i>, qui leur procure les moyens de subsister honnestement +dans leurs Monasteres, sans rompre leur clôture. Car ainsi les gens de +bien ne seroient point scandalisez de leurs sorties ne de leurs courses, +et elles feroient incomparablement mieux leur salut dans leurs Convents +que dans le Monde, où je n’estime pas qu’elles puissent rester en seureté +de conscience.” He quotes an ordinance of the General of the Franciscan +Order in 1609, forbidding even the sisters of the Tertiary Order to beg. +Thiers, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 167-9.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1087' id='f_1087' href='#fna_1087'>[1087]</a> <i>Reg. Epis. J. Peckham</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 659, 664-5.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1088' id='f_1088' href='#fna_1088'>[1088]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 707, 806.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1089' id='f_1089' href='#fna_1089'>[1089]</a> <i>Reg. Simonis de Gandavo</i>, pp. 10 ff., 109.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1090' id='f_1090' href='#fna_1090'>[1090]</a> <i>Reg. Godfrey Giffard</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 515, 517.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1091' id='f_1091' href='#fna_1091'>[1091]</a> <i>Reg. J. de Pontissara</i>, p. 546.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1092' id='f_1092' href='#fna_1092'>[1092]</a> <i>Linc. Epis. Reg. Memo. Dalderby</i>, f. 9.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1093' id='f_1093' href='#fna_1093'>[1093]</a> <i>Ib.</i> ff. 9<i>d</i>, 10<i>d</i>, 11, 12<i>d</i>, 15<i>d</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1094' id='f_1094' href='#fna_1094'>[1094]</a> <i>Linc. Epis. Reg. Memo. Dalderby</i>, f. 10<i>d</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1095' id='f_1095' href='#fna_1095'>[1095]</a> <i>Linc. Epis. Reg. Memo. Dalderby</i>, f. 35<i>d</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1096' id='f_1096' href='#fna_1096'>[1096]</a> <i>Ib.</i> f. 16. See below, p. <a href="#Page_441">441</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1097' id='f_1097' href='#fna_1097'>[1097]</a> <i>Ib.</i></p> + +<p><a name='f_1098' id='f_1098' href='#fna_1098'>[1098]</a> Agnes Flixthorpe. See below, p. <a href="#Page_443">443</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1099' id='f_1099' href='#fna_1099'>[1099]</a> <i>Ib.</i> f. 152.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1100' id='f_1100' href='#fna_1100'>[1100]</a> <i>Linc. Epis. Reg. Memo. Sutton</i>, ff. 5<i>d</i>, 32<i>d</i>, 154. For these +and other cases of apostasy see Chap. <span class="smcaplc">XI</span>, <i>passim</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1101' id='f_1101' href='#fna_1101'>[1101]</a> Lyndwood, <i>Provinciale</i> (1679), Pt II, p. 155. Quoted by Mr Coulton +in <i>Med. Studies</i>, No. 10, “Monastic Schools in the Middle Ages,” p. 21.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1102' id='f_1102' href='#fna_1102'>[1102]</a> Apparently friends and relatives in the world outside sometimes +intervened, by threats or prayers, to save a nun from punishment. A +<i>compertum</i> of Archbishop Giffard’s visitation of Swine in 1267-8 runs: +“<i>Item compertum est</i> that the Prioress is a suspicious woman and far too +credulous, and easily breaks out into correction, and often punishes some +unequally for equal faults, and follows with long dislike those whom she +dislikes until occasion arise to punish them; hence it is that the nuns, +when they suspect that they are going to be troubled with excessive +correction, procure the mitigation of her severity by means of the threats +of their kinsfolk.” <i>Reg. Walter Giffard</i>, p. 147.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1103' id='f_1103' href='#fna_1103'>[1103]</a> <i>Reg. Walter de Stapeldon</i>, p. 317. Cf. p. 95. When the London mob +had beheaded Stapeldon in Cheapside, his place was filled (after the short +rule of Berkeley) by an even greater bishop, John Grandisson, who, in the +year of his consecration, directed a mandate to the nuns of Canonsleigh in +which he attempted to carry out more closely than his predecessor, though +still not exactly, the terms of <i>Periculoso</i>. He forbade the abbess to +allow any nuns to leave the precincts before his visitation “that is to +such a distance that it is not possible for them to return the same day.” +This was on June 23rd 1329; a month later he was obliged to compromise, +for on July 18th he sent a licence to Canonsleigh, recapitulating his +former mandate but adding a special indulgence, permitting (“for certain +legitimate reasons”) the nuns to absent themselves from the monastery +“with honest and senior ladies to visit near relatives and friends of +themselves and of the house, who are free from all suspicion,” and fixing +the limit of their visit at fifteen days, an improvement on Stapeldon’s +month, but still far removed from the spirit of Boniface VIII’s bull. +<i>Reg. John de Grandisson</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 508, 511.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1104' id='f_1104' href='#fna_1104'>[1104]</a> See e.g. Wroxall 1338, “Et vous emouvums [? enioiniums], dame +prioresse, qe vous ne seyez mes si legere de doner licence a vos soers de +isser de le encloystre et nomement la priourie cume vous avez este en ces +houres saunz verreye et resonable enchesun et cause.” <i>Worc. Reg. Sede +Vacante</i>, p. 276; and St Radegund’s, Cambridge, 1373: “Item, the Prioress +is too easily induced to give permission to the nuns to go outside the +cloister.” Gray, <i>Priory of St Radegund’s, Cambridge</i>, p. 36.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1105' id='f_1105' href='#fna_1105'>[1105]</a> See e.g. Fairwell, 1367. <i>Reg. Robert de Stretton</i>, p. 118. The +necessity for an injunction against favouritism is shown by the <i>comperta</i> +of Archbishop Langham’s visitation of St Sepulchre, Canterbury, in 1367-8. +“Prioressa non permittit moniales ire in villam ad visitandum amicos suos +nisi Margeriam Child et Julianam Aldelesse que illuc vadunt quociens eis +placet.” <i>Lambeth Reg. Langham</i>, f. 76<i>d</i>. She was also charged with +allowing them to receive suspected visitors. See below, p. <a href="#Page_399">399</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1106' id='f_1106' href='#fna_1106'>[1106]</a> An example of such a licence for a particular nun to leave her +house is printed in Fosbroke, <i>British Monachism</i> (1817), p. 361 (note <i>g</i>) +and also in Taunton, <i>Engl. Black Monks of St Benedict</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 108, note +2. It is said to be granted on the prayer of “Lady J. wife of Sir W. +knight, of our diocese,” whom the nun is to be allowed to visit, with a +companion from the same priory and to go thither on horseback +“notwithstanding your customs to the contrary.”</p> + +<p><a name='f_1107' id='f_1107' href='#fna_1107'>[1107]</a> But Archbishop Melton said twice a year at Arthington in 1315. +<i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 188.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1108' id='f_1108' href='#fna_1108'>[1108]</a> See e.g. Bishop Spofford’s regulation at Lymbrook in 1437: “nor to +be absent lyggyng oute by nyght out of their monastery, but with fader and +moder, excepte causes of necessytee.” <i>Hereford Epis. Reg. Spofford</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, +f. 77; and Archbishop Lee’s injunction to Sinningthwaite in 1534: “that +she from henceforth licence none of her susters to go fourth of the +housse, onles it be for the profitt of the house, or visite their fathers +and modres, or odre nere kynsfolkes, if the prioresse shall think it +conuenient.” <i>Yorks. Arch. Journ.</i> <span class="smcaplc">XVI</span>, p. 442. Compare Bishop Gynewell’s +injunction to Godstow (1358), “par necessarie et resonable cause ouesque +lour parents, honestement au profit de vostre mesoun.” <i>Linc. Epis. Reg. +Memo. Gynewell</i>, f. 100<i>d</i>. Sometimes, however, friends were mentioned, +e.g. at Nunkeeling (1314) none was to go out “except on the business of +the house or to visit friends and relations.” <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 120. +Sometimes the sickness of friends was specified. At Marrick (1252) none +was to go out unless “the sickness of friends or some other worthy reason” +demanded it, <i>ib.</i> p. 117; and at Studley in 1530-1 Bishop Longland +ordained “that ye lycence not eny of your ladyes to passe out of the +precincte of our monastery to visite their kynsfolks or frendes, onles it +be for ther comforte in tyme of ther sikenes, and yett not than onles it +shall seme to you, ladye priores, to be behouefull and necessarye, seing +that undre suche pretence moche insolency have been used in religion,” +<i>Archaeologia</i>, <span class="smcaplc">XLVII</span>, p. 54. One of the nuns of Legbourne in 1440 +complained bitterly that “the Prioress will not suffer this deponent to +visit her parent who is sick [even] when it was thought that he would +die.” <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 186.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1109' id='f_1109' href='#fna_1109'>[1109]</a> As, needless to say, she sometimes did. In 1351 Bishop Gynewell was +obliged to write to Heynings rebuking such disobedience: “encement si +auoms entenduz que les dames de dit mesoun sount acustumez demurrer od +lour amys outre le terme par vous, Prioresse, assigne, nous commandoms a +vous, Prioress auant dit, qe taunt soulement une foith en 1 an donez conge +a les dames de visiter lour amys, et certeyn terme resonable pur reuenir, +outre qeule terme sils facent demoer, saunz cause resonable par vous +accepte, les chastes pur le trespasse solonc les obseruances de vostres +ordre saunz delay.” <i>Linc. Epis. Reg. Memo. Gynewell</i>, f. 34<i>d</i>. At +Ivinghoe in 1530 it was discovered that one of the nuns had gone on a +visit to her friends without permission and had stayed away from the Feast +of St Michael to Passion Sunday in the following year (i.e. over six +months), which came perilously near to apostasy, <i>V.C.H. Bucks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. +355. In the <i>Vitae Patrum</i>, <span class="smcaplc">XC</span>, 206, however, there is a tale of a nun who +was lent by her Abbess to a certain religious matron and lived with her +for a year. See the version in <i>Exempla e sermonibus, etc.</i> ed. T. F. +Crane, pp. 26-7.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1110' id='f_1110' href='#fna_1110'>[1110]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, pp. 120, 128, 175, 177, 178.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1111' id='f_1111' href='#fna_1111'>[1111]</a> <i>Linc. Epis. Reg. Memo. Gynewell</i>, f. 100<i>d</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1112' id='f_1112' href='#fna_1112'>[1112]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 118, 122, ff. 6-7, 25, 72, 83, 109. At +Godstow the prioress said “that the nuns have often access to Oxford under +colour of visiting their friends,” p. 114; and at Heynings a discontented +nun said “that sisters Ellen Bryg and Agnes Bokke have often recourse to +Lincoln and there make long tarrying.” They denied the charge, but a note +in the register states, “The nuns have access too often to the house of +the treasurer of Lincoln, abiding there sometimes for a week.” The Bishop +forbade “accesse suspecte to Lincolne,” pp. 132, 133, 135.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1113' id='f_1113' href='#fna_1113'>[1113]</a> Ff. 28<i>d</i>, 77<i>d</i>, 95<i>d</i>. To Catesby, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 51. Compare +injunctions to Godstow, Gracedieu, Nuncoton and St Michael’s, Stamford, +pp. 116, 125.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1114' id='f_1114' href='#fna_1114'>[1114]</a> Above, p. <a href="#Page_348">348</a>. And compare William of Wykeham’s injunction to +Romsey, which repeats Peckham’s constitution on this point word for word. +<i>New Coll.</i> MS. f. 85.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1115' id='f_1115' href='#fna_1115'>[1115]</a> See e.g. Drokensford’s injunction to Minchin Barrow [i.e. Barrow +Gurney] in 1315: “quod tunc bene incedant et in habitu moniali et non ad +alia loca quam se extendit licencia se diuertant quoque modo, et ultra +tempus licencie sue se voluntarie non absentent.” Hugo, <i>Med. Nunneries of +Somerset, Barrow</i>, App. <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 81.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1116' id='f_1116' href='#fna_1116'>[1116]</a> See e.g. the synodal Constitutions of c. 1237, Wilkins, <i>Concilia</i>, +<span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 650. Archbishop Courtenay in 1389 sent an interesting injunction to +Elstow Abbey, which had evidently been remiss in offering hospitality to +travelling nuns: “Inasmuch as it has happened that nuns coming to the +monastery on their return from a visit to their friends, have been refused +necessities for themselves and for their horses, inhumanly and contrary to +the good repute of religion, which we wish to remedy, we order that for +each nun thus tarrying provision be made according to the resources of the +house, for four horses at least if by day for a whole day, and if [she +come] by night or after the hour of nones for the rest of the day and for +the night following.” <i>Lambeth Reg. Courtenay</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, f. 336. Injunction +repeated by Bishop Flemyng of Lincoln in 1421-2. <i>Visit. of Relig. Houses +in Dioc. Linc.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 50-1.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1117' id='f_1117' href='#fna_1117'>[1117]</a> See e.g. Peckham’s injunctions to Barking and Godstow. Above, p. +<a href="#Page_348">348</a>. Religious houses of men were sometimes specially ordered not to +receive them, e.g. Bridlington in 1287. <i>Reg. John le Romeyn</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 200. +The necessity for such an order appears below, pp. <a href="#Page_446">446</a> ff.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1118' id='f_1118' href='#fna_1118'>[1118]</a> E.g. Peckham to St Sepulchre, Canterbury (1284): “Nullum quoque +potum aut cibum ibidem sumat, moram non protrahat, sed statim expedita +causa accessus hujusmodi redeat indilate.” <i>Reg. Epis. J. Peckham</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. +707; and Bokyngham to Elstow (1387): “Cum vero recreacionis causa, obtenta +superioris licencia, moniales antedicte egrediuntur monasterii sui septa, +incedant cum familiarium honesta comitiua et sufficiente, ad idem +monasterium, redeuntes de eodem citra solis occasum.” <i>Linc. Epis. Reg. +Memo. Bokyngham</i>, f. 343.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1119' id='f_1119' href='#fna_1119'>[1119]</a> At Wroxall in 1338 it was specially ordered “qe deux jeunes ne +issent poynt ensemble pur male suspecioun qe de ceo purra legerement +sourdre, ke Dieuz defent.” <i>Worc. Reg. Sede Vacante</i>, p. 276. At Lymbrook +in 1437 Bishop Spofford ordered that no nun was to go out without a +companion, and “in case they lygge owte be nyght, two sustres to lye +togeder in on bed,” a practice which (according to the usual custom) he +forbids in the dorter. <i>Hereford Epis. Reg. Spofford</i>, f. 77.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1120' id='f_1120' href='#fna_1120'>[1120]</a> See Thiers, <i>op. cit.</i> Pt <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, chs. +<span class="smcaplc">XVIII</span>, <span class="smcaplc">XXII</span>, <span class="smcaplc">XXIII</span>, +<span class="smcaplc">XXIV</span>, <span class="smcaplc">XXXI</span>. +He quotes the stories of the nuns of Arles in the fifth century and of +Marcigny in the eleventh century, who refused to break their enclosures +even for fire and were miraculously preserved, pp. 12-13, 32-5.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1121' id='f_1121' href='#fna_1121'>[1121]</a> The rhymed Northern Rule of St Benedict for nuns (l. 2094) says +that when they go away into the country they should wear “more honest” +clothes. “In habitu moniali” is one of the conditions imposed on the nuns +of Barrow Gurney in 1315. See above, p. <a href="#Page_358">358</a>, note 4. The necessity for +such a regulation appears in the decree made by Henry Archbishop of +Cologne, executing an enactment of the Provincial Council of Cologne +(1310), promulgating <i>Periculoso</i>. “Nevertheless we often see that having +come out of their monasteries they [the nuns] wander about the roads and +public places and frequent the houses of secular persons. And, what is +more deplorable, having put off their religious habit, they appear in +secular dress and bear themselves in public with so much vanity that their +conduct may justly be considered suspicious, although their conscience be +really pure and without sin. And although hitherto they have been menaced +with divers penalties, nevertheless the more strictly they are forbidden +to live after this fashion, the more eagerly they disobey, so strongly do +they hanker after forbidden things.” The whole injunction is worthy of +study. Thiers, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 491-3. Discipline was laxer in German +convents than in those of England. In England, however, there are +sometimes complaints that male religious leave their convents in secular +attire; see a case at Huntingdon Priory in 1439, <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. +154-5.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1122' id='f_1122' href='#fna_1122'>[1122]</a> See <i>ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">XXV</span>, +<span class="smcaplc">XXVI</span>, <span class="smcaplc">XXVII</span>. A few examples may be given of nuns +leaving their houses to become superiors elsewhere: Basedale got +prioresses from Rosedale in 1524 and 1527 (<i>Yorks. Arch. Soc.</i> <span class="smcaplc">XVI</span>, p. 431 +note); Rosedale from Clementhorpe in 1525 (Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, pp. 317, +385); Kington from Bromhale in 1326 (<i>ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 398) and Ankerwyke from +Bromhale in 1421 (<i>Visit. of Relig. Houses in Dioc. Linc.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 156). +Sometimes the prioress of one house left it to rule another, e.g. +Elizabeth Davell, Prioress of Basedale, became Prioress of Keldholme in +1467 (<i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 169). Alice Davy, who occurs as Prioress of +Castle Hedingham in 1472 and was afterwards Prioress of Wix (<i>V.C.H. +Essex</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 123), and Eleanor Bernard, Prioress of Little Marlow (c. +1516) became Abbess of Delapré (Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 149). For a form of +licence from a prioress, permitting a nun to accept the office of prioress +elsewhere, see <i>MS. Harl.</i> 862, f. 94 (“Literae Priorissae de Bromhale +quibus licenciam impertit Clementiae Medforde ejusdem Domus, consorori et +communiali, ut Prioratui de Ankerwyke sicut Priorissa praeesse valeat”); +and compare the reply of the Prioress of St Bartholomew’s, Newcastle, to +the Bishop of Durham about the election of Dame Margaret Danby, a nun of +her house, to be Prioress of St Mary’s, Neasham, “Whilk Postulacion I +graunt fully with assent of my chapiter atte Reverence of God and in +plesing of yor gracious lordship; not wythstondyng yat she is ful +necessarye and profitable to us both in spirituall governance and +temporall” (1428). (<i>V.C.H. Durham</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 107.) Sometimes a mother house +from over the sea tried to assert its right to nominate the head of one of +its daughter houses, but Cluniacs, Cistercians, Premonstratensians and +houses affiliated to Fontevrault were all extremely jealous of French +interference. See the letter written by Mary, daughter of Edward I, a nun +of Amesbury, to her brother the King in 1316 protesting against the action +of the Abbess of Fontevrault, who was reputed to be sending “a prioress +from beyond the sea,” instead of acceding to the convent’s request that +one of their own number might succeed to the office. Wood, <i>Letters of +Royal and Illustrious Ladies</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 60-63. It was always held desirable +if possible to take a superior from among the nuns of the house in which +the vacancy occurred, but sometimes no suitable person could be found.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1123' id='f_1123' href='#fna_1123'>[1123]</a> See Thiers, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, ch. <span class="smcaplc">XXII</span>, +who mentions the corollary that the superior of another house may be called in to correct rebellious nuns if +their own head is unable to do so. See below, p. <a href="#Page_466">466</a>. In 1501 Emma Powes, +then at Romsey, is said to have been professed at King’s Mead near Derby +“and from that place had been removed to another priory in the Hereford +diocese, where she had been prioress, and thence had come to this house.” +A charge of incontinence was made against her, and we know from another +source that she had been prioress of Lymbrook (she was deprived on or +about 24 Nov. 1488, <i>Hereford Reg. Myllyng</i>, p. 112). It is interesting +that in 1492 one of the nuns had asked that “a nun who has been brought +in, be restored to the place to which she is professed.” Liveing, <i>Records +of Romsey Abbey</i>, pp. 219, 225. One of Alnwick’s injunctions to Clemence +Medforde, Prioress of Ankerwyke in 1441, was “that henceforth she should +not admit that nun of Hinchinbrooke either into the house or to dwell +among them, and also that she should not deliver to her that bond which +she has from the house of Hinchinbrooke, or any other goods which she has +of the same house.” <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 6. In a list of the nuns of +Thetford in 1526 occurs the name of “Domina Elianora Hanam, professa in +Wyke (Wix).” Jessopp, <i>Visit. in Dioc. Norwich</i>, p. 243.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1124' id='f_1124' href='#fna_1124'>[1124]</a> Such, for instance, as leprosy. In 1287 Archbishop John le Romeyn +sent a request to the master of Sherburn Hospital, Durham, to receive +Basilia de Cotum, a nun of Handale, “quia, ... lepre deformitate aspersa, +propter suspectam morbi contagionem, morari non poterit inter sanos, +devocionem vestram rogamus quatinus ipsam in hospitali vestro velitis +recipere et seorsum in necessariis exhibere, ita, tamen, quod sub +religioso habitu quem gerit Deo serviat dum subsistit.” <i>Reg. John le +Romeyn</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 163. Richard de Wallingford, the great abbot of St Albans, +was a leper, but remained in his house.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1125' id='f_1125' href='#fna_1125'>[1125]</a> Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">V</span>, p. 493. Dugdale remarks that “a little scandal +also appears to have been attached to her character.” She finally resigned +on account of old age in 1320, and perhaps the leave of absence referred +to accounts for the appearance of another Prioress in 1308 who resigned in +1309. <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, pp. 180-1.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1126' id='f_1126' href='#fna_1126'>[1126]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 127, note 13.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1127' id='f_1127' href='#fna_1127'>[1127]</a> <i>V.C.H. Dorset</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 78. In 1427 the papal licence was granted +to one Isabel Falowfeld, nun of St Bartholomew’s, Newcastle on Tyne, to +transfer herself to another monastery of the same order, on account of her +weak constitution and the inclemency of the air near St Bartholomew’s. +<i>Cal. of Papal Letters</i>, <span class="smcaplc">VII</span>, p. 516. See Thiers on the subject, <i>op. +cit.</i> pp. 140-2, 213-5. He quotes the decision of the University of +Salamanca on the question as to whether the General or any minor official +of the Minorites had the power to give permission to a nun of the order +who was dangerously ill, to leave her house and enter another of the same +order, so as to recover her health. “Exactissima discussione facta circa +praesentem difficultatem, omnes unanimiter atque uno ore responderunt +atque dixerunt, non posse id fieri stando in jure communi, quod et multis +juribus atque rationibus comprobarunt” (p. 214). He also quotes the case +of a nun of the Annunciation of Agen, of whom the doctors said that if she +stayed in her house she would infallibly die, but if she went out for a +change of air and medicinal baths she would infallibly be cured. To which +alternative the General of the Order, on being asked to give her a +dispensation to go out, replied in one word “<i>Moriatur</i>” (p. 217). But +these were both strictly enclosed orders.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1128' id='f_1128' href='#fna_1128'>[1128]</a> “Si quae vero moniales ad balnea qualitercumque processerint extra +monasteria, irremissibiliter priventur habitu regulari; et licentiantes +easdem ut praedicta petant balnea, sententiam excommunicationis +incurrant.” <i>Nomasticon Cisterciense</i>, p. 533, also in Thiers <i>op. cit.</i> +p. 220; cf. pp. 216 ff. But the public baths were of notoriously bad +reputation.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1129' id='f_1129' href='#fna_1129'>[1129]</a> See Thiers, <i>op. cit.</i> Pt <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, +ch. <span class="smcaplc">XLII-XLVII</span>. From the fact that he +thinks it necessary to devote five chapters to the subject and from the +evidence which he adduces and the language which he uses, it is clear that +the practice was very prevalent.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1130' id='f_1130' href='#fna_1130'>[1130]</a> <i>Decret.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, +tit. <span class="smcaplc">XXXI</span>, c. 18. See Thiers, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 161-2. +Licences to migrate to a convent professing a stricter rule are sometimes +found in episcopal registers. See e.g. <i>Hereford Reg. Caroli Bothe</i>, p. 241.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1131' id='f_1131' href='#fna_1131'>[1131]</a> See his letter to a superior, quoted by Thiers: “Je suis +tout-à-fait d’avis que l’on n’ouvre point la porte au changement des +Maisons pour le souhait des filles: car ce changement est tout-à-fait +contraire au bien des Monasteres qui ont la clôture perpetuelle pour +article essentiel. Les filles comme foibles, sont sujettes aux ennuis et +les ennuis leur font trouver des expediens et importuns et indiscrets. Que +les changemens doncques procedent des jugemens des superieurs et non du +désir des filles, qui ne sçauroient mieux declarer qu’elles ne doivent +point estre gratifiées, que quand elles se laissent emporter a des desirs +si peu justes. Il faut donc demeurer là, et laisser chaque rossignol dans +son nid; car autrement le moindre deplaisir qui arriveroit à une fille, +seroit capable de l’inquieter et luy faire prendre le change: Et au lieu +de se changer elle-même, elle penseroit d’avoir suffisament remedié à son +mal, quand elle changeroit de Monastere.” Thiers, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 160-1.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1132' id='f_1132' href='#fna_1132'>[1132]</a> Plainly she regarded the things as her own private property and was +thus guilty of the sin of <i>proprietas</i> as well. Compare the evidence of +the Abbot of Bardney concerning one of his monks in 1439-40. “Also he +deposes that brother John Hale sent out privily all his private goods, +with the mind and intent, as it appeared, to leave the house in apostasy +and especially a silver spoon and a mazer garnished with silver; and yet +he has not yet gone, nor will he disclose to the abbot where such goods +are.” <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 26.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1133' id='f_1133' href='#fna_1133'>[1133]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 127-9.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1134' id='f_1134' href='#fna_1134'>[1134]</a> The three anchoresses of <i>The Ancren Riwle</i> and their maids will be +remembered.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1135' id='f_1135' href='#fna_1135'>[1135]</a> Raine, <i>Letters from Northern Registers</i> (Rolls Ser.), pp. 196-8. +See also Rotha Clay, <i>Hermits and Anchorites of England</i>, pp. 93-4.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1136' id='f_1136' href='#fna_1136'>[1136]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. +113 (cf. <i>Test. Ebor.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 98). Two +other Yorkshire nuns are found as anchoresses in the first part of the +fourteenth century. Joan Sperry, nun of Clementhorpe, was anchoress at +Beeston near Leeds in 1322, and in 1348 Margaret la Boteler, nun of +Hampole, was anchoress at the chapel of East Layton, Yorks. Clay, <i>op. +cit.</i> pp. 254-5, 256. See also the curious case of Avice of Beverley, a +nun of Nunburnholme, concerning whom “the Prioress and nuns say that Avice +of Beverley, sometime professed nun of Nunburnholme, thrice left the house +to the intent that she might lead a stricter life elsewhere. They say that +fourteen years at least have passed since she last went away; howbeit they +believe her to have lived in chastity. They say that she was disobedient +every year and very often while she was with them. They say that she dwelt +with them for thirty years before she left the monastery for the first +time.” The inquiry which elicited this information was made because she +wanted to return (1280). <i>Reg. Wm. Wickwane</i>, p. 92. She had probably +tried being an anchoress.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1137' id='f_1137' href='#fna_1137'>[1137]</a> <i>Visit. of Relig. Houses in Dioc. Linc.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 113-15. The +prioress’ licence addressed to Beatrice is also printed. It may be well +here to repeat the editor’s warning that “acts of this description +probably form the foundation for the ridiculous superstition, made famous +by a striking passage of Scott’s <i>Marmion</i>, that nuns and others who had +broken the laws of the church were commonly walled up and left to perish.” +Another and perhaps more probable explanation of the superstition is that +Scott probably, and certainly others after him, misinterpreted the words +<i>immuratio</i>, <i>emmurer</i>, which are constantly used of strict imprisonment +by inquisition officials and others. See on the subject, H. Thurston, +S.J., <i>The Immuring of Nuns</i> (Catholic Truth Soc. Historical Papers, No. +<span class="smcaplc">V</span>).</p> + +<p><a name='f_1138' id='f_1138' href='#fna_1138'>[1138]</a> Celestria (? Celestina), nun, and Adilda, nun, are mentioned as +anchoresses there. Clay, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 222-3.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1139' id='f_1139' href='#fna_1139'>[1139]</a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 184. An “ancress” was found at this house at the time of +the Dissolution.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1140' id='f_1140' href='#fna_1140'>[1140]</a> For her works see <i>Revelations of Divine Love, recorded by Julian, +Anchoress at Norwich</i>, ed. Grace Warrack (1901). She is apparently not to +be confused with another famous anchoress, Julian Lampet, bequests to whom +are often recorded in Norwich wills between 1426 and 1478. The priory +seems to have had a succession of two or even three anchoresses named +Julian. See Rye, <i>Carrow Abbey</i>, pp. 7-8 and App. <span class="smcaplc">IX</span>, <i>passim</i>. For +anchoresses enclosed at conventual houses of men, see Clay, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. +77-8; anchoresses are sometimes described as “nun,” <i>ib.</i> pp. 224, 232, +238, 244. Matilda Newton, a nun of Barking, who had been appointed to rule +the new Abbey of Syon, but for some reason did not become abbess, returned +to her own house as a recluse in 1417. <i>Ib.</i> p. 144.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1141' id='f_1141' href='#fna_1141'>[1141]</a> <i>Linc. Epis. Reg. Memo. Dalderby</i>, f. 10 (date 1300). The author of +<i>Dives and Pauper</i> declares that such secessions were rare among women: +“We se that whanne men take thē to be ankeris and reclusys withinne +fewe yerys comonly eyther they falle in reūsys or eresyes or they breke +out for womās loue or for inkyede of ther lufe or by some gile of þe +fend. But of wimē ancres so inclusid is seldome herde any of these +defautys, but holely they begīne and holely they ende.” <i>Dives and +Pauper</i>, com. <span class="smcaplc">VI</span>, ch. B.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1142' id='f_1142' href='#fna_1142'>[1142]</a> See above, pp. <a href="#Page_69">69-71</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1143' id='f_1143' href='#fna_1143'>[1143]</a> Wilkins, <i>Concilia</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 18. Compare William of Wykeham’s +injunctions to Romsey in 1387: “Constitutiones bone memorie domini +Othoboni quondam sedis apostolice in Anglia legati in hoc casu editas ut +conuenit imitantes, vobis sub penis infrascriptis districcius inhibemus, +ne ad officinas aliquas aut alias cameras quascumque forinsecas extra +septa claustri, vel ad alia loca in villam vel alibi extra vestrum +monasterium, illis quibus hoc ex officio competit dumtaxat exceptis ... +exeatis.” <i>New Coll.</i> MS. f. 84. Compare also the injunctions (likewise +modelled on Ottobon’s constitution) sent by Thomas of Cantilupe, Bishop of +Hereford, to Lymbrook about 1277. <i>Reg. Thome de Cantilupo</i>, p. 201.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1144' id='f_1144' href='#fna_1144'>[1144]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 122, 125.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1145' id='f_1145' href='#fna_1145'>[1145]</a> <i>Cistercian Stat.</i> <span class="smcaplc">A.D.</span> 1257-88, ed. J. T. Fowler, 1890, p. 106.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1146' id='f_1146' href='#fna_1146'>[1146]</a> Blunt, <i>Myroure of Oure Ladye</i> (E.E.T.S.), Introd. pp. xxviii, +xxxii.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1147' id='f_1147' href='#fna_1147'>[1147]</a> <i>P.R.O. Mins. Accts.</i> 1260/3.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1148' id='f_1148' href='#fna_1148'>[1148]</a> “Paid for the hire of three horses for six days going to London for +our tithes ..., paid for the hire of a serving-man and for his expenses +going with the said horses 2/3, item sent to Dame Katherine Fitzaleyn at +the same time 6/8” (Prioress’ Account), <i>ib.</i> 1260/4. The treasuress’ +account for the same year throws further light upon her movements. “Paid +for the expenses of Dame Katherine Fitzaleyn and Dame Ida going to London +and for the hire of their horses going and returning, for our tithes £2. +11. 0. ... In the expenses of the sub-Prioress and Dame Katherine Fitzaleyn +and two men and three horses going to Fleet for rent and for salt 3/8. In +the expenses of Dame Katherine Fitzaleyn and dame Joan Fishmere [the +treasuress] for hire of horses 8<i>d.</i>” <i>Ib.</i> 1260/5. Dame Katherine also +went to the Bishop to get a certificate and in 1377-8 she went with the +treasuress Dame Margaret Redinges to Corby and to Sempringham (perhaps to +visit the Gilbertine nuns there) and Dames Margaret Redinges and Joan +Fishmere went with Robert Clark to Clapton. <i>Ib.</i> 1260/7</p> + +<p><a name='f_1149' id='f_1149' href='#fna_1149'>[1149]</a> <i>Reg. of John de Sandale and Rigaud de Asserio</i>, p. 418. Similar +letter to Prior and Convent of the Cathedral Church, p. 576.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1150' id='f_1150' href='#fna_1150'>[1150]</a> Wilkins, <i>Concilia</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 18.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1151' id='f_1151' href='#fna_1151'>[1151]</a> <i>Reg. Thome de Cantilupo</i>, p. 201.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1152' id='f_1152' href='#fna_1152'>[1152]</a> <i>New Coll.</i> MS. f. 85<i>d</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1153' id='f_1153' href='#fna_1153'>[1153]</a> Quoted in Thiers, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 133, who considers the question in +his ch. <span class="smcaplc">XIX</span>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1154' id='f_1154' href='#fna_1154'>[1154]</a> <i>Archaeologia</i>, <span class="smcaplc">XLVII</span>, pp. 52-3.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1155' id='f_1155' href='#fna_1155'>[1155]</a> See illustration of Henry VI being received as a Confrater at Bury +St Edmunds, reproduced in Gasquet, <i>Engl. Mon. Life</i>, facing p. 126, from +<i>Harl. MS.</i> 2278, f. 6.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1156' id='f_1156' href='#fna_1156'>[1156]</a> Amundesham, <i>Annales</i> (Rolls Ser.), <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 65-9, <i>passim</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1157' id='f_1157' href='#fna_1157'>[1157]</a> <i>V.C.H. Herts.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 424.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1158' id='f_1158' href='#fna_1158'>[1158]</a> “I will that Ilke prior and priores that comes to my beryall at +y<sup>t</sup> day hafe iii s iiij d and Ilke chanon and Nune xij d ... and Ilke +prior and priores that comes to the xxx day [i.e. the so-called +“month’s-mind”] hafe vj s viij d and Ilke chanon or none that comes to the +said xxx day haf xx d.” <i>Lincoln Diocese Documents</i>, ed. A. Clark +(E.E.T.S.), pp. 50, 53.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1159' id='f_1159' href='#fna_1159'>[1159]</a> <i>P.R.O. Mins. Accts.</i> 1260/20. This was probably Constance of +Castile, second wife of John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, who died on +March 24, 1394, and was buried with great magnificence at The Newarke, +Leicester. S. Armitage Smith, <i>John of Gaunt</i> (1904), pp. 357-8. The date +of the account roll is unfortunately illegible, but from this internal +evidence it should probably be dated 1393-4. There is another entry “paye +a couent pur lalme le Duk de Lancastre vij s iij d,” in which “Duk” is +possibly a slip for “Duchesse.”</p> + +<p><a name='f_1160' id='f_1160' href='#fna_1160'>[1160]</a> There were over seventy places of pilgrimage in Norfolk alone. +Cutts, <i>Scenes and Characters of the Middle Ages</i> (3rd ed. 1911), p. 162.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1161' id='f_1161' href='#fna_1161'>[1161]</a> Jacques de Vitry does not mince his words: “I have seen many +pilgrims who, weary of wayfaring, used to drink themselves tipsy.... You +will find many harlots and evil women in the inns, who lie in wait for the +incautious and reward their guests with evil, even as a mouse in a wallet, +a serpent in the bosom.” Etienne de Bourbon has the same tale to tell: “A +pilgrimage should be sober, lest the pilgrims be despoiled and slain and +turned to scorn, both materially and spiritually. For I have seen a person +who had laboured greatly making a pilgrimage overseas lose both his virtue +and his money, when drunk and lying with a chambermaid in an inn.” +<i>Anecdotes Historiques etc., d’Etienne de Bourbon</i>, ed. Lecoy de la Marche +(1877), pp. 167-8. Mine Host’s words to the drunken cook (<i>Manciple’s +Prol.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 15-19) are significant in the light of these quotations. So +also are the adventures of “that loose fish the Pardoner” with the tapster +Kit at the Chequer Inn. <i>Tale of Beryn</i>, ed. Furnivall and Stone (Chaucer +Soc. 1887). See also <i>An Alphabet of Tales</i> (E.E.T.S.), p. 258, No. +<span class="smcaplc">CCCLXXVI</span>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1162' id='f_1162' href='#fna_1162'>[1162]</a> Compare the words of the Lollard William Thorpe in 1407: “Such fond +people waste blamefullie Gods goodes in their vaine pilgrimages, spending +their goods upon vitious hostelars, which are oft uncleane women of their +bodies.... Also, sir, I knowe well that when divers men and women will goe +thus after their oun willes and finding, out on pilgrimage, they will +ordaine with them before to have with them some men and women that can +well sing wanton songes; and some other pilgrimages will have them with +bagge-pipes,” etc. This and other information about pilgrimages may be +found in Coulton, <i>Chaucer and his England</i>, pp. 138-43. See also <i>The +Book of the Knight of La Tour-Landry</i> (E.E.T.S.), pp. 47 ff.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1163' id='f_1163' href='#fna_1163'>[1163]</a></p> + +<p class="poem"> +The wyff of bath was so wery, she had no will to walk;<br /> +She toke the Priores by the hond; “madam, wol ye stalk<br /> +Pryuely in-to þe garden, to se the herbis growe?<br /> +And aftir, with our hostis wyff, in hir parlour rowe,<br /> +I wol gyve ȝewe the wine, and yee shull me also:<br /> +ffor tyll wee go to soper, wee have nauȝt ellis to do.”<br /> +The Priores, as womman tauȝt of gentil blood and hend,<br /> +Assentid to hir counsell; and forthe (tho) gon they wend<br /> +Passyng forth (ful) softly in-to the herbery:<br /> +ffor many a herbe grewe, for sewe and surgery;<br /> +And al the Aleyis fair I-parid, I-ralid and I-makid:<br /> +The sauge and the Isope, I-frethid and I-stakid.</p> + +<p><i>Tale of Beryn</i>, p. 10. Cf. p. 6 for the scene with the holy water +sprinkler.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1164' id='f_1164' href='#fna_1164'>[1164]</a> Langland, <i>Piers Plowman</i>, B Text, Passus <span class="smcaplc">XII</span>, 36-38.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1165' id='f_1165' href='#fna_1165'>[1165]</a> “Let it never be permitted to any abbess or any other nun, +whosoever she may be, to undertake the journey to Rome or to any other +holy places; for it is the Devil, taking the form of an angel of light, +who inspires such pilgrimages under a false pretext of piety: and there is +no one so foolish and so devoid of reason as not to know how irreligious +and blameworthy a thing it is for Virgins vowed to God to hold converse +with men, through the necessity of a journey. If after the prohibition of +this venerable Council, there be found anyone so bold as to disobey this +ordinance, which has been promulgated by unanimous consent, let him be +punished according to the rigour of the canons, to wit let him be +excommunicated.” Thiers, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 135.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1166' id='f_1166' href='#fna_1166'>[1166]</a> Wilkins, <i>Concilia</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 502.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1167' id='f_1167' href='#fna_1167'>[1167]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 172. Compare Bishop Gynewell’s injunction +to Heynings in 1351: “Item pur ceo que ascun de les dames de dit mesoun +sount trop acustumez de faire auowes de pilgrimage et dautres abstinences, +saunz conge de lour souerayn, par quar ils ount souent occasion de les +retrer de lour religion; si vous comandoms sur peyn descomengement que nul +de vous face tiel maner auowe en destourbance de vostre religion, saunz +especial conge de vostre souereyn. Et que nul tiel auowe soit fait par +ascun de vous, pur faire paregrinage ou autre abstinence a quel il nest +pas tenuz par sa religion, nous lui relessoms tut maner de tel auowe, +issint qil se poet doner entirement a sa religion parfaire.” <i>Linc. Epis. +Reg. Memo. Gynewell</i>, f. 34<i>d</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1168' id='f_1168' href='#fna_1168'>[1168]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, +p. 172, and Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">V</span>, p. 654.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1169' id='f_1169' href='#fna_1169'>[1169]</a> <i>V.C.H. Essex</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 124.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1170' id='f_1170' href='#fna_1170'>[1170]</a> <i>Archaeologia</i>, <span class="smcaplc">XLVII</span>, pp. 56-7.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1171' id='f_1171' href='#fna_1171'>[1171]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 183. This episode is a striking +illustration of the complaint made about those Jubilee pilgrimages by the +abbots of Fountains, St Mary Graces and Stratford, who had been appointed +by the Abbot and Chapter-General of Cîteaux to report on the condition of +English monasteries of that order. Writing to the Abbot of Cîteaux in +1500, they beg that several bulls of Jubilee indulgence should be sent to +England, adding, “for many lesser religious of the order, under pretext of +obtaining the grace of this indulgence, led by a spirit less of devotion +than of levity and curiosity, are begging their superiors for licence to +go to the Roman curia, and we have besought them to remain at home in the +hope of obtaining this jubilee [indulgence]. For we rarely see, in this +country of ours, any good and devout secular or religious man visiting the +Mother City (most justly though it be accounted holy), who returns home +again in better holiness and devotion.” <i>Mélanges d’Histoire offerts à M. +Charles Bémont</i> (Paris, 1913), p. 429.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1172' id='f_1172' href='#fna_1172'>[1172]</a> Quoted in Gregorovius, <i>Hist. of Rome in the Middle Ages</i>, <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. +78 note. See the fifteenth century Florentine carnival song, quoted below, pp. <a href="#Page_617">617-8</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1173' id='f_1173' href='#fna_1173'>[1173]</a></p> + +<p class="poem">Les blanches et les grises et les noires nonains<br /> +Sont sovent pelerines aus saintes et aus sainz;<br /> +Les Diex lor en set gre, je n’en suis pas certains,<br /> +S’eles fussent bien sages eles alassent mains.<br /> +<br /> +Quant ces nonains s’en vont par le pays esbatre<br /> +Les unes a Paris, les autres a Montmartre,<br /> +Tels foiz enmaine deus qu’on en ramaine quatre,<br /> +Quar s’on en perdroit une il les covenroit batre.</p> + +<p>From “De la vie dou Monde,” <i>Rustebeufs Gedichte hg. v. Adolf Krefaner</i> +(1885), p. 185.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1174' id='f_1174' href='#fna_1174'>[1174]</a> And of such specific decrees as that of the Council of Oxford +(1222) which forbade them to go merely to visit relatives or for +recreation except (there was always a saving clause under which nuns and +bishops alike could shelter) in such case as might arouse no suspicion. +Wilkins, <i>Concilia</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 592.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1175' id='f_1175' href='#fna_1175'>[1175]</a> <i>Reg. Walter de Stapeldon</i>, p. 95. Cf. injunctions to Polsloe, +above, p. <a href="#Page_355">355</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1176' id='f_1176' href='#fna_1176'>[1176]</a> <i>All the Familiar Colloquies of Erasmus</i>, ed. N. Bailey, 2nd ed. +1733, p. 379.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1177' id='f_1177' href='#fna_1177'>[1177]</a> <i>Hereford Epis. Reg. Spofford</i>, p. 81. Compare the charge made +against the clergy of Ripon Minster in 1312: “Vicarii capellani, et +caeteri ministri ... spectaculis publicis, ludibriis et coreis, immo +teatricalibus ludis inter laicos frequentius se immiscent.” J. T. Fowler, +<i>Memorials of Ripon Minster</i> (Surtees Soc.), <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 68. Also one of the +<i>comperta</i> at Alnwick’s visitation of Humberstone Abbey in 1440, “He says +that Wrauby answered the abbot saucily and rebelliously when [the abbot] +took him to task for climbing up a gate to behold the pipe-players and +dancers in the churchyard of the parish church.” <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. +140.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1178' id='f_1178' href='#fna_1178'>[1178]</a> <i>Manners and Meals in Olden Time</i>, ed. Furnivall (E.E.T.S.), p. 40.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1179' id='f_1179' href='#fna_1179'>[1179]</a> See above, p. <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, and compare the injunctions sent by Cardinal +Nicholas of Cues to the Abbess of Sonnenburg, c. 1454, forbidding her to +go on pilgrimages or to visit health resorts or to attend weddings. +Eckenstein, <i>Woman under Monasticism</i>, p. 425.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1180' id='f_1180' href='#fna_1180'>[1180]</a> Quoted in Brand’s <i>Observations on Popular Antiquities</i> (ed. 1877), +pp. 382, 394. Compare the almost precisely similar account given by +Erasmus in his <i>Guide to Christian Matrimony</i> (1526), quoted in Coulton, +<i>Social Life in Britain from the Conquest to the Reformation</i>, pp. 439-40.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1181' id='f_1181' href='#fna_1181'>[1181]</a> See above, p. <a href="#Page_309">309</a> and below, p. <a href="#Page_388">388</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1182' id='f_1182' href='#fna_1182'>[1182]</a> Coulton, <i>Chaucer and his England</i>, pp. 108-9. Weddings were, +however, occasionally celebrated in convent churches, e.g. on Jan. 3rd, +1465-6 the Bishop of Ely addressed a licence to Thomas Trumpington, +“President of religion of the Minoresses of the convent of Denny,” +authorising him to celebrate matrimony in the convent church between +William Ketterich junior and Marion Hall, domestic servants in the +monastery, the bans to be put up in the parish church of Waterbeach. <i>Ely +Epis. Records</i>, ed. Gibbons, p. 145. Compare case at Crabhouse in 1476, +<i>V.C.H. Norfolk</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 409. Dugdale notes that Henry VIII is said to +have married one of his wives in the Chapel at Sopwell. Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> +<span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 364. Such weddings would necessarily have taken place in convent +churches where the nave was also used as a parish church, but this was not +so at Denny. Wriothesley’s <i>Chronicle</i> contains an account of a triple +wedding held at Haliwell in 1536. “This yeare, the 3 daye of July, beinge +Mondaye, was a greate solempnytie of marriage kept at the nonnerye of +Halywell, besyde London, in the Erle of Ruttlandes place, where the Erle +of Oxfordes sonne and heyer, called Lord Bulbeke maryed the Erle of +Westmorelandes eldest daughter named Ladye Dorytye and the Erle of +Westmorelandes sonne and heyre, called Lord Nevell, maryed the Erle of +Ruttlandes eldyste daughter, named Ladye Anne, and the Erle of Rutlandes +sonne and heire called Lord Roosse maryed the Erle of Westmorelandes +daughter, named Ladye Margaret; and all these three lordes were maryed at +one masse, goinge to churche all 3 together on by another and the laydes, +there wyfes, followinge, one after another, everye one of the younge +ladyes havinge 2 younge lordes goinge one everye syde of them when they +went to church and a younge ladye bearinge up everye of their gowne +traynes; at wh. maryage was present all the greate estates of the realme, +both lordes and ladyes.” Afterwards they all went home and had a great +feast, followed by a dance, to which the King came dressed as a Turk. +<i>Wriothesley’s Chronicle</i>, ed. W. D. Hamilton (Camden Soc. 1875), <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. +50-1. A reference may also be made to No. <span class="smcaplc">XLVI</span> of <i>Les Cent Nouvelles +Nouvelles</i>, ed. Th. Wright, t. <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 284: “Or advint toutesfoiz ung jour +que une des niepces de madame l’abbesse se marioit et faisoit sa feste en +l’abbaye; et y avoit grosse assemblée des gens du païs; et estoit madame +l’abbesse fort empeschée de festoyer les gens de bien qui estoyent venuz à +la feste faire honneur à sa niepce.”</p> + +<p><a name='f_1183' id='f_1183' href='#fna_1183'>[1183]</a> From “Proofs of Age, temp. Henry IV,” quoted in <i>Trans. R. Hist. +Soc.</i> N.S. <span class="smcaplc">XVI</span> (1902), p. 163.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1184' id='f_1184' href='#fna_1184'>[1184]</a> “Or viennent commeres de toutes pars; or convient que le pauvre +homme [i.e. the husband] face tant que elles soient bien aises. La dame et +les commeres parlent et raudent, et dient de bonnes chouses et se tiennent +bien aises, quiconques ait la peine de le querir, quelque temps qu’il face +... et tousjours boyvent comme bottes.... Lors les commeres entrent, elles +desjunent, elles disnent, elles menjent a raassie, maintenant boivent au +lit de la commere, maintenant à la cuve, et confondent des biens et du vin +plus qu’il n’en entreroit en une bote; et à l’aventure il vient à barrilz +ou n’en y a que une pipe. Et le pauvre homme, qui a tout le soussy de la +despense, va souvent veoir comment le vin se porte, quant il voit +terriblement boire.... Briefment tout se despend; les commeres s’en vont +bien coiffées, parlant et janglant, et ne se esmoient point dont il +vient.” <i>Les Quinzes Joyes de Mariage</i> (Bib. Elzevirienne, 1855), pp. +27-8, 30, 37-8.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1185' id='f_1185' href='#fna_1185'>[1185]</a> G. G. Coulton, <i>French Monasticism in 1503</i> (Medieval Studies No. +<span class="smcaplc">XI.</span> 1915), p. 22 note 2.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1186' id='f_1186' href='#fna_1186'>[1186]</a> <i>New Coll.</i> MS. f. 87. On the other hand such connections with rich +families might be a source of wealth to a house. Mr Coulton draws +attention to “the letter of an abbot at Bordeaux in Father Denifle’s +<i>Désolation des Eglises, etc.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 583 (<span class="smcaplc">A.D.</span> 1419). The abbey had been +so impoverished by war that the Abbot begged for a papal indult permitting +him to stand godfather to forty children of noble or wealthy families.” +Coulton, <i>loc. cit.</i></p> + +<p><a name='f_1187' id='f_1187' href='#fna_1187'>[1187]</a> <i>Alnwick’s Visit.</i> MS. f. 77<i>d</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1188' id='f_1188' href='#fna_1188'>[1188]</a> “That frome hensforthe ye give noo more licence ne suffre eny of +your susters to be godmother to eny child, nither at the christening +nother at the confirmacon, and undre like payne chardge you nott to be +godmother to eny child in christening nor confirmacon.” <i>Archaeologia</i>, +<span class="smcaplc">XLVII</span>, p. 54. Compare similar prohibitions by Eudes Rigaud, Archbishop of +Rouen, addressed to the nuns of Montivilliers in 1257 and 1265. <i>Reg. +Visit. Archiepis. Rothomag.</i> ed. Bonnin (1852), pp. 293, 517. The +prohibition was frequently broken by monks as well as by nuns. See e.g. +the <i>comperta</i> at Alnwick’s visitation of Higham Ferrers College in 1442: +“Also Sir William Calverstone haunts suspect places and especially the +house of Margery Chaumberleyn, for whose son he stood sponsor at his +confirmation, and, though warned by the master, he does not desist. The +same does also haunt the house of one Plays, for whose son he likewise +stood sponsor.” <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 138. Also the complaint of Guy +Jouenneaux, Abbot of St Sulpice de Bourges in his <i>Defence of Monastic +Reform</i> (1503): “Sometimes they eat in the houses of their gossips, though +the law forbids them such relationships, or again among citizens, at whose +houses they are as frequent guests, or more frequent, than even +worldly-minded folk.” Coulton, <i>loc. cit.</i> It is interesting that Barbara +Mason, ex-Prioress of Marham, who died shortly after the dissolution in +1538, mentions two god-daughters. “I wyll Barbara Barcom my goddowter and +seruant, shall haue my wosted kyrtyll and clothe kyrtell and my frok in +Hayll. Itm. I bequeth to Elyn Mason’s chyld, my goddowter xij d.” <i>Bury +Wills and Inventories</i>, ed. S. Tymms (Camden Soc.), p. 134. Henry VIII’s +visitors gave her a bad character.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1189' id='f_1189' href='#fna_1189'>[1189]</a> For her life see M. A. E. Green, <i>Lives of the Princesses of +England</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 404-42.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1190' id='f_1190' href='#fna_1190'>[1190]</a> Their gardens are often mentioned, e.g. at Nuncoton in 1440 it was +complained that the nuns had private gardens and that some of them did not +come to Compline, but wandered about in the gardens, gathering herbs. +<i>Alnwick’s Visit.</i> f. 72. At Stainfield in 1519 a similar complaint was +made that on feast days they did not stay in the church and occupy +themselves in devotion, between the Hours of Our Lady and High Mass, but +came out and walked about the garden and cloisters. <i>V.C.H. Lincs.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. +131. The nuns of Sinningthwaite (1319) were ordered to provide themselves +with a competent gardener for their curtilage, so that they might always +have an abundance of vegetables. <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 177. Christine de +Pisan’s description of the great gardens of the convent of Poissy is most +attractive. See below, p. <a href="#Page_560">560</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1191' id='f_1191' href='#fna_1191'>[1191]</a> Quoted in Gasquet, <i>English Monastic Life</i>, p. 177.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1192' id='f_1192' href='#fna_1192'>[1192]</a> One of the charges against Eleanor Prioress of Arden in 1396 was +that “she compelled three young nuns to go out haymaking very early in the +morning and they did not come back before nightfall and so divine service +was not yet said.” <i>Test. Ebor.</i> (Surtees Soc.), p. 283.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1193' id='f_1193' href='#fna_1193'>[1193]</a> <i>Alnwick’s Visit.</i> f. 71<i>d</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1194' id='f_1194' href='#fna_1194'>[1194]</a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 120, 121, 123, 125. At Bishop Atwater’s visitation of +Legbourne in 1519 it was stated that the nuns often worked at haymaking, +but only in the presence of the Prioress. <i>V.C.H. Lincs.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 154.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1195' id='f_1195' href='#fna_1195'>[1195]</a> See below, p. <a href="#Page_653">653</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1196' id='f_1196' href='#fna_1196'>[1196]</a> See below, p. <a href="#Page_589">589</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1197' id='f_1197' href='#fna_1197'>[1197]</a> See Thiers on the subject: “Si les Religieuses estoient aussi +soigneuses de leur honneur et de leur reputation comme elles devroient, si +elles vouloient asseurer la grace de leur vocation et de leur election ... +elles ne nourriroient point de vaches dans leur clôture, estant indecent +que les Religieuses s’occupent à les mener paistre, à les retirer des +pasturages, et à faire tout ce qui est necessaire pour en recevoir quelque +profit. Je dis la même choses des asnesses, qu’elles y retiennient pour en +prendre le lait dans leurs infirmitez. Car elles peuvent les avoir au +dehors et en tirer à peu près les mêmes avantages, que si elles les +renoient au dedans. Aussi est-il dit dans les Statuts du Couvent de Saint +Estienne de Reims, de l’ordre des Chanoinesses regulieres de Saint +Augustin: Il ne sera loisible de recevoir dans le Monastere aucun gros +bestail: ce qui est parfaitement conforme à cette défense du 1. Concile +Provincial de Milan en 1565. <i>Moniales ne intus in septis Monasterii +boves, equos et jumenta cujusvis generis alant.</i>” <i>Op. cit.</i> p. 415.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1198' id='f_1198' href='#fna_1198'>[1198]</a> <i>Ancren Riwle</i> (King’s Classics), pp. 316-7.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1199' id='f_1199' href='#fna_1199'>[1199]</a> <i>Lambeth Reg. Courtenay</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, f. 336. The injunction was repeated by +Bishop Flemyng in 1421-2. <i>Visit. of Relig. Houses in Dioc. Lincoln</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, +p. 52. At Godstow Peckham made the following order concerning the +conversations of nuns with seculars: “Cum insuper talia sunt colloquia +terminata, inhibemus decetero ne moniales hujusmodi pro colloquentium +conductu, locutorii januam exeant ullo modo, nec etiam stent exterius in +atrio, ubi saecularium est concursus, <i>sed interius tantum in hortis et +pomeriis</i> quatenus requirit necessitas et honestas patitur, si non desit +omnimoda securitas, consolentur.” <i>Reg. Epis. J. Peckham</i>, <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 848. At +Romsey in 1311 Bishop Woodlock ordered that “there shall be an entrance +into the garden by a gate or postern for the sick <i>in loco non suspecto</i> +for their recreation and solace.” Liveing, <i>Records of Romsey Abbey</i>, p. +104. At Clementhorpe in 1310 a nun confined to the cloister for penance +might “for recreation and solace go into the orchard and gardens of the +nunnery accompanied by nuns.” <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 129.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1200' id='f_1200' href='#fna_1200'>[1200]</a> <i>Hereford Epis. Reg. Spofford</i>, p. 82.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1201' id='f_1201' href='#fna_1201'>[1201]</a> William Salt Archaeol. Soc. Coll. New Series, <span class="smcaplc">VIII</span>, pp. 118-9.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1202' id='f_1202' href='#fna_1202'>[1202]</a> Coulton, <i>Chaucer and his England</i>, p. 109. He quotes one such rule +from the “Ménagier de Paris.” “When thou goest into town or to church, +walk with thine head high, thine eyelids lowered and fixed on the ground +at four fathoms distance straight in front of thee, without looking or +glancing sideways at either man or woman to the right hand or the left, +nor looking upward.”</p> + +<p><a name='f_1203' id='f_1203' href='#fna_1203'>[1203]</a> <i>V.C.H. Essex</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 124.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1204' id='f_1204' href='#fna_1204'>[1204]</a> Cf. Coulton, <i>Medieval Studies</i> (first series, 2nd ed., p. 61) and +Bishop Hallam’s admonition to Shaftesbury in 1410. <i>V.C.H. Dorset</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. +78. Also Peckham’s Constitution in 1281. Wilkins, <i>Concilia</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 58.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1205' id='f_1205' href='#fna_1205'>[1205]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 239.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1206' id='f_1206' href='#fna_1206'>[1206]</a> <i>Reg. Godfrey Giffard</i>, p. 267.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1207' id='f_1207' href='#fna_1207'>[1207]</a> <i>Reg. Sede Vacante</i> (Worc. Hist. Soc.), p. 276.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1208' id='f_1208' href='#fna_1208'>[1208]</a> <i>Reg. Ralph of Shrewsbury</i>, p. 241.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1209' id='f_1209' href='#fna_1209'>[1209]</a> <i>Reg. Walter de Stapeldon</i>, p. 317.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1210' id='f_1210' href='#fna_1210'>[1210]</a> <i>A Boke of Precedence</i>, ed. F. J. Furnivall (E.E.T.S. Extra Ser. +<span class="smcaplc">VIII</span>), p. 39.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1211' id='f_1211' href='#fna_1211'>[1211]</a> <i>The Wife of Bath’s Prologue</i>, ll. 545-7.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1212' id='f_1212' href='#fna_1212'>[1212]</a> <i>Reg. Epis. Peckham</i> (Rolls Ser.), <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 664.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1213' id='f_1213' href='#fna_1213'>[1213]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 114. Cf. Gray’s injunction in 1432. <i>Visit. +of Relig. Houses in Dioc. of Linc.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 67.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1214' id='f_1214' href='#fna_1214'>[1214]</a> <i>Linc. Epis. Reg. Memo. Gynewell</i>, f. 139<i>d</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1215' id='f_1215' href='#fna_1215'>[1215]</a> <i>Linc. Epis. Reg. Memo. Bokyngham</i>, f. 343.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1216' id='f_1216' href='#fna_1216'>[1216]</a> <i>Visit. of Relig. Houses in Dioc. Linc.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 25, 51.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1217' id='f_1217' href='#fna_1217'>[1217]</a> <i>Archaeologia</i>, <span class="smcaplc">XLVII</span>, p. 57.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1218' id='f_1218' href='#fna_1218'>[1218]</a> <i>Reg. Johannis de Pontissara</i>, pp. 251-2.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1219' id='f_1219' href='#fna_1219'>[1219]</a> <i>Reg. Epis. Peckham</i> (Rolls Ser.), <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 707.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1220' id='f_1220' href='#fna_1220'>[1220]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 50. With this account of the entertainment +provided by the Friars of Northampton for their visitors, compare the +evidence given at Bishop Nykke’s visitation of the Cathedral priory of +Norwich in 1514. “Item, the Brethren are wont to dance in the +guesten-house, by favour of the guest-master, by night (and) up to noon.” +<i>Visit. of the Dioc. of Norwich</i> (Camden Soc.), p. 75. One of the Bishop’s +<i>comperta</i> was that suspicious women had access to the house of the +guest-master, which throws further light on the Catesby case. Incidentally +the latter bears out Chaucer’s description of the Friar, who was so fond +of harping.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1221' id='f_1221' href='#fna_1221'>[1221]</a> <i>Exempla e sermonibus vulgaribus Jacobi Vitriacensis</i>, ed. T. F. +Crane, p. 131.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1222' id='f_1222' href='#fna_1222'>[1222]</a> <i>Anecdotes Historiques, etc. d’Etienne de Bourbon</i>, ed. Lecoy de La +Marche, p. 229.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1223' id='f_1223' href='#fna_1223'>[1223]</a> See below, p. <a href="#Page_460">460</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1224' id='f_1224' href='#fna_1224'>[1224]</a> See also below, pp. <a href="#Page_448">448-50</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1225' id='f_1225' href='#fna_1225'>[1225]</a> Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">V</span>, p. 654.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1226' id='f_1226' href='#fna_1226'>[1226]</a> Liveing, <i>Records of Romsey Abbey</i>, p. 218.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1227' id='f_1227' href='#fna_1227'>[1227]</a> <i>Poetical Works of John Skelton</i>, ed. Dyce, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 95.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1228' id='f_1228' href='#fna_1228'>[1228]</a> Langland, <i>Piers Plowman</i>, ed. Skeat, Text B, Passus <span class="smcaplc">V</span>, ll. 304 ff.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1229' id='f_1229' href='#fna_1229'>[1229]</a> See above, p. <a href="#Page_373">373</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1230' id='f_1230' href='#fna_1230'>[1230]</a> <i>Songs and Carols</i>, ed. Th. Wright (Percy Soc.), pp. 91-5.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1231' id='f_1231' href='#fna_1231'>[1231]</a> Gower, <i>Mirour de l’Omne</i>, ed. G. C. Macaulay, p. 289. Translated +in Coulton, <i>Med. Garn.</i> pp. 577-8.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1232' id='f_1232' href='#fna_1232'>[1232]</a> At Esholt in 1535 Archbishop Lee even had to enjoin “that the +prioress suffer no ale house to be kept within the precinct of the gates +of the saide monasterie.” <i>Yorks. Arch. Journ.</i> <span class="smcaplc">XVI</span>, p. 452. An +explanation of this may be found by comparing the evidence at Archbishop +Warham’s visitation of the Hospital of St James outside Canterbury in +1511. “The Prioress complains that Richard Welles stays and talks in the +precincts of the house and his wife sells beer in the precincts. They are +very quarrelsome people, brawlers and sowers of discord. There is always a +crowd of people at the house of Richard.” <i>E.H.R.</i> <span class="smcaplc">VI</span>, p. 22. At both these +houses the nuns probably employed a secular alewife to make their beer and +she sold also to other customers within their precincts. Compare Peckham’s +injunction to Wherwell in 1284: “Iterum ob Dei reverentiam et ecclesiae +honestatem perpetuo inhibemus ne mercatores sedere in ecclesia cum suis +mercibus permittantur.” <i>Reg. Epis. Johannis Peckham</i> (Rolls Ser.), <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. +654. Also Bishop Bokyngham’s letter forbidding merchants to sell their +wares in the conventual church or churchyard of Stainfield under pain of +excommunication (1392). <i>V.C.H. Lincs.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 131. Medieval churches were +put to strange uses. They served sometimes as a market-place, sometimes as +a granary, sometimes as a playground, sometimes as a stage.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1233' id='f_1233' href='#fna_1233'>[1233]</a> Wood, <i>Letters of Royal and Illustrious Ladies</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 35, note +<i>b</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1234' id='f_1234' href='#fna_1234'>[1234]</a> Wood, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 35-6.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1235' id='f_1235' href='#fna_1235'>[1235]</a> Wood, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 36-37 (No. <span class="smcaplc">XV</span>).</p> + +<p><a name='f_1236' id='f_1236' href='#fna_1236'>[1236]</a> On this subject see Part II of Thiers’ treatise <i>De la Clôture</i>, +pp. 265-497.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1237' id='f_1237' href='#fna_1237'>[1237]</a> <i>Ancren Riwle</i> (King’s Classics), p. 67.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1238' id='f_1238' href='#fna_1238'>[1238]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 46-7. The Benedictine rule runs: “It is by +no means lawful, without the abbot’s permission, for any monk to receive +or give letters, presents and gifts of any kind to anyone, whether parent +or other.” Cap. <span class="smcaplc">LIV</span>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1239' id='f_1239' href='#fna_1239'>[1239]</a> <i>V.C.H. Oxon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 104.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1240' id='f_1240' href='#fna_1240'>[1240]</a> Liveing, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 232.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1241' id='f_1241' href='#fna_1241'>[1241]</a> <i>Hist. MSS. Com. Report</i>, <span class="smcaplc">IX</span>, App. p. 57 (early fifteenth century).</p> + +<p><a name='f_1242' id='f_1242' href='#fna_1242'>[1242]</a> <i>Reg. Epis. J. Peckham</i>, <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 847. From a letter which he wrote +to the Abbess on Nov. 12, 1284, it appears that the Prioress had been +defamed of incontinence, for, while professing his belief in her +innocence, he repeated his prohibition of casual conversation between nuns +and seculars, adding “Oveke ceo nous defendons de part Deu ke nule nonein +ne parle a escoler de Oxeneford, se il nest sun parent prechein, e ovekes +ceo saunz le conge la abbesse especial. E ceo meismes entendons nous de +touȝ prestres foreins, le queus font mout de maus en mout de lus, e +aussi de touȝ religieus ki ne venent pur precher u pur confesser oue +lautorite le apostoile e le eveske de Nichole.” <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 851. Compare +an injunction to Nunmonkton in 1397: “Item non permittatis clericos +prioratum vestrum frequentare absque causa rationabili.” Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> +<span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 194.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1243' id='f_1243' href='#fna_1243'>[1243]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 67-8.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1244' id='f_1244' href='#fna_1244'>[1244]</a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 65.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1245' id='f_1245' href='#fna_1245'>[1245]</a> See below, p. <a href="#Page_449">449</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1246' id='f_1246' href='#fna_1246'>[1246]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 114. Alnwick made a very strong injunction: +“For as mykelle as your saide monastery and diuerse singulere persones +ther of are greuously noysed and sclaundred for the grete and contynuelle +accesse and recourse of seculere and regulere persones, and in specyalle +of scolers of Oxenford to your said monastery and seculere persones ther +of, that fro hense forthe ye suffre no seculere persones scolers no othere +... to hafe any accesse or recourse to your said monastery ne to any +singulere persone ther of, ne there to abyde nyght ne daye, etc.” <i>Ib.</i> +pp. 115-6.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1247' id='f_1247' href='#fna_1247'>[1247]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 218.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1248' id='f_1248' href='#fna_1248'>[1248]</a> See <i>V.C.H. Oxon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 76-7.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1249' id='f_1249' href='#fna_1249'>[1249]</a> <i>Op. cit.</i> f. 26<i>d</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1250' id='f_1250' href='#fna_1250'>[1250]</a> Gray, <i>Priory of St Radegund, Cambridge</i>, p. 35.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1251' id='f_1251' href='#fna_1251'>[1251]</a> Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 190. See below p. <a href="#Page_602">602</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1252' id='f_1252' href='#fna_1252'>[1252]</a> <i>Lambeth Reg. Langham</i>, f. 76<i>d</i>. Compare the note in Alnwick’s +visitation of Studley (1445): “Sister Isabel Bartone. It is said that +there is great recourse of seculare guests to the aforesaid Isabel and to +her chamber.” <i>Alnwick’s Visit.</i> MS. f. 26<i>d</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1253' id='f_1253' href='#fna_1253'>[1253]</a> <i>Archaeologia</i>, <span class="smcaplc">XLVII</span>, p. 57.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1254' id='f_1254' href='#fna_1254'>[1254]</a> A few more examples may be quoted. At Swine one of the <i>comperta</i> +of Giffard’s visitation in 1267-8 runs: “The household of Sir Robert de +Hilton, knight, wanders about far too freely (<i>nimis dissolute</i>) in the +cloister and parlour, and often holds very suspicious conversations with +the nuns and sisters, whence it is feared that harm may come. And this +same Robert is very injurious and dangerous to them, wherefore, for fear +of his oppression, the canons of the house lately, without the consent of +the convent, gave him a barn full of corn, with which the convent should +have been maintained.” <i>Reg. Walter Giffard</i>, p. 148. At Nunmonkton in +1397 the Prioress, Margaret Fairfax, was ordered to see that John Munkton +(the same who scandalised the convent by feasting and playing tables with +her in her room), Sir William Aschby, chaplain, William Snowe and Thomas +Pape held no conversation nor kept company with her, nor with any nun of +her house, except in the presence of two of the elder nuns, and she was +warned not to allow clerks to frequent the priory without reasonable +cause. Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 194. At Rusper in 1524 “a certain William +Tychenor has frequent access to the said priory and there sows discord +between the prioress and sisters and others living there.” <i>Sussex Arch. +Coll.</i> <span class="smcaplc">V</span>, p. 257. It will be noticed how often these suspected visitors +are clerics; the prefix “sir” in the Nuncoton extract quoted in the text +almost certainly denotes a churchman and the persons mentioned are +probably secular clergy or canons from neighbouring houses such as +Newhouse, probably chantry-priests and parish chaplains. See below, p. <a href="#Page_416">416</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1255' id='f_1255' href='#fna_1255'>[1255]</a> The following examples are typical of a host of others. At +Nunappleton (1281) external visitors come into frater and cloister. <i>Reg. +William Wickwane</i>, p. 141. At Rosedale (1306) the infirmary is to be kept +from the passing to and fro of seculars; at Arthington (1318) they are not +to frequent cloister, infirmary or other private places; at Nunburnholme +(1318) there is scandal from the frequent access and gossiping of seculars +with certain of the nuns. <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, pp. 119, 174. At Ickleton +(1345) the precincts are not to be made the resort of any secular woman, +nor is any such person to come into the choir during the hours of service. +Goddard, <i>Ickleton Church and Priory</i> (<i>Cambridge Antiq. Soc. Proc.</i> <span class="smcaplc">XLV</span>, +p. 190). At Gracedieu (1440-1) seculars and nuns eat together <i>commixtim</i> +in the Prioress’ hall. <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 122. At Heynings (1440) the +infirmary was occupied by secular folk, “to the great disturbance of the +sisters.” <i>Ib.</i> p. 133. At Romsey (1492) people stand about chatting in +the middle of the choir. Liveing, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 220.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1256' id='f_1256' href='#fna_1256'>[1256]</a> On the right of the patron or founder of a monastery, or of persons +of noble birth, to enter the cloistral precincts, see Thiers, <i>op. cit.</i> +pp. 296-309. He quotes the rule of Fontevrault (cap. <span class="smcaplc">VII</span>): “If the most +Christian King, the Queen, the Dauphin and other princes of the +blood-royal, the founders and foundresses, being instantly besought, +refuse nevertheless to desist from entering the precincts, let them enter +with as small a suite of attendants as you can arrange, in long and decent +garments and not otherwise; but let them not seek to pass the night on +pain of excommunication.” <i>Ib.</i> p. 297. It was never possible in practice +to keep out great lords and ladies.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1257' id='f_1257' href='#fna_1257'>[1257]</a> <i>Linc. Epis. Reg. Memo. Gynewell</i>, f. 34<i>d</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1258' id='f_1258' href='#fna_1258'>[1258]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 133-5, <i>passim</i>. Compare the injunctions to +some Yorkshire houses: at Marrick (1252) the nuns were forbidden to sit +with guests or anyone else outside the cloister after curfew, or for a +long time unless the guests arrived so late that it was impossible to +serve them sooner, nor was a nun to remain alone with a guest. At Hampole +(1302) no nun except the <i>hostillaria</i> was to eat or drink in the +guest-house, save with worthy people, and at Wilberfoss (1302) they were +forbidden to linger in the guest-house or elsewhere, for amusement with +seculars. <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, pp. 117, 126, 163. At Elstow in 1432, +however, Bishop Gray enjoined “that when parents or friends or kinsfolk of +nuns, or other persons of note and honesty, shall journey to the same +monastery to visit any nuns of the said monastery, the same nuns be nowise +bound for that day to observance of frater, but be excused to this end by +grace of the abbess or president.” <i>Visit. of Relig. Houses in Dioc. +Linc.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 54.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1259' id='f_1259' href='#fna_1259'>[1259]</a> <i>Reg. Epis. J. Peckham</i>, <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, pp. 851-2.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1260' id='f_1260' href='#fna_1260'>[1260]</a> <i>Linc. Epis. Reg. Memo. Gynewell</i>, f. 100<i>d</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1261' id='f_1261' href='#fna_1261'>[1261]</a> <i>Wykeham’s Reg.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 73-4. The special prohibition of friars is +significant, for their reputation was growing worse and worse throughout +the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. See also <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, pp. +164, 171, 181 and <i>Arch.</i> <span class="smcaplc">XLVII</span>, p. 57. On the other hand it should be +noted that “during the later thirteenth and earlier fourteenth centuries +the bishops in many dioceses made a point of insisting that the confessors +to the nuns should be chosen, not from the secular clergy, but from the +Mendicant Orders, especially from the Minorites.” A. G. Little, <i>Studies +in English Franciscan Hist.</i> (1917), p. 119 (and the references which he +gives).</p> + +<p><a name='f_1262' id='f_1262' href='#fna_1262'>[1262]</a> <i>Visit. of Relig. Houses in Dioc. Linc.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 66.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1263' id='f_1263' href='#fna_1263'>[1263]</a> <i>Yorks. Arch. Journ.</i> <span class="smcaplc">XVI</span>, p. 441. Compare Alnwick’s injunctions to +Catesby (1442), Langley (1440-1) and St Michael’s, Stamford (1440). <i>Linc. +Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 51, 117, <i>Alnwick’s</i> MS. f. 83<i>d</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1264' id='f_1264' href='#fna_1264'>[1264]</a> <i>Yorks. Arch. Journ.</i> <span class="smcaplc">XVI</span>, p. 452 (cf. p. 440). These injunctions +were very common, for the rule was often broken. Peckham’s regulation for +Wherwell (1284) was that no man was to enter after sunset at night, or +before the end of chapter (which followed directly after Prime) in the +morning. <i>Reg. Epis. J. Peckham</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 653. For other examples see +Romsey (1302-11), Liveing, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 102, 103; Moxby (1318), <i>V.C.H. +Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 239; Sopwell (1338), Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 366; Wroxall +(1338), <i>Worc. Reg. Sede Vacante</i>, p. 275; Heynings (1351), <i>Linc. Epis. +Reg. Memo. Gynewell</i>, f. 34<i>d</i>; Elstow (1387), <i>ib.</i>, <i>Reg. Memo. +Bokyngham</i>, f. 343: St Mary’s Neasham (1436), <i>V.C.H. Durham</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 107; +St Helen’s, Bishopsgate (1439), Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 552; Nunappleton +(1489), <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 172; Studley (1530-1), <i>Archaeologia</i>, +<span class="smcaplc">XLVII</span>, p. 59; Nuncoton (1531), <i>ib.</i> pp. 56, 59.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1265' id='f_1265' href='#fna_1265'>[1265]</a> This certainly seems very strict, for (as appears from the +injunctions quoted) it was customary to order the doors to be shut when +the bell rang for Compline, the last office of the day. Vespers was the +service immediately before supper.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1266' id='f_1266' href='#fna_1266'>[1266]</a> <i>Cantarista</i> usually means a chantry-priest. The more usual word is +<i>Precentrix</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1267' id='f_1267' href='#fna_1267'>[1267]</a> Chaucer, <i>Boke of the Duchesse</i>, ll. 300-4.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1268' id='f_1268' href='#fna_1268'>[1268]</a> <i>E.H.R.</i> <span class="smcaplc">VI</span>, pp. 33-4.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1269' id='f_1269' href='#fna_1269'>[1269]</a> This was reiterated in Ottobon’s Constitutions and in the Bull +<i>Periculoso</i>. See also Thomas of Cantilupe’s letter to Lymbrook in 1277 +(<i>Reg. Thome de Cantilupo</i>, p. 201) and Archbishop Peckham’s injunction to +Godstow, both based upon Ottobon. <i>Reg. Epis. J. Peckham</i>, <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 848. +Also Bishop Brantyngham’s commission concerning the nuns of Polsloe in +1376, which is based upon <i>Periculoso</i>. <i>Reg. of Bishop Brantyngham</i>, pt. +<span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 152-3.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1270' id='f_1270' href='#fna_1270'>[1270]</a> <i>Reg. Epis. Johannis Peckham</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 652-3. Compare injunctions +to Barking, <i>ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 84, and to St Sepulchre’s, Canterbury, <i>ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, +p. 706.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1271' id='f_1271' href='#fna_1271'>[1271]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 663 “volentes ibi moniales curiose respicere vel cum +eis garrulas attemptare.”</p> + +<p><a name='f_1272' id='f_1272' href='#fna_1272'>[1272]</a> <i>Archaeologia</i>, <span class="smcaplc">XLVII</span>, p. 52. Compare Bishop Gray’s injunction to +Godstow in 1432-4. “Also that all the doors of the nuns’ lodgings towards +the outer court, through which it is possible to enter into the cloister +precinct, even if the other doors of the cloister be shut for the time +being, be altogether blocked up, or that such means of barring or shutting +be placed upon them that approach or entrance through the same doors may +not be given to secular folk.” <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 68. Compare also Dean +Kentwode’s injunction to St Helen’s, Bishopsgate, in 1432: “Also we injoyn +yow, Prioresse, that there may be a doore at the Nonnes quere, that noo +straungers may loke on them, nor they on the straungers, wanne thei bene +at dyvyne service. Also we ordene and injoyne yow, prioresse, that there +be made a hache of conabyll heythe, crestyd with pykys of herne to fore +the entre of yowre kechyne, that noo straunge pepille may entre with +certeyne cleketts avysed be yow and be yowre steward to suche personys as +yow and hem thynk onest and conabell. Also we injoyne yew, prioresse, that +non nonnes have noo keyes of the posterne doore that gothe owte of the +cloystere into the churche yerd but the prioresse, for there is moche +comyng in and owte unlefulle tymys.” Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 554.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1273' id='f_1273' href='#fna_1273'>[1273]</a> <i>Loc. cit.</i> With this compare Alnwick’s visitation of Ankerwyke in +1441, at which one of Margery Kyrkeby’s charges against the Prioress +Clemence Medeforde was: “Also she has ... blocked up the view Thamesward, +which was a great diversion to the nuns. She confesses blocking up the +view, because she saw that men stood in the narrow space close to the +window and talked with the nuns.” <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 3.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1274' id='f_1274' href='#fna_1274'>[1274]</a> <i>Yorks. Arch. Journ.</i> <span class="smcaplc">XVI</span>, pp. 452-3. Compare Bishop Stapeldon’s +injunction to Canonsleigh in 1320: “Et pur ceo que nous avoms oyi et +entendu par ascune gent qe par my deus us dedenȝ vostre abbeye ileoqes +plusours mals esclandres et deshonestetes sunt avenues avant cest hure, et +purront ensement avenir apres, si remedie ne soit mys, ceo est asavoir, un +us qe est en lencloistre au celer desouz la Sale la Abbesse devers la +court voloms, ordinoms et comaundoms qe meisme ceux deus us soyent bien +estupees par mur de pere, entre cy et la Paske procheyn avenir.” <i>Reg. W. +de Stapeldon</i>, p. 96.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1275' id='f_1275' href='#fna_1275'>[1275]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 172. He also said that “No man loge undir +the dortir nor oon the baksede, but if hit be such sad persones by whome +your house may be holpyne and socured w<sup>t</sup>out slaundir or suspicion.”</p> + +<p><a name='f_1276' id='f_1276' href='#fna_1276'>[1276]</a> Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 366. But at Barking Peckham ordered in +1279: “In officiis, autem, quae per foeminas fieri nequeunt, operariorum +cum eisdem cautelis introitus admittatur.” <i>Reg. Epis. J. Peckham</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. +84. On the entrance of carpenters, masons and other workmen into convents +see Thiers, <i>op. cit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, ch. xxvi. He insists that the work must be a +necessity and something which could not be done by the nuns themselves. +“Ainsi les artisans sont coupables du violement de la clôture, lorsqu’ils +entrent pour des ouvrages de bienseance ou de commodite, pour des +decorations ou des embelissemens; en un mot, pour des ouvrages dont les +Religieuses se peuvent passer; et je ne vois pas en quelle seurete de +conscience les abbesses, les Prieures et les autres superieures des +Religieuses, les y laissent entrer, soit pour polir des grilles, pour +tendre et pour detendre des chambres et des lits, pour faire et pour +peindre des plat-fonds et des alcoves, pour boiser des chambres, des +galleries et des cabinets, pour faire de beaux vitrages, de belle volieres +à petits oiseaux et d’autres choses semblables. Car outre que tout cela +est directement opposé à la modestie et à la pauvreté, dont elles font +profession, quel pretexte peuvent-elles alleguer pour se mettre à couvert +de l’excommunication que les Conciles, les Papes et les Eveques ont +fulminée contre les Religieuses, qui laissent entrer les personnes +étrangeres dans leur clôture sans necessité.” <i>Op. cit.</i> pp. 412-3. He is +particularly urgent that nuns should cultivate their own gardens and +should have their vegetable gardens outside the precincts: “par ce moyen +elles ne seroient point obligées d’ouvrer et fermer si souvent les portes +de leur clôture, à des jardiniers qui ne sont pas toûjours exempts de +scandale” (<i>ib.</i> p. 414), which recalls a famous story of Boccaccio’s. +<i>Decameron</i>, 3rd day, novel I.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1277' id='f_1277' href='#fna_1277'>[1277]</a> <i>Loc. cit.</i> and compare his injunction to Wherwell, <i>ib.</i> p. 268. +Bishop Flemyng’s introduction to Elstow is rather contradictory: “Also +that no nun admit secretly to her chamber any seculars or other men of +religion and that if they be admitted she do not keep them there too +long.” <i>Visit. of Relig. Houses in Dioc. Lincoln</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 51. At Godstow +(1432) the injunction ran: “Also that the beds in the nuns’ lodgings be +altogether removed from their chambers, save those for small children and +that no nun receive any secular people for any recreation in the nuns’ +chambers under pain of excommunication.” <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 67.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1278' id='f_1278' href='#fna_1278'>[1278]</a> As at Godstow in 1432, <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 67, or Romsey in 1523, +Liveing, <i>Records of Romsey Abbey</i>, p. 244.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1279' id='f_1279' href='#fna_1279'>[1279]</a> <i>Reg. Epis. J. Peckham</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 664. Cf. his injunctions to other +nunneries.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1280' id='f_1280' href='#fna_1280'>[1280]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 116. Compare injunctions to Catesby, Langley, +Markyate and St Michael’s, Stamford. <i>Ib.</i> pp. 51, 177, and <i>Alnwick’s +Visit.</i> MS. ff. 6, 83<i>d</i>. For other examples see Lymbrook (1277), <i>Reg. +Thome de Cantilupo</i>, p. 201; Polsloe (1319), <i>Reg. W. de Stapeldon</i>, p. +317; Studley (1530), <i>Archaeologia</i>, <span class="smcaplc">XLVII</span>, p. 54.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1281' id='f_1281' href='#fna_1281'>[1281]</a> <i>Alnwick’s Visit.</i> MS. f. 83<i>d</i>, cf. f. 6, and <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, +p. 177.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1282' id='f_1282' href='#fna_1282'>[1282]</a> Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 554. Compare Romsey (1387), <i>New Coll.</i> MS. +f. 86; Nuncoton (1531), <i>Archaeologia</i>, <span class="smcaplc">XLVII</span>, p. 60. St Benedict’s Rule +forbids all letters (cap. <span class="smcaplc">LIV</span>).</p> + +<p><a name='f_1283' id='f_1283' href='#fna_1283'>[1283]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 46, 177; <i>Alnwick’s Visit.</i> MS. ff. 39<i>d</i>, +76, 95<i>d</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1284' id='f_1284' href='#fna_1284'>[1284]</a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 119.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1285' id='f_1285' href='#fna_1285'>[1285]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 185.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1286' id='f_1286' href='#fna_1286'>[1286]</a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 133.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1287' id='f_1287' href='#fna_1287'>[1287]</a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 113, MS. ff. 71<i>d</i>, 72, 77.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1288' id='f_1288' href='#fna_1288'>[1288]</a> For other examples see Romsey (1311), Liveing, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 104; +Clementhorpe (1317), Hampole (1308, 1314), Nunappleton (1346), Rosedale +(1315), Arthington (1315, 1318); <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, pp. 129, 163-4, 172, +174, 188. Sopwell (1338), Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 366; Heynings (1392), +<i>Linc. Epis. Reg. Memo. Bokyngham</i>, f. 397<i>d</i>; Lymbrook (1437), <i>Hereford +Epis. Reg. Spofford</i>, p. 81; Burnham (1432-6), <i>Visit. of Relig. Houses in +Dioc. Lincoln</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 24; Redlingfield (1514), <i>Visit. of Dioc. of +Norwich</i>, pp. 139-40; Flamstead (1530), <i>V.C.H. Herts.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 433; +Nuncoton (1531), <i>Archaeologia</i>, <span class="smcaplc">XLVII</span>, p. 58; Sinningthwaite (1534), +<i>Yorks. Arch. Journ.</i> <span class="smcaplc">XVI</span>, pp. 440-1. The injunction to St Helen’s, +Bishopsgate, in 1432 has an odd variation: “withowte specialle graunte +hadde in the chapetter house, among yow alle.” Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, pp. +553-4.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1289' id='f_1289' href='#fna_1289'>[1289]</a> <i>Reg. of John of Drokensford</i>, p. 81. The Isabel Fychet mentioned +in 1336 was probably one of these ladies.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1290' id='f_1290' href='#fna_1290'>[1290]</a> <i>Wykeham’s Reg.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 162-3. On this couple, see Smyth, <i>Lives +of the Berkeleys</i>, pp. 364 ff.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1291' id='f_1291' href='#fna_1291'>[1291]</a> <i>Reg. Ralph of Shrewsbury</i>, pp. 277, 278, 744-5. A few out of many +other examples may be quoted: Alice, wife of John D’Aumarle, <i>domicellus</i>, +may stay at Cornworthy from January till September (1333), <i>Reg. of J. de +Grandisson</i>, pt. <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 724; Beatrix Paynell, sister of Sir John Foxley, +may stay at Whitney from December to the Feast of St John the Baptist +(1367), <i>Wykeham’s Reg.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 7; Avice de Lyncolnia, niece of William de +Jafford, may stay for four years in Nunappleton (1309); he was the +Archbishop’s receiver. <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, 171; Alice, wife of Alan of +Ayste, may spend two years in Godstow (1363), <i>V.C.H. Oxon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 73. It +will be noted that nearly all these are great folk, who cannot lightly be +refused.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1292' id='f_1292' href='#fna_1292'>[1292]</a> <i>Reg. J. de Grandisson</i>, pt. <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 190.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1293' id='f_1293' href='#fna_1293'>[1293]</a> <i>V.C.H. Beds.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 355.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1294' id='f_1294' href='#fna_1294'>[1294]</a> <i>Reg. John le Romeyn</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 114.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1295' id='f_1295' href='#fna_1295'>[1295]</a> See the list in Rye, <i>Carrow Abbey</i>, pp. 48-52, <i>passim</i>. Some of +the men also brought servants or chaplains with them, e.g. William Wryght +and servants, William Wade and William his chaplain, John Bernard and John +his chaplain. The men must have been lodged outside the cloister +precincts.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1296' id='f_1296' href='#fna_1296'>[1296]</a> <i>Paston Letters</i>, ed. Gairdner (1900 ed.), <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 390 (no. 633). +See also no. 617 and Introd. pp. ccxc-ccxcii.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1297' id='f_1297' href='#fna_1297'>[1297]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 175 (at this house there were also three +women boarding with the Prioress and one with the Subprioress). Compare +the case of Agnes de Vescy at Watton in 1272. The King wrote to the +sheriff of Yorkshire that “Agnes de Vescy has been to the house of Watton +with a great number of women and dogs and other things, which have +interfered with the devotions of the nuns and sisters.” Graham, <i>St +Gilbert of Sempringham and the Gilbertines</i>, p. 83. The fact was that no +one had any real control over these great ladies, least of all their +hostesses.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1298' id='f_1298' href='#fna_1298'>[1298]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 185.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1299' id='f_1299' href='#fna_1299'>[1299]</a> <i>Alnwick’s Visit.</i> MS. f. 76. Compare a <i>compertum</i> at St +Sepulchre, Canterbury, in 1367-8. “Perhendinantes male fame steterunt cum +priorissa, ad quas habebatur eciam accessus nimium suspectus,” <i>Lambeth +Reg. Langham</i>, f. 76<i>d</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1300' id='f_1300' href='#fna_1300'>[1300]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 120, 122.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1301' id='f_1301' href='#fna_1301'>[1301]</a> <i>Alnwick’s Visit.</i> MS. ff. 71<i>d</i>, 72. Compare the state of affairs +at Hampole in 1411, when the Archbishop ordered the removal of “secular +servants and <i>corrodiarii</i> who attracted to themselves other secular +persons from the country, by whom the house was burdened.” <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> +<span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 165. When Bishop Grandisson of Exeter licensed the reception of +Alice D’Aumarle at Cornworthy (1333) he added “proviso quod ad vos, per +moram hujusmodi, secularium personarum non pateat suspectis horis liberior +frequencia vel accessus.” <i>Reg. Grandisson</i>, pt. <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 724.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1302' id='f_1302' href='#fna_1302'>[1302]</a> <i>Visit. of Relig. Houses in Dioc. of Lincoln</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 87.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1303' id='f_1303' href='#fna_1303'>[1303]</a> Note for instance the Archbishop of York’s injunction when +mitigating a severe penance on a nun of St Clement’s, York, which is +clearly for immorality: “That twice a year if necessary she might receive +friends ... but she was to have nothing to do with Lady de Walleys and if +Lady de Walleys was then in their house, she was to be sent away before +Pentecost (1310),” <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 129.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1304' id='f_1304' href='#fna_1304'>[1304]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 165.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1305' id='f_1305' href='#fna_1305'>[1305]</a> <i>Alnwick’s Visit.</i> MS. f. 39<i>d</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1306' id='f_1306' href='#fna_1306'>[1306]</a> Possibly a priest.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1307' id='f_1307' href='#fna_1307'>[1307]</a> <i>Sussex Arch. Coll.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IX</span>, p. 18.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1308' id='f_1308' href='#fna_1308'>[1308]</a> Wilkins, <i>Concilia</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 592.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1309' id='f_1309' href='#fna_1309'>[1309]</a> <i>Visit. of Relig. Houses in Dioc. Lincoln</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 48-9. Compare +Gray’s injunction, laying more stress on married boarders. <i>Ib.</i> p. 53.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1310' id='f_1310' href='#fna_1310'>[1310]</a> <i>Linc. Epis. Reg. Memo. Gynewell</i>, f. 34<i>d</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1311' id='f_1311' href='#fna_1311'>[1311]</a> <i>Visit. Linc.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 135. For other injunctions against boarders +see Godstow, Gracedieu, Harrold, Langley, Nuncoton, Stixwould, <i>ib.</i> pp. +115, 124-5, 131, 177, <i>Alnwick’s Visit.</i> MS. ff. 77<i>d</i>, 75<i>d</i>; Wherwell, +Romsey (1284), Sheppey (1286), <i>Reg. Epis. Peckham</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 653-4, <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, +p. 924; Wilberfoss, Nunkeeling and Nunappleton (1281-2), <i>Reg. William +Wickwane</i>, pp. 112-3, 140-1; Polsloe (1319), <i>Reg. W. de Stapeldon</i>, p. +317; Canonsleigh (1391), <i>Reg. of Brantyngham</i>, pt. <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 724; Farwell +(1367), <i>Reg. R. de Stretton</i>, p. 119; Polesworth (1352, 1456), <i>V.C.H. +Warwick</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 63. These are only a few examples taken at random; the +registers of the Archbishops of York and of the Bishops of Lincoln alone +record many more. (See the <i>V.C.H.</i> for the counties in these dioceses, +<i>passim</i>.)</p> + +<p><a name='f_1312' id='f_1312' href='#fna_1312'>[1312]</a> <i>Reg. Epis. J. Peckham</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 664; Liveing, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 102, +165.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1313' id='f_1313' href='#fna_1313'>[1313]</a> <i>Linc. Epis. Reg. Memo. Gynewell</i>, f. 100<i>d</i>; <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. +67; <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 115.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1314' id='f_1314' href='#fna_1314'>[1314]</a> <i>Gynewell</i>, f. 139<i>d</i>, <i>V.C.H. Beds.</i> +<span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 355; <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, +pp. 48-9, 53.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1315' id='f_1315' href='#fna_1315'>[1315]</a> “That ye receyve ne holde no suiournauntes, men, women ne +childerne, wyth ynne your place, and thoe that nowe are there, ye voyde +thaym wythe yn a quartere of a yere after the receyvyng of thise our +lettres, but if ye here yn hafe specyalle licence of hus or our +successours, bysshops of Lincolne, except our wele belufede doghters, dame +Elizabeth Dymmok and dame Margaret Tylney, by whose abydyng, as we truste, +no greve but rathere avayle is procured to your place.” <i>Alnwick’s Visit.</i> +MS. f. 75<i>d</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1316' id='f_1316' href='#fna_1316'>[1316]</a> <i>Reg. of Brantyngham</i>, pt. <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 724.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1317' id='f_1317' href='#fna_1317'>[1317]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 173.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1318' id='f_1318' href='#fna_1318'>[1318]</a> See examples above, p. <a href="#Page_410">410</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1319' id='f_1319' href='#fna_1319'>[1319]</a> See <a href="#CHAPTER_VI">Ch. <span class="smcaplc">VI</span></a>, <i>passim</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1320' id='f_1320' href='#fna_1320'>[1320]</a> <i>Visit. of Dioc. of Norwich</i> (Camden Soc.), p. 290.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1321' id='f_1321' href='#fna_1321'>[1321]</a> <i>Cal. of Papal Letters</i>, <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, pp. 37-8.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1322' id='f_1322' href='#fna_1322'>[1322]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 212.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1323' id='f_1323' href='#fna_1323'>[1323]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 167.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1324' id='f_1324' href='#fna_1324'>[1324]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 182.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1325' id='f_1325' href='#fna_1325'>[1325]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 394.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1326' id='f_1326' href='#fna_1326'>[1326]</a> For example, <i>ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, +pp. 522, 526; <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 38; <span class="smcaplc">VII</span>, pp. 70, 440, +617. Sometimes, too, they were ordered to pay their own expenses, e.g. +<i>ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">VI</span>, p. 293.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1327' id='f_1327' href='#fna_1327'>[1327]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">VI</span>, p. 132.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1328' id='f_1328' href='#fna_1328'>[1328]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">VII</span>, p. 220.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1329' id='f_1329' href='#fna_1329'>[1329]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">V</span>, p. 91.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1330' id='f_1330' href='#fna_1330'>[1330]</a> I.e. Jean de Dormans, bishop of Beauvais 1360-8, cardinal 1368, d. +1373.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1331' id='f_1331' href='#fna_1331'>[1331]</a> <i>Cal. of Papal Letters</i>, <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 170.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1332' id='f_1332' href='#fna_1332'>[1332]</a> <i>V.C.H. Northants.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 126. Sewardsley was near Grafton Regis, +where Jacquetta, then widow of Richard Wydville, earl Rivers, lived. This +recalls the more famous case of Eleanor de Cobham, Duchess of Gloucester. +It is worth noticing also that on the eve of the Reformation the famous +Elizabeth Barton, called “the Holy Maid of Kent,” found refuge for a part +of her short career in the nunnery of St Sepulchre’s, Canterbury. +Archbishop Warham secured her admission there in 1526, and she became a +nun and remained there for seven years, until the fame of her outspoken +condemnations of the royal divorce finally brought about her execution in +1533. See Gasquet, <i>Hen. VIII and the English Monasteries</i> (Pop. Edit. +1899), ch. <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, <i>passim</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1333' id='f_1333' href='#fna_1333'>[1333]</a> <i>Le Livere de Engletere</i> (Rolls Series), p. 344.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1334' id='f_1334' href='#fna_1334'>[1334]</a> <i>Cal. of Close Rolls</i> (1318-23), p. 428.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1335' id='f_1335' href='#fna_1335'>[1335]</a> <i>Ib.</i> (1323-7), pp. 88-9; cf. <i>Le Livere de Engletere</i>, p. 350.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1336' id='f_1336' href='#fna_1336'>[1336]</a> <i>V.C.H. Lincs.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 184.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1337' id='f_1337' href='#fna_1337'>[1337]</a> <i>Cal. of Close Rolls</i> (1307-13), p. 114.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1338' id='f_1338' href='#fna_1338'>[1338]</a> <i>Ib.</i> (1302-7), p. 419.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1339' id='f_1339' href='#fna_1339'>[1339]</a> <i>Cal. of Close Rolls</i> (1313-18), p. 43. Sometimes the King sent his +friends as well as his enemies to board in a convent and occasionally he +endeavoured to do so without paying for them. In 1339 he sent first to +Wilton and then to Shaftesbury “Sibyl Libaud of Scotland who lately came +to England to the king’s faith and besought that he would provide for her +maintenance, requesting them to provide her and her son Thomas, who is of +tender age, with maintenance from that house, in food and clothing, until +Whitsuntide next, knowing that what they do at this request shall not be +to the prejudice of their house in the future.” <i>Cal. of Close Rolls</i> +(1339-41), pp. 261, 335. John of Gaunt made use of the convent of Nuneaton +to provide a home for five Spanish ladies, who had doubtless come to +England with his duchess Constance of Castile; early in 1373 he wrote to +his receiver at Leicester bidding him pay the prioress for their expenses +13<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i> each week; but evidently they found the convent too dull for +their tastes, for in August one of them was “demourrant a Leycestre +ovesque Johan Elmeshalle,” and in December the Duke wrote to his receiver +again to say that he had heard “que noz damoisels d’Espaigne demurrantz a +Nouneton ne voullont pas illoeques pluis longement demurrer”; so it was +“Farewell and adieu to you, Spanish ladies” at Nuneaton. It is probable +that these “damoisels” were quite young girls, and had been placed at the +convent to learn “nortelry.” <i>John of Gaunt’s Reg.</i> (R. Hist. Soc.), <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, +pp. 128, 231, 276-7. See, for more about these ladies, pp. 320-1, 328, +338.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1340' id='f_1340' href='#fna_1340'>[1340]</a> Browning, <i>Fra Lippo Lippi</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1341' id='f_1341' href='#fna_1341'>[1341]</a> <i>V.C.H. Norfolk</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 352. This case is particularly +interesting, because it would seem to show that “benefit of clergy” was +not claimed by nuns. On this point see Pollock and Maitland, <i>Hist. of +Engl. Law</i>, 2nd ed. <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 445. “There seems no reason for doubting that +nuns were entitled to the same privilege, though, to their credit be it +said, we have in our period, found no cases which prove this.” Maitland +cites Hale, <i>Pleas of the Crown</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 328, as saying: “Nuns had the +exemption from temporal jurisdiction but the privilege of clergy was never +granted them by our law”; but elsewhere (<i>Pleas of the Crown</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. +371): “Anciently nuns professed were admitted to privilege of clergy”; he +cites a case from 1348 (Fitzherbert’s <i>Abridgment Corone</i>, pl. 461) which +speaks of a woman, not expressly called a nun, being claimed by and +delivered to the ordinary. Stephen, <i>Hist. of Crim. Law of England</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, +p. 461, thinks that “all women (except, till the Reformation, professed +nuns) were for centuries excluded from benefit of clergy, because they +were incapable of being ordained.”</p> + +<p><a name='f_1342' id='f_1342' href='#fna_1342'>[1342]</a> Mr Hamilton Thompson thinks that “Mestowe” is probably the hundred +of Meon-Stoke (Hants.), in a distant part of the county; it is difficult +to see why the Abbess made a general claim there and in any case Wherwell, +where Henry Harold lived, is in Wherwell Hundred.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1343' id='f_1343' href='#fna_1343'>[1343]</a> <i>V.C.H. Hants.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 135.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1344' id='f_1344' href='#fna_1344'>[1344]</a> Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 369.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1345' id='f_1345' href='#fna_1345'>[1345]</a> Gibbons, <i>Ely Epis. Records</i>, p. 406.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1346' id='f_1346' href='#fna_1346'>[1346]</a> <i>Cal. of Pat. Rolls</i> (1381-5), p. 355.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1347' id='f_1347' href='#fna_1347'>[1347]</a> On the other hand for a case of spoliation in which Juliana Yong, a +nun, was involved as one of the aggressors see <i>Cal. of Pap. Petit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, +pp. 333-4.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1348' id='f_1348' href='#fna_1348'>[1348]</a> <i>Linc. Reg. Dalderby</i>, f. 16.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1349' id='f_1349' href='#fna_1349'>[1349]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 108-9. Compare a case in 1375 at Romsey when +certain persons broke into the houses of the Abbess within the Abbey and +carried off Joan, late the wife of Peter Brugge, and her property, +consisting of her gold rings, gold brooches or bracelets with precious +stones, linen and woollen clothes and furs; her chaplain aiding. Liveing, +<i>op. cit.</i> p. 166.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1350' id='f_1350' href='#fna_1350'>[1350]</a> <i>Cal. of Pat. Rolls</i> (1340-3), p. 127.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1351' id='f_1351' href='#fna_1351'>[1351]</a> <i>Ib.</i> (1367-70), p. 10. The Abbess was the worldly Joan Formage. +Licences for crenellating monasteries are rather unusual; but cathedral +closes were very generally crenellated at the end of the thirteenth and +beginning of the fourteenth centuries, e.g. Lincoln, York, Lichfield, +Wells and Exeter. There is a good example of a crenellated monastery at +the Benedictine Priory of Ewenny near Bridgend, Glamorgan, a cell of +Gloucester. This is near the south coast of Wales, where, as along the +Welsh border, towers either crenellated or with certain defensive features +are common. Cf. the numerous fortified churches in the south of France, +e.g. Albi Cathedral (Tarn) and Les Saintes-Maries (Bouches-du-Rhône), the +latter close to the shore of the Mediterranean. (For this note I am +indebted to Mr A. Hamilton Thompson.)</p> + +<p><a name='f_1352' id='f_1352' href='#fna_1352'>[1352]</a> Froissart, tr. Berners, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, ch. xxxviii. For the sufferings of other +monasteries on the south coast see P. G. Mode, <i>The Influence of the Black +Death on the English Monasteries</i>, p. 31.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1353' id='f_1353' href='#fna_1353'>[1353]</a> See Denifle, <i>La Désolation des Eglises ... pendant la Guerre de +Cent Ans</i> (1899). In t. <span class="smcaplc">I</span> is a long list of monasteries which had been +ruined during the fourteenth century. The following (no. 176) is typical: +“Monasterium monialium B. Mariae de Bricourt O.S.B. Trecen. dioec., +causantibus a 40 annis guerris desolatum et destructum, libris aliisque +destitutum et ab omnibus monialibus derelictum 1442” (pp. 55-6).</p> + +<p><a name='f_1354' id='f_1354' href='#fna_1354'>[1354]</a> Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 316, 452, 636.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1355' id='f_1355' href='#fna_1355'>[1355]</a> Serjeantson, <i>Delapré Abbey</i> (1909), pp. 21-3.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1356' id='f_1356' href='#fna_1356'>[1356]</a> Graham, <i>Essay on Engl. Monasteries</i> (Hist. Ass. 1913), p. 29. The +text of the assessment is given in the notes to the <i>Taxatio Ecclesiastica +Pape Nicholai</i> (Record Com. 1802).</p> + +<p><a name='f_1357' id='f_1357' href='#fna_1357'>[1357]</a> <i>The Chronicle of Lanercost</i>, translated by Sir Herbert Maxwell +[1913], p. 136.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1358' id='f_1358' href='#fna_1358'>[1358]</a> <i>Reg. Palat. Dunelm.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 353. In 1291 the number of nuns was +twenty-seven, together with four lay brothers, three chaplains and a +master. Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 197.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1359' id='f_1359' href='#fna_1359'>[1359]</a> <i>Hist. Letters from the Northern Reg.</i> ed. Raine, pp. 319-23.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1360' id='f_1360' href='#fna_1360'>[1360]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, pp. 175, 240.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1361' id='f_1361' href='#fna_1361'>[1361]</a> Froissart, tr. Berners, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, ch. cxxxvii. The English army on its way +to Neville’s Cross was also a sore burden to the religious houses of the +neighbourhood. See the very interesting document about Egglestone Abbey +quoted from Archbishop Zouche’s Register (under the date 1348) by A. +Hamilton Thompson, <i>The Pestilences of the Fourteenth Century in the +Diocese of York</i> (<i>Archaeol. Journ.</i> vol. <span class="smcaplc">LXXI</span>, New Series, vol. <span class="smcaplc">XXI</span>, p. +120, n. 4). It is probable that this campaign, together with the Black +Death, which followed hard upon it, brought about the final ruin of the +little nunnery of St Stephen’s near Northallerton, which is not heard of +after 1350. See <i>ib.</i> p. 121, n. 12, and <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 116.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1362' id='f_1362' href='#fna_1362'>[1362]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 160, cp. the case of Armathwaite below. The +muniments of Carrow were burnt during the Peasants’ Revolt of 1381. Hoare, +C. M., <i>Hist. of an East Anglian Soke</i> (Bedford 1918), p. 112. “The +destruction of charters, privileges and muniments was a severe loss; +evidence for the holding of each strip of land and in support of every +custom was of the utmost importance.” Graham, <i>St Gilb. of Semp. and the +Gilbertines</i>, p. 138.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1363' id='f_1363' href='#fna_1363'>[1363]</a> <i>V.C.H. Cumberland</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, +p. 190, and Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, pp. 271-2.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1364' id='f_1364' href='#fna_1364'>[1364]</a> <i>Aug. Off. Misc. Books</i>, 281, f. 11 [<i>P.R.O.</i>]. For the sufferings +of Northern monasteries from the Scots 1330-50 see references collected +from the patent rolls in P. G. Mode, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 32.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1365' id='f_1365' href='#fna_1365'>[1365]</a> <i>Chronicon Angliae</i>, ed. E. M. Thompson (R.S. 1874), pp. 247-53.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1366' id='f_1366' href='#fna_1366'>[1366]</a> It is extremely difficult to identify the nunnery spoken of in the +story. According to Froissart the expedition sailed from Southampton +(Froissart, <i>Chron.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, ch. ccclvi); according to another account the port +of departure was Plymouth (see J. H. Ramsay, <i>The Genesis of Lancaster</i>, +<span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 131). If Southampton be correct, Romsey Abbey would be the nearest +nunnery answering to the description in the text, though it stands some +miles from the coast. If Sir John sailed from Plymouth the only nunnery in +the vicinity would be the little priory of Cornworthy, which certainly +never contained a large number of nuns and boarders (though as to this the +chronicler may be exaggerating). It is strange that no record of the crime +appears to have survived in episcopal registers or in any official +document; but it seems unlikely that the story is pure invention, since we +know from other sources that the troops were notorious for general +depredations along the coast. A petition presented to the King in +Parliament (1379/80) runs: “Item, beseech the commons and the good folk +who dwell near the coasts of the sea, to wit, of Norfolk, Suffolk, Kent, +Surrey, Hampshire, Dorset and Cornwall: That whereas they and their +chattels have oftentimes been robbed, and are destroyed and spoiled by +men-at-arms, archers and others coming and going by the said ports to the +service of our Lord the king at the war and by their long sojourn; and +chiefly the people of Hampshire during the last expedition which was ruled +and ordered, for by the sojourn and destruction made by men ordered upon +the said expedition, the goods and chattels of the good people of +Hampshire are destroyed, spoiled and annihilated, to the very great +abashment and destruction of all the Commons of those parts, as well folk +of Holy Church as others; and they will lodge themselves of their own +authority, having no regard to the billets (herbegage) assigned to them by +our lord [the king], to the destruction of the common people, if it be not +remedied as soon as may be.” (<i>Rot. Parl.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 80.) The other +nunneries in Hampshire were St Mary’s Winchester, Wherwell, and Whitney.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1367' id='f_1367' href='#fna_1367'>[1367]</a> Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 452, 636.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1368' id='f_1368' href='#fna_1368'>[1368]</a> To show how a twelfth century baron might speak to a cloistered +nun, the mother of one of his knights, his words deserve quotation:</p> + +<p class="poem">Voir, dist R. vos estes losengiere.<br /> +Je ne sai rien de putain, chanberiere,<br /> +Qi est este corsaus ne maaillere,<br /> +A toute gent communax garsoniere.<br /> +Au conte Y. vos vi je soldoiere,<br /> +La vostre chars ne fu onques trop chiere;<br /> +Se nus en vost, par le baron S. Piere!<br /> +Por poi d’avoir en fustes traite ariere.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 8em;"><i>Raoul de Cambrai</i>, ll. 1328-1335.</span></p> + +<p><a name='f_1369' id='f_1369' href='#fna_1369'>[1369]</a> <i>Raoul de Cambrai</i>, pub. P. Meyer et A. Longnon, <i>Soc. des Anc. +Textes Fr.</i> 1882, stanzas <span class="smcaplc">LXIII-LXXI</span>, <i>passim</i> (pp. 42-50).</p> + +<p><a name='f_1370' id='f_1370' href='#fna_1370'>[1370]</a> “Incontynent it was taken by assaut and robbed and an abbey of +ladyes vyolated and the town brent.” Froissart, <i>Chronicles</i>, tr. Berners.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1371' id='f_1371' href='#fna_1371'>[1371]</a> See M. K. Brady, <i>Psycho-Analysis and its Place in Life</i> [1919], p. +117; H. O. Taylor, <i>The Medieval Mind</i> [2nd ed., 1914], <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, ch. <span class="smcaplc">XX.</span></p> + +<p><a name='f_1372' id='f_1372' href='#fna_1372'>[1372]</a> See above, p. <a href="#Page_29">29</a>. For the effects of this at a later period in +Italy see J. A. Symonds, <i>The Renaissance in Italy. VI. The Catholic +Reaction</i>, pt. <span class="smcaplc">I</span> (1886), pp. 339 ff.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1373' id='f_1373' href='#fna_1373'>[1373]</a> See below, p. <a href="#Page_502">502</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1374' id='f_1374' href='#fna_1374'>[1374]</a> See above, pp. <a href="#Page_422">422</a> ff.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1375' id='f_1375' href='#fna_1375'>[1375]</a> <i>Linc. Epis. Reg. Memo. Sutton</i>, ff. 5<i>d</i>, 32<i>d</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1376' id='f_1376' href='#fna_1376'>[1376]</a> The unions were sometimes referred to as “marriages” and a priest +unaware of the facts of the case may have been got to celebrate them. For +instance Bishop Gynewell recites how Joan Bruys, nun of Nuneaton, was +abducted by Nicholas Green of Isham and “postmodum se in nostram diocesim +divertentes matrimonium de facto in eadem nostra diocesi scienter inuicem +contraxerunt et incestum ibidem commiserunt et in ea cohabitant indies vir +et vxor.” <i>Linc. Epis. Reg. Memo. Gynewell</i>, f. 102. Marriage is also +referred to in the case of Joyce, an apostate from St Helen’s, +Bishopsgate, in 1388. <i>Hist. MSS. Com. Rep.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IX</span>, App. pt. <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 28. At +Atwater’s visitation of Ankerwyke in 1519 it was stated “Domina Alicia +Hubbart stetit ibidem in habitu per quatuor annos et tunc in apostasiam +recessit et cuidam ... Sutton consanguineo Magistri Ricardi Sutton +Senescalli de Syon fuit nupta et cum eo in patria ipsius Sutton remanet in +adulterio.” <i>Linc. Epis. Reg. Visit. Atwater</i>, f. 42.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1377' id='f_1377' href='#fna_1377'>[1377]</a> <i>Linc. Epis. Reg. Memo. Dalderby</i>, f. 16. Translated in R. M. +Serjeantson, <i>Hist. of Delapré Abbey, Northampton</i>, pp. 7-8.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1378' id='f_1378' href='#fna_1378'>[1378]</a> <i>P.R.O. Chancery Warrants</i>, Series I, File 1759; <i>Cal. of Patent +Rolls</i> (1381-5), p. 235. This file of Chancery Warrants contains a large +number of petitions for the arrest of vagabond monks and nuns. These +petitions usually emanate from the head of the apostate’s house, but +occasionally from the Bishop of the diocese, as in another warrant in the +same file in which the Bishop of Norwich petitions for the arrest of +Katherine Montagu, Benedictine nun of Bungay (1376). Other petitions +besides those quoted in the text concern Alice Romayn, Austin nun of +Haliwell (1314, <i>ib.</i>), Matilda Hunter, Austin nun of Burnham (1392), +(File 1762); Alice de Everyngham, Gilbertine nun of Haverholm (1366), +(File 1764); and the following sisters of Hospitals, Agnes Stanley of St +Bartholomew’s, Bristol (1389), Johanna atte Watre of St Thomas the Martyr +at Southwark (1324) and Elizabeth Holewaye of the same house (File 1769, +nos. 1, 15, 18). On receipt of these petitions the writ <i>De apostata +capiendo</i> would be issued and the royal commissions for the arrest of the +delinquents are sometimes found enrolled on the patent rolls, as in the +cases quoted in the text. Alice Everyngham was excommunicated by the +master of Sempringham; but on her case being brought to the papal court +and committed by the Pope to the dean and two canons of Lincoln, she was +absolved by them. The master appealed to the Pope against her absolution, +and the case was committed for trial to the Archbishop of York. <i>Cal. of +Papal Letters</i>, <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, pp. 69-70. For a royal commission to arrest Mary de +Felton of the House of Minoresses at Aldgate, see <i>Cal. Pat. Rolls</i>, +1385-9, p. 86.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1379' id='f_1379' href='#fna_1379'>[1379]</a> <i>P.R.O. Chancery Warrants</i>, Series I, File 1759; <i>Cal. of Pat. +Rolls</i>, 1401-5, pp. 418, 472.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1380' id='f_1380' href='#fna_1380'>[1380]</a> There are several references to this ceremony: “Dictam igitur +commonialem vestram, iniuncta ei penitencia seculari pro suis reatibus +atque culpis, ad vos et domum vestram, a qua exiit, remittimus absolutam; +deuocionem vestram firmiter in Domino exhortantes quatinus ... dictam +penitentem ... si in humilitatis spiritu, reclinato corpore more +penitencium, pulset ad portam, misericordiam deuote postulans et +implorans, si suum confiteatur reatum, si signa contricionis ac +correccionis appareant in eadem, secundum disciplinam vestri ordinis, +filiali promptitudine admittatis” (Maud of Terrington at Keldholme, 1321), +<i>Yorks. Arch. Journ.</i> <span class="smcaplc">XVI</span>, pp. 456-7. Compare <i>ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">XVI</span>, p. 363 (Margaret +of Burton at Kirklees, 1337); Wm. Salt Archaeol. Soc. Coll. <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 256 +(case against Elizabeth la Zouche who, with another nun, had escaped from +Brewood in 1326; she was not recovered until 1331).</p> + +<p><a name='f_1381' id='f_1381' href='#fna_1381'>[1381]</a> <i>V.C.H. Lincs.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 99-100.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1382' id='f_1382' href='#fna_1382'>[1382]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 159.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1383' id='f_1383' href='#fna_1383'>[1383]</a> <i>V.C.H. Lincs.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 138. The surname “Suffewyk” should probably +read Luffewyk, i.e. Lowick.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1384' id='f_1384' href='#fna_1384'>[1384]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 171.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1385' id='f_1385' href='#fna_1385'>[1385]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 177.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1386' id='f_1386' href='#fna_1386'>[1386]</a> See for Renaissance Italy, J. A. Symonds, <i>The Renaissance in +Italy</i> (1886), <span class="smcaplc">VI</span>, p. 340; A. Gagnière, <i>Les Confessions d’une Abbesse du +xvi<sup>e</sup> siècle</i> (Paris, 1888), pp. 128 ff. (Felice Rasponi); G. Marcotti, +<i>Donne e Monache</i> (Firenze, 1884); but ecclesiastics were found among +these <i>monachini</i>. In France the same pursuit became fashionable under the +League. For a later date the <i>Memoirs</i> of Casanova provide the most +striking illustrations.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1387' id='f_1387' href='#fna_1387'>[1387]</a> <i>Alnwick’s Visit.</i> MS. f. 39<i>d</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1388' id='f_1388' href='#fna_1388'>[1388]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 84.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1389' id='f_1389' href='#fna_1389'>[1389]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 113.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1390' id='f_1390' href='#fna_1390'>[1390]</a> <i>Alnwick’s Visit.</i> MS. ff. 83, 83<i>d</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1391' id='f_1391' href='#fna_1391'>[1391]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 181.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1392' id='f_1392' href='#fna_1392'>[1392]</a> “En visitaunt vostre mesun por plusure fiez truuames nus ke Johan +de Seuekwurth, clerk, se auoit si mauuesement porte en demurant en la +mesun ke il esteit atteint de folie de cors od vne de vos nuneins e vne +autre esteit de ly atteinte, par defaute de purgaciun ke ele ne se poeit +de li purger. Par quei nus defendimes a vus ke vus no le suffrissez en +vostre mesun demurer, e a li ke la euene demurast.” <i>Linc. Epis. Reg. +Memo. Sutton</i>, f. 129<i>d</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1393' id='f_1393' href='#fna_1393'>[1393]</a> <i>V.C.H. Somerset</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 157.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1394' id='f_1394' href='#fna_1394'>[1394]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 240.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1395' id='f_1395' href='#fna_1395'>[1395]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 47.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1396' id='f_1396' href='#fna_1396'>[1396]</a> See below, p. <a href="#Page_545">545</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1397' id='f_1397' href='#fna_1397'>[1397]</a> Gascoigne accuses John Stafford, Archbishop of Canterbury, of +having had sons and daughters by a nun at a time when he was Bishop of +Bath and Wells. “In diebus meis, anno Domini 1443, electus fuit, vel +verius intrusus, unus archiepiscopus qui fuit genitus ex manifesto +adulterio, et existens genuit filios et filias ex una moniali, in +episcopali gradu existens antequam fuit archiepiscopus.” <i>Loci e Libro +Veritatum</i>, ed. J. E. Thorold Rogers (1881), p. 231. Gascoigne was a +learned Doctor of Theology and Chancellor of the University of Oxford. His +theological dictionary gives an extraordinarily vivid and gloomy picture +of the corruptions of the church in his day. It must be noted however that +Stafford’s support of the heretical Bishop Reginald Pecok (author of the +<i>Repressor of Overmuch Blaming of the Clergy</i>) made Gascoigne his +implacable enemy, while there is no foundation for his statement that +Stafford was of illegitimate birth. His charge is therefore unworthy of +belief. The scandal which later connected the name of John Stokesley, +Bishop of London, with Anne Colte, Abbess of Wherwell, seems likely to be +equally devoid of foundation, though she was several times summoned before +the Council in 1534; the King and Cromwell evidently resented her refusal +to give a farm to one of their protégés. <i>L. and P. Hen. VIII</i>, <span class="smcaplc">VI</span>, 1361, +<span class="smcaplc">VII</span>, 527-9, 907; <i>V.C.H. Hants.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 136.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1398' id='f_1398' href='#fna_1398'>[1398]</a> See, besides the references given above, cases in which a priest or +chaplain was implicated at St Stephen’s Foukeholm (abduction of Cecilia by +William, Chaplain of Yarm, 1293), <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 113; Nunkeeling +(Avice de Lelle had confessed to incontinence; ordered not to talk to +Robert de Eton, chaplain, or any other person, 1318), <i>ib.</i> p. 121; +Keldholme, 1318 (Mary de Holm and Sir William Lely, chaplain, 1318), <i>ib.</i> +p. 169; Kirklees (Joan de Heton and Sir Michael, called the Scot, priest, +1315), <i>Yorks. Arch. Journ.</i> <span class="smcaplc">XVI</span>, p. 361; Godstow (Sir Hugh Sadylere of +Oxford, chaplain, and Alice Longspee, 1445), <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 114; +Littlemore (Prioress Katherine Wells and Richard Hewes, priest of Kent, +1517), <i>V.C.H. Oxon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 76; Wintney (Prioress and Thomas Ferring, a +secular priest, 1405), <i>Cal. Papal Letters</i>, <span class="smcaplc">VI</span>, p. 55; Romsey (charge +against Emma Powes and the vicar of the parish church, 1502), <i>V.C.H. +Hants.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 130; Easebourne (Sir John Smyth, chaplain, concerned in +abduction of two nuns, 1478), <i>Sussex Arch. Coll.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IX</span>, p. 17; and various +other instances of suspicious behaviour or of chaplains and priests warned +off the premises. Some of these cases are described in detail below, +<i>passim</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1399' id='f_1399' href='#fna_1399'>[1399]</a> E.g. “Fatebatur se carnaliter cognitam a D.B. apud S. in domo +habitacionis sue ibidem situata,” <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 71. “Item dicit +quod priorissa consueuit sola accedere ad villam de Catesby ad gardinas +cum vno solo presbytero.” <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 47.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1400' id='f_1400' href='#fna_1400'>[1400]</a> E.g. “Domina Agnes Smyth inquisita dicit quod Simon Prentes +cognovit eam et suscitavit prolem ex ea infra prioratum, extra tamen +claustrum.” Jessopp, <i>Visit. of Dioc. Norwich</i>, p. 109. There are many +references to and injunctions against suspicious confabulations with men +in the nave and other parts of the priory church.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1401' id='f_1401' href='#fna_1401'>[1401]</a> See above, pp. <a href="#Page_386">386-9</a>, <a href="#Page_401">401</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1402' id='f_1402' href='#fna_1402'>[1402]</a> <i>Reg. Epis. J. Peckham</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 708.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1403' id='f_1403' href='#fna_1403'>[1403]</a> <i>Reg. Thome de Cantilupo, Epis. Herefordensis</i> (Canterbury and York +Society), p. 265.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1404' id='f_1404' href='#fna_1404'>[1404]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 181.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1405' id='f_1405' href='#fna_1405'>[1405]</a> <i>Alnwick’s Visit.</i> MS. f. 83. See above, p. <a href="#Page_310">310</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1406' id='f_1406' href='#fna_1406'>[1406]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 91, 116.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1407' id='f_1407' href='#fna_1407'>[1407]</a> R. E. G. Cole, <i>The Priory of Brodholme</i> (<i>Assoc. Architec. Soc. +Reports and Papers</i>, <span class="smcaplc">XXVIII</span>), p. 66.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1408' id='f_1408' href='#fna_1408'>[1408]</a> At Markyate in 1336 “an apostate nun was received back again and +absolved by Bishop Burghersh and three others sought absolution at the +same time for having aided and abetted her in her escape.” <i>V.C.H. Beds.</i> +<span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 360.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1409' id='f_1409' href='#fna_1409'>[1409]</a> It must be conceded that the Church gave the nuns every inducement +to take measures to prevent such disasters; for instance in the <i>Liber +Poenitentialis</i> of Theodore the Anglo-Saxon nun guilty of immorality is +given eight years of penance and ten if there be a child; a married layman +and a nun who are lovers have six years of penance and seven if there be a +child. Here, as ever, the Church went on the principle that sin was bad +but scandal worse; <i>si non caste tamen caute</i>. Of the practice of abortion +I find no record in English pre-Reformation documents, though Henry VIII’s +disreputable commissioner, Dr Layton, accused the Yorkshire nuns of taking +potations “ad prolem conceptum opprimendum.” <i>Letters Relating to the +Suppression of the Monasteries</i> (Camden Soc. 1843), p. 97. There is a +proved case of it in Eudes Rigaud’s visitation of St-Aubin (1256), and a +suspicion at St Saëns (1264), <i>Reg. Visit. Rigaud</i>, ed. Bonnin, pp. 255, +491. See below, p. <a href="#Page_668">668</a>. One of Caesarius of Heisterbach’s <i>exempla</i> hangs +upon it. Caes. Heist. <i>Dial. Mirac.</i> ed. Strange, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 331. In +seventeenth and eighteenth century Italy the practice seems to have been +common, witness Casanova.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1410' id='f_1410' href='#fna_1410'>[1410]</a> <i>Alnwick’s Visit.</i> MS. f. 96.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1411' id='f_1411' href='#fna_1411'>[1411]</a> <i>Wykeham’s Reg.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 114-5.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1412' id='f_1412' href='#fna_1412'>[1412]</a> “Et proles obiit immediate post.” Jessopp, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 109.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1413' id='f_1413' href='#fna_1413'>[1413]</a> See e.g. faculty given “to dispense twenty persons of illegitimate +birth of the realms of France and England, whether sons of priests or +married persons, or monks, <i>or nuns</i>, to be ordained and to hold two +benefices apiece.” <i>Cal. of Papal Letters</i>, <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 170.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1414' id='f_1414' href='#fna_1414'>[1414]</a> M. E. Lowndes, <i>The Nuns of Port Royal</i> (1909), p. 13. The Abbess +in question was Angélique d’Estrées, sister of Gabrielle, Henry IV’s +mistress, and famous for her scandalous life and her struggle with her +successor, the famous Mère Angélique (Jacqueline Arnauld) of Port Royal.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1415' id='f_1415' href='#fna_1415'>[1415]</a> <i>Letters Relating to the Suppression of the Monasteries</i> (Camden +Soc. 1843), p. 58. But it must be remembered that we cannot believe +uncorroborated a single word that Layton says.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1416' id='f_1416' href='#fna_1416'>[1416]</a> See below, <a href="#note_f">Note F</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1417' id='f_1417' href='#fna_1417'>[1417]</a> <i>Reg. Ralph of Shrewsbury</i> (Som. Rec. Soc.), pp. 683-4; the charge +is not given in full in this edition of the Register and must be eked out +from the extract in Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 416 (note).</p> + +<p><a name='f_1418' id='f_1418' href='#fna_1418'>[1418]</a> <i>Reg. John of Drokensford</i>, pp. 60, 126, 167, 287.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1419' id='f_1419' href='#fna_1419'>[1419]</a> <i>Sussex Arch. Coll.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IX</span>, pp. 17-19.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1420' id='f_1420' href='#fna_1420'>[1420]</a> <i>Gesta Regis Henrici Secundi Benedicti Abbatis</i>, ed. Stubbs, Rolls +Ser., <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 135-6.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1421' id='f_1421' href='#fna_1421'>[1421]</a> Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 334.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1422' id='f_1422' href='#fna_1422'>[1422]</a> <i>Cal. of Pap. Letters</i>, <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 169. She was born 11 March 1278 and +took the veil at the age of seven years. Some annalists put the date of +her profession at 1285 and some at 1289; in any case the Warenne charge +was not made until 1345. See above, p. <a href="#Page_381">381</a>, note 1.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1423' id='f_1423' href='#fna_1423'>[1423]</a> <i>Cal. of Papal Letters</i>, <span class="smcaplc">V</span>, p. 161.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1424' id='f_1424' href='#fna_1424'>[1424]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">VII</span>, p. 373.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1425' id='f_1425' href='#fna_1425'>[1425]</a> <i>Reg. Epis. J. Peckham</i>, <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 851.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1426' id='f_1426' href='#fna_1426'>[1426]</a> See <a href="#note_g">Note G</a>, p. <a href="#Page_597">597</a>, below.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1427' id='f_1427' href='#fna_1427'>[1427]</a> In general an apostate may be said to mean a lover, but there must +also have been cases of nuns apostatising out of general discontent with +the convent or Prioress.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1428' id='f_1428' href='#fna_1428'>[1428]</a> Two of these, St Mary de Pré (St Albans) and Sopwell ought not, +however, to be counted, being entirely under the control of the Abbey of +St Albans and exempt from episcopal visitation. It was concerning St Mary +de Pré that Archbishop Morton made the charges against St Albans, rendered +famous by Froude.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1429' id='f_1429' href='#fna_1429'>[1429]</a> Above, p. <a href="#Page_440">440</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1430' id='f_1430' href='#fna_1430'>[1430]</a> <i>V.C.H. Northants.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 101 (note), from <i>Linc. Epis. Reg. Memo. +Sutton</i>, f. 154.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1431' id='f_1431' href='#fna_1431'>[1431]</a> <i>V.C.H. Beds.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 389.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1432' id='f_1432' href='#fna_1432'>[1432]</a> <i>V.C.H. Northants.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 126.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1433' id='f_1433' href='#fna_1433'>[1433]</a> <i>V.C.H. Oxon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 103.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1434' id='f_1434' href='#fna_1434'>[1434]</a> <i>V.C.H. Beds.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 360.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1435' id='f_1435' href='#fna_1435'>[1435]</a> <i>V.C.H. Lincs.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 179.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1436' id='f_1436' href='#fna_1436'>[1436]</a> <i>V.C.H. Bucks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 383.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1437' id='f_1437' href='#fna_1437'>[1437]</a> <i>V.C.H. Northants.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 114.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1438' id='f_1438' href='#fna_1438'>[1438]</a> <i>V.C.H. Northants.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 101.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1439' id='f_1439' href='#fna_1439'>[1439]</a> See A. H. Thompson, “Registers of John Gynewell, Bishop of Lincoln, +for the Years 1347-1350.” <i>Archaeol. Journ.</i> 2nd ser., vol. <span class="smcaplc">XVIII</span>, p. 331.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1440' id='f_1440' href='#fna_1440'>[1440]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 81-2.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1441' id='f_1441' href='#fna_1441'>[1441]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 82-6.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1442' id='f_1442' href='#fna_1442'>[1442]</a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 111-2. It should be noted that the word “incest” is used +in its religious sense; it was properly used of intercourse between +persons who were both under ecclesiastical vows and thus in the relation +of spiritual father and daughter, or brother and sister, but it soon came +to be used loosely to denote a breach of chastity in which one party was +professed.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1443' id='f_1443' href='#fna_1443'>[1443]</a> Lambeth, <i>Reg. Courtenay</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, f. 336.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1444' id='f_1444' href='#fna_1444'>[1444]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 50. Flemyng adds “or manifestly suspect.”</p> + +<p><a name='f_1445' id='f_1445' href='#fna_1445'>[1445]</a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 54.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1446' id='f_1446' href='#fna_1446'>[1446]</a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 65.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1447' id='f_1447' href='#fna_1447'>[1447]</a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 69-71.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1448' id='f_1448' href='#fna_1448'>[1448]</a> <i>Alnwick’s Visit.</i> MS. f. 6.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1449' id='f_1449' href='#fna_1449'>[1449]</a> See above, p. <a href="#Page_449">449</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1450' id='f_1450' href='#fna_1450'>[1450]</a> See above, pp. <a href="#Page_82">82-4</a>, <a href="#Page_388">388</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1451' id='f_1451' href='#fna_1451'>[1451]</a> See above, pp. <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>, <a href="#Page_449">449</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1452' id='f_1452' href='#fna_1452'>[1452]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 3. The form of her admission is curious: +“Fatetur totidem moniales recessisse, absque tamen sciencia sua.”</p> + +<p><a name='f_1453' id='f_1453' href='#fna_1453'>[1453]</a> Jessopp, <i>Visit. of Dioc. Norwich</i> (Camden Soc.) gives also Bishop +Goldwell’s visitations some ten years before, which brought to light no +cases of immorality among nuns.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1454' id='f_1454' href='#fna_1454'>[1454]</a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 109.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1455' id='f_1455' href='#fna_1455'>[1455]</a> See <i>V.C.H. Hants.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 129-31 (Romsey, where the date is +wrongly given as 1312 by a slip), 124, 135, 151. Unfortunately all but the +Romsey visitation are given in the barest summary.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1456' id='f_1456' href='#fna_1456'>[1456]</a> <i>V.C.H. Hants.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 130.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1457' id='f_1457' href='#fna_1457'>[1457]</a> Above, pp. <a href="#Page_453">453-4</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1458' id='f_1458' href='#fna_1458'>[1458]</a> <i>Sussex Arch. Coll.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IX</span>, pp. 25-6.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1459' id='f_1459' href='#fna_1459'>[1459]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 48.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1460' id='f_1460' href='#fna_1460'>[1460]</a> In Archbishop Walter Giffard’s York Register occurs the following +entry of payments for Agatha: “Item A. Giffard xx<i>s.</i> Item Thomae de +Habinton ad Expensas versus Elnestowe” (1271), <i>Reg. W. Giffard</i> (Surtees +Soc.), p. 115. This seems sufficient reason for identifying the Elstow +sister as Agatha, though the editor identifies her with Mabel “afterwards +abbess of Shaftesbury,” <i>ib.</i> p. 164.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1461' id='f_1461' href='#fna_1461'>[1461]</a> <i>Reg. W. Giffard</i> (Surtees Soc.) p. 164 and <i>Hist. Letters and +Papers from the Northern Regs.</i> ed. J. Raine (Rolls Ser.), pp. 33-4.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1462' id='f_1462' href='#fna_1462'>[1462]</a> <i>V.C.H. Dorset</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 78.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1463' id='f_1463' href='#fna_1463'>[1463]</a> She was in trouble in 1287 for refusing to pay certain moneys left +for an obit and had to be threatened with excommunication; see <i>Worc. Reg. +Godfrey Giffard</i>, Introd. pp. cxxxvi-vii.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1464' id='f_1464' href='#fna_1464'>[1464]</a> <i>Worc. Reg. Godfrey Giffard</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 278-80. It is followed by a +letter enjoining the Abbess and convent of Wilton to receive back the two +nuns.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1465' id='f_1465' href='#fna_1465'>[1465]</a> For another version of the penance see <i>Reg. Epis. J. Peckham</i>, +<span class="smcaplc">III</span>, pp. 916-7. This forbids him to enter any nunnery or speak with any +nuns without special licence from their metropolitan.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1466' id='f_1466' href='#fna_1466'>[1466]</a> <i>V.C.H. Beds.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 389.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1467' id='f_1467' href='#fna_1467'>[1467]</a> <i>Alnwick’s Visit.</i> MS. f. 39<i>d</i>. Compare the case of Thomas de +Raynevill who in 1324 was ordered, as penance for seducing a nun of +Hampole, to stand on a Sunday, while high mass was being celebrated, in +the conventual church of Hampole, bareheaded, wearing only his tunic and +holding a lighted taper of one pound weight of wax in his hand, which he +was to offer, after the offertory had been said, to the celebrant, who was +to explain to the congregation the cause of the oblation. Also on feast +days he was to be beaten round the parish church of Campsall. But two +years later the Archbishop was still repeating directions for the +performance of the penance. <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 164.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1468' id='f_1468' href='#fna_1468'>[1468]</a> From Nunkeeling to Yedingham (1444); from Arthington to Yedingham +(1310); from St Clement’s, York, to Yedingham (1331); from Basedale to +Sinningthwaite (1308); from Hampole to Swine (1313); four disobedient nuns +of Keldholme to Handale, Swine, Nunappleton and Wallingwells respectively +(1308); and two others to Esholt and Nunkeeling (1309); from Nunappleton +to Basedale (1308); from Rosedale to Handale (1321); from Swine to Wykeham +(1291); from Wykeham to Nunappleton (1444); from Arthington to Nunkeeling +(1219). <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, pp. 121, 127, 130, 159, 163-4, 168, 171, 175, +180, 183, 189. Also from Kirklees to Hampole (1323) and from Basedale to +Rosedale (1534). <i>Yorks. Arch. Journ.</i> <span class="smcaplc">XVI</span>, pp. 362, 431-3.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1469' id='f_1469' href='#fna_1469'>[1469]</a> <i>V.C.H. Suffolk</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 84.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1470' id='f_1470' href='#fna_1470'>[1470]</a> See for instance the insistence on costs and charges in Archbishop +Lee’s letter transferring Joan Fletcher, ex-Prioress of Basedale, from +Rosedale where she was doing (or not doing) her penance, back to Basedale +again. <i>Loc. cit.</i> pp. 431-3.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1471' id='f_1471' href='#fna_1471'>[1471]</a> Joan Trimelet of Cannington was to be shut up for a year, fasting +thrice a week on bread and water, <i>suos calores macerans juveniles</i>. +Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 416. Margaret de Tang of Arthington was “if need be +to be bound by the foot with a shackle, but without hurting her limbs or +body.” <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 189. The runaway Agnes de Flixthorpe was +similarly to be bound, see above, p. <a href="#Page_444">444</a>; Anne Talke was imprisoned for a +month. Liveing, <i>Records of Romsey Abbey</i>, p. 244. Joan Hutton of Esholt, +who had had a child (1535), for two years unless the Archbishop relaxed +her penance. <i>Yorks. Arch. Journ.</i> <span class="smcaplc">XVI.</span> p. 453.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1472' id='f_1472' href='#fna_1472'>[1472]</a> <i>Yorks. Arch. Journ.</i> <span class="smcaplc">XVI</span>, pp. 456-7. The recorded penances given +by Archbishop Melton are all very severe, though it must be admitted that +the state of the nunneries in his diocese gave him cause for severity and +that the penitents were all hardened sinners. Compare penances given by +him in <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, pp. 175, 189. There is an extremely severe +penance imposed by Archbishop Zouche on a nun who had several times run +away from Thicket, <i>ib.</i> p. 124, and another by Archbishop Lee in 1535 +cited in the last note.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1473' id='f_1473' href='#fna_1473'>[1473]</a> Jessopp, <i>Visit. in Dioc. Norwich</i>, p. 110.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1474' id='f_1474' href='#fna_1474'>[1474]</a> <i>V.C.H. Suffolk</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 84.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1475' id='f_1475' href='#fna_1475'>[1475]</a> “Expresse inhibentes, ne infuturum aliqua monialis de crimine +incontinencie conuicta vel publice diffamata, antequam de innocencia sic +diffamate constiterit, ad aliquod officium domus predicte et precipue ad +ostiorum custodiam admittatur.” Lambeth, <i>Reg. Courtenay</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, f. 336. +Injunction to Elstow in 1390 and repeated by Bishop Flemyng in 1421. See +above, p. <a href="#Page_396">396</a>. Compare the charge against Margaret Fairfax, Prioress of +Nunmonkton, in 1397: “<i>Item</i>, moniales quae lapsae fuerint in fornicatione +faciliter restituit.” Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 194.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1476' id='f_1476' href='#fna_1476'>[1476]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 239.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1477' id='f_1477' href='#fna_1477'>[1477]</a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 183.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1478' id='f_1478' href='#fna_1478'>[1478]</a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 120. For those Yorkshire cases see below, <a href="#note_g">Note G</a>, +<i>passim</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1479' id='f_1479' href='#fna_1479'>[1479]</a> Liveing, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 213-6.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1480' id='f_1480' href='#fna_1480'>[1480]</a> See below, <a href="#note_f">Note F</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1481' id='f_1481' href='#fna_1481'>[1481]</a> <i>Cal. of Papal Letters</i>, <span class="smcaplc">X</span>, p. 471. The dispensation mentions that +she “has secretly lost her virginity and has not yet been publicly +defamed.”</p> + +<p><a name='f_1482' id='f_1482' href='#fna_1482'>[1482]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">V</span>, p. 161 and <span class="smcaplc">VII</span>, p. 373.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1483' id='f_1483' href='#fna_1483'>[1483]</a> The Pope writes to Mitford, Bishop of Salisbury, desiring him to +restore Alice Wilton, nun of Shaftesbury, to the position which she had +forfeited by the sin of incontinence. The Bishop reinstates the nun and +declares her eligible for all offices except that of Abbess. <i>V.C.H. +Dorset</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 78, note 93.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1484' id='f_1484' href='#fna_1484'>[1484]</a> See Chs. <a href="#CHAPTER_IX"><span class="smcaplc">IX</span></a>, +<a href="#CHAPTER_X"><span class="smcaplc">X</span></a>, above.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1485' id='f_1485' href='#fna_1485'>[1485]</a> See below, p. <a href="#Page_491">491</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1486' id='f_1486' href='#fna_1486'>[1486]</a> Bede, <i>Eccles. Hist.</i> Book <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, ch. 25.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1487' id='f_1487' href='#fna_1487'>[1487]</a> Benedict of Peterborough, <i>Gesta Regis Henrici Secundi</i>, ed. Stubbs +(Rolls Series, 1867), <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 135-6. Ralph Niger describes the transaction +thus: “Juratus se tria monasteria constructurum, duos ordines transvertit, +personas de loco ad locum transferens, meretrices alias aliis, +cenomannicas Anglicis substituens.” <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. XXX.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1488' id='f_1488' href='#fna_1488'>[1488]</a> “Et quod indignum scribi, ad domos religiosarum veniens, fecit +exprimi mammillas earundem, ut sic physice si esset inter eas corruptela +experiretur” [1251]. Matt. Paris, <i>Chron. Majora</i>, ed. H. R. Luard (Rolls +Series, 1880), V, p. 227. In 1248 he had deposed an abbess of Godstow, +Flandrina de Bowes, and Adam Marsh writes to him: “Plurimum credo fore +salutiferam visitationem quam in domo Godestowe fieri fecistis. +Paternitatis vestrae sollicitudinem largitio divina remuneret.” <i>Monumenta +Franciscana</i>, ed. J. S. Brewer (Rolls Series, 1858), p. 117. If Matthew +Paris’ account of his procedure be true it would seem almost to rival the +behaviour of Layton and Legh, however different the character and motive +which inspired it.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1489' id='f_1489' href='#fna_1489'>[1489]</a> The earliest list of <i>comperta</i> which we possess is the result of +Archbishop Walter Giffard’s visitation of Swine in 1268. Though there is +no charge of actual immorality the house was in a thoroughly +unsatisfactory state. The Archbishop’s two sisters, the one Prioress of +Elstow and the other Abbess of Shaftesbury, were both in serious trouble +in 1270 and 1298 respectively, their nuns being also involved, and in 1296 +there occurred the famous Giffard abduction from Wilton. Peckham’s +injunctions to nunneries show widespread breach of enclosure and some +suspicious conduct during the ’80s, a nun of Lymbrook is guilty with a +monk of Leominster in 1282, and besides Matthew Paris’ account of +Grosseteste’s proceedings in the diocese of Lincoln in 1251, we have +notice of apostates there in 1295, 1296 and 1298 and in the York diocese +in 1286, 1287, 1293 and 1299. See this chapter and notes, <i>passim</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1490' id='f_1490' href='#fna_1490'>[1490]</a> For the disappearance or suppression of eight small nunneries prior +to 1535 see <a href="#note_h">Note H</a> below.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1491' id='f_1491' href='#fna_1491'>[1491]</a> At Chicksand, for instance, Layton “fownde two of the nunnes not +baron,” and at Harrold “one of them hade two faire chyldren, another one +and no mo”; but is this so much worse than what Alnwick found at Catesby +and St Michael’s, Stamford, in the same diocese a century before? Or take +Layton’s description of the Prior of Maiden Bradley, quoted above; is it +not much less serious than the description of Alexander Black of Selby in +one of Archbishop Giffard’s visitation <i>detecta</i> in 1275? “Alexander +Niger, monachus, tenet Cristinam Bouere et Agnetem filiam Stephani, de qua +suscitavit prolem, et quamdam mulierem nomine Anekous, de qua suscitavit +vivam prolem apud Crol, et aliam apud Sneyth quae vocatur Nalle, et alias +infinitas apud Eboracum et Akastre et alibi, et quasi in qualibet villa +unam; et fetidissimus est, et recte modo captus fuit cum quadam muliere in +campis, sicut audivit.” <i>Reg. Walter Giffard</i>, p. 326. Or than what +Alnwick discovered at the New Collegiate Church at Leicester in 1440? +Layton’s general charges against the monks and nuns of Yorkshire are pure +gossip or invention; but we should not have been deeply surprised to find +them in a York archiepiscopal register of the early fourteenth century.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1492' id='f_1492' href='#fna_1492'>[1492]</a> Of some of the Anglo-Saxon kings it was said, and said with horror, +that they most willingly chose their mistresses from convents. See a +letter from St Boniface to Ethelbald King of Mercia on this point, +instancing the similar habits and evil fates of Ceolred of Mercia and +Osred of Northumbria (<i>Bon. Epis.</i> <span class="smcaplc">XIX</span>).</p> + +<p><a name='f_1493' id='f_1493' href='#fna_1493'>[1493]</a> For these ladies, see references in p. <a href="#Page_451">451</a>, +note 5, and below, p. <a href="#Page_501">501</a>, note 3.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1494' id='f_1494' href='#fna_1494'>[1494]</a> <i>Mémoires de J. Casanova de Seingalt</i> (edition Garnier, 1910), tt. +<span class="smcaplc">II</span>, <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1495' id='f_1495' href='#fna_1495'>[1495]</a> Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, pp. 365-6. Compare a <i>detectum</i> at Crabhouse +(1514): “Item, the younger nuns are disobedient and when the seniors +charge them with their faults the prioress punishes alike the reformers +and the sinners.” <i>Visit. of Dioc. of Norwich</i>, ed. Jessopp, p. 109.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1496' id='f_1496' href='#fna_1496'>[1496]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 50. Compare <i>Reg. Walter Giffard</i>, p. 249; +<i>Visit. of Dioc. of Norwich</i>, ed. Jessopp (“Item Dna. A. D. et Dna. G. S. +... revelant secreta religionis et correctionis factae in conventu”) +<i>Linc. Epis. Reg. Memo. Bokyngham</i>, ff. 397, 397<i>d</i> (“Et quod nullum +decetero capitulum in domo capitulari in presencia secularis seu extranee +persone quoquomodo teneatur sub pena iniunccionis nostre infrascripta”).</p> + +<p><a name='f_1497' id='f_1497' href='#fna_1497'>[1497]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, 120, 167-8.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1498' id='f_1498' href='#fna_1498'>[1498]</a> See below, <a href="#note_f">Note F</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1499' id='f_1499' href='#fna_1499'>[1499]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 164.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1500' id='f_1500' href='#fna_1500'>[1500]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 47, 120.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1501' id='f_1501' href='#fna_1501'>[1501]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 118.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1502' id='f_1502' href='#fna_1502'>[1502]</a> For an account of the house, see <i>V.C.H. Herts.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, pp. 428-32. +The regulations made by Abbot Richard de Wallingford (1328-36) are given +in <i>Gesta Abbat.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 213-4 and those by Abbot Michael or his +successor Thomas de la Mare in Cott. MS. Nero D. i. ff. 173-4<i>d</i>; +regulations by Thomas de la Mare (1349-96) occur in <i>Gesta Abbat.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. +402. See also W. Page, “Hist. of the Monastery of St Mary de Pré” (<i>St +Albans and Herts. Arch. Soc. Trans.</i> (New Series) <span class="smcaplc">I</span>).</p> + +<p><a name='f_1503' id='f_1503' href='#fna_1503'>[1503]</a> For an account of the house, see <i>V.C.H. Herts.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, pp. 422-6.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1504' id='f_1504' href='#fna_1504'>[1504]</a> The accounts of the warden of St Mary de Pré for 1341-57 are +preserved in the Public Record Office (<i>Mins. Accts.</i>, bundle 867, Nos. +21-6) and are described in <i>V.C.H. Herts.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 430 (notes). In the +second half of the fifteenth century the accounts seem to have been kept +by the Prioress; those for 1461-93 have survived. <i>Ib.</i> p. 431 (note).</p> + +<p><a name='f_1505' id='f_1505' href='#fna_1505'>[1505]</a> See <i>Gesta Abbat.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 212.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1506' id='f_1506' href='#fna_1506'>[1506]</a> Quoted from <i>P.R.O. Early Chancery Proceedings</i>, 181/4 in <i>V.C.H. +Herts.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, pp. 424-5.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1507' id='f_1507' href='#fna_1507'>[1507]</a> Wilkins, <i>Concilia</i>, <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 632.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1508' id='f_1508' href='#fna_1508'>[1508]</a> <i>V.C.H. Herts.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 425.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1509' id='f_1509' href='#fna_1509'>[1509]</a> Printed in Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, pp. 365-6 and <i>Gesta Abbat.</i> ed. +Riley, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, App. D. pp. 511-19.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1510' id='f_1510' href='#fna_1510'>[1510]</a> <i>Gesta Abbat.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 519.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1511' id='f_1511' href='#fna_1511'>[1511]</a> See <i>V.C.H. Northants.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 98-101.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1512' id='f_1512' href='#fna_1512'>[1512]</a> <i>E.H.R.</i> 1914, p. 38 (note 60).</p> + +<p><a name='f_1513' id='f_1513' href='#fna_1513'>[1513]</a> The religious houses were also subject to metropolitan visitation +by the Archbishop. Among important records of visitations of nunneries by +the Archbishop of Canterbury or by his commissioners are Peckham’s +visitations (<i>Reg. Epis. Johannis Peckham</i>, <i>passim</i>) in the last quarter of +the thirteenth century, Courtenay’s visitations in the last quarter of the +fourteenth century (see Lambeth, <i>Reg. Courtenay</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, f. 335<i>d</i>, for his +injunctions to Elstow in 1389, used by Flemyng as a model for his own +injunctions in 1421-2, <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 48) and Archbishop Morton’s +visitations in the last quarter of the fifteenth century (see Liveing, +<i>Records of Romsey Abbey</i>, pp. 217-22 for the visitation of Romsey in +1492). The visitations of the Winchester diocese by Dr Hede, commissary of +the Prior of Canterbury, during the vacancy of the sees of Canterbury and +Winchester in 1501-2 were made in the same right (see <i>V.C.H. Hants.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, +pp. 124, 129, 135, 151).</p> + +<p><a name='f_1514' id='f_1514' href='#fna_1514'>[1514]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, +p. 176 (quoting Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">V</span>, pp. 464-5 +and <i>Reg. Giffard</i> (Surtees Soc.), p. 295).</p> + +<p><a name='f_1515' id='f_1515' href='#fna_1515'>[1515]</a> See <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, <i>passim</i>, and also the Editor’s admirable +introduction to <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. ix-xiii.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1516' id='f_1516' href='#fna_1516'>[1516]</a> See above, p. <a href="#Page_250">250</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1517' id='f_1517' href='#fna_1517'>[1517]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 119. 126-7.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1518' id='f_1518' href='#fna_1518'>[1518]</a> Sometimes the bishop’s clerk summarises the information given as to +the financial state of the house, which would seem to indicate that the +prioress gave and the bishop accepted merely a verbal account. See +<i>Alnwick’s Visit.</i> MS. f. 38. In <i>Linc. Epis. Reg. Atwater</i>, f. 42, is a +brief account of a visitation of Ankerwyke in 1519, to which is added the +<i>status domus</i> as submitted by the nuns, comprising an inventory.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1519' id='f_1519' href='#fna_1519'>[1519]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 49-50.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1520' id='f_1520' href='#fna_1520'>[1520]</a> See e.g. the case of Denise Loweliche at Markyate in 1433, <i>Linc. +Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 83-5.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1521' id='f_1521' href='#fna_1521'>[1521]</a> <i>Reg. Epis. Johannis Peckham</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 706-8 (injunctions), 708-9 +(mandate to commissary). Compare the proceedings at Ankerwyke six months +after Alnwick’s visitation. <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 7.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1522' id='f_1522' href='#fna_1522'>[1522]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 82-3.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1523' id='f_1523' href='#fna_1523'>[1523]</a> G. G. Coulton in <i>Eng. Hist. Review</i> (1914), p. 37. “The <i>locus +classicus</i> here is the Evesham Chronicle, in which one of the most +admirable abbots of the thirteenth century tells us how solemnly he and +his brethren had promised to conceal all their former abbot’s blackest +crimes from the visiting bishop; and how they would never have complained +even to the legate (whose jurisdiction they did recognize) if only the +sinner had kept his pact with them in money matters.”</p> + +<p><a name='f_1524' id='f_1524' href='#fna_1524'>[1524]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 47, 48, 49, 52. At Heynings (where nothing +seriously amiss transpired) one nun said that “the prioress reproaches her +sisters, saying that if they say aught to the bishop, she will lay on them +such penalties that they shall not easily bear them.” <i>Ib.</i> p. 133. The +wicked Prioress of Littlemore was found in 1517 to have ordered her nuns +on virtue of their obedience to reveal nothing to the commissioners and in +1518 it was stated that she had punished them for speaking the truth at +the visitation. <i>V.C.H. Lincs.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 75. At Flixton in 1514 it was said: +“The sisters scarce dare to depose the truth on account of the fierceness +of the prioress.” <i>Visit. of the Dioc. of Norwich</i>, ed. Jessopp (Camden +Soc.), p. 143. For episcopal injunctions against revealing or quarrelling +over <i>detecta</i> made at the visitation, see <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 51, 124, +etc., <i>Yorks. Arch. Journ.</i> <span class="smcaplc">XVI</span>, p. 442, <i>Reg. Epis. Johannis Peckham</i>, +<span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 661.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1525' id='f_1525' href='#fna_1525'>[1525]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 184-5.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1526' id='f_1526' href='#fna_1526'>[1526]</a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 4.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1527' id='f_1527' href='#fna_1527'>[1527]</a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 120, 122, 123-4.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1528' id='f_1528' href='#fna_1528'>[1528]</a> <i>V.C.H. Lincs.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 76.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1529' id='f_1529' href='#fna_1529'>[1529]</a> <i>Alnwick’s Visit.</i> MS. ff. 83, 39<i>d</i>, 96. Similarly at Ankerwyke, +where there was great discord between Prioress and nuns, he prorogued his +visitation for six months and then sent down commissioners to expound his +injunctions, inquire how they were followed and deal with further +grievances. <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 6-8.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1530' id='f_1530' href='#fna_1530'>[1530]</a> <i>V.C.H. Lincs.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 76-7.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1531' id='f_1531' href='#fna_1531'>[1531]</a> <i>Alnwick’s Visit.</i> MS. f. 39<i>d</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1532' id='f_1532' href='#fna_1532'>[1532]</a> See above, pp. <a href="#Page_388">388-9</a>, <a href="#Page_460">460</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1533' id='f_1533' href='#fna_1533'>[1533]</a> See above, p. <a href="#Page_469">469</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1534' id='f_1534' href='#fna_1534'>[1534]</a> Liveing, <i>Records of Romsey Abbey</i>, p. 220.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1535' id='f_1535' href='#fna_1535'>[1535]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 5.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1536' id='f_1536' href='#fna_1536'>[1536]</a> As full reports containing <i>detecta</i> or <i>comperta</i> are specially +valuable, it may be useful to indicate those concerning nunneries, which +have been published: (1) The earliest <i>comperta</i> extant are those of +Archbishop Giffard’s visitation of Swine in Yorkshire in 1267-8; the +individual <i>detecta</i> are absent, but there is a fine set of injunctions, +issued two months later, the earliest English nunnery injunctions which we +possess, <i>Reg. Walter Giffard</i> (Surtees Soc.), pp. 147-8, 248-9. (2) The +<i>comperta</i> of Archbishop Wittlesey’s metropolitan visitation of St +Radegund’s, Cambridge (including only <i>interim</i> injunctions) have been +published in Gray, <i>Priory of St Radegund, Cambridge</i>, pp. 35-6. (3) The +<i>Sede Vacante</i> visitation of Arden in 1396 includes <i>detecta</i> but no +injunctions, <i>Test. Ebor.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 283-5 (note) and that of Nunmonkton in +the same year includes <i>comperta</i> and injunctions, Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. +194; both of these are concerned almost entirely with charges against the +respective prioresses. (4) The finest collection in existence is Alnwick’s +book of Lincoln visitations, which is in the course of publication, <i>Linc. +Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span> and <span class="smcaplc">III</span> (in the press). (5) Records of visitations of Rusper +and Easebourne from the Chichester registers of the fifteenth and +sixteenth centuries contain <i>detecta</i> and some injunctions, <i>Sussex Arch. +Coll.</i> <span class="smcaplc">V</span> and <span class="smcaplc">IX</span>, <i>passim</i>. (6) Records of the visitations of monastic +houses in the diocese of Norwich by Bishops Goldwell (1492-3) and Nykke +(1514-32) include <i>detecta</i> and <i>injunctions</i> (sometimes only <i>interim</i>), +<i>Visit. of Dioc. of Norwich</i>, ed. Jessopp, <i>passim</i>. (7) Dr Hede’s <i>Sede +Vacante</i> visitations of the four houses in the diocese of Winchester in +1501-2, summarised in <i>V.C.H. Hants.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, <i>passim</i>, include <i>detecta</i>, but +not injunctions. (8) Archbishop Warham’s visitations of houses in the +diocese of Canterbury (Holy Sepulchre, Canterbury, the hospital of St +James, Canterbury, Sheppey and Davinton) in 1511 include <i>detecta</i> and +sometimes injunctions, <i>Eng. Hist. Review</i>, <span class="smcaplc">VI</span>. When more registers are +published other <i>detecta</i> and <i>comperta</i> will doubtless appear; there are +some valuable sets, still in manuscript in <i>Linc. Epis. Reg. Visit. +Atwater</i> and <i>ib.</i> <i>Reg. Visit. Longland</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1537' id='f_1537' href='#fna_1537'>[1537]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. xlviii; for an admirable and detailed +discussion of the whole question, in the light of Alnwick’s records, Mr +Hamilton Thompson’s introduction to this volume (especially pp. xliv-li) +should be studied. See also the learned article by Mr Coulton on “The +Interpretation of Visitation Documents,” <i>E.H.R.</i> 1914, pp. 16-40.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1538' id='f_1538' href='#fna_1538'>[1538]</a> Liveing, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 99, etc.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1539' id='f_1539' href='#fna_1539'>[1539]</a> <i>Revelationes Gertrudianae ac Mechthildianae</i>, ed. Oudin (Paris, +1875). See also Preger, <i>Geschichte der deutschen Mystik im Mittelalter</i> +(1874), <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 70-132; Eckenstein, <i>Woman under Mon.</i> pp. 328-53; Taylor, +<i>The Medieval Mind</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 481-6; A. M. F. Robinson (Mme Darmesteter), +<i>The End of the Middle Ages</i> (1889), pp. 45-72 (the Convent of Helfta); A. +Kemp-Welch, <i>Of Six Medieval Women</i> (1913), pp. 57-82 (Mechthild of +Magdeburg); G. Ledos, <i>Ste Gertrude</i> (Paris, 1901). The name of the Abbess +Gertrude of Hackeborn, who ruled the house during the greater part of the +time that these three mystics lived there, deserves to be added to theirs. +For her life see <i>Revelationes, etc.</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 497 ff.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1540' id='f_1540' href='#fna_1540'>[1540]</a> See her life by Thomas of Chantimpré, <i>Acta SS. Jun.</i>, t. <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, pp. +234 ff. See also Taylor, <i>op. cit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 479-81.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1541' id='f_1541' href='#fna_1541'>[1541]</a> See E. Gilliat Smith, <i>St Clare of Assisi, her Life and +Legislation</i> (1914); Mrs Balfour, <i>Life and Legend of the Lady St Clare</i>, +with introd. by Father Cuthbert (1910); Fr. Marianus Fiege, <i>The Princess +of Poverty</i> (Evansville, Ind. 1900) which contains a translation of Thomas +of Celano’s <i>Life of St Clare</i> (<i>Acta SS. Aug.</i> t. <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 754-67), +Paschal Robinson, <i>Life of St Clare</i> (1910), Locatelli, <i>Ste Claire +d’Assise</i> (Rome, 1899-1900). Also <i>La Vie et Légende de Madame Sainte +Claire par Frère Françoys de Puis</i>, 1563, ed. Arnauld Goffin (Paris, +1907).</p> + +<p><a name='f_1542' id='f_1542' href='#fna_1542'>[1542]</a> <i>Acta SS. Mar.</i> t. <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 501-31. See also Jentsch, <i>Die Selige +Agnes von Böhmen.</i> She is always regarded as a saint but was never +officially canonised.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1543' id='f_1543' href='#fna_1543'>[1543]</a> Pirckheimer, <i>B. Opera</i>, ed. Goldast (1610). See also, T. Binder, +<i>Charitas Pirkheimer</i> (1878), and Eckenstein, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 458-76.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1544' id='f_1544' href='#fna_1544'>[1544]</a> <i>The Life of St Theresa of Jesus, written by Herself</i>, tr. D. +Lewis, ed. Zimmerman (1904). <i>The Letters of St Theresa</i>, tr. J. Dalton +(1902). See also G. Cunningham Grahame, <i>Santa Teresa</i>, 2 vols. (1894).</p> + +<p><a name='f_1545' id='f_1545' href='#fna_1545'>[1545]</a> See A. Gagnière, <i>Les Confessions d’une Abbesse du xvi<sup>e</sup> siècle</i> +(Paris, 1888), based on a manuscript at Ravenna (“Vita della Madre Donna +Felice Rasponi, Badessa di S. Andrea, scritta da una Monaca”) which the +author considers to be an autobiography. Some interesting details as to +the scandalous condition of Italian convents at the end of the century are +to be found in J. A. Symonds’ <i>Renaissance in Italy: The Catholic +Reaction</i>, pt. I (1886), pp. 341-70, dealing with the careers of Virginia +Maria de Leyva, in the convent of S. Margherita at Monza and Lucrezia +Buonvisi (sister Umilia) in the convent of S. Chiara at Lucca.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1546' id='f_1546' href='#fna_1546'>[1546]</a> <i>La Vie de Ste. Douceline, fondatrice des béguines de Marseille</i>, +ed. J. H. Albanès (Marseille, 1879). See also A. Macdonell, <i>Saint +Douceline</i> (1905).</p> + +<p><a name='f_1547' id='f_1547' href='#fna_1547'>[1547]</a> <i>Acta SS. Aprilis</i>, t. <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 266-365. See also Huysmans, <i>Ste. +Lydwine de Schiedam</i> (3rd ed. Paris, 1901).</p> + +<p><a name='f_1548' id='f_1548' href='#fna_1548'>[1548]</a> <i>Acta SS. Jun.</i> t. <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, pp. 270 ff. See also Th. Wollersheim, <i>Das +Leben der ekstatischen Jungfrau Christina von Stommeln</i> (Cologne, 1859); +and Renan, <i>Nouvelles Études d’Histoire Religieuse</i> (1884) (<i>Une Idylle +Monacale au xiii<sup>e</sup> siècle: Christine de Stommeln</i>), pp. 353-96. Extracts +from Christina’s correspondence and life by Peter of Sweden are translated +in Coulton, <i>Med. Garn.</i> pp. 402-21.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1549' id='f_1549' href='#fna_1549'>[1549]</a> On these saintly and learned women see Eckenstein, <i>op. cit.</i> cc. +<span class="smcaplc">III</span> and <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, and Montalembert, <i>The Monks of the West</i> (introd. Gasquet), +vol. <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, Book <span class="smcaplc">XV</span>. The great fourteenth century mystic Julian of Norwich +(1343-c. 1413) was, it is true, connected with Carrow Priory, but she was +an anchoress and never a nun there; see above, p. <a href="#Page_366">366</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1550' id='f_1550' href='#fna_1550'>[1550]</a> On these songs see A. Jeanroy, <i>Les Origines de la Poésie Lyrique +en France au moyen âge</i> (2nd ed. 1904), pp. 189-92; and P. S. Allen in +<i>Modern Philology</i>, <span class="smcaplc">V</span> (1908), pp. 432-5. The songs themselves have to be +collected from various sources; see below, <a href="#note_i">Note I</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1551' id='f_1551' href='#fna_1551'>[1551]</a> Langland, <i>Piers Plowman</i>, ed. Skeat. C text, Passus <span class="smcaplc">X</span>, 72-5.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1552' id='f_1552' href='#fna_1552'>[1552]</a> There was (as usual) however, more chance for a man than for a +woman of villein status to enter a monastery and even to rise to the +highest ecclesiastical dignities. A villein who could save enough to pay a +fine to his lord might put his son to school and might buy that son’s +enfranchisement, so that he would be eligible for a place in a monastery. +And though it was forbidden by canon and by temporal law to ordain a serf, +once ordained he was free. Pollock and Maitland, <i>Hist. of Engl. Law</i> +(1911), <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 429; the lower ranks of the clergy probably contained many +men of low or villein birth (see e.g. Chaucer’s Poor Parson, whose brother +was a ploughman and the complaint in “Pierce the Plouman’s Crede” that +beggars’ brats become bishops). Sometimes, though very rarely, a villein +rose high, for once he was a churchman, it was <i>la carrière ouverte aux +talents</i>: Bishop Grosseteste was of very humble, probably of servile, +origin; and Sancho Panza’s motto will be remembered: “I am a man and I may +be Pope.” For a woman, however, the Church offered no such chance of +advancement through the religious orders; the nunneries were essentially +upper and middle class institutions.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1553' id='f_1553' href='#fna_1553'>[1553]</a> From a charming round, sung in Saintonge, Aunis and Bas-Poitou.</p> + +<p class="poem">“Dans l’jardin de ma tante<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Plantons le romarin!</span><br /> +Y’a-t-un oiseau qui chante,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Plantons le romarin,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 4em;">Ma mie,</span><br /> +Au milieu du jardin, etc.”</p> + +<p>Bujeaud, J., <i>Chants et chansons populaires des provinces de l’ouest</i> +(1866), <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 136-7.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1554' id='f_1554' href='#fna_1554'>[1554]</a> M. Vattasso, <i>Studi Medievali</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span> (1904), p. 124. A long poem of +seven verses, much mutilated in parts.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1555' id='f_1555' href='#fna_1555'>[1555]</a> Uhland, <i>Alte hoch- und niederdeutsche Volkslieder</i> (1844-5), t. +<span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 854 (No. 328). A slightly modernised version. Also printed in <i>Des +Knaben Wunderhorn</i>, ed. von Arnim and Brentano (Reclam ed.), p. 25, and in +<i>Deutsches Leben im Volkslied um 1530</i>, ed. Liliencron (1884), p. 226. +Translation by Bithell, <i>The Minnesingers</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span> (1909), p. 200, except the +last two lines, which are by Mr Coulton; there is another in Coulton, +<i>Med. Garn.</i> p. 476.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1556' id='f_1556' href='#fna_1556'>[1556]</a> Ferrari, <i>Canzone per andare in maschera per carnesciale</i>, pp. +31-2. Referred to in Jeanroy, <i>op. cit.</i> I have been unable to consult the +book.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1557' id='f_1557' href='#fna_1557'>[1557]</a> Bartsch, <i>Altfranzösische Romanzen und Pastourellen</i> (1870), pp. +28-9 (No. 33).</p> + +<p><a name='f_1558' id='f_1558' href='#fna_1558'>[1558]</a> Bartsch, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 29-30 (No. 34).</p> + +<p><a name='f_1559' id='f_1559' href='#fna_1559'>[1559]</a> <i>Oeuvres Complètes d’Eustache Deschamps</i> (Soc. des Anc. Textes +Fr.), <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, pp. 235-6. (Virelay, <span class="smcaplc">DCCLII</span>, sur une novice d’Avernay.)</p> + +<p><a name='f_1560' id='f_1560' href='#fna_1560'>[1560]</a> Bladé, J. F. <i>Poésies populaires de la Gascogne</i> (1882), <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, pp. +372-4. Also in Lénac-Moncaut, <i>Littérature populaire de la Gascogne</i> +(1868), pp. 291-2.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1561' id='f_1561' href='#fna_1561'>[1561]</a> Damase Arbaud, <i>Chants Populaires de la Provence</i> (1862-4), <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. +118-22.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1562' id='f_1562' href='#fna_1562'>[1562]</a> See below, p. <a href="#Page_611">611</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1563' id='f_1563' href='#fna_1563'>[1563]</a> <i>The Court of Love in Chaucer’s Poetical Works</i>, ed. R. Morris +(1891), <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, pp. 38-40.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1564' id='f_1564' href='#fna_1564'>[1564]</a> Lydgate’s <i>Temple of Glas</i>, ed. J. Schick (E.E.T.S. 1891), p. 8.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1565' id='f_1565' href='#fna_1565'>[1565]</a> <i>The Kingis Quair in Medieval Scottish Poetry</i>, ed. G. Eyre-Todd +(1892), p. 47.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1566' id='f_1566' href='#fna_1566'>[1566]</a> <i>Ane Satyre of the Thrie Estaits</i>, by Sir David Lyndesay, ed. +Small, Hall and Murray (E.E.T.S., 2nd ed., 1883), p. 514.</p> + +<p class="poem">“And seis thou now yone multitude, on rawe<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Standing behynd yon trauerse of delyte?</span><br /> +Sum bene of thayme that haldin were full lawe<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">And take by frendis, nothing thay to wyte,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">In youth from bye into the cloistre quite;</span><br /> +And for that cause are cummyn, recounsilit,<br /> +On thame to pleyne that so thame had begilit.”</p> + +<p><a name='f_1567' id='f_1567' href='#fna_1567'>[1567]</a> <i>An Alphabet of Tales</i>, ed. M. M. Banks (E.E.T.S.). No. <span class="smcaplc">CCCCLXVIII</span>, +pp. 319-20. (In this and the following quotations from this work in this +chapter I have modernised the spelling.) This version is translated from +Caesarius of Heisterbach. <i>Dial. Mirac.</i>, ed. Strange, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 42-3, which +is the original version of all the widespread legends on this theme. From +Caesarius it found its way into many other collections of miracles, in +prose and in verse, in Latin, French, Spanish, German, Icelandic, Dutch +and English. Perhaps the most beautiful is the Dutch poem (c. 1320) +published by W. J. A. Jenckbloet, <i>Beatriij</i> (Amsterdam, 1846-59) and +re-edited with a grammatical introduction and notes in English by A. J. +Barnouw (<i>Pub. of Philol. Soc.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, 1914). An edition with illustrations +by Ch. Doudelet accompanied by a translation into French by H. de Marez +was published in Antwerp (1901) and was also issued with an English +translation by A. W. Sanders vaz Loo. The best English translations are +those in prose by L. Simons and L. Housman in <i>The Pageant</i>, ed. C. H. +Shannon and J. W. Gleeson White (1896) pp. 95-116 and in verse by H. de +Wolf Fuller (<i>Harvard Coop. Soc.</i>, Cambridge, U.S.A. 1910). Modern writers +have retold the tale almost as often as their medieval forebears; see for +example Maeterlinck’s play, <i>Sœur Béatrice</i>, John Davidson’s poem, <i>The +Ballad of a Nun</i>, one of Villier de l’Isle-Adam’s <i>Contes Cruels</i> +(<i>Sœur Natalia</i>), one of Charles Nodier’s <i>Contes de la Veillée</i> (<i>La +Légende de Sœur Béatrice</i>), and one of Gottfried Keller’s <i>Sieben +Legenden</i> (<i>Die Jungfrau und die Nonne</i>). For a study of the Beatrice +story see Heinrich Watenphul, <i>Die Geschichte der Marienlegende von +Beatrix der Küsterin</i> (Neuwied, 1904); also P. Toldo, <i>Die Sakristanin</i> +(with bibliography by J. Bolte) in <i>Zeitschrift des Vereins für +Volkskunde</i> (1905), J. van der Elst, <i>Bijdrage tot de Geschiedenis der +Legende van Beatrijs</i> in <i>Tijdschrift voor Nederlandsche Taal- en +Letterkunde</i>, <span class="smcaplc">XXXII</span>, pp. 51 ff., and Mussafia, <i>Studien zu den +Mittelalterlichen Marienlegenden</i> (Vienna, 1887), <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 73. See also A. +Cotarelo y Valledor, <i>Una Cantiga celebre del Rey Sabio, fuentes y +desarollo de la leyenda de sor Beatriz, principalmente en la literatura +española</i> (1914). For other variants of the <i>Nonne Enlevée</i> see below, <a href="#note_j">Note J</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1568' id='f_1568' href='#fna_1568'>[1568]</a> Chambers and Sidgwick, <i>Early English Lyrics</i> (1907), No. <span class="smcaplc">XC</span>, p. +163. But perhaps the most beautiful of medieval English poems which +moralise on this theme is the <i>Luue Ron</i> which Thomas of Hales wrote in +the thirteenth century for a nun:</p> + +<p class="poem">“Hwer is Paris and Heleyne<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">That weren so bryght and feyre on bleo?</span><br /> +Amadas, Tristram and Dideyne,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Yseude and alle theo,</span><br /> +Ector with his scharpe meyne,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">And Cesar riche of worldes feo?</span><br /> +Heo beoth iglyden ut of the reyne,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">So the scheft is of the cleo,”</span></p> + +<p>—they have passed away as a shaft from the bowstring. It is as if they +had never lived. All their heat is turned to cold. (<i>An Old English +Miscellany</i>, ed. R. Morris (E.E.T.S. 1872), p. 95.) This catalogue of the +lovely dead was a favourite device, immortalised later by “ung povre petit +escollier, qui fust nommé Francoys Villon” (who certainly was not a +moralist) in his <i>Ballade des Dames du Temps jadis</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1569' id='f_1569' href='#fna_1569'>[1569]</a> For an entertaining and stimulating account of the popular cult of +the Virgin see Henry Adams, <i>Mont St Michel and Chartres</i> (1913), +especially chs. <span class="smcaplc">VI</span> and <span class="smcaplc">XIII</span>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1570' id='f_1570' href='#fna_1570'>[1570]</a> Modern poets who have written upon the same theme have drawn this +moral more overtly than the medieval authors. Maeterlinck’s Virgin in +<i>Sœur Béatrice</i> sings:</p> + +<p class="poem">Il n’est péché qui vive<br /> +Quand l’amour a prié;<br /> +Il n’est âme qui meure<br /> +Quand l’amour a pleuré....</p> + +<p>Davidson’s sacristan (in <i>A Ballad of a Nun</i>) cries:</p> + +<p class="poem">“I care not for my broken vow;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Though God should come in thunder soon,</span><br /> +I am sister to the mountains now<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">And sister to the sun and moon,”</span></p> + +<p>and the Virgin, welcoming her back on her return, tells her:</p> + +<p class="poem">“You are sister to the mountains now,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">And sister to the day and night;</span><br /> +Sister to God.” And on her brow<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">She kissed her thrice, and left her sight.</span></p> + +<p><a name='f_1571' id='f_1571' href='#fna_1571'>[1571]</a> “Cum in hyemis intemperie post cenam noctu familia divitis ad +focum, ut potentibus moris est, recensendis antiquis gestis operam daret.” +<i>Gesta Romanorum</i>, ed. Oesterley (1872), ch. <span class="smcaplc">CLV.</span> Quoted in Jusserand, +<i>Lit. Hist. of the Eng. People</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 182.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1572' id='f_1572' href='#fna_1572'>[1572]</a> One particular kind of story, the <i>fabliau</i> (defined by Bédier as +“un conte à rire en vers”) was brought to great perfection by French +jongleurs. See Montaiglon and Raynaud, <i>Recueil général et complet des +Fabliaux</i> (Paris, 1872-90), 6 vols.; and Bédier, <i>Les Fabliaux</i> (Paris, +1873).</p> + +<p><a name='f_1573' id='f_1573' href='#fna_1573'>[1573]</a> See Dante, <i>Paradiso</i>, +<span class="smcaplc">XXIX</span>, 11, for a violent attack on the +practice. Compare the decree of the Council of Paris in 1528: “Quodsi +secus fecerint, aut si populum more scurrarum vilissimorum, dum ridiculas +et aniles fabulas recitant, ad risus cachinnationesque excitaverint, ... +nos volumus tales tam ineptos et perniciosos concionatores ab officio +praedicationis suspendi,” etc., quoted in <i>Exempla of Jacques de Vitry</i>, +ed. T. F. Crane (1890), Introd. p. lxix. The great preacher Jacques de +Vitry himself, while advocating the use of <i>exempla</i>, adds “infructuosas +enim fabulas et curiosa poetarum carmina a sermonis nostris debemus +relegare ... scurrilia tamen aut obscena verba vel turpis sermo ex ore +predicatoris non procedant.” <i>Ib.</i> Introd., pp. xlii, xliii.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1574' id='f_1574' href='#fna_1574'>[1574]</a> For instance <i>exempla</i> were much used by Jacques de Vitry (see <i>op. +cit.</i>). Etienne de Bourbon (see <i>Anecdotes Historiques, etc., d’Etienne de +Bourbon</i>, ed. A. Lecoy de la Marche (Soc. de l’Hist. de France)), and John +Herolt. On the whole subject of <i>exempla</i> see the Introduction to T. F. +Crane’s edition of the <i>Exempla of Jacques de Vitry</i>, and the references +given there.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1575' id='f_1575' href='#fna_1575'>[1575]</a> The most famous is the <i>Gesta Romanorum</i>. <i>Gesta Romanorum</i>, ed. +Oesterley (Berlin, 1872); and see <i>The Early English Version of the Gesta +Romanorum</i>, ed. S. J. H. Herrtage (E.E.T.S. 1879). The largest is the +<i>Summa Praedicantium</i> of John Bromyard, a fourteenth century English +Dominican. See also an interesting fifteenth century English translation +of a similar collection, the <i>Alphabetum Narrationum</i> (which used to be +attributed to Etienne de Besançon), <i>An Alphabet of Tales</i>, ed. M. M. +Banks (E.E.T.S. 1904-5); many of the <i>exempla</i> in this come from Caesarius +of Heisterbach. Specimens of <i>exempla</i> from these and other sources are +collected in Wright’s <i>Latin Stories</i> (Percy Soc. 1842), and many tales +from Caesarius of Heisterbach, Jacques de Vitry, Etienne de Bourbon, +Thomas of Chantimpré, etc., are translated in Coulton, <i>Med. Garn.</i></p> + +<p><a name='f_1576' id='f_1576' href='#fna_1576'>[1576]</a> For instance Caesarius of Heisterbach, <i>Dialogus Miraculorum</i>, ed. +Strange (1851); Thomas of Chantimpré (Cantimpratanus), <i>Bonum Universale +de Apibus</i> (Douay, 1597); and the knight of la Tour Landry, who wrote a +book of deportment for his daughters, copiously illustrated with stories. +<i>The Book of the Knight of la Tour Landry</i>, ed. T. Wright (E.E.T.S. +revised ed. 1906). For some account of Caesarius of Heisterbach’s stories, +other than those quoted in the text, see below <a href="#note_k">Note K</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1577' id='f_1577' href='#fna_1577'>[1577]</a> Collections of stories, such as those of the <i>Decameron</i>, the <i>Cent +Nouvelles Nouvelles</i>, the <i>Il Pecorone</i> of Ser Giovanni, the <i>Novelle</i> of +Bandello, the <i>Heptameron</i> of Margaret of Navarre, became very popular. +But individual stories have also given plots to many great writers from +the middle ages to the present day; it is only necessary to mention +Chaucer, Shakespeare, Molière and La Fontaine, to illustrate the use which +has been made of them.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1578' id='f_1578' href='#fna_1578'>[1578]</a> For examples of medieval mission sermons, with their +colloquialisms, interruptions from the audience and strings of stories, +the reader cannot do better than turn to the sermons of Berthold of +Regensburg (1220-72) and of St Bernardino of Siena (1380-1444). Specimens +of these are translated in Coulton, <i>Med. Garn.</i> pp. 348-64, 604-19. See +also for Berthold, Coulton, <i>Medieval Studies</i>, 1st series. No. <span class="smcaplc">II</span> (“A +Revivalist of Six Centuries Ago”) and for St Bernardino, Paul +Thureau-Dangin, <i>St Bernardine of Siena</i>, trans. Baroness von Hügel (1906), +and A. G. Ferrers Howell, <i>St Bernardino of Siena</i> (1913).</p> + +<p><a name='f_1579' id='f_1579' href='#fna_1579'>[1579]</a> Chaucer, <i>Cant. Tales, Wife of Bath’s Prol.</i> ll. 556-8.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1580' id='f_1580' href='#fna_1580'>[1580]</a> Translated from Jacques de Vitry (<i>Exempla ...</i>, ed. T. F. Crane, p. +22) in <i>An Alphabet of Tales</i> (E.E.T.S.), p. 95 (No. <span class="smcaplc">CXXXVI</span>). The story is +a very old one, first found in the <i>Vitae Patrum</i>, <span class="smcaplc">X</span>, cap. 60. It is +sometimes attributed to St Bridget of Ireland, but Etienne de Bourbon, who +repeats the story twice, tells it of Richard King of England and “a +certain nun” (<i>Anec. Hist., etc., d’Etienne de Bourbon</i>, ed. Lecoy de la +Marche, Nos. 248 and 500); and other medieval versions make the +persecuting lover “a king of England.” (See T. F. Crane, <i>op. cit.</i> p. +158.)</p> + +<p><a name='f_1581' id='f_1581' href='#fna_1581'>[1581]</a> <i>Exempla of Jacques de Vitry</i>, No. <span class="smcaplc">LVIII</span>, pp. 22-3. For other +versions of this story, see <i>ib.</i> p. 159.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1582' id='f_1582' href='#fna_1582'>[1582]</a> Caesarius of Heisterbach, <i>Dial. Mirac.</i> ed. Strange, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 389. I +have used the translation by Mr Coulton, <i>Med. Garn.</i> p. 124. The story is +a variant of the theme of “the novice and the geese,” one of the most +popular of medieval stories (see Coulton, <i>ib.</i> p. 426); for analogues, +see A. C. Lee, <i>The Decameron, its Sources and Analogues</i>, pp. 110-16.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1583' id='f_1583' href='#fna_1583'>[1583]</a> Robert of Brunne’s <i>Handlyng Synne</i>, ed. F. J. Furnivall (Roxburghe +Club, 1862), pp. 50-52. (This is an amplified translation of William of +Wadington’s <i>Le Manuel des Pechiez</i>.) See also <i>Exempla of Jacques de +Vitry</i>, No. <span class="smcaplc">CCLXXII</span>, p. 113, which is translated in <i>An Alphabet of Tales</i> +(E.E.T.S.), p. 303.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1584' id='f_1584' href='#fna_1584'>[1584]</a> <i>Exempla of Jacques de Vitry</i>, No. <span class="smcaplc">CXXX</span>, p. 59. For other versions, +see <i>ib.</i> p. 189. There is an English version in <i>An Alphabet of Tales</i> +(E.E.T.S.), p. 78 (No. <span class="smcaplc">CVIII</span>).</p> + +<p><a name='f_1585' id='f_1585' href='#fna_1585'>[1585]</a> Caesarius of Heisterbach, <span class="smcaplc">II.</span> pp. 160-1. Compare the tale of Abbess +Sophia whose small beer was miraculously turned into wine. <i>Ib.</i> p. 229.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1586' id='f_1586' href='#fna_1586'>[1586]</a> Boccaccio, <i>Decameron</i>, 9th day, novel 2. But the story is older +than Boccaccio, who constantly uses old tales. There is a French version +by Jean de Condé: “Le Dit de la Nonnete” (Montaiglon et Raynaud, <i>op. +cit.</i> t. <span class="smcaplc">VI</span>, pp. 263-9). It was often afterwards copied in various forms +in French, German and Italian jest- and story-books and there is an +extremely gross dramatic version entitled “Farce Nouvelle a cinq +personnages, c’est a sçavoir l’Abesse, sœur de Bon Cœur, seur +Esplourée, seur Safrete et seur Fesne” in a collection of sixteenth +century French farces (<i>Rec. de farces, moralités et sermons joyeux</i>, ed. +Le Roux de Lincy et Francisque Michel, Paris, 1837, vol. <span class="smcaplc">II</span>). It is also +referred to in <i>Albion’s England</i>:</p> + +<p class="poem">It was at midnight when a Nonne, in trauell of a childe,<br /> +Was checked of her fellow Nonnes, for being so defilde;<br /> +The Lady Prioresse heard a stirre, and starting out of bed,<br /> +Did taunt the Nouasse bitterly, who, lifting up her head,<br /> +Said “Madame, mend your hood” (for why, so hastely she rose,<br /> +That on her head, mistooke for hood, she donde a Channon’s hose).</p> + +<p>For these and references to other analogues see A. C. Lee, <i>The Decameron, +its Sources and Analogues</i> (1909), pp. 274-7. See also a curious folk-song +version, below, p. <a href="#Page_611">611</a>. La Fontaine founded his fable of <i>Le Psautier</i> on +Boccaccio’s version.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1587' id='f_1587' href='#fna_1587'>[1587]</a> Boccaccio, <i>Decameron</i> (3rd day, novel 1). For analogues and +imitations, see A. C. Lee, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 59-62. The story is the source +of La Fontaine’s <i>Mazet de Lamporechio</i>. For other ribald stories about +nuns see <a href="#note_j">Note J</a>, below, p. <a href="#Page_624">624</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1588' id='f_1588' href='#fna_1588'>[1588]</a> I have made no attempt to describe the many treatises in praise of +virginity composed by the fathers of the church. These include works by +Evagrius Ponticus, St Athanasius, Sulpicius Severus, St Jerome, St +Augustine, St Caesarius of Arles and others. Among the most interesting is +one of English origin, the <i>De Laudibus Virginitatis</i> of Aldhelm († +709). For short analyses of these works, see A. A. Hentsch, <i>De la +Littérature Didactique du Moyen Age, s’adressant spécialement aux Femmes</i> +(Cahors, 1903), <i>passim</i>. From the eleventh century onwards several +imitations of these treatises occur. A few of the more interesting will be +noted later.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1589' id='f_1589' href='#fna_1589'>[1589]</a> Uhland, <i>Alte hoch und niederdeutsche Volkslieder</i> (1845), II, pp. +857-62 (No. 331). The first verse may be quoted to give the style:</p> + +<p class="poem">Es war ein jungfrau edel<br /> +Si war gar wol getan,<br /> +in ainen schonen paungarten<br /> +wolt si spacieren gan,<br /> +in ainen schonen paungarten<br /> +durnach stuont ir gedank,<br /> +nach pluomen mangerlaie,<br /> +nach vogelein suessem gesank.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1590' id='f_1590' href='#fna_1590'>[1590]</a> Uhland, <i>op. cit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 852 (No. 326). See also Nos. 332 and 334.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1591' id='f_1591' href='#fna_1591'>[1591]</a> <i>An Old English Miscellany</i>, ed. R. Morris [E.E.T.S. 1872], pp. +93-99.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1592' id='f_1592' href='#fna_1592'>[1592]</a> Printed in <i>The Stacions of Rome</i>, etc., ed. F. J. Furnivall +(E.E.T.S. 1867), and again in <i>Minor Poems of the Vernon MS.</i>, Part <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, +ed. F. J. Furnivall (E.E.T.S. 1901), No. <span class="smcaplc">XLII</span>, pp. 464-8.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1593' id='f_1593' href='#fna_1593'>[1593]</a> <i>Hali Meidenhad</i>, ed. O. Cockayne (E.E.T.S. 1866).</p> + +<p><a name='f_1594' id='f_1594' href='#fna_1594'>[1594]</a> See on this point Taylor, <i>The Medieval Mind</i> (2nd ed. 1914), <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, +pp. 475 ff.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1595' id='f_1595' href='#fna_1595'>[1595]</a> <i>Hali Meidenhad</i>, ed. O. Cockayne (E.E.T.S. 1866), p. 20.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1596' id='f_1596' href='#fna_1596'>[1596]</a> <i>Hali Meidenhad</i>, ed. O. Cockayne (E.E.T.S. 1866), p. 22.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1597' id='f_1597' href='#fna_1597'>[1597]</a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 8, 30.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1598' id='f_1598' href='#fna_1598'>[1598]</a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 36.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1599' id='f_1599' href='#fna_1599'>[1599]</a> See e.g. p. 28. “Under a man’s protection thou shalt be sore vexed +for his and the world’s love, which are both deceptive and must lie awake +in many a care not only for thyself as God’s spouse must, but for many +others and often as well for the detested as the dear; and be more worried +than any drudge in the house, or any hired hind and take thine own share +often with misery and bitterly purchase it. Little do blessed spouses of +God know of thee here, that in so sweet ease without such trouble in +spiritual grace and in rest of heart love the true love and in his only +service lead their life.”</p> + +<p><a name='f_1600' id='f_1600' href='#fna_1600'>[1600]</a> The <i>Ancren Riwle</i> was translated and edited by J. Morton for the +Camden Soc. (1853). I quote from the cheap and convenient reprint of the +translation, with introduction by Gasquet, in The King’s Classics, 1907. +For the most recent research as to the different versions, authorship, +etc., see article by G. C. Macaulay, “The <i>Ancren Riwle</i>” in <i>Modern +Language Review</i>, <span class="smcaplc">IX</span> (1914), pp. 63-78, 145-60, 324-31, 464-74, Father +MacNabb’s article <i>ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">XI</span> (1916), and Miss Hope Emily Allen’s thesis, +<i>The Origin of the Ancren Riwle</i> (Publications of the Mod. Lang. Assoc. of +Amer. <span class="smcaplc">XXXIII</span>, 3, Sept. 1918); see also her note in <i>Mod. Lang. Review</i> +(April 1919), <span class="smcaplc">XIV</span>, pp. 209-10, and Mr Coulton’s review of her thesis, +<i>ib.</i> (Jan. 1920), <span class="smcaplc">XV</span>, p. 99; also Father MacNabb’s attack on her theory, +<i>ib.</i> (Oct. 1920) <span class="smcaplc">XV</span> and her reply, <i>ib.</i> Research is gradually pushing +the date of the first English translation (if indeed it be not after all +the original) further and further back.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1601' id='f_1601' href='#fna_1601'>[1601]</a> <i>Ancren Riwle</i> (King’s Classics), p. 12.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1602' id='f_1602' href='#fna_1602'>[1602]</a> <i>Ancren Riwle</i>, p. 259.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1603' id='f_1603' href='#fna_1603'>[1603]</a> Pp. 164-5.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1604' id='f_1604' href='#fna_1604'>[1604]</a> Pp. 294-6.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1605' id='f_1605' href='#fna_1605'>[1605]</a> Pp. 313-4.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1606' id='f_1606' href='#fna_1606'>[1606]</a> Pp. 317-8.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1607' id='f_1607' href='#fna_1607'>[1607]</a> P. 68.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1608' id='f_1608' href='#fna_1608'>[1608]</a> Pp. 319-20.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1609' id='f_1609' href='#fna_1609'>[1609]</a> Pp. 316-19, <i>passim</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1610' id='f_1610' href='#fna_1610'>[1610]</a> P. 325-6.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1611' id='f_1611' href='#fna_1611'>[1611]</a> <i>The Myroure of Oure Ladye</i>, ed. J. H. Blunt (E.E.T.S. 1873, 1898).</p> + +<p><a name='f_1612' id='f_1612' href='#fna_1612'>[1612]</a> <i>Op. cit.</i> pp. 65-9, <i>passim</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1613' id='f_1613' href='#fna_1613'>[1613]</a> As for instance the various other books written or translated for +the nuns of Syon (on which see Eckenstein, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 394-5) and the +mystical treatise “Ego dormio et cor meum vigilat,” which was written by +Richard Rolle of Hampole for a nun of Yedingham. Rolle was kindly +cherished by the nuns of Hampole, where he settled; they often sought his +advice during his lifetime and after his death they tried to obtain his +canonisation; an office for his festival was composed and a collection of +his miracles made. (See <i>Cambridge Hist. of Engl. Lit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 45, 48.) +For similar treatises of foreign origin, see the <i>Opusculum</i> of Hermann +der Lahme (1013-54), Francesco da Barbarino’s <i>Del Reggimento e Costumi di +Donne</i> (which contains a section dealing with nuns), (c. 1307-15), +Francisco Ximenes’ <i>Libre de les dones</i> († 1409) and John Gerson’s +(† 1429) letter to his sister. See Hentsch, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 39, 114, +151, 152.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1614' id='f_1614' href='#fna_1614'>[1614]</a> Printed from the Thornton MS. in <i>Religious Pieces in Prose and +Verse</i>, ed. G. G. Perry (E.E.T.S. 1867, 1914), No. <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, pp. 51-62. Compare +<i>Brit. Mus. MS.</i> Add. 39843 (La Sainte Abbaye), some pictures from which +are reproduced in this book.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1615' id='f_1615' href='#fna_1615'>[1615]</a> Mechthild von Magdeburg, <i>Offenbarungen, oder Das fliessende Licht +der Gottheit</i>, ed. Gall Morel (1869), pp. 249 ff.; see Eckenstein, <i>op. +cit.</i> p. 339. The same idea is found in a little German Volkslied:</p> + +<p class="poem">Wir wellen uns pawen ein heuselein<br /> +Und unser sel ain klosterlein,<br /> +Jesus Crist sol der maister sein,<br /> +Maria jungfraw die schaffnerein.<br /> +Götliche Forcht die pfortnerein,<br /> +Götliche Lieb die kelnerein,<br /> +Diemuetikait wont wol do pei<br /> +Weisheit besleust daz laid all ein.</p> + +<p>—Uhland, <i>Alte hoch- und niederdeutsche Volkslieder</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 864-5.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1616' id='f_1616' href='#fna_1616'>[1616]</a> English text in Furnivall, <i>Early English Poems</i> (Berlin, 1862), +printed in <i>Trans. of Philological Soc.</i> 1858, pt. <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 156-61; and in +Goldbeck and Mätzner, <i>Altenglische Sprachproben</i> (Berlin, 1867). pt. <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, +p. 147; W. Heuser, <i>Die Kildare-Gedichte</i> (Bonn, 1904), p. 145; and in a +slightly modernised form in Ellis, <i>Specimens of Early English Poets</i>, +1801, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 83 ff., who took it from Hickes’ <i>Thesaurus</i>, pt. <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 231. +I have here used the modernised version for the sake of convenience. An +attempt has been made to identify the religious houses mentioned in the +poem with real monasteries in Kildare; the poem is certainly of +Anglo-Irish origin and occurs in the famous “Kildare Manuscript” (MS. +Harl. 913). See W. Heuser, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 141-5. There is a French version +in Barbazon et Méon, <i>Fabliaux</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 175.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1617' id='f_1617' href='#fna_1617'>[1617]</a> “It is not until French wit flashes across English seriousness that +we travel to the Land of Cokaygne,” G. Hadow, <i>Chaucer and His Times</i>, p. +35. Stories of a food country are, however, common in medieval literature, +being sometimes legends of a vanished golden age, as in the Irish “Vision +of MacConglinne” (late twelfth century), and sometimes ideal pictures of a +life of lazy luxury, as in the French and English Lands of Cokaygne and +the German Schlaraffenland. On the whole subject, see Fr. Joh. Poeschel, +<i>Das Märchen von Schlaraffenland</i> (Halle, 1878), and the introduction by +W. Wollner to <i>The Vision of MacConglinne</i>, ed. Kuno Meyer (1892).</p> + +<p><a name='f_1618' id='f_1618' href='#fna_1618'>[1618]</a> <i>Polit. Songs of England</i>, ed. T. Wright (Camden Soc. 1839), pp. +137-48.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1619' id='f_1619' href='#fna_1619'>[1619]</a> The idea of the <i>Ordre de Bel-Eyse</i> is probably taken from the +twelfth century Anglo-Latin poem by Nigel Wireker entitled <i>Speculum +Stultorum</i>, which tells the story of the ass Burnellus, who goes out into +the world to seek his fortune. At one point Burnellus decides to retire to +a convent and passes the different orders under review, to see which will +suit him. This gives the author an opportunity for some pointed satire, +including a reference to nuns; “they never quarrel save for due cause, in +due place, nor do they come to blows save for grave reasons”; their morals +are very questionable, “Harum sunt quaedam steriles et quaedam +parturientes, virgineoque tamen nomine cuncta tegunt. Quae pastoralis +baculi dotatur honore, illa quidem melius fertiliusque parit. Vix etiam +quaevis sterilis reperitur in illis, donec eis aetas talia posse negat.” +Finally Burnellus decides to found a new order; from the Templars he will +borrow their smoothly pacing horses, from the Cluniacs and the black +Canons their custom of eating meat, from the order of Grandmont their +gossip, from the Carthusians the habit of saying mass only once a month, +from the Premonstratensians their warm and comfortable clothes, from the +nuns their custom of going ungirdled; and in this order every brother +shall have a female companion, as in the first order which was instituted +in Paradise. <i>Anglo-Latin Satirical Poets of the Twelfth Century</i>, ed. T. +Wright (Rolls Series, 1872), <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 94-6.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1620' id='f_1620' href='#fna_1620'>[1620]</a> With these two highly successful <i>jeux d’esprit</i> at the expense of +monastic luxury may be compared a passage in the curious thirteenth +century poem entitled “A Disputison bytwene a cristene mon and a Jew,” in +which an incidental shaft is perhaps aimed at nunneries, which affected +the habits of Cokaygne and Fair Ease. <i>The Minor Poems of the Vernon MS.</i>, +pt. <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, ed. F. J. Furnivall (E.E.T.S. 1901), No. <span class="smcaplc">XLVI</span>, p. 490.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1621' id='f_1621' href='#fna_1621'>[1621]</a> See e.g. Rabelais, <i>Gargantua</i>, cap. <span class="smcaplc">LII</span> (Comment Gargantua fit +bastir pour le moine l’abbaye de Theleme).</p> + +<p><a name='f_1622' id='f_1622' href='#fna_1622'>[1622]</a> Text in <i>Dits et Contes de Badouin de Condé et de son fils Jean de +Condé</i>, pub. par Aug. Scheler, Ac. Roy. de Belgique, Brussels, 1866-7, +<span class="smcaplc">III</span>, No. <span class="smcaplc">XXXVII</span>, pp. 1-48. The portion of the poem containing the lawsuit +is translated in part into modern French by Le Grand d’Aussy, in <i>Fabliaux +et Contes</i>, ed. Le Grand d’Aussy et Renouard, 1829, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 326-36.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1623' id='f_1623' href='#fna_1623'>[1623]</a> A convenient collection of these is summarised in an excellent +little book by Ch.-V. Langlois, entitled <i>La Vie en France au Moyen Age +d’après quelques Moralistes du Temps</i> (2me éd. 1911).</p> + +<p><a name='f_1624' id='f_1624' href='#fna_1624'>[1624]</a> The text of both <i>La Bible Guiot</i> and <i>La Bible au Seigneur de +Berzé</i> is printed in <i>Fabliaux et Contes</i>, ed. Barbazon-Méon, t. <span class="smcaplc">II</span> +(Paris, 1808), and both are fully analysed, with extracts in Langlois, +<i>op. cit.</i> pp. 30-88. The text of <i>La Bible Guiot</i> is also printed in San +Marte, <i>Parcival Studien</i> (Halle, 1861), with a translation into German +verse.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1625' id='f_1625' href='#fna_1625'>[1625]</a> <i>Les Lamentations de Matheolus</i>, pub. A. G. Van Hamel (<i>Bib. de +l’Ecole des Chartes</i>, 1892, t. <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 89-90). See also the analysis in +Langlois, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 223-75, especially p. 248.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1626' id='f_1626' href='#fna_1626'>[1626]</a> Langlois, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 248-9, Note 2.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1627' id='f_1627' href='#fna_1627'>[1627]</a> <i>Poésies de Gilles li Muisis</i>, pub. Kervyn de Lettenhove (Louvain, +1882), t. <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 209-36. The whole register is analysed in Langlois, <i>op. +cit.</i> pp. 305-53.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1628' id='f_1628' href='#fna_1628'>[1628]</a> See above, p. <a href="#Page_298">298</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1629' id='f_1629' href='#fna_1629'>[1629]</a> See <i>Vox Clamantis</i>, Lib. <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, ll. 578-676 in <i>The Complete Works of +John Gower</i>, ed. G. C. Macaulay, <i>Latin Works</i> (1902), pp. 181-5. The same +subject is treated more shortly by Gower in his <i>Mirour de l’Omne</i>, ll. +9157-68. (<i>Ib.</i> <i>French Works</i>, p. 106.)</p> + +<p><a name='f_1630' id='f_1630' href='#fna_1630'>[1630]</a> Compare the priestly logic of Alvar Pelayo who enumerates the abuse +of the confessional among the habitual sins of <i>women</i>! <i>De Planctu +Ecclesiae</i>, Lib. <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, Art. 45, n. 84. (See Lea, <i>Hist. of Sacerdotal +Celibacy</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, 435-6 for this and other medieval complaints of the +corruption of nuns by their confessors.)</p> + +<p><a name='f_1631' id='f_1631' href='#fna_1631'>[1631]</a> Text in Furnivall, <i>Early Engl. Poems</i> (Berlin, 1862), printed in +<i>Trans. of Philological Soc.</i> 1858, pt. <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 138-48 (from Cotton MS. +Vesp. D. <span class="smcaplc">IX</span>, f. 179).</p> + +<p><a name='f_1632' id='f_1632' href='#fna_1632'>[1632]</a> <i>All the Familiar Colloquies of Desiderius Erasmus of Rotterdam</i>, +trans. N. Bailey (2nd ed. 1733), pp. 147-55.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1633' id='f_1633' href='#fna_1633'>[1633]</a> “Nec omnes virgines sunt, mihi crede, quae velum habent.... Nisi +fortasse elogium, quod nos hactenus judicavimus esse Virgini matri +proprium, ad plures transiit, ut dicantur et a partu virgines ... quin +insuper, nec alioqui inter illas virgines sunt omnia virginea ... quia +plures inveniuntur, quae mores aemulentur Sapphus, quam quae referant +ingenium.” Erasmus, <i>Colloquia, accur. Corn. Schrevelio</i> (Amsterdam, +1693), p. 196.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1634' id='f_1634' href='#fna_1634'>[1634]</a> <i>Op. cit.</i> pp. 155-7.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1635' id='f_1635' href='#fna_1635'>[1635]</a> This account of Katherine’s experiences, whether they were due (as +the translator suggests) to “the crafty tricks of the monks, who terrify +and frighten unexperienced minds into their cloysters by feigned +apparitions and visions,” or (as was more probably Erasmus’ meaning) to +the mere power of suggestion upon a hysterical girl, should be compared +with the numerous accounts of such apparitions seen by novices or +intending novices, which are to be found in lives of saints and in +edifying <i>exempla</i>. See the examples quoted from Caesarius of Heisterbach, +below, pp. <a href="#Page_628">628</a> <i>sqq.</i></p> + +<p><a name='f_1636' id='f_1636' href='#fna_1636'>[1636]</a> For the expenses incidental to taking the veil, +see above, pp. <a href="#Page_19">19-20</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1637' id='f_1637' href='#fna_1637'>[1637]</a> <i>Ane Satyre of the Thrie Estaits</i>, in Sir David Lyndesay’s <i>Poems</i>, +ed. Small, Hall and Murray (E.E.T.S. 2nd ed., 1883), pp. 421-3.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1638' id='f_1638' href='#fna_1638'>[1638]</a> <i>Ane Satyre of the Thrie Estaits</i>, in Sir David Lyndesay’s <i>Poems</i>, +ed. Small, Hall and Murray (E.E.T.S. 2nd ed., 1883), p. 506.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1639' id='f_1639' href='#fna_1639'>[1639]</a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 514.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1640' id='f_1640' href='#fna_1640'>[1640]</a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 521.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1641' id='f_1641' href='#fna_1641'>[1641]</a> Quoted from the ballad by Charles Kirkpatrick Sharpe (“The Murder +of Caerlaverock”) in McDowall, W., <i>Chronicles of Lincluden</i>, p. 28.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1642' id='f_1642' href='#fna_1642'>[1642]</a> Constans, <i>Chrestomathie de l’Ancien Français</i> (1890), pp. 178-9.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1643' id='f_1643' href='#fna_1643'>[1643]</a> Malory, <i>Morte Darthur</i>, ed. Strachey (Globe ed., 1893), pp. 481-5.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1644' id='f_1644' href='#fna_1644'>[1644]</a> See above, p. <a href="#Page_529">529</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1645' id='f_1645' href='#fna_1645'>[1645]</a> See <i>Le Livre du Dit de Poissy</i>, ll. 220-698, <i>passim</i>, in <i>Oeuvres +Poétiques de Christine de Pisan</i>, ed. Maurice Roy (Soc. des Anc. Textes +Fr. 1891), t. <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 160-80. With this may be compared another, but much +slighter “courtly” description of a nunnery, contained in the <i>roman +d’aventure</i>, <i>L’Escoufle</i>, written at the close of the twelfth century. At +the beginning of the poem the author describes the service of the mass in +the Abbey of Montivilliers (see below, p. <a href="#Page_637">637</a>), on the occasion of the +departure of the Count of Montivilliers on a crusade; the Archbishop of +Rouen and the Bishop of Lisieux took part in the service and a large +concourse of lords and ladies was present. The author describes the +singing of the service,</p> + +<p class="poem">Li couvens avoit ja la messe<br /> +Commencie et l’abbesse<br /> +Commanda a ij damoiseles<br /> +Des mix cantans et des plus beles<br /> +Les cuer a tenir, por mix plaire<br /> +Et por la feste grignor faire.</p> + +<p>He describes the rich offerings made at the altar by the Count and the +rest of the congregation; and the stately visit of farewell paid by them +afterwards to the nuns in the chapter house, when the Count asked for +their prayers and in return gave them an annual rent of 20 or 30 silver +marks. <i>L’Escoufle</i>, ed. H. Michelant and P. Meyer (Soc. des Anc. Textes +Fr. 1894), pp. 7-9, <i>passim</i>. The other notable twelfth century +description of a nunnery (in Raoul de Cambrai) is very different. See +above. pp. <a href="#Page_433">433-5</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1646' id='f_1646' href='#fna_1646'>[1646]</a> Chaucer, Prologue to <i>The Canterbury Tales</i>, ed. Skeat. ll. 118-64.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1647' id='f_1647' href='#fna_1647'>[1647]</a> See Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 442-5.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1648' id='f_1648' href='#fna_1648'>[1648]</a> ‘Pudding’ was a sausage.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1649' id='f_1649' href='#fna_1649'>[1649]</a> Tyre was a favourite sweet wine in the middle ages; “if not of +Syrian growth [it] was probably a Calabrian or Sicilian wine, manufactured +from the species of grape called <i>tirio</i>.” <i>Early Eng. Meals and Manners</i>, +ed. Furnivall (E.E.T.S. 1868), p. 90.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1650' id='f_1650' href='#fna_1650'>[1650]</a> Sowce (Lat. <i>salsagium</i>, verjuice) was a sort of pickle for hog’s +flesh. <i>Promptorium Parvulorum</i>, ed. A. L. Mayhew (E.E.T.S. 1908), notes, +p. 701. See the rather ominous verse in Tusser:</p> + +<p class="poem">Thy measeled bacon, hog, sow, or thy bore,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Shut up for to heale, for infecting thy store:</span><br /> +Or kill it for bacon, or sowce it to sell,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">For Flemming, that loues it so deintily well.</span></p> + +<p>Tusser, <i>Five Hundred Pointes of Good Husbandrie</i> (Eng. Dialect Soc. +1878), p. 52. The word is still in use in the north of England for a +concoction of mincemeat, vegetables, cloves and vinegar and in ‘soused +herrings’ i.e. herrings cooked in vinegar.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1651' id='f_1651' href='#fna_1651'>[1651]</a> I.e. St Ethelburga, for whom the Abbey was founded by her brother +Erconwald, Bishop of London, in 666.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1652' id='f_1652' href='#fna_1652'>[1652]</a> Probably <i>gris</i>, i.e. a little pig. Compare <i>Piers Plowman</i>, Prol. +l. 226:</p> + +<p class="poem">Cokes and here knaues crieden, ‘hote pies, hote!<br /> +Gode gris and gees gowe dyne, gowe!’</p> + +<p><a name='f_1653' id='f_1653' href='#fna_1653'>[1653]</a> “White worts,” was a kind of <i>potage</i> (“potage is not so moche used +in all Chrystendome as it is used in Englande. Potage is made of the +licour in the whiche flesshe is sod in, with puttynge to, chopped herbes +and Otmell and salte,” <i>Early Eng. Meals and Manners</i>, p. 97). This is a +recipe for <i>White Worts</i>, written down, c. 1420: “Take of the erbys as +thou dede for <i>jouutes</i> and sethe hem in water tyl they ben neyshe; thanne +take hem up, an bryse hem fayre on a potte an ley hem with flowre of Rys; +take mylke of almaundys and cast therto and hony, nowt to moche, that it +be nowt to swete, an safron and salt; an serve it forth ynne, rygth for a +good potage.” The herbs used for <i>jouutes</i> are “borage, violet, mallows, +parsley, young worts, beet, avens, buglos and orach”; and it is +recommended to use two or three marrow bones in making the broth. <i>Two +Fifteenth Century Cookery Books</i>, ed. T. Austen (E.E.T.S. 1888), pp. 5, 6.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1654' id='f_1654' href='#fna_1654'>[1654]</a> Frumenty or Furmety (Lat. <i>frumentum</i>, wheat) is wheat husked and +boiled soft in water, then boiled in milk, sweetened and spiced. Here is a +recipe for it from the same book as that for white worts: “Take whete and +pyke it clene and do it in a morter, an caste a lytel water theron; an +stampe with a pestel tyl it hole [hull, lose husks]; than fan owt the +holys [hulls, husks], an put it in a potte, an let sethe tyl it breke; +than set yt douun, an sone after set it ouer the fyre an stere it wyl; an +whan thow hast sothyn it wyl, put therinne swete mylke, an sethe it yfere, +an stere it wyl; and whan it is ynow, coloure it wyth safron, an salt it +euene, and dresse it forth.” <i>Op. cit.</i> pp. 6-7. See the rhymed recipe in +the <i>Liber cure cocorum</i> (c. 1460), ed. Morris (Phil. Soc. 1862), p. 7.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1655' id='f_1655' href='#fna_1655'>[1655]</a> Crisps (Mod. Fr. <i>crêpe</i>) were fritters. Here is a recipe for them +in a cookery book written c. 1450: “Take white of eyren [eggs], Milke, and +fyne flowre, and bete hit togidre and drawe hit thorgh a streynour, so +that hit be rennyng, and noght to stiff; and caste thereto sugar and salt. +And then take a chaffur ful of fressh grece boyling; and then put thi +honde in the batur and lete the bater ren thorgh thi fingers into the +chaffur; And whan it is ren togidre in the chaffre, and is ynowe, take a +skymour and take hit oute of the chaffur, and putte oute al the grece, And +lete ren; and putte hit in a faire dissh and cast sugur thereon ynow and +serue it forth.” <i>Op. cit.</i> p. 93.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1656' id='f_1656' href='#fna_1656'>[1656]</a> Buns. Compare the instructions to the cellaress of Syon: “On water +days [i.e. days when the sisters drank water instead of beer] sche schal +ordeyne for bonnes or newe brede.” Aungier, <i>Hist. and Antiq. of Syon +Mon.</i> p. 393.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1657' id='f_1657' href='#fna_1657'>[1657]</a> Here is a recipe: “<i>Risshewes.</i> Take figges and grinde hem all rawe +in a morter and cast a litull fraied oyle there-to; and then take hem vppe +yn a versell, and caste thereto pynes, reysyns of corance, myced dates, +sugur, Saffron, pouder ginger, and salt: And then make Cakes of floure, +Sugur, salt and rolle the stuff in thi honde and couche it in the cakes, +and folde hem togidur as risshewes, and fry hem in oyle, and serue hem +forth.” <i>Op. cit.</i> p. 93. There are other recipes, <i>ib.</i> pp. 43, 45, 97. +The word survives in <i>rissole</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1658' id='f_1658' href='#fna_1658'>[1658]</a> <i>Reg. Epis. Peckham</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 706.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1659' id='f_1659' href='#fna_1659'>[1659]</a> <i>Worc. Sede Vac. Reg.</i> p. 276.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1660' id='f_1660' href='#fna_1660'>[1660]</a> Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 366.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1661' id='f_1661' href='#fna_1661'>[1661]</a> <i>Linc. MS. Reg. Bokyngham Mem.</i> f. 397<i>d</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1662' id='f_1662' href='#fna_1662'>[1662]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 120-1.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1663' id='f_1663' href='#fna_1663'>[1663]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 51.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1664' id='f_1664' href='#fna_1664'>[1664]</a> <i>V.C.H. Northants.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 101.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1665' id='f_1665' href='#fna_1665'>[1665]</a> See above, p. <a href="#Page_397">397</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1666' id='f_1666' href='#fna_1666'>[1666]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 115.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1667' id='f_1667' href='#fna_1667'>[1667]</a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 115.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1668' id='f_1668' href='#fna_1668'>[1668]</a> Sussex Arch. Soc. Coll. <span class="smcaplc">IX</span>, pp. 25-7.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1669' id='f_1669' href='#fna_1669'>[1669]</a> Sussex Arch. Soc. Coll. <span class="smcaplc">V</span>, p. 257.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1670' id='f_1670' href='#fna_1670'>[1670]</a> <i>Reg. J. de Pontissara</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 125.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1671' id='f_1671' href='#fna_1671'>[1671]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 51.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1672' id='f_1672' href='#fna_1672'>[1672]</a> <i>Linc. Reg. Memo. Bokyngham</i>, f. 343. Compare Buckingham’s similar +injunction to Heynings, <i>ib.</i> f. 397, Gynewell’s injunction to Elstow in +1359, <i>ib.</i> <i>Reg. Gynewell</i>, ff. 139<i>d</i>-140, Pontoise’s injunction to +Wherwell in 1302, <i>Reg. J. de Pontissara</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 125, and Peckham’s +injunction to the Holy Sepulchre, Canterbury, in 1284, <i>Reg. Ep. Peckham</i>. +<span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 706.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1673' id='f_1673' href='#fna_1673'>[1673]</a> Liveing, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 104.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1674' id='f_1674' href='#fna_1674'>[1674]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 174.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1675' id='f_1675' href='#fna_1675'>[1675]</a> <i>V.C.H. Northants.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 99.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1676' id='f_1676' href='#fna_1676'>[1676]</a> Liveing, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 168.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1677' id='f_1677' href='#fna_1677'>[1677]</a> <i>V.C.H. Herts.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 434.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1678' id='f_1678' href='#fna_1678'>[1678]</a> Translated from his <i>Bonum Universale de Apibus</i>, Lib. <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, c. 30, +written about 1260, in Coulton, <i>Med. Garn.</i> pp. 372-3.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1679' id='f_1679' href='#fna_1679'>[1679]</a> Aungier, <i>Hist. and Antiq. of Syon Mon.</i> pp. 256, 257, 259, 261-2. +For further instances of quarrels in the province of Rouen, see below, pp. <a href="#Page_664">664-6</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1680' id='f_1680' href='#fna_1680'>[1680]</a> Wilkins, <i>Conc.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 508.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1681' id='f_1681' href='#fna_1681'>[1681]</a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 590-1. Compare a decree of the contemporary Council of +Trier (1227) for German nuns, Harzheim, <i>Conc. Germ.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 534.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1682' id='f_1682' href='#fna_1682'>[1682]</a></p> + +<p class="poem">And, whan he rood, men might his brydel here<br /> +Ginglen in a whistling wind as clere,<br /> +And eke as loude as dooth the chapel-belle<br /> +Ther as this lord was keper of the celle.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1683' id='f_1683' href='#fna_1683'>[1683]</a> Wilkins, <i>Conc.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 660.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1684' id='f_1684' href='#fna_1684'>[1684]</a> <i>New Coll.</i> MS. f. 86.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1685' id='f_1685' href='#fna_1685'>[1685]</a> Aungier, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 392.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1686' id='f_1686' href='#fna_1686'>[1686]</a> <i>Reg. Ep. Peckham</i>, <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 849.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1687' id='f_1687' href='#fna_1687'>[1687]</a> Ful semely hir wimpel pinched was!</p> + +<p><a name='f_1688' id='f_1688' href='#fna_1688'>[1688]</a> Gresset, <i>Vert Vert</i>, ll. 142-6. See below, p. <a href="#Page_593">593</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1689' id='f_1689' href='#fna_1689'>[1689]</a></p> + +<p class="poem">I seigh his sleves purfiled at the hond<br /> +With grys, and that the fyneste of a lond.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 8em;">Chaucer, <i>Prologue</i>, ll. 193-4.</span></p> + +<p><a name='f_1690' id='f_1690' href='#fna_1690'>[1690]</a> <i>Linc. Reg. Memo. Bokyngham</i>, f. 343<i>d</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1691' id='f_1691' href='#fna_1691'>[1691]</a> <i>Hereford Reg. Spofford</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, f. 77<i>d</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1692' id='f_1692' href='#fna_1692'>[1692]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 181.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1693' id='f_1693' href='#fna_1693'>[1693]</a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 126.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1694' id='f_1694' href='#fna_1694'>[1694]</a> Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 194.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1695' id='f_1695' href='#fna_1695'>[1695]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, pp. 119, 120, 127, 164, 168, 174-5, 181, 183, +240.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1696' id='f_1696' href='#fna_1696'>[1696]</a> <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 176; <i>Alnwick’s Visit.</i> MS. ff. 26<i>d</i>, 38.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1697' id='f_1697' href='#fna_1697'>[1697]</a> <i>V.C.H. Essex</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, 124.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1698' id='f_1698' href='#fna_1698'>[1698]</a> <i>Norwich Visit.</i> p. 274.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1699' id='f_1699' href='#fna_1699'>[1699]</a> <i>V.C.H. Hants.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 130, where the date is wrongly given as +1512.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1700' id='f_1700' href='#fna_1700'>[1700]</a> See below, p. <a href="#Page_663">663</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1701' id='f_1701' href='#fna_1701'>[1701]</a> <i>Prologue</i>, ll. 146-9. Chaucer was certainly a dog-lover: a passage +in the <i>Book of the Duchess</i> (ll. 387 ff.) puts it beyond doubt:</p> + +<p class="poem">I was go walked fro my tree,<br /> +And as I wente ther cam by me<br /> +A whelp, that fauned me as I stood<br /> +That hadde y-folowed, and coude no good.<br /> +Hit com and creep to me as lowe,<br /> +Right as hit badde me y-knowe,<br /> +Hild doun his heed and joyned his eres,<br /> +And leyde al smothe doun his heres.<br /> +I wolde han caught hit, and anoon<br /> +Hit fledde, and was fro me goon.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1702' id='f_1702' href='#fna_1702'>[1702]</a> <i>The Book of the Knight of La Tour-Landry</i>, ed. T. Wright (E.E.T.S. +revised ed. 1906), pp. 28-9.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1703' id='f_1703' href='#fna_1703'>[1703]</a> Printed in <i>The Cambridge Songs</i>, ed. Karl Breul (1915), No. 29, p. +62; and in <i>Denkmäler</i>, ed. Müllenhoff und Scherer, <i>Deutscher Poesie und +Prosa aus dem</i> <span class="smcaplc">VIII-XII</span> <i>Jahrhundert</i> (Berlin, 1892), I, pp. 51-3 (No. +<span class="smcaplc">XXIV</span>). I have ventured to attempt a translation.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1704' id='f_1704' href='#fna_1704'>[1704]</a> Skelton, <i>Selected Poems</i>, ed. W. H. Williams (1902). pp. 57 ff.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1705' id='f_1705' href='#fna_1705'>[1705]</a> Translation by Robin Flower in <i>The Poem Book of the Gael</i>, ed. +Eleanor Hull (1913), p. 132. The poem has also been translated by Kuno +Meyer and by Alfred Perceval Graves.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1706' id='f_1706' href='#fna_1706'>[1706]</a> Quoted in Fosbroke, <i>Brit. Monachism</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 34.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1707' id='f_1707' href='#fna_1707'>[1707]</a> <i>Oeuvres Choisies de Gresset</i> (Coll. Bibliothèque Nationale), pp. 3 +ff. There is an eighteenth century English translation (1759) by J. G. +Cooper in Chalmers, <i>English Poets</i>, <span class="smcaplc">XV</span>, pp. 528-36.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1708' id='f_1708' href='#fna_1708'>[1708]</a> Summarised in <i>V.C.H. Oxon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 76-7.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1709' id='f_1709' href='#fna_1709'>[1709]</a> When the nuns exhorted her to abstain from his company, she replied +“quod ipsum amavit et amare volet.” <i>Linc. Epis. Reg. Visit. Atwater</i>, f. +87.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1710' id='f_1710' href='#fna_1710'>[1710]</a> See above, p. <a href="#Page_58">58</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1711' id='f_1711' href='#fna_1711'>[1711]</a> So also was Nunkeeling, where there was a particularly violent +election struggle, but no mention of immorality.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1712' id='f_1712' href='#fna_1712'>[1712]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 159.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1713' id='f_1713' href='#fna_1713'>[1713]</a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 167-9.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1714' id='f_1714' href='#fna_1714'>[1714]</a> <i>Yorks. Arch. Journ.</i> <span class="smcaplc">XVI</span>, pp. 456-7.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1715' id='f_1715' href='#fna_1715'>[1715]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, pp. 187-9. A Prioress was deposed here for +incontinence in 1494.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1716' id='f_1716' href='#fna_1716'>[1716]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, pp. 239-40.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1717' id='f_1717' href='#fna_1717'>[1717]</a> <i>Yorks. Arch. Journ.</i> <span class="smcaplc">XVI</span>, pp. 457-8. Queen Isabella, wife of +Edward II, is referred to.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1718' id='f_1718' href='#fna_1718'>[1718]</a> See above, p. <a href="#Page_427">427</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1719' id='f_1719' href='#fna_1719'>[1719]</a> <i>Cal. of Papal Letters</i>, <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 1345.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1720' id='f_1720' href='#fna_1720'>[1720]</a> <i>Yorks. Arch. Journ.</i> <span class="smcaplc">XVI</span>, pp. 355, 358-62. Another nun apostatised +and lived a dissolute life for some time in the world, returning in 1337. +<i>Ib.</i> p. 363.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1721' id='f_1721' href='#fna_1721'>[1721]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, pp. 179-81. The house was in an unsatisfactory +condition as early as 1268. <i>Reg. Walter Giffard</i>, pp. 147-8.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1722' id='f_1722' href='#fna_1722'>[1722]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, pp. 129-30.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1723' id='f_1723' href='#fna_1723'>[1723]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 113. The house seems to have been in much the same +condition later. A nun had run away in 1372 and the misdeeds of the bad +prioress Eleanor came to light in 1396. <i>Ib.</i> 114-5.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1724' id='f_1724' href='#fna_1724'>[1724]</a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 124.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1725' id='f_1725' href='#fna_1725'>[1725]</a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 126.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1726' id='f_1726' href='#fna_1726'>[1726]</a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 161. In 1535 Archbishop Lee found that a nun here, Joan +Hutton, “hath lyved incontinentlie and unchast and hath broght forth a +child of her bodie begotten.” <i>Yorks. Arch. Journ.</i> <span class="smcaplc">XVI</span>, p. 453.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1727' id='f_1727' href='#fna_1727'>[1727]</a> <i>V.C.H. Yorks.</i> <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, p. 164.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1728' id='f_1728' href='#fna_1728'>[1728]</a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 164.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1729' id='f_1729' href='#fna_1729'>[1729]</a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 116 and <i>Yorks. Arch. Journ.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IX</span>, p. 334.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1730' id='f_1730' href='#fna_1730'>[1730]</a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 176-7.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1731' id='f_1731' href='#fna_1731'>[1731]</a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 175.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1732' id='f_1732' href='#fna_1732'>[1732]</a> Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, +p. 194; see also <i>Cal. of Pap. Letters</i>, <span class="smcaplc">X</span>, p. 471.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1733' id='f_1733' href='#fna_1733'>[1733]</a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 183.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1734' id='f_1734' href='#fna_1734'>[1734]</a> It may be noted that five nunneries had already disappeared between +1300 and 1500, viz. Waterbeach (transferred to Denny, 1348), Wothorpe +(annexed to St Michael’s, Stamford, 1354) and St Stephen’s, Foukeholme, +all of which owed their end to the Black Death; Lyminster (dissolved as an +alien priory, 1414); and Rowney (suppressed on account of poverty, 1459).</p> + +<p><a name='f_1735' id='f_1735' href='#fna_1735'>[1735]</a> Gray, <i>Priory of St Radegund</i>, pp. 44-5. For evidence of the decay +of the nunnery during the last half of the fifteenth century, see <i>ib.</i> pp. 39-44.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1736' id='f_1736' href='#fna_1736'>[1736]</a> Eckenstein, <i>Woman under Mon.</i> p. 436.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1737' id='f_1737' href='#fna_1737'>[1737]</a> Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>. p. 378.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1738' id='f_1738' href='#fna_1738'>[1738]</a> <i>Selected Poems of John Skelton</i>, ed. W. H. Williams (1902), p. +113. There is an interesting <i>compertum</i> at Dr Rayne’s visitation of +Studley in 1530 to the effect that “the woods of the priory had been much +diminished by the late prioress and also by Thomas Cardinal of York for +the construction of his College in the University of Oxford.” <i>V.C.H. +Oxon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 78.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1739' id='f_1739' href='#fna_1739'>[1739]</a> See above, <a href="#note_f">Note F</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1740' id='f_1740' href='#fna_1740'>[1740]</a> See above, p. <a href="#Page_480">480</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1741' id='f_1741' href='#fna_1741'>[1741]</a> Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 288.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1742' id='f_1742' href='#fna_1742'>[1742]</a> Uhland, <i>Alte hoch- und niederdeutsche Volkslieder</i> (1844-5), <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, +p. 854 (No. 329); also in R. v. Liliencron, <i>Deutsches Leben im Volkslied +um 1530</i> (1884), p. 226, and (in a slightly different and modernised +version) in L. A. v. Arnim and Clemens Brentano, <i>Des Knaben Wunderhorn</i> +(Reclam edit.), p. 24.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1743' id='f_1743' href='#fna_1743'>[1743]</a> Translated in Bithell, <i>The Minnesingers</i> (Halle, 1909), <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 200. +I have been unable to trace the original. I have slightly altered the +wording of the translation.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1744' id='f_1744' href='#fna_1744'>[1744]</a> Karl Bartsch, <i>Deutsche Liederdichter des zwölften bis vierzehnten +Jahrhunderts</i> (4th ed. Berlin, 1901), p. 379 (No. <span class="smcaplc">XCVIII</span>, ll. 581-616). +Slightly modernised version in Uhland, <i>op. cit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 853 (No. 327).</p> + +<p><a name='f_1745' id='f_1745' href='#fna_1745'>[1745]</a> <i>Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie</i>, <span class="smcaplc">V</span> (1881), p. 545 (No. 28). +A slightly different version in Moriz Haupt, <i>Französische Volkslieder</i> +(Leipzig, 1877), p. 152.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1746' id='f_1746' href='#fna_1746'>[1746]</a> In a round the last two lines of each verse are repeated as the +first two lines of the following verse, and the refrain is repeated at the +end of each verse. The songs lose much of their charm by being quoted in +compressed form, for the cumulative effect of the repetition is +exceedingly graceful and spirited.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1747' id='f_1747' href='#fna_1747'>[1747]</a> Haupt, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 40.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1748' id='f_1748' href='#fna_1748'>[1748]</a> Weckerlin, <i>L’Ancienne Chanson Populaire en France</i> (1887), p. 354.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1749' id='f_1749' href='#fna_1749'>[1749]</a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 319.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1750' id='f_1750' href='#fna_1750'>[1750]</a> Bujeaud, J., <i>Chants et Chansons populaires des Provinces de +l’ouest</i> (1866), <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 137.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1751' id='f_1751' href='#fna_1751'>[1751]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 132.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1752' id='f_1752' href='#fna_1752'>[1752]</a> <i>Romania</i>, <span class="smcaplc">X</span>, p. 391.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1753' id='f_1753' href='#fna_1753'>[1753]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">X</span>, p. 395 (No. <span class="smcaplc">XLVIII</span>).</p> + +<p><a name='f_1754' id='f_1754' href='#fna_1754'>[1754]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">VII</span>, p. 72 (No. <span class="smcaplc">XX</span>). Another version in De Puymaigre, <i>Chants +Populaires recueillis dans le Pays Messin</i> (1865), p. 39 (No. <span class="smcaplc">X</span>).</p> + +<p><a name='f_1755' id='f_1755' href='#fna_1755'>[1755]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">VII</span>, +p. 73 (No. <span class="smcaplc">XXI</span>). Other versions in Jean Fleury, +<i>Littérature Orale de la Basse-Normandie</i> (Paris, 1883), p. 311, and De +Puymaigre, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 35 (No. <span class="smcaplc">IX</span>), and note on p. 37. Compare +Schiller’s ballad <i>Der Ritter von Toggenburg</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1756' id='f_1756' href='#fna_1756'>[1756]</a> Fleury, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 313.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1757' id='f_1757' href='#fna_1757'>[1757]</a> Nigra, <i>Canti Popolari del Piemonte</i> (1888), No. 80, pp. 409-14.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1758' id='f_1758' href='#fna_1758'>[1758]</a> T. Casini, <i>Studi di Poesia antica</i> (1913). There is a very racy +French song called <i>Le Comte Orry</i> which deserves notice here: see H. C. +Delloye, <i>Chants et Chansons Populaires de la France</i> (1<sup>re</sup> série), 1843.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1759' id='f_1759' href='#fna_1759'>[1759]</a> Hagen, <i>Carmina Medii Aevi</i> (Berne, 1877), pp. 206-7. There is an +exceedingly long and tedious sixteenth century French version, evidently +founded on the Latin poem, in Montaiglon, <i>Rec. de Poésies Françoises des +XVI<sup>e</sup> et XVII<sup>e</sup> siècles</i>, t. <span class="smcaplc">VIII</span>, pp. 170-5.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1760' id='f_1760' href='#fna_1760'>[1760]</a> <i>The Cambridge Songs</i>, ed. Karl Breul (1915), No. 35, p. 16. See +also Koegel, <i>Geschichte der Deutschen Litteratur</i> (1867), <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 136-9.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1761' id='f_1761' href='#fna_1761'>[1761]</a> <i>Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie</i>, <span class="smcaplc">V</span> (1881), p. 544, No. 27. +Also in Weckerlin, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 405 (under date 1614).</p> + +<p><a name='f_1762' id='f_1762' href='#fna_1762'>[1762]</a> Rolland, <i>Rec. de Chansons Populaires</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 81.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1763' id='f_1763' href='#fna_1763'>[1763]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 226-7.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1764' id='f_1764' href='#fna_1764'>[1764]</a> Weckerlin, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 355.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1765' id='f_1765' href='#fna_1765'>[1765]</a> Haupt, <i>Französische Volkslieder</i> (1877), p. 84. A slightly +different version in Weckerlin, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 297.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1766' id='f_1766' href='#fna_1766'>[1766]</a> Haupt, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 63.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1767' id='f_1767' href='#fna_1767'>[1767]</a> Weckerlin, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 262; also in E. Rolland, <i>Rec. de Chansons +Populaires</i> (1883-90), t. <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 36.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1768' id='f_1768' href='#fna_1768'>[1768]</a> “A gentle gallant went hunting in the wood and there he met a nun. +She was so lovely, so fresh and so fair. Said the gentle gallant to her: +‘Come, sit with me in the shade and never more shalt thou be a little +nun.’ ‘Gentle gallant, wait here for me; I will go and put off my habit +and then I will come back to you in the shade.’ He waited for her three +days and three nights and never came the fair one. The gentle gallant goes +to the monastery and knocks at the great door; out comes the mother +abbess: ‘What are you looking for, gentle gallant?’ ‘I am looking for a +little nun, who promised to come into the shade.’ ‘You once had the quail +at your feet and you let it fly away. Even so has flown the pretty nun.’” +Nigra, <i>Canti Populari del Piemonte</i> (1888), No. 72, p. 381. With these +two songs should be compared the English poem in Percy’s <i>Reliques</i>, +called <i>The Baffled Knight or Lady’s Policy</i>, and the Somerset folksong, +<i>Blow away the morning dew</i>, with its <i>dénouement</i>:</p> + +<p class="poem">But when they came to her father’s gate<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">So nimble she popped in,</span><br /> +And said “There is a fool without<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">And here’s the maid within.</span><br /> +<br /> +We have a flower in our garden<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">We call it marygold—</span><br /> +And if you will not when you may<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">You shall not when you wolde.”</span></p> + +<p><i>Folk Songs from Somerset</i> (1st Series, 1910), ed. Cecil Sharp and Charles +Marson, No. <span class="smcaplc">VIII</span>, pp. 16-17.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1769' id='f_1769' href='#fna_1769'>[1769]</a> Fleury, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 308. Other versions in De Puymaigre, <i>op. +cit.</i> pp. 145-8 (Nos. <span class="smcaplc">XLV-XLVI</span>).</p> + +<p><a name='f_1770' id='f_1770' href='#fna_1770'>[1770]</a> Rolland, <i>op. cit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 31. Cf. versions on pp. 30, 32, 33. The +theme recalls a pretty poem by Leigh Hunt:</p> + +<p class="poem">If you become a nun, dear,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">A friar I will be;</span><br /> +In any cell you run, dear,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Pray look behind for me.</span><br /> +The roses all turn pale, too;<br /> +The doves all take the veil, too;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The blind will see the show.</span><br /> +What! you become a nun, my dear?<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">I’ll not believe it, no!</span><br /> +<br /> +If you become a nun, dear,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The bishop Love will be;</span><br /> +The Cupids every one, dear,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Will chant “We trust in thee.”</span><br /> +The incense will go sighing,<br /> +The candles fall a-dying,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The water turn to wine;</span><br /> +What! you go take the vows, my dear?<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">You may—but they’ll be mine!</span></p> + +<p><a name='f_1771' id='f_1771' href='#fna_1771'>[1771]</a> Rolland, <i>op. cit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 253, cf. pp. 249-54.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1772' id='f_1772' href='#fna_1772'>[1772]</a> <i>Chants de Carnaval Florentins (Canti Carnascialeschi) de l’époque +de Laurent le Magnifique.</i> Pub. par P. M. Masson (Paris, 1913). For a copy +of the song and for the suggestion that it refers to English nuns I am +indebted to Mr E. J. Dent of King’s College, Cambridge. But the mention of +Low Germany sounds more like German nuns.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1773' id='f_1773' href='#fna_1773'>[1773]</a> Countess Martinengo-Cesaresco, <i>Essays in the Study of Folksongs</i> +(Everyman’s Lib. Ed.), pp. 191-2.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1774' id='f_1774' href='#fna_1774'>[1774]</a> L. A. v. Arnim and Clemens Brentano, <i>Des Knaben Wunderhorn</i> +(Reclam ed.), p. 50.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1775' id='f_1775' href='#fna_1775'>[1775]</a> <i>The Oxford Book of Ballads</i>, ed. Quiller-Couch (1910), p. 635 (No. +125). In the long collection of ballads narrating Robin Hood’s career +known as <i>A Little Geste of Robin Hood and his Meiny</i> (which was in print +early in the sixteenth century) the Prioress is said to have conspired +with her lover, one Sir Roger of Doncaster, to slay Robin. <i>Ib.</i> p. 574. +In the version in Bishop Percy’s famous folio MS. “Red Roger” is described +as stabbing the weakened outlaw, but losing his own life in the act. +<i>Bishop Percy’s Folio MS.</i> ed. Hales and Furnivall (1867), <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 50-58. +“In ‘Le Morte de Robin Hode,’ a quite modern piece printed in Hone’s +<i>Every-day Book</i> from an old collection of MS. songs in the Editor’s +possession, the prioress is represented as the outlaw’s sister and as +poisoning him.” <i>Ib.</i> p. 53.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1776' id='f_1776' href='#fna_1776'>[1776]</a> <i>Miracles de Nostre Dame par Personnages</i>, pub. G. Paris and U. +Robert (Soc. des Anc. Textes Français, 1876), t. <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 311-51.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1777' id='f_1777' href='#fna_1777'>[1777]</a> Translated in Evelyn Underhill, <i>The Miracles of Our Lady Saint +Mary</i> (1905), pp. 195-200.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1778' id='f_1778' href='#fna_1778'>[1778]</a> Caesarius of Heisterbach, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 41-2. “Although the buffet was +hard,” says Caesarius, conscious perhaps that the Virgin had acted with +less than her wonted gentleness, “she was utterly delivered from +temptation by it. A grievous ill requires a grievous remedy.”</p> + +<p><a name='f_1779' id='f_1779' href='#fna_1779'>[1779]</a> Gautier de Coincy, <i>Miracles de N.D.</i>, ed. Poquet, p. 474.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1780' id='f_1780' href='#fna_1780'>[1780]</a> <i>Exempla of Jacques de Vitry</i>, ed. Crane, p. 24. See variant in <i>An +Alphabet of Tales</i> (E.E.T.S.), p. 321.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1781' id='f_1781' href='#fna_1781'>[1781]</a> Caesarius of Heisterbach, <i>Dial. Mirac.</i> ed. Strange, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 222-3.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1782' id='f_1782' href='#fna_1782'>[1782]</a> Wright, <i>Latin Stories</i>, p. 96.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1783' id='f_1783' href='#fna_1783'>[1783]</a> Etienne de Bourbon, <i>Anecdotes Historiques</i>, ed. Lecoy de la +Marche, p. 83 (translated in Taylor, <i>The Medieval Mind</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 508-9).</p> + +<p><a name='f_1784' id='f_1784' href='#fna_1784'>[1784]</a> I have used the version in <i>An Alphabet of Tales</i> (E.E.T.S.), pp. +11-12. For other versions, see <i>Miracles de Nostre Dame</i> (Soc. des Anc. +Textes) <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 59-100. For other versions, see Etienne de Bourbon, <i>op. +cit.</i> p. 114, Wright, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 114, Barbazon et Méon, <i>Nouveau +Recueil de Fabliaux</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 314, <i>Dodici conti morali d’anonimo Senese: +Teste inedite de sec.</i> <span class="smcaplc">XIII</span> (Bologna, 1862), No. 8; Small, <i>Eng. Metrical +Homilies</i>, p. 164. There is a very interesting Ethiopian version (told of +Sophia the abbess of Mount Carmel) in <i>Miracles of the B.V.M.</i> (Lady Meux +MSS.), ed. E. A. Wallis Budge (1900), pp. 68-71. Most versions preserve +the interesting detail that the nuns dislike their abbess and are anxious +to betray her on account of her strictness and particularly because she +will not give them easy licence to see their friends. In the French +dramatic version Sister Isabel stays away from a sermon and gives as her +excuse that a cousin came to see her, with some cloth to make a veil and a +“surplis,” whereupon she is scolded and then pardoned by the Abbess.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1785' id='f_1785' href='#fna_1785'>[1785]</a> <i>Le Cento Novelle Antiche</i>, ed. Gualteruzzi (Milan, 1825), No. 62. +I quote the translation by A. C. Lee, <i>The Decameron, its Sources and +Analogues</i>, p. 60.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1786' id='f_1786' href='#fna_1786'>[1786]</a> Francesco da Barberino, <i>Del Reggimento e Costumi di Donne</i>, ed. +Carlo Baudi di Vesme (Bologna, 1875), p. 273. See A. C. Lee, <i>loc. cit.</i></p> + +<p><a name='f_1787' id='f_1787' href='#fna_1787'>[1787]</a> A. C. Lee, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 125. The story is of Eastern origin and +for its many analogues see <i>ib.</i> pp. 123-35.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1788' id='f_1788' href='#fna_1788'>[1788]</a> <i>Les Cent Nouvelles Nouvelles</i>, ed. Th. Wright (Bib. Elzévirienne, +1858), t. <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 81-4, 114-20, 283-7.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1789' id='f_1789' href='#fna_1789'>[1789]</a> Montaiglon et Raynaud, <i>Rec. Gén. des Fabliaux</i>, <span class="smcaplc">III</span>, pp. 137-44.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1790' id='f_1790' href='#fna_1790'>[1790]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, pp. 128-32.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1791' id='f_1791' href='#fna_1791'>[1791]</a> Barbazon et Méon, <i>Nouv. Rec. de Fabliaux</i>, <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 250.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1792' id='f_1792' href='#fna_1792'>[1792]</a> <i>Erzählungen und Schwänke</i>, hrsg. von Hans Lambel (Leipzig, 1888), +No. <span class="smcaplc">VIII</span>, pp. 309-22.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1793' id='f_1793' href='#fna_1793'>[1793]</a> Koeppel, <i>Studien zur Geschichte der italienischen Novelle in der +englischen Litteratur des XVI Jahrhunderts</i> (1892), p. 183.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1794' id='f_1794' href='#fna_1794'>[1794]</a> <i>King John by William Shakespeare together with the Troublesome +Reign of King John</i>, ed. F. G. Fleay, (1878), pp. 158-62.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1795' id='f_1795' href='#fna_1795'>[1795]</a> Printed in <i>A Selection from the Minor Poems of Dan John Lydgate</i>, +ed. J. O. Halliwell (Percy Soc. 1840), pp. 107-17. Professor MacCracken +denies the authorship to Lydgate, see <i>The Minor Poems of John Lydgate</i>, +ed. H. N. MacCracken (E.E.T.S. 1911), <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. xlii (note).</p> + +<p><a name='f_1796' id='f_1796' href='#fna_1796'>[1796]</a> The edition used is that of Joseph Strange in two volumes (Cologne, +Bonn and Brussels, 1851). For a study of the life and times of Caesarius, +see A. Kaufmann, <i>Caesarius von Heisterbach, Ein Beitrag zur +Kulturgeschichte des zwölften und dreizehnten Jahrhunderts</i> (Cologne, +1850). For anecdotes from this source already quoted in the text, see pp. +27-9, 296-7, 511, 520 ff., etc.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1797' id='f_1797' href='#fna_1797'>[1797]</a> <i>Op. cit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 1-2.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1798' id='f_1798' href='#fna_1798'>[1798]</a> I.e. “<i>Ave Maria, gratia plena.</i>” The Virgin Mary was always the +most potent help against the devil, as may be seen from any collection of +her miracles (e.g. that made by Gautier de Coincy in French verse in the +thirteenth century and edited by the Abbé Poquet).</p> + +<p><a name='f_1799' id='f_1799' href='#fna_1799'>[1799]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 125-7. For an abbreviated version of this story, taken +from Caesarius, see <i>An Alphabet of Tales</i> (E.E.T.S.), pp. 178-9 (No. +<span class="smcaplc">CCLV</span>).</p> + +<p><a name='f_1800' id='f_1800' href='#fna_1800'>[1800]</a> Used in the common medieval sense of entering a religious order.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1801' id='f_1801' href='#fna_1801'>[1801]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 328-30. At the end of this story the novice asks: “Why +is it that the good Lord allows maidens so tender and so pure to be thus +cruelly tormented by rough and foul spirits?” And the monk replies: “Thou +hast experienced how if a bitter drink be first swallowed a sweet one +tastes the sweeter, and how if black be placed beneath it, white is all +the more dazzling. Read the Visions of Witinus, Godescalcus and others, to +whom it was permitted to see the pains of the damned and the glory of the +elect, and almost always it was the vision of punishment which came first. +The Lord, wishing to show his bride his secret joys, permitteth well that +she should first be tempted by some dreadful visions, that afterwards she +may the better deserve to be made glad, and may know the distance between +sweet and bitter, light and darkness.”</p> + +<p><a name='f_1802' id='f_1802' href='#fna_1802'>[1802]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, pp. 330-31.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1803' id='f_1803' href='#fna_1803'>[1803]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 68-9. “As I infer from this vision,” says the Novice, +“an indiscreet fervour in prayers is not pleasing to the blessed Virgin, +neither an undisciplined movement in genuflections.” On the other hand she +did not like her devotees to hurry over their prayers, for Gautier de +Coincy has a tale of a nun, Eulalie, who was accustomed to say at each +office of the Virgin the full rosary of a hundred and fifty <i>Aves</i>; but +she had much work to do and often hurried over her prayers, till one night +she saw a vision of the mother of God, who promised her salvation and told +her that the <i>Ave Maria</i> was a prayer which gave herself much joy; +therefore she bade Eulalie not to hurry over it, but of her bounty +permitted her to say a chaplet of fifty <i>Aves</i>, instead of the long +rosary. See Gautier de Coincy, <i>Les Miracles de la Sainte Vierge</i>, ed. +Poquet (Paris, 1857).</p> + +<p><a name='f_1804' id='f_1804' href='#fna_1804'>[1804]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 100.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1805' id='f_1805' href='#fna_1805'>[1805]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 121-2.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1806' id='f_1806' href='#fna_1806'>[1806]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 122-3. For a variant in which the place of the two +nuns is taken by two doctors of divinity, see <i>An Alphabet of Tales</i> +(E.E.T.S.), pp. 274-5.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1807' id='f_1807' href='#fna_1807'>[1807]</a> <i>Ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 343-4. With these holy rivalries should be compared +Caesarius’ tales of the drawing of apostles by lot. “It is a very common +custom among the matrons of our province to choose an Apostle for their +very own by the following lottery: the names of the twelve Apostles are +written each on twelve tapers, which are blessed by the priest and laid on +the altar at the same moment. Then the woman comes and draws a taper and +whatsoever name that taper shall chance to bear, to that Apostle she +renders special honour and service. A certain matron, having thus drawn St +Andrew, and being displeased to have drawn him, laid the taper back on the +altar and would have drawn another; but the same came to her hand again. +Why should I make a long story? At length she drew one that pleased her, +to whom she paid faithful devotion all the days of her life; nevertheless +when she came to her last end and was at the point of death, she saw not +him but the Blessed Andrew standing at her bedside. ‘Lo,’ he said, ‘I am +that despised Andrew!’ from which we can gather that sometimes saints +thrust themselves even of their own accord into men’s devotions.” Another +matron was so much annoyed at drawing St Jude the Obscure instead of a +more famous Apostle that she threw him behind the altar chest; whereupon +the outraged Apostle visited her in a dream and not only rated her soundly +but afflicted her with a palsy. See <i>ib.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, pp. 129, 133, translated in +Coulton, <i>A Medieval Garner</i>, pp. 259-60.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1808' id='f_1808' href='#fna_1808'>[1808]</a> Several of the stories have, however, been translated by Mr +Coulton, <i>op. cit.</i> Nos. 102-32.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1809' id='f_1809' href='#fna_1809'>[1809]</a> Translated in Coulton, <i>From St Francis to Dante</i> (1907), p. 290; +see <i>ib.</i> pp. 289-91, for a short account of Eudes Rigaud, also references +on p. 395 (n. 17).</p> + +<p><a name='f_1810' id='f_1810' href='#fna_1810'>[1810]</a> <i>Regestrum Visitationum Archiepiscopi Rothamagensis</i>, ed. Bonnin +(1852). See analysis by L. Delisle in the <i>Bibliothèque de l’École des +Chartes</i>, 1846.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1811' id='f_1811' href='#fna_1811'>[1811]</a> There is however a copy of the Bishop’s letter of injunctions, sent +on later, appended to his report of the state of Villarceaux in 1249 +(<i>Reg.</i> pp. 44-5).</p> + +<p><a name='f_1812' id='f_1812' href='#fna_1812'>[1812]</a> Walcott, M. E. C., <i>English Minsters, II</i> (<i>The English Student’s +Monasticon</i>), pp. 210 and <i>V.C.H. Dorset</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 48.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1813' id='f_1813' href='#fna_1813'>[1813]</a> <i>V.C.H. Sussex</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, +p. 121 and Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">VI</span>, pp. 1032-3. The +later history of this cell can be traced from occasional references. It +was a very small house and contained only a prioress and two nuns in 1380. +Dugdale says that after the French wars Richard Earl of Arundel treated +with the Abbess of Almenèches for the purchase of some lands belonging to +Lyminster and in 1404 a papal brief enumerated the possessions of +Almenèches in England and elsewhere, with a threat of penalties against +all who should disturb them. Dugdale, <i>Mon.</i> <span class="smcaplc">VI</span>, pp. 1032-3. Five years +later a memorandum in the Register of Bishop Rede of Chichester notes the +admission of a new Prioress, Nichola de Hereez, on the presentation of the +Abbess and Convent of Almenèches, in place of Georgete la Cloutiere, +deceased. <i>Reg. Robert Rede</i> (Sussex Rec. Soc. 1908), pp. 38-9. Clearly +French women were ruling over the house, though the nuns may possibly have +been English. Shortly afterwards Henry V finally dissolved the alien +priories in England and the lands belonging to Lyminster were settled by +Henry VI upon Eton College.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1814' id='f_1814' href='#fna_1814'>[1814]</a> <i>Reg.</i> p. 236.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1815' id='f_1815' href='#fna_1815'>[1815]</a> Walcott, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 141 and <i>V.C.H. Norfolk</i>, <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, p. 463, and +Dugdale, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 1057.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1816' id='f_1816' href='#fna_1816'>[1816]</a> Walcott, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 173.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1817' id='f_1817' href='#fna_1817'>[1817]</a> <i>Reg.</i> p. 94.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1818' id='f_1818' href='#fna_1818'>[1818]</a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 261. In 1314-5 the Abbess of the Holy Trinity petitioned +the King of England, complaining that she had been distrained in aid of +the marriage of his eldest daughter, whereas she held all her lands in +frank almoin. <i>Rot. Parl.</i> <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 331.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1819' id='f_1819' href='#fna_1819'>[1819]</a> Irrespective of double houses such as the Magdalen of Rouen.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1820' id='f_1820' href='#fna_1820'>[1820]</a> <i>Reg.</i> p. 202.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1821' id='f_1821' href='#fna_1821'>[1821]</a> p. 73.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1822' id='f_1822' href='#fna_1822'>[1822]</a> p. 471.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1823' id='f_1823' href='#fna_1823'>[1823]</a> E.g. pp. 43, 207, 323, 361.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1824' id='f_1824' href='#fna_1824'>[1824]</a> pp. 235, 374.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1825' id='f_1825' href='#fna_1825'>[1825]</a> pp. 451, 490.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1826' id='f_1826' href='#fna_1826'>[1826]</a> p. 194.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1827' id='f_1827' href='#fna_1827'>[1827]</a> p. 299.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1828' id='f_1828' href='#fna_1828'>[1828]</a> p. 194.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1829' id='f_1829' href='#fna_1829'>[1829]</a> pp. 636-7.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1830' id='f_1830' href='#fna_1830'>[1830]</a> p. 298.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1831' id='f_1831' href='#fna_1831'>[1831]</a> p. 572.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1832' id='f_1832' href='#fna_1832'>[1832]</a> p. 419.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1833' id='f_1833' href='#fna_1833'>[1833]</a> p. 298.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1834' id='f_1834' href='#fna_1834'>[1834]</a> p. 298.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1835' id='f_1835' href='#fna_1835'>[1835]</a> p. 268.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1836' id='f_1836' href='#fna_1836'>[1836]</a> pp. 456, 486, 512.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1837' id='f_1837' href='#fna_1837'>[1837]</a> pp. 419, 451, 491, 598, 634.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1838' id='f_1838' href='#fna_1838'>[1838]</a> p. 94.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1839' id='f_1839' href='#fna_1839'>[1839]</a> p. 323.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1840' id='f_1840' href='#fna_1840'>[1840]</a> p. 338.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1841' id='f_1841' href='#fna_1841'>[1841]</a> p. 456.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1842' id='f_1842' href='#fna_1842'>[1842]</a> pp. 16, 121, 201, 326, 512, 588.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1843' id='f_1843' href='#fna_1843'>[1843]</a> pp. 166, 194.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1844' id='f_1844' href='#fna_1844'>[1844]</a> E.g. at St Désir de Lisieux (1249), at Bondeville (1259), and at St +Saëns (1262). At Bival (1257 and 1259) such a roll was kept. See pp. 62, +299, 339, 348, 451.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1845' id='f_1845' href='#fna_1845'>[1845]</a> pp. 16, 60, 62, 73, 121, 197, 199, 201, 220, 266, 339, 348, 431, +512.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1846' id='f_1846' href='#fna_1846'>[1846]</a> pp. 43, 44, 220, 305, 326.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1847' id='f_1847' href='#fna_1847'>[1847]</a> pp. 43, 44, 326, 431, 588, 602.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1848' id='f_1848' href='#fna_1848'>[1848]</a> p. 348.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1849' id='f_1849' href='#fna_1849'>[1849]</a> p. 410.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1850' id='f_1850' href='#fna_1850'>[1850]</a> See e.g. pp. 100, 274, 299, 339, 361, 402, 407, 410, 451, 468, 471, +523, 602, 619.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1851' id='f_1851' href='#fna_1851'>[1851]</a> p. 468.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1852' id='f_1852' href='#fna_1852'>[1852]</a> p. 100.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1853' id='f_1853' href='#fna_1853'>[1853]</a> p. 361.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1854' id='f_1854' href='#fna_1854'>[1854]</a> pp. 487, 598, 615.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1855' id='f_1855' href='#fna_1855'>[1855]</a> pp. 100, 572, 592.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1856' id='f_1856' href='#fna_1856'>[1856]</a> The exact definition of these measures is a thorny subject, but +probably the <i>modius</i> was roughly a quarter and the <i>mina</i> a little more.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1857' id='f_1857' href='#fna_1857'>[1857]</a> The list of rents in kind is an interesting illustration of the +monastic economy; such rents were probably retained, where estates +belonged to large communities, for some time after they were commuted for +money on secular lands.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1858' id='f_1858' href='#fna_1858'>[1858]</a> The same which they sold in 1261.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1859' id='f_1859' href='#fna_1859'>[1859]</a> pp. 273-4. Compare the inventory of Bondeville, <i>ib.</i> p. 299.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1860' id='f_1860' href='#fna_1860'>[1860]</a> p. 299.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1861' id='f_1861' href='#fna_1861'>[1861]</a> p. 457.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1862' id='f_1862' href='#fna_1862'>[1862]</a> p. 384.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1863' id='f_1863' href='#fna_1863'>[1863]</a> p. 316.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1864' id='f_1864' href='#fna_1864'>[1864]</a> p. 16.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1865' id='f_1865' href='#fna_1865'>[1865]</a> pp. 401, 456, 471, 512.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1866' id='f_1866' href='#fna_1866'>[1866]</a> pp. 187, 273, 310, 338.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1867' id='f_1867' href='#fna_1867'>[1867]</a> p. 380.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1868' id='f_1868' href='#fna_1868'>[1868]</a> p. 419.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1869' id='f_1869' href='#fna_1869'>[1869]</a> p. 491.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1870' id='f_1870' href='#fna_1870'>[1870]</a> p. 522.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1871' id='f_1871' href='#fna_1871'>[1871]</a> p. 522: he probably means <i>vicar</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1872' id='f_1872' href='#fna_1872'>[1872]</a> p. 111.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1873' id='f_1873' href='#fna_1873'>[1873]</a> p. 217.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1874' id='f_1874' href='#fna_1874'>[1874]</a> pp. 610, 636.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1875' id='f_1875' href='#fna_1875'>[1875]</a> pp. 197, 295.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1876' id='f_1876' href='#fna_1876'>[1876]</a> p. 166.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1877' id='f_1877' href='#fna_1877'>[1877]</a> p. 285.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1878' id='f_1878' href='#fna_1878'>[1878]</a> For other references to the fondness of nuns for ginger see the +<i>Life of Christina von Stommeln</i>: “Item per annum cum dimidio non comedit +aliud quam gingiber” (<i>Acta SS.</i> t. <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, p. 454 <span class="smcaplc">A</span>). Also the <i>Ancren +Riwle</i>, p. 316: “Of a man whom ye distrust receive ye neither less nor +more—not so much as a race of ginger.” Cf. <i>ib.</i> p. 279.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1879' id='f_1879' href='#fna_1879'>[1879]</a> pp. 384, 431, 472, 517, 564.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1880' id='f_1880' href='#fna_1880'>[1880]</a> See pp. 793-4 for the inquisition. The name of the house is not +given and the editor places the list in the appendix, but the date is 1257 +and from internal evidence it is quite clear that it refers to the +resignation of Marie, prioress of Bondeville.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1881' id='f_1881' href='#fna_1881'>[1881]</a> p. 793.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1882' id='f_1882' href='#fna_1882'>[1882]</a> pp. 111, 133, 217, 298, 410.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1883' id='f_1883' href='#fna_1883'>[1883]</a> p. 6.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1884' id='f_1884' href='#fna_1884'>[1884]</a> p. 610.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1885' id='f_1885' href='#fna_1885'>[1885]</a> pp. 44, 115, 166, 255, 273, 338, 419, 451, 457, 491, 500, 522, 550.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1886' id='f_1886' href='#fna_1886'>[1886]</a> p. 522, compare p. 550.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1887' id='f_1887' href='#fna_1887'>[1887]</a> pp. 166, 194.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1888' id='f_1888' href='#fna_1888'>[1888]</a> p. 500.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1889' id='f_1889' href='#fna_1889'>[1889]</a> p. 273.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1890' id='f_1890' href='#fna_1890'>[1890]</a> p. 457.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1891' id='f_1891' href='#fna_1891'>[1891]</a> p. 115.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1892' id='f_1892' href='#fna_1892'>[1892]</a> p. 15.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1893' id='f_1893' href='#fna_1893'>[1893]</a> pp. 384, 431, 472.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1894' id='f_1894' href='#fna_1894'>[1894]</a> p. 44.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1895' id='f_1895' href='#fna_1895'>[1895]</a> p. 575.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1896' id='f_1896' href='#fna_1896'>[1896]</a> p. 486.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1897' id='f_1897' href='#fna_1897'>[1897]</a> p. 487.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1898' id='f_1898' href='#fna_1898'>[1898]</a> pp. 283, 319, 361.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1899' id='f_1899' href='#fna_1899'>[1899]</a> p. 457.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1900' id='f_1900' href='#fna_1900'>[1900]</a> p. 305.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1901' id='f_1901' href='#fna_1901'>[1901]</a> pp. 281, 402.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1902' id='f_1902' href='#fna_1902'>[1902]</a> pp. 384, 431, 817.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1903' id='f_1903' href='#fna_1903'>[1903]</a> pp. 268, 299, 339. On one occasion the number is given as 12. p. +207.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1904' id='f_1904' href='#fna_1904'>[1904]</a> pp. 43, 534. However in 1268 Rigaud noted that they ought to do so +monthly. p. 602.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1905' id='f_1905' href='#fna_1905'>[1905]</a> p. 412.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1906' id='f_1906' href='#fna_1906'>[1906]</a> p. 62, but in 1267 Rigaud noted that they were obliged to do so +seven times a year. p. 600.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1907' id='f_1907' href='#fna_1907'>[1907]</a> pp. 293, 517, 564.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1908' id='f_1908' href='#fna_1908'>[1908]</a> pp. 298, 487. In 1255 he noted that they did so seven times a year +and ordered fortnightly confessions and communions instead (p. 217), but +from the later visitations it appears that the seven times rule referred +only to lay brothers and sisters.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1909' id='f_1909' href='#fna_1909'>[1909]</a> p. 410.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1910' id='f_1910' href='#fna_1910'>[1910]</a> (St Amand), pp. 121, 202, 326, 456; (St Désir de Lisieux), p. 199; +(St Sauveur d’Evreux), pp. 220, 305.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1911' id='f_1911' href='#fna_1911'>[1911]</a> p. 82.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1912' id='f_1912' href='#fna_1912'>[1912]</a> p. 374.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1913' id='f_1913' href='#fna_1913'>[1913]</a> p. 419.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1914' id='f_1914' href='#fna_1914'>[1914]</a> p. 522.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1915' id='f_1915' href='#fna_1915'>[1915]</a> p. 245.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1916' id='f_1916' href='#fna_1916'>[1916]</a> p. 517 (Montivilliers).</p> + +<p><a name='f_1917' id='f_1917' href='#fna_1917'>[1917]</a> pp. 43, 44 (Villarceaux); 117, 146 (Bival); 170, 310 (St Saëns); +261 (Caen); 285, 486 (St Amand); 305 (St Sauveur); 348 (Bondeville).</p> + +<p><a name='f_1918' id='f_1918' href='#fna_1918'>[1918]</a> pp. 15 (St Amand); 60 (St Léger de Préaux).</p> + +<p><a name='f_1919' id='f_1919' href='#fna_1919'>[1919]</a> p. 43.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1920' id='f_1920' href='#fna_1920'>[1920]</a> pp. 15, 121 (St Amand); 207 (St Aubin).</p> + +<p><a name='f_1921' id='f_1921' href='#fna_1921'>[1921]</a> p. 207 (Bival).</p> + +<p><a name='f_1922' id='f_1922' href='#fna_1922'>[1922]</a> p. 207 (St Aubin).</p> + +<p><a name='f_1923' id='f_1923' href='#fna_1923'>[1923]</a> pp. 197, 295, 591 (St Léger-de-Préaux); 201 (St Amand); 261 (Caen).</p> + +<p><a name='f_1924' id='f_1924' href='#fna_1924'>[1924]</a> p. 170 (St Saëns).</p> + +<p><a name='f_1925' id='f_1925' href='#fna_1925'>[1925]</a> pp. 16 (St Amand): 62, 199 (St Désir de Lisieux); 60 (St Léger de +Préaux); 170, 187 (St Saëns).</p> + +<p><a name='f_1926' id='f_1926' href='#fna_1926'>[1926]</a> pp. 62 (St Désir de Lisieux); 884 (Montivilliers).</p> + +<p><a name='f_1927' id='f_1927' href='#fna_1927'>[1927]</a> p. 16.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1928' id='f_1928' href='#fna_1928'>[1928]</a> p. 121.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1929' id='f_1929' href='#fna_1929'>[1929]</a> p. 512.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1930' id='f_1930' href='#fna_1930'>[1930]</a> p. 338.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1931' id='f_1931' href='#fna_1931'>[1931]</a> p. 384.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1932' id='f_1932' href='#fna_1932'>[1932]</a> pp. 44, 468.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1933' id='f_1933' href='#fna_1933'>[1933]</a> pp. 431, 451, 472, 517, 564, 600, 624. Cf. also p. <a href="#Page_652">652</a>, below.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1934' id='f_1934' href='#fna_1934'>[1934]</a> pp. 384, 431, 472, 517, 600. Cf. St Saëns, p. 451.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1935' id='f_1935' href='#fna_1935'>[1935]</a> p. 638.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1936' id='f_1936' href='#fna_1936'>[1936]</a> p. 431.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1937' id='f_1937' href='#fna_1937'>[1937]</a> pp. 111, 285, 486, 625.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1938' id='f_1938' href='#fna_1938'>[1938]</a> pp. 111, 166, 170, 194.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1939' id='f_1939' href='#fna_1939'>[1939]</a> p. 94. Cf. p. 261: “Una non clamat aliam” (1256).</p> + +<p><a name='f_1940' id='f_1940' href='#fna_1940'>[1940]</a> p. 201.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1941' id='f_1941' href='#fna_1941'>[1941]</a> p. 293.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1942' id='f_1942' href='#fna_1942'>[1942]</a> <i>Ancren Riwle</i>, tr. Gasquet, pp. 151, 192.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1943' id='f_1943' href='#fna_1943'>[1943]</a> p. 518. An amusing example of convent amenities on these occasions +and particularly of the way in which the younger nuns seized a chance of +“getting even” with their elders is to be found in Johann Busch’s account +of his visitation of Dorstadt (in the <i>Liber de Reformatione +Monasteriorum</i> described below, <a href="#APPENDIX_III">App. III</a>). At this house it was the custom +for the chapter disciplines to be administered to the whole convent by two +of the youngest nuns, who then received discipline themselves. “And,” says +Busch, “they had somewhat large rods and beat each other somewhat +severely, because the younger nuns were ordained to give disciplines for +this reason, that they were stronger than the others. I asked one of them +after confession whether she ever gave one more or sharper blows than +another. She answered, ‘Truly I do. I hit more sharply and as much as I +can her who in my judgment deserves more.’ This girl was about eight or +ten years old. I asked one elderly sister, who was prioress in another +monastery of her order, but because she was unwilling to reform was +expelled from it, whether she received severe disciplines from them. She +replied, ‘I have counted ten or eight strokes, which she has often given +me as hard as she could, within the space in which “Misereatur tui” is +read.’ Then I said to her, ‘You ought to make her a sign, that she may +understand that you have had enough.’ She answered, ‘When I do that, she +hits me all the more. And I dare not say anything to her on account of the +prioress’s presence, but I think to myself: I must bear these on account +of my sins, because the prioress and all the seniors receive from them as +much as they like to give, without contradiction.’ And she added, ‘before +her profession I used to teach her and often beat her with a rod: now she +pays me back as she likes.’” Busch, <i>Chron. Wind. et Liber de Ref. Mon.</i>, +ed. Grube, pp. 644-5.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1944' id='f_1944' href='#fna_1944'>[1944]</a> p. 235.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1945' id='f_1945' href='#fna_1945'>[1945]</a> p. 591.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1946' id='f_1946' href='#fna_1946'>[1946]</a> pp. 624-5.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1947' id='f_1947' href='#fna_1947'>[1947]</a> pp. 512, 588.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1948' id='f_1948' href='#fna_1948'>[1948]</a> p. 550.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1949' id='f_1949' href='#fna_1949'>[1949]</a> p. 348. Perhaps one of these is referred to in 1251 when Rigaud +noted “Ibi est quedam filia cuiusdam burgensis de Vallibus que stulta est” +(p. 111). It may however refer to a boarder.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1950' id='f_1950' href='#fna_1950'>[1950]</a> p. 111.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1951' id='f_1951' href='#fna_1951'>[1951]</a> pp 348, 615.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1952' id='f_1952' href='#fna_1952'>[1952]</a> p. 187.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1953' id='f_1953' href='#fna_1953'>[1953]</a> p. 268.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1954' id='f_1954' href='#fna_1954'>[1954]</a> p. 412.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1955' id='f_1955' href='#fna_1955'>[1955]</a> p. 293.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1956' id='f_1956' href='#fna_1956'>[1956]</a> p. 431.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1957' id='f_1957' href='#fna_1957'>[1957]</a> pp. 472, 517, 564.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1958' id='f_1958' href='#fna_1958'>[1958]</a> pp. 170, 187, 522 (St Saëns); 201, 326, 401, 512 (St Amand); 298, +348, 455 (Bondeville); 73, 220, 305 (St Sauveur); 117, 146 (Bival); 199, +296 (St Désir de Lisieux); 295-6, 592 (St Léger de Préaux); 402 +(Villarceaux); 412 (St Aubin).</p> + +<p><a name='f_1959' id='f_1959' href='#fna_1959'>[1959]</a> See <i>Rule of St Benedict</i>, tr. Gasquet, pp. 95-6: “When receiving +new clothes the monks shall always give back the old ones at the same +time, to be put away in the clothes room for the poor. For it is +sufficient that a monk have two cowls, as well for night wear as for the +convenience of washing. Anything else is superfluous and must be cut off.”</p> + +<p><a name='f_1960' id='f_1960' href='#fna_1960'>[1960]</a> pp. 384, 517, 564 (Montivilliers); 295 (St Léger de Préaux); 62 (St +Désir de Lisieux); 220, 305 (St Sauveur).</p> + +<p><a name='f_1961' id='f_1961' href='#fna_1961'>[1961]</a> p. 512.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1962' id='f_1962' href='#fna_1962'>[1962]</a> p. 305.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1963' id='f_1963' href='#fna_1963'>[1963]</a> pp. 44-5.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1964' id='f_1964' href='#fna_1964'>[1964]</a> “Abbatissa dat cuilibet moniali per annum xii solidos pro vestibus +tantummodo, et singule earum provident sibi de residuo.” p. 339; cf. p. +299. Cf. also Almenèches in 1250, p. 82.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1965' id='f_1965' href='#fna_1965'>[1965]</a> p. 384.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1966' id='f_1966' href='#fna_1966'>[1966]</a> p. 207.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1967' id='f_1967' href='#fna_1967'>[1967]</a> p. 82.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1968' id='f_1968' href='#fna_1968'>[1968]</a> p. 550.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1969' id='f_1969' href='#fna_1969'>[1969]</a> p. 587.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1970' id='f_1970' href='#fna_1970'>[1970]</a> p. 615.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1971' id='f_1971' href='#fna_1971'>[1971]</a> pp. 62, 199, 296.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1972' id='f_1972' href='#fna_1972'>[1972]</a> p. 100.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1973' id='f_1973' href='#fna_1973'>[1973]</a> pp. 115, 273, 285. Cf. injunctions to Villarceaux in 1249, quoted +above.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1974' id='f_1974' href='#fna_1974'>[1974]</a> p. 82.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1975' id='f_1975' href='#fna_1975'>[1975]</a> Cf. the case of Johanna Martel at St Saëns, p, 338, quoted below, +p. <a href="#Page_668">668</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1976' id='f_1976' href='#fna_1976'>[1976]</a> p. 235</p> + +<p><a name='f_1977' id='f_1977' href='#fna_1977'>[1977]</a> p. 374.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1978' id='f_1978' href='#fna_1978'>[1978]</a> pp. 384, 431, 472, 517, 564. In 1260 the injunction was: “Item quod +omnes sane insimul comederent; item inhibuimus ne in refectorio per +conventicula et colligationes comederent sed sederent in mensis +indifferenter et escis communibus vescerentur” (p. 384).</p> + +<p><a name='f_1979' id='f_1979' href='#fna_1979'>[1979]</a> pp. 170, 380, 522.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1980' id='f_1980' href='#fna_1980'>[1980]</a> pp. 60, 197, 295.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1981' id='f_1981' href='#fna_1981'>[1981]</a> p. 146.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1982' id='f_1982' href='#fna_1982'>[1982]</a> p. 572.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1983' id='f_1983' href='#fna_1983'>[1983]</a> p. 220.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1984' id='f_1984' href='#fna_1984'>[1984]</a> pp. 111, 217, 571. The oven room of St Amand was looked after by a +lay brother, p. 588.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1985' id='f_1985' href='#fna_1985'>[1985]</a> p. 73.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1986' id='f_1986' href='#fna_1986'>[1986]</a> p. 82.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1987' id='f_1987' href='#fna_1987'>[1987]</a> p. 111. “Quod moniales non vendant nec distrahant filum et <i>lor +fusees</i>.”</p> + +<p><a name='f_1988' id='f_1988' href='#fna_1988'>[1988]</a> pp. 202, 283, 326, 401, 456, 486, 512, 588 (St Amand); 73, 624 (St +Sauveur); 518 (Montivilliers); 451 (St Saëns); 534 (Villarceaux).</p> + +<p><a name='f_1989' id='f_1989' href='#fna_1989'>[1989]</a> <i>Ancren Riwle</i>, tr. Gasquet, p. 318.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1990' id='f_1990' href='#fna_1990'>[1990]</a> The custom of depositing valuables in a monastery for safety was +very general. Caesarius of Heisterbach has an entertaining anecdote on the +point: “A certain usurer committed a large sum of his money to a certain +cellarer of our order to be kept for him. The monk sealed it up and put it +in a safe place together with the money belonging to the monastery. +Afterwards the usurer came to ask for his deposit, but when the cellarer +opened the chest, he found neither that nor his own money. And when he +beheld that the locks of the chest were intact and the seals of the bags +unbroken and that there was no suspicion of theft, he understood that the +money of the usurer had eaten up the money of the monastery.” Caes. of +Heist., <i>Dial. Mirac.</i> ed. Strange (1851), <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 108. For another example +of goods being deposited for safety in a nunnery see <i>V.C.H. Herts.</i> <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, +p. 431 (note 40). A certain Joan Sturmyn entrusted goods to the value of +£50 to the keeping of Alice Wafer, Prioress of St Mary de Pré (near St +Albans), which afterwards gave rise to a case in chancery, 1480-5.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1991' id='f_1991' href='#fna_1991'>[1991]</a> Coulton, <i>Monastic Schools in the Middle Ages</i> (Medieval Studies, +No. 10) quoting from Martène, <i>Thesaurus</i>, <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>, col. 175, § <span class="smcaplc">IV</span>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1992' id='f_1992' href='#fna_1992'>[1992]</a> See references to convent schools by Gerson and by Erasmus quoted +in Coulton, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 22-3, note 17.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1993' id='f_1993' href='#fna_1993'>[1993]</a> Or grandnieces (<i>nepotulas</i>).</p> + +<p><a name='f_1994' id='f_1994' href='#fna_1994'>[1994]</a> p. 217.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1995' id='f_1995' href='#fna_1995'>[1995]</a> p. 298.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1996' id='f_1996' href='#fna_1996'>[1996]</a> p. 410.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1997' id='f_1997' href='#fna_1997'>[1997]</a> p. 571.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1998' id='f_1998' href='#fna_1998'>[1998]</a> p. 615.</p> + +<p><a name='f_1999' id='f_1999' href='#fna_1999'>[1999]</a> Coulton, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 5.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2000' id='f_2000' href='#fna_2000'>[2000]</a> p. 282.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2001' id='f_2001' href='#fna_2001'>[2001]</a> p. 324.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2002' id='f_2002' href='#fna_2002'>[2002]</a> p. 572.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2003' id='f_2003' href='#fna_2003'>[2003]</a> p. 602.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2004' id='f_2004' href='#fna_2004'>[2004]</a> p. 380.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2005' id='f_2005' href='#fna_2005'>[2005]</a> p. 419.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2006' id='f_2006' href='#fna_2006'>[2006]</a> p. 412: “Item ne pueros admitterent ad nutriendum.”</p> + +<p><a name='f_2007' id='f_2007' href='#fna_2007'>[2007]</a> p. 146.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2008' id='f_2008' href='#fna_2008'>[2008]</a> p. 486.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2009' id='f_2009' href='#fna_2009'>[2009]</a> p. 60.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2010' id='f_2010' href='#fna_2010'>[2010]</a> p. 220.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2011' id='f_2011' href='#fna_2011'>[2011]</a> p. 305.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2012' id='f_2012' href='#fna_2012'>[2012]</a> pp. 610, 636.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2013' id='f_2013' href='#fna_2013'>[2013]</a> pp. 43, 44.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2014' id='f_2014' href='#fna_2014'>[2014]</a> pp. 115, 207, 255, 283, 319.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2015' id='f_2015' href='#fna_2015'>[2015]</a> p. 361.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2016' id='f_2016' href='#fna_2016'>[2016]</a> pp. 412, 471, 550, 587.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2017' id='f_2017' href='#fna_2017'>[2017]</a> p. 310.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2018' id='f_2018' href='#fna_2018'>[2018]</a> p. 338.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2019' id='f_2019' href='#fna_2019'>[2019]</a> p. 380.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2020' id='f_2020' href='#fna_2020'>[2020]</a> p. 419.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2021' id='f_2021' href='#fna_2021'>[2021]</a> pp. 451, 491.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2022' id='f_2022' href='#fna_2022'>[2022]</a> pp. 201, 285.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2023' id='f_2023' href='#fna_2023'>[2023]</a> p. 486.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2024' id='f_2024' href='#fna_2024'>[2024]</a> p. 512.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2025' id='f_2025' href='#fna_2025'>[2025]</a> p. 588.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2026' id='f_2026' href='#fna_2026'>[2026]</a> p. 281.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2027' id='f_2027' href='#fna_2027'>[2027]</a> p. 323.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2028' id='f_2028' href='#fna_2028'>[2028]</a> p. 571.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2029' id='f_2029' href='#fna_2029'>[2029]</a> pp. 44, 572.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2030' id='f_2030' href='#fna_2030'>[2030]</a> p. 207.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2031' id='f_2031' href='#fna_2031'>[2031]</a> p. 564.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2032' id='f_2032' href='#fna_2032'>[2032]</a> pp. 43, 82, 146, 348.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2033' id='f_2033' href='#fna_2033'>[2033]</a> pp. 348, 410.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2034' id='f_2034' href='#fna_2034'>[2034]</a> p. 117.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2035' id='f_2035' href='#fna_2035'>[2035]</a> p. 146.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2036' id='f_2036' href='#fna_2036'>[2036]</a> pp. 146, 207, 220, 235, 255, 283, 305, 319, 348, 419, 624, 636.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2037' id='f_2037' href='#fna_2037'>[2037]</a> pp. 43, 207, 255, 283, 305.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2038' id='f_2038' href='#fna_2038'>[2038]</a> pp. 43, 326.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2039' id='f_2039' href='#fna_2039'>[2039]</a> p. 117.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2040' id='f_2040' href='#fna_2040'>[2040]</a> p. 348.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2041' id='f_2041' href='#fna_2041'>[2041]</a> p. 220.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2042' id='f_2042' href='#fna_2042'>[2042]</a> pp. 43, 117, 220, 235, 268, 486, 491, 534, 550.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2043' id='f_2043' href='#fna_2043'>[2043]</a> p. 587.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2044' id='f_2044' href='#fna_2044'>[2044]</a> p. 44.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2045' id='f_2045' href='#fna_2045'>[2045]</a> p. 285.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2046' id='f_2046' href='#fna_2046'>[2046]</a> pp. 43, 197, 296, 338, 348, 374, 380, 419, 451, 455, 486, 491, 534, +591, 624.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2047' id='f_2047' href='#fna_2047'>[2047]</a> p. 187 (1254); in 1259 it is again complained that the nuns stay +for a long time when they have licence to go outside and on three other +occasions it is noted that the nuns go out alone; in 1262 a penance was +enjoined on the Prioress for allowing one nun to do so. See pp. 338, 380, +419, 451, 491.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2048' id='f_2048' href='#fna_2048'>[2048]</a> p. 197.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2049' id='f_2049' href='#fna_2049'>[2049]</a> p. 295.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2050' id='f_2050' href='#fna_2050'>[2050]</a> p. 591.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2051' id='f_2051' href='#fna_2051'>[2051]</a> p. 298; cf. p. 455.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2052' id='f_2052' href='#fna_2052'>[2052]</a> p. 281; cf. pp. 146, 486, 588.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2053' id='f_2053' href='#fna_2053'>[2053]</a> pp. 293, 517.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2054' id='f_2054' href='#fna_2054'>[2054]</a> p. 587.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2055' id='f_2055' href='#fna_2055'>[2055]</a> p. 412.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2056' id='f_2056' href='#fna_2056'>[2056]</a> p. 471.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2057' id='f_2057' href='#fna_2057'>[2057]</a> See above, pp. <a href="#Page_542">542</a> ff.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2058' id='f_2058' href='#fna_2058'>[2058]</a> p. 44.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2059' id='f_2059' href='#fna_2059'>[2059]</a> p. 166.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2060' id='f_2060' href='#fna_2060'>[2060]</a> p. 197.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2061' id='f_2061' href='#fna_2061'>[2061]</a> p. 261.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2062' id='f_2062' href='#fna_2062'>[2062]</a> p. 384.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2063' id='f_2063' href='#fna_2063'>[2063]</a> pp. 431, 517.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2064' id='f_2064' href='#fna_2064'>[2064]</a> p. 486.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2065' id='f_2065' href='#fna_2065'>[2065]</a> See above p. <a href="#Page_311">311</a> and E. K. +Chambers, <i>The Medieval Stage</i>, <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, ch. <span class="smcaplc">XV</span>, <i>passim</i>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2066' id='f_2066' href='#fna_2066'>[2066]</a> p. 73.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2067' id='f_2067' href='#fna_2067'>[2067]</a> pp. 305, 624.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2068' id='f_2068' href='#fna_2068'>[2068]</a> p. 295.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2069' id='f_2069' href='#fna_2069'>[2069]</a> p. 95.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2070' id='f_2070' href='#fna_2070'>[2070]</a> p. 201.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2071' id='f_2071' href='#fna_2071'>[2071]</a> p. 602; compare a similar case at Legbourne, above, p. <a href="#Page_412">412</a>.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2072' id='f_2072' href='#fna_2072'>[2072]</a> p. 43.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2073' id='f_2073' href='#fna_2073'>[2073]</a> pp. 518, 564.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2074' id='f_2074' href='#fna_2074'>[2074]</a> p. 16.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2075' id='f_2075' href='#fna_2075'>[2075]</a> pp. 73, 207, 220, 305, 624.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2076' id='f_2076' href='#fna_2076'>[2076]</a> Montaiglon, <i>Recueil de Poésies Françoises des XVI<sup>e</sup> et XVII<sup>e</sup> +siècles</i>, t. <span class="smcaplc">VIII</span>, pp. 171, 173.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2077' id='f_2077' href='#fna_2077'>[2077]</a> pp. 43-4.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2078' id='f_2078' href='#fna_2078'>[2078]</a> But a better example of his wit is shown in his repartee to +another’s pun, quoted in Coulton, <i>A Medieval Garner</i>, p. 289. “A clerical +buffoon once ventured to ask him across the table, ‘What is the +difference, my lord, betwixt <i>Rigaud</i> and <i>Ribaud</i> [rascal]?’ ‘Only this +board’s breadth,’ replied the Archbishop.” The jest is however widespread, +<i>mutatis mutandis</i>, in the east as well as in the west. It is told of one +John Scot, ‘What difference is there between sot and scot?’ ‘Just the +breadth of the table.’ <i>Calendar of Jests, Epigrams, Epitaphs etc.</i> +(Edinburgh 1753); it also occurs in Gladwin’s <i>Persian Moonshee</i> and in +several Indian collections of <i>facetiae</i>. W. A. Clouston, <i>Popular Tales +and Fictions</i> (1887) <span class="smcaplc">I</span>, p. 51.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2079' id='f_2079' href='#fna_2079'>[2079]</a> p. 207.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2080' id='f_2080' href='#fna_2080'>[2080]</a> p. 146.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2081' id='f_2081' href='#fna_2081'>[2081]</a> p. 207.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2082' id='f_2082' href='#fna_2082'>[2082]</a> p. 338.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2083' id='f_2083' href='#fna_2083'>[2083]</a> p. 522.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2084' id='f_2084' href='#fna_2084'>[2084]</a> p. 82.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2085' id='f_2085' href='#fna_2085'>[2085]</a> p. 326.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2086' id='f_2086' href='#fna_2086'>[2086]</a> p. 456.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2087' id='f_2087' href='#fna_2087'>[2087]</a> p. 638.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2088' id='f_2088' href='#fna_2088'>[2088]</a> See pp. <a href="#Page_645">645-6</a>, above.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2089' id='f_2089' href='#fna_2089'>[2089]</a> <i>Reg.</i> p. 348.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2090' id='f_2090' href='#fna_2090'>[2090]</a> p. 199.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2091' id='f_2091' href='#fna_2091'>[2091]</a> p. 575. Cf. the case of the Priory of Couz, when it was visited in +1283 by Simon of Beaulieu, Archbishop of Bourges. Baluze, <i>Miscellanea</i>, +<span class="smcaplc">I</span>, 281.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2092' id='f_2092' href='#fna_2092'>[2092]</a> pp. 43-4. Notice the disjointed character of the report and the +repetition of charges, e.g. against Johanna of <i>Alto Villari</i> (who is +probably the same as Johanna of <i>Aululari</i>) the cellaress and the +Prioress. This probably indicates that it is a verbatim report of evidence +taken down from the lips of the nuns, as they came before the Archbishop.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2093' id='f_2093' href='#fna_2093'>[2093]</a> pp. 44-5.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2094' id='f_2094' href='#fna_2094'>[2094]</a> p. 117.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2095' id='f_2095' href='#fna_2095'>[2095]</a> p. 82.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2096' id='f_2096' href='#fna_2096'>[2096]</a> p. 6.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2097' id='f_2097' href='#fna_2097'>[2097]</a> p. 207.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2098' id='f_2098' href='#fna_2098'>[2098]</a> p. 268.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2099' id='f_2099' href='#fna_2099'>[2099]</a> p. 207.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2100' id='f_2100' href='#fna_2100'>[2100]</a> A similar charge was made at the convent of St Saëns in 1264 where +scandal imputed to Nicholaa, a notoriously immoral nun, “<i>quod ipsa nondum +erat mensis elapsus fecerat abortivum</i>”; but the Archbishop apparently +disbelieved the charge. p. 491. See p. <a href="#Page_669">669</a>, below.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2101' id='f_2101' href='#fna_2101'>[2101]</a> p. 255.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2102' id='f_2102' href='#fna_2102'>[2102]</a> p. 283.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2103' id='f_2103' href='#fna_2103'>[2103]</a> p. 412.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2104' id='f_2104' href='#fna_2104'>[2104]</a> p. 471.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2105' id='f_2105' href='#fna_2105'>[2105]</a> p. 500.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2106' id='f_2106' href='#fna_2106'>[2106]</a> It is noticeable how often in these visitations the nuns are +reported to have been led astray by priests; but when one considers the +character borne by many of the parochial and other clergy of the diocese, +as it is recorded in the Register, this is hardly surprising.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2107' id='f_2107' href='#fna_2107'>[2107]</a> pp. 550, 587.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2108' id='f_2108' href='#fna_2108'>[2108]</a> p. 587.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2109' id='f_2109' href='#fna_2109'>[2109]</a> p. 619.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2110' id='f_2110' href='#fna_2110'>[2110]</a> p. 187.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2111' id='f_2111' href='#fna_2111'>[2111]</a> p. 338.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2112' id='f_2112' href='#fna_2112'>[2112]</a> See above, p. <a href="#Page_667">667</a>, note 6.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2113' id='f_2113' href='#fna_2113'>[2113]</a> p. 491.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2114' id='f_2114' href='#fna_2114'>[2114]</a> p. 522.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2115' id='f_2115' href='#fna_2115'>[2115]</a> p. 566.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2116' id='f_2116' href='#fna_2116'>[2116]</a> p. 598.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2117' id='f_2117' href='#fna_2117'>[2117]</a> Or rather on loose sheets, which were not intended for official +preservation and have survived only by accident.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2118' id='f_2118' href='#fna_2118'>[2118]</a> I.e. abbot. These German Augustinians never used the term <i>abbas</i>, +but used <i>praepositus</i> instead.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2119' id='f_2119' href='#fna_2119'>[2119]</a> <i>Des Augustinerpropstes Iohannes Busch Chronicon Windeshemense und +Liber de Reformatione Monasteriorum</i> ... bearbeitet v. Dr Karl Grube +(<i>Hist. Com. der Provinz. Sachsen.</i> Halle, 1886).</p> + +<p><a name='f_2120' id='f_2120' href='#fna_2120'>[2120]</a> The nunneries dealt with by Busch are the following (A. = Austin, +B. = Benedictine, C. = Cistercian, M.M. = penitentiary order of St Mary +Magdalen, following the Cistercian rule): (1) Wennigsen (S. of Hanover, +dioc. Minden, A.); (2) Mariensee (N. of Hanover, dioc. Minden, C.); (3) +Barsinghausen (S. of Hanover, dioc. Minden, A.); (4) Marienwerder (N. of +Hanover, dioc. Minden, A.); (5) St George, or Marienkammer (in Glaucha, a +suburb of Halle, dioc. Magdeburg, C.); (6) Magdalenenkloster, Hildesheim +(dioc. Hildesheim, M.M.); (7) Derneburg (W. of Hildesheim, dioc. +Hildesheim, A.); (8) Escherde (S.W. of Hildesheim, B.); (9) Heiningen (in +Hanover, between Wolfenbüttel and Goslar, dioc. Hildesheim, A.); (10) +Stederburg (near Brunswick, dioc. Hildesheim, A.); (11) Frankenburg (in +Goslar, dioc. Hildesheim, M.M.); (12) Kloster zum hl. Kreuze (Holy Cross) +or Neuwerk, Erfurt (dioc. Mainz, A.); (13) St Cyriac’s in Erfurt (dioc. +Mainz, B.); (14) Weissfrauenkloster (White Ladies) in Erfurt (dioc. Mainz, +M.M.); (15) St Martin’s in Erfurt (dioc. Mainz, C.); (16) Marienberg (near +Helmstedt, dioc. Halberstadt, A.); (17) Marienborn (near Helmstedt, dioc. +Halberstadt, A.); (18) Weinhausen (near Lüneburg, dioc. Hildesheim, C.); +(19) Weissfrauenkloster (White Ladies) in Magdeburg (dioc. Magdeburg, +M.M.); (20) Wülfinghausen (near Wittenberg, dioc. Hildesheim, A.); (21) +Fischbeck (near Rinteln on the Weser, in Hessen-Nassau, dioc. Minden, A.); +(22) Dorstadt (near Wolfenbüttel, dioc. Hildesheim, A.); (23) Stendal (in +the mark of Brandenburg, A.). Also (24) Bewerwijk in N. Holland +(Franciscan tertiaries), and (25) Segeberchhus in Lübeck, both houses of +lay sisters.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2121' id='f_2121' href='#fna_2121'>[2121]</a> But see <i>Liber</i>, pp. 600, 637, 640.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2122' id='f_2122' href='#fna_2122'>[2122]</a> <i>Liber</i>, p. 580.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2123' id='f_2123' href='#fna_2123'>[2123]</a> <i>Liber</i>, p. 591.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2124' id='f_2124' href='#fna_2124'>[2124]</a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 610. For interesting lists of money and goods put into +common stock by Busch see also pp. 614, 616, 617, 633.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2125' id='f_2125' href='#fna_2125'>[2125]</a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 633-4.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2126' id='f_2126' href='#fna_2126'>[2126]</a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 633.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2127' id='f_2127' href='#fna_2127'>[2127]</a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 571-2.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2128' id='f_2128' href='#fna_2128'>[2128]</a> See <i>ib.</i> pp. 572, 591.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2129' id='f_2129' href='#fna_2129'>[2129]</a> <i>Liber</i>, pp. 573-4. Compare the exertions of Berthold, Prior of +Sülte, to provide the poor nuns of Heiningen with sufficient stores of +food and to pay off their debts, <i>ib.</i> pp. 601-2; see also, p. 599.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2130' id='f_2130' href='#fna_2130'>[2130]</a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 614.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2131' id='f_2131' href='#fna_2131'>[2131]</a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 582.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2132' id='f_2132' href='#fna_2132'>[2132]</a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 643.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2133' id='f_2133' href='#fna_2133'>[2133]</a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 614.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2134' id='f_2134' href='#fna_2134'>[2134]</a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 567.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2135' id='f_2135' href='#fna_2135'>[2135]</a> <i>Liber</i>, pp. 582-3; compare pp. 603, 638.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2136' id='f_2136' href='#fna_2136'>[2136]</a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 639.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2137' id='f_2137' href='#fna_2137'>[2137]</a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 633.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2138' id='f_2138' href='#fna_2138'>[2138]</a> <i>Liber</i>, p. 587.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2139' id='f_2139' href='#fna_2139'>[2139]</a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 599.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2140' id='f_2140' href='#fna_2140'>[2140]</a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 617. Compare Marienwerder, <i>ib.</i> pp. 567-8.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2141' id='f_2141' href='#fna_2141'>[2141]</a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 630-2.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2142' id='f_2142' href='#fna_2142'>[2142]</a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 642.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2143' id='f_2143' href='#fna_2143'>[2143]</a> <i>Liber</i>, p. 581.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2144' id='f_2144' href='#fna_2144'>[2144]</a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 615, 652-3. But the <i>praepositus</i> of Erfurt, when he saw +the result of the reforms, was delighted and thanked Busch.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2145' id='f_2145' href='#fna_2145'>[2145]</a> <i>Liber</i>, pp. 555-62.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2146' id='f_2146' href='#fna_2146'>[2146]</a> <i>Liber</i>, pp. 562-5.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2147' id='f_2147' href='#fna_2147'>[2147]</a> See <i>ib.</i> pp. 591-7.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2148' id='f_2148' href='#fna_2148'>[2148]</a> <i>Liber</i>, pp. 575-6.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2149' id='f_2149' href='#fna_2149'>[2149]</a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 589.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2150' id='f_2150' href='#fna_2150'>[2150]</a> <i>Liber</i>, pp. 597-8.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2151' id='f_2151' href='#fna_2151'>[2151]</a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 580, 607, 612, 619, 628, 631, 635, 642, 649, 651.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2152' id='f_2152' href='#fna_2152'>[2152]</a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 618-22.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2153' id='f_2153' href='#fna_2153'>[2153]</a> <i>Liber</i>, pp. 622-7.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2154' id='f_2154' href='#fna_2154'>[2154]</a> <i>Liber</i>, pp. 624-5.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2155' id='f_2155' href='#fna_2155'>[2155]</a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 625. For the learning of reformed nuns, see pp. 576, 607, +642.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2156' id='f_2156' href='#fna_2156'>[2156]</a> See e.g. <i>ib.</i> pp. 585-6, 636, 640.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2157' id='f_2157' href='#fna_2157'>[2157]</a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 596.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2158' id='f_2158' href='#fna_2158'>[2158]</a> In course of publication, edited by Mr A. Hamilton Thompson. The +printed portion is cited in the text as <i>Linc. Visit.</i> <span class="smcaplc">II</span>, and the +unprinted portion as <i>Alnwick’s Visit. MS.</i></p> + +<p><a name='f_2159' id='f_2159' href='#fna_2159'>[2159]</a> Bishop Lowth says: “This MS. belonged to Wykeham himself, for the +injunctions are the original drafts corrected. It came afterwards into the +hands of Robert Shirborn, Master of St Cross Hospital, afterwards Bishop +of Chichester.” It contains a long series of documents relating to a +controversy between the Bishop and the masters of St Cross Hospital and +injunctions sent to the Cathedral Church of Winchester, the monasteries of +Hyde, Merton, Romsey and Wherwell, and the Hospital of St Thomas the +Martyr, Southwark, covering the years 1386 and 1387. It is of the highest +interest and should certainly be published. My thanks are due to Dr Moyle, +Bursar of New College, for permission to transcribe the injunctions sent +to the two nunneries.</p> + +<p><a name='f_2160' id='f_2160' href='#fna_2160'>[2160]</a> Foreign books mentioned only in ch. <span class="smcaplc">XIII</span> are not included here.</p> + + + + + + + + + +<pre> + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Medieval English Nunneries c. 1275 to +1535, by Eileen Edna Power + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK MEDIEVAL ENGLISH NUNNERIES *** + +***** This file should be named 39537-h.htm or 39537-h.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + http://www.gutenberg.org/3/9/5/3/39537/ + +Produced by Bryan Ness and the Online Distributed +Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was +produced from images generously made available by The +Internet Archive/American Libraries.) + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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