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<pre>
The Project Gutenberg EBook of An Historical View of the Philippine
Islands, Vol I (of 2), by Martinez de Zuniga
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
Title: An Historical View of the Philippine Islands, Vol I (of 2)
Exhibiting their discovery, population, language,
government, manners, customs, productions and commerce.
Author: Martinez de Zuniga
Translator: John Maver
Release Date: February 29, 2012 [EBook #39010]
Language: English
Character set encoding: ASCII
*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORICAL VIEW--PHILIPPINE ISLANDS ***
Produced by Jeroen Hellingman and the Online Distributed
Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net/ for Project
Gutenberg (This file was produced from images generously
made available by the Digital & Multimedia Center, Michigan
State University Libraries.)
</pre>
<div class="front">
<div class="div1 frenchtitle"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
<div class="divBody">
<p class="first xd19e110">An Historical View of the Philippine
Islands.</p>
</div>
</div>
<div class="div1 titlepage"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
<div class="divBody">
<p class="first"></p>
<div class="figure xd19e115width"><img src="images/titlepage.gif" alt=
"Original Title Page." width="390" height="720"></div>
</div>
</div>
<div class="titlePage">
<div class="docTitle">
<div class="mainTitle">AN<br>
HISTORICAL VIEW<br>
OF THE<br>
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS:</div>
<div class="subTitle">EXHIBITING<br>
THEIR DISCOVERY, POPULATION, LANGUAGE,<br>
GOVERNMENT, MANNERS, CUSTOMS,<br>
PRODUCTIONS AND COMMERCE.</div>
</div>
<div class="byline">FROM THE SPANISH OF<br>
<span class="docAuthor">Martinez de Zuñiga.</span></div>
<div class="docImprint">PUBLISHED AT MANILA, 1803.<br>
IN TWO VOLUMES.<br>
WITH<br>
A NEW AND ACCURATE MAP OF THE ISLANDS,<br>
FROM THE BEST AUTHORITIES, PUBLIC AND PRIVATE.</div>
<div class="byline">TRANSLATED<br>
BY <span class="docAuthor">JOHN MAVER, ESQ.</span></div>
<div class="docImprint">VOL. I.<br>
<i>LONDON</i>:<br>
PRINTED FOR J. ASPERNE, CORNHILL; AND NONAVILLE AND FELL, NEW
BOND-STREET:<br>
<i>By T. Davison, Whitefriars</i>.<br>
<span class="docDate">1814.</span></div>
</div>
<p><span class="pagenum">[<a id="xd19e178" href="#xd19e178" name=
"xd19e178">v</a>]</span></p>
<div id="intro" class="div1 introduction"><span class=
"pagenum">[<a href="#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
<div class="divHead">
<h2 id="xd19e180" class="main">INTRODUCTION.</h2>
</div>
<div class="divBody">
<p class="first">The original, of which the following translation is
offered to the English reader, is, probably, the only copy which has
yet reached this country. Whether the chance which threw it in the way
of the translator may be deemed fortunate or otherwise must be left to
the decision of the candid public; but it appeared to him that the
information it contains respecting a Spanish colony, the most
interesting of any other to a British subject, supplies that
desideratum so much wanted in our language;—<i>a correct view
down to a very late period of the Spanish establishments in the
Philippines</i>.</p>
<p>The position of these islands, and, indeed, that of the eastern
Archipelago generally, whether considered in a political or commercial
point of view, is sufficiently important. They form the entrepôt
of Europe, India, China, the immensely extended regions of Spanish
America, the north-western coasts of the new, and <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="xd19e189" href="#xd19e189" name=
"xd19e189">vi</a>]</span>north-eastern coasts of the old world; and in
the storms which at present convulse the political atmosphere of
Europe, as well as that of both the Americas, it is not easy even to
conjecture what may be their fate.</p>
<p>The productions of these islands are various, and of a value and
importance unquestionably high. In the hands of an industrious
population, and under a fostering government, there is scarcely any
vegetable substance which, by slender exertion, they may not be made to
yield, whilst the choicest treasures of the mineral kingdom, lodged
beneath their irregular surface, minister largely to the cupidity, and
furnish materials for the more enterprising labours of man.</p>
<p>Gold is in abundance; iron, steel, copper, lead, pitch and tar,
hemp, cotton, indigo, sugar, cocoa, pepper, betel, cowries,
tortoiseshell, mother of pearl and pearls, hides, coyar, tobacco, corn
and rice excellent and abundant, with a variety of other productions,
contribute to the wants of commerce; while in this enumeration will be
found all the articles which, with the aid of the finest building
timber in the world, are requisite for the construction and complete
equipment of ships of every description.</p>
<p>The established intercourse of these islands with Japan and China
offers a ready transit for <span class="pagenum">[<a id="xd19e197"
href="#xd19e197" name="xd19e197">vii</a>]</span>manufactures; and
although it is understood that the East India Company furnishes an
adequate supply of our woollen staple to the China market, we may yet
fairly expect that British enterprize will not overlook the advantages
which the opening of the India trade holds out in this quarter; nor
will the introduction of British manufactures into these islands,
either with an ultimate view to the above markets, or to those of
Spanish America, in any material degree interfere with the staple trade
of the Company: there is full scope for adventure in this new vineyard,
and labourers will not be wanting.</p>
<p>The political jealousy, and the national and religious prejudices of
the Spaniards, have till lately opposed a bar to an extended
intercourse with the Philippines; but the tide which hitherto has
flowed in that direction seems of late to have commenced its ebb. The
events of the last twenty years have been in their nature so
extraordinary, and in their effects so powerful a solvent of all the
prejudices, fostered by ignorance and superstition, that the dawn of a
new day seems to open upon mankind<span class="corr" id="xd19e201"
title="Source: ,">.</span> Let us hope that while these clouds vanish
before the morning sun, the great bonds of society will remain
unbroken, and that the liberties of Europe, and consequently those of
the world, will be fixed on a permanent foundation. <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="xd19e204" href="#xd19e204" name=
"xd19e204">viii</a>]</span></p>
<p>The well-wisher to the temporal and eternal felicity of the human
race will hail, with becoming exultation, the opportunity which it is
hoped will now be offered of spreading the Christian faith, and
amicably and peaceably lending the reformed religion in aid of the
Catholic missions, to civilize the population of this extensive portion
of the eastern hemisphere.</p>
<p>As a literary production, the original has probably little claim to
merit, the author conveying his matter in a style more monastic than
flowing; at the same time that he seems to be generally under the
influence of that bias, which an early seclusion from life entails upon
the mind, and upon which even his official opportunities of intercourse
with the best society in Manila seem to have had a very limited effect.
The translator has found him too often occupying his pages with
contentions between the respective religious orders, insignificant in
their nature even to a Spaniard, and so much more so to the English
reader, that he has taken the liberty of altogether omitting them in
the translation, except where connected with the political affairs of
the settlement; and although by these means several of the chapters are
reduced to almost nominal importance; yet considering the division of
the subject in this form as adopted on fair grounds by the author, he
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="xd19e209" href="#xd19e209" name=
"xd19e209">ix</a>]</span>hopes he will be deemed justifiable in
retaining it even with the sacrifice of something of appearance.</p>
<p>Having said as much as he hopes can be urged against the original
production, the translator willingly advocates Zuñiga's cause in
respect to its intrinsic value, as giving to the public the only
correct view of this interesting settlement, purporting to be brought
down to the peace of 1763; but in fact, as we may reasonably conclude,
extended to the period of publication at Manila in 1803. From
information which may be fully relied on, it appears that Zuñiga
may, with more propriety, be deemed the editor than the author, as he
was in Manila, and superintended the publication in 1803; with the
credit of having only arranged for the press the papers of a deceased
collector; a conclusion justified by the circumstance of the work
closing with the peace of 1763, for there could not be any very solid
reason for his declining an account of the forty years intervening
between that event and the period of publication, had he himself been
the author. If, however, we are by these means without a detail of the
actual events which took place, it is probable we may have less cause
for regret on account of the very limited progress which we well know
improvement, or even <span class="pagenum">[<a id="xd19e213" href=
"#xd19e213" name="xd19e213">x</a>]</span>amelioration, have been
suffered to make under the Spanish monarchy during the period in
question. At any rate, we have grounds for supposing that if any
alteration, favourable or unfavourable, has taken place, Zuñiga
has contrived to weave it into the work; for it is asserted by those
whose residence renders them competent judges, that the view he gives
of the settlement is correct to the latest period.</p>
<p>The origin and language of these islanders have engaged the
attention of our ablest orientalists. From certain similar
characteristics in the persons of the inhabitants of the interior, or
aborigines of the islands, they have hitherto had an African origin
assigned to them; and nearly from the same source (Madagascar), it has
been supposed that the Malay population has flowed, which has in a
great measure inundated the Archipelago, as well as some parts of the
continental coasts.</p>
<p>Similarity, or even approximation of language and manners
unquestionably offer great facilities in enquiries of this nature, and
they have accordingly been resorted to by all our oriental
physiologists in their researches respecting the eastern Archipelago;
and so far as regards the Malays and Malayan language, these researches
have been attended with corresponding success; but in respect to the
aboriginal language, or <span class="pagenum">[<a id="xd19e220" href=
"#xd19e220" name="xd19e220">xi</a>]</span>Tagalic, very slight attempts
have been made to trace it beyond the quarter in which it was found to
prevail. Our author has not failed to enter into the discussion, and
from the premises he lays down, not unreasonably, draws the conclusion
that the Tagalic language and original population of all the islands
westward of the coast of South America derive from that continent.</p>
<p>It is certainly consonant to reason to presume that the aborigines,
or mountaineers of the interior of these islands, in their primitive
state, were more likely to change their residence (if intentionally) by
committing themselves to a favourable breeze blowing pretty constantly
in one direction from the eastward; or if in consequence of misfortune,
by finding their efforts unavailing to encounter an adverse wind, and
again reach their own coasts; than to suppose even with all the aid the
monsoons could afford them in an erratic navigation from Africa through
the Indian ocean to the Archipelago, that they should diffuse
themselves from that point in every direction over the South Sea, in
the face of an almost constant current of wind, blowing occasionally
with extreme violence.</p>
<p>The Malay population most probably had its origin as stated. The
superior acquirements of that nation doubtless might enable them to
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="xd19e226" href="#xd19e226" name=
"xd19e226">xii</a>]</span>encounter those difficulties which have been
mentioned, and either by their extensive conquests, or acknowledged
commercial activity, to induce their language to be received as the
general medium of intercourse. On the subject of this language, and its
different dialects in these islands, some variety of opinion may be
fairly allowed to prevail; and Sir W. Jones, Dr. Wilkins, Mr. Marsden,
Mr. Raffles, and other authorities, may not be decided as to its
source; but it is generally allowed that the language spoken by the
Papuans, Samangs, and Negritos of the Philippines, and adjacent
islands, is totally different from the Malayan; and as Mr. Marsden
expresses himself, “presents a subject of research as curious as
it is obscure.”</p>
<p>This latter gentleman, in the ingenious introduction to his valuable
grammar of the Malayan language, says, that the large islands of this
archipelago have their own peculiar language spoken by the inhabitants
of the interior, while the Malayan is generally used in the districts
bordering on the coasts, at the mouths and on the banks of navigable
rivers, and has thence acquired the appellation of the Lingua Franca of
the east. The antiquity of this insular or original language, we are,
he says, without the means of ascertaining; but he well supports its
stability by the strong proof he adduces of Pigafetta's <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="xd19e230" href="#xd19e230" name=
"xd19e230">xiii</a>]</span>Vocabulary of the Tidore language, in 1521,
differing in no respect from that of the present day. Mr. Marsden seems
to conclude that the Malay population of this archipelago has its root
in Sumatra, the inhabitants of which island claim immediate descent
from some of the companions of Noah, landed there from the ark; and
both Mr. Marsden, and Mr. Raffles, the present Governor of Java,
assert, that the language spoken in Sumatra differs in no material
respect from that spoken in the Malayan peninsula.</p>
<p>Upon any occasion where additional light could be thrown upon the
subject of these islands, the translator has not scrupled to avail
himself of the best authorities for that purpose. The <i lang=
"fr">Voyage de Sonnerat aux Indes orientales et a la Chine</i>, edited
and enlarged by Sonnini, has been of great service in this respect, as
containing the most authentic information which was possible to be
procured by a foreigner, aided by every facility which the influence of
the court of France over that of Madrid could furnish, and entering
upon the undertaking with the express intention of seconding the views
of France on the colonial establishments of her European
neighbours.</p>
<p>The translator hopes that, on the whole, the notes and extracts will
not be found unimportant or useless. <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"xd19e239" href="#xd19e239" name="xd19e239">xiv</a>]</span></p>
<p>On the subject of the map of the Philippines, accompanying this
work, the translator trusts he will be excused expressing the
gratification he feels in presenting it to the world as the only
correct delineation of these islands in existence. A collection of the
existing authorities he found answered no purpose, as being at variance
not only with each other, but still more with the unpublished
manuscript, and other authentic information he derived from the most
competent private sources. To John Barrow, Esq. second Secretary, and
Captain Hurd, Hydrographer to the Admiralty, he feels greatly indebted
for the communications they favoured him with, and for amenity and
politeness which accompanied them. To the first eastern scholar in this
country, probably in Europe, Dr. Wilkins, Librarian to the East India
Company, he owes more obligations than he can express. He takes this
opportunity of expressing his gratitude for the kind assistance
afforded by Captain Horsburgh, Hydrographer to the East India Company,
who has had full opportunity, for the exercise of his practical and
theoretical acquirements as a navigator in the eastern Archipelago, and
who surveyed the western coasts of these islands, and in particular the
northern extremity of the island of Luzon; to him he owes the
correction of many errors, in respect to latitude <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="xd19e242" href="#xd19e242" name=
"xd19e242">xv</a>]</span>and longitude, which disgrace the existing
charts; and to him likewise the map is indebted, for a more perfect
delineation of the coasts, and for the disappearance of certain
dangerous rocks which he has ascertained to have no existence. From
these sources, aided by the suggestions of commanders in the India
service, in regard to the nautical part, and from John Guise, Esq. of
Baker-street, whose residence of nine years in Manila afforded him
ample means of information respecting the interior of Luzon, the map,
it is presumed, may be deemed the most correct extant. To this latter
gentleman he has to acknowledge further obligations on the score of the
general information he has kindly furnished. To his friend, John
Jackson, Esq. whose literary attainments do him so much honour, the
translator is under particular obligations for the kind assistance
afforded him in regard to the map. To Peter Guichenet, Esq. he feels
particularly indebted, as well as to another friend, for the permission
to extract from his excellent manuscript translation of <i>Sonnerat</i>
as much as answered his purpose.</p>
<p>The merit of a translator is very limited. He is answerable for
little beyond the actual transfusion of his author's meaning in
appropriate language: whatever the present translator has attempted
beyond this is contained in <span class="pagenum">[<a id="xd19e249"
href="#xd19e249" name="xd19e249">xvi</a>]</span>the notes, and is added
with the hope of rendering the publication as valuable as possible, and
as replete with information on the religious, moral, political, and
commercial state of these dependencies on the Spanish crown as the
existing sources are capable of furnishing. He lays it before the
public with diffidence, but with the hope that it will add to the stock
of general knowledge; equally useful to the moralist, the politician,
and the merchant. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb1" href="#pb1" name=
"pb1">1</a>]</span></p>
</div>
</div>
</div>
<div class="body">
<div id="ch1" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
<div class="divHead">
<h2 id="xd19e254" class="super">PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.</h2>
<h2 class="main">CHAPTER I.</h2>
<div class="argument">
<p class="first"><i>Their Description—Productions and
Commerce.</i></p>
</div>
</div>
<div class="divBody">
<p class="first">The Philippine Islands were so named by Ruy Lopez de
Villalobos, in compliment to Philip the Second, when Prince of
Asturias. They originally were called the Western Isles, or the
Archipelago of Saint Lazarus, the name which Magellan gave them when
first discovered by him. These islands are numerous; their appearance
on the map is that of a large blanket full of holes and rents. The
principal of them is <i>Luzon</i>, so called, because at the doorway of
each house stands a large wooden mortar, which, in the language of the
country, is called <i>Losong</i>, and in which the Indians <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb2" href="#pb2" name="pb2">2</a>]</span>wash their
rice. This island resembles the arm a little bent, and in the part
which corresponds to the elbow is situated the city of Manila, on the
shore of a fine bay, thirty leagues in circumference, and which
receives some considerable rivers, among others the Pasig, which
flowing from a large lake, situated to the east of Manila, at the
distance of three leagues, washes its walls on the north side: its
water is very soft and salubrious.</p>
<p>Before the Spaniards arrived this district was occupied by the
nation Tagala, inhabiting many towns and mud villages, governed by
petty chiefs. It is now divided into various provinces, under the
government of their respective Alcaldes Mayores, who collect the royal
tribute, and administer justice among the Indians. At three leagues
distance from Manila, to the south-west, lies the port of Cavite, so
called from the word <i lang="tl">cauit</i>, a fish-hook, to which the
tongue of land on which it <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb3" href=
"#pb3" name="pb3">3</a>]</span>stands bears a strong resemblance.
Cavite is defended by an indifferent fort, the governor of which is
nominated by the court of Madrid. It is likewise provided with a
complete arsenal for the accommodation, as well of the Acapulco ships,
and a few small vessels for the defence of the islands from the Moors,
as for general use.</p>
<p>To the north from the nation Tagala, we found the nations Pampanga,
Zambales, Pangasinan, Ylocos, and Cagayan. Each of these nations formed
a distinct community, with a distinct language, or dialect of the same
language, and was distributed in mud villages, having no king or
supreme head to govern them; but in lieu of that, a number of petty
chiefs, or rajahs, whose authority scarcely extended over fifty or an
hundred families respectively: after the conquest, each of these
nations was constituted into a province, governed by a Spanish Alcalde
Mayor. To the east from the nation Tagala are the Camarines, whose
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb4" href="#pb4" name=
"pb4">4</a>]</span>district has been divided into two provinces, that
of Camarines, and that of Albay, each under an Alcalde Mayor. The
greater part of the island is mountainous; it is crossed from the north
to the south by an immense chain, from which diverge those
ramifications that spread through the whole island, in many cases even
forming detached mountains, like insulated cones in the midst of
extensive plains. The whole of this elevated part of the country
occupying nearly all the interior, is either a desert, or inhabited by
a set of wretched people who do not acknowledge the Spanish government.
There are in this island several volcanos, as that of Mayon, which is
between the provinces of Albay and Camarines. It has a sugar-loaf
figure, and is of such altitude that it may be discovered at an immense
distance at sea. The de Taal is of a similar form, and stands in the
middle of a large lake, called de Bombon; it exhibits sufficient proof
that <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb5" href="#pb5" name=
"pb5">5</a>]</span>the mountain in whose top the volcano was, while in
its active state, has sunk, remaining, however, still pretty much
elevated above the water. There are other volcanos, and many warm
springs, indicating the fermentation in the bowels of this island, from
which, no doubt, arise those earthquakes to which it is subject, and
which, one day, may produce new eruptions. We know that these volcanos
at times throw out ashes, stones, sand, water, and lava, inundating and
destroying the habitations, and rendering the fields a desert.</p>
<p>To the south of Luzon lie the principal islands of Mindoro, Panay,
Marinduque, Negros, Masbate, Zebu, Bohol, Leyte, Samar, besides some
very small ones, the whole of which we denominate Bisayas, or Islas de
Pintados, Painted Islands, their inhabitants having been accustomed to
paint their bodies before our arrival in this quarter. All these
islands <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb6" href="#pb6" name=
"pb6">6</a>]</span>acknowledge the Spanish government, and pay tribute
to the king, which the corregidores, or Alcaldes Mayores of the
provinces into which they are divided, collect. More to the south from
these islands are Mindanao and Jolo. In Mindanao the provinces of
Misamis and Caraga are subject to the Spaniards: the rest of the island
has not submitted, and is engaged with Jolo and other islands in
constant hostility against them; and although there have been
occasional intervals of peace, they have been of short duration.</p>
<p>For these two centuries past these islanders have been plundering
the coasts of our provinces, have taken an immense number of vessels,
pillaged many villages, burnt many towns, destroyed many inhabitants,
and made slaves of a very great number of the clergy, both Spaniards
and Indians<a href="#n1"><sup>1</sup></a>.</p>
<p>We have in Mindanao the garrison of Zamboanga, with a Spanish
governor, to <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb7" href="#pb7" name=
"pb7">7</a>]</span>check these depredations; but as yet we have found
little benefit from this establishment.</p>
<p>To the east of these islands, at the distance of three hundred
leagues, are found las Marianas, las Carolinas, and the islands de
Palaos, or Pelew. Of these, the Marianas alone are under the dominion
of the Spaniards. Here there is a governor, with a detachment of
troops, to overawe the Indians, and three Franciscan friars to instruct
them in the Christian religion.</p>
<p>These islands have no other communication with the rest of the world
than what is afforded by the Acapulco ship, which, in returning to
Manila, touches there, with the portion of the revenue appropriated to
the support of this presidency. By this opportunity they likewise
receive wine for mass, grain, furniture, clothing, and a few other
necessaries; this obscure corner producing only horned cattle, hogs,
fowls, and a few vegetables, such as the bread-fruit <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb8" href="#pb8" name="pb8">8</a>]</span>and others,
which serve the inhabitants instead of bread. These supplies are
annually imported by the governor; and as there is no other store in
the island than his, the price he fixes is at his own option. From this
commerce he draws all his income; and under such oppression it is not
to be wondered at that this colony is as poor as the first day it was
discovered<a href="#n2"><sup>2</sup></a>. Rice, Indian corn, and wheat
would grow abundantly in these islands, but every attempt to raise them
in any quantity, has been rendered of no avail by the swarms of rats,
which pour down from the mountains, and sweep all before them. From the
combination of these political and natural causes, the situation of the
inhabitants of these islands is so miserable, that some of our
historians would persuade us, they entertain no wish to propagate the
species, that their children may avoid their unhappy lot. On this
account, it is added, the Indians diminish considerably in number;
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb9" href="#pb9" name=
"pb9">9</a>]</span>but this seems to be a mistake, as the diminution of
the Indians, if it may be so called, may be rather attributed to the
following cause.</p>
<p>The population of the Marianas, independent of the native Indians,
consists of many from New Spain, some Philippine Indians, and some
Chinese, who come in the suite of the governors. These men being
married to women of the country, the children born of these marriages,
are registered by the friars on a list of casts, distinguished from the
Indian casts, from which it clearly appears that, in proportion as
these mixed casts have increased, the Indian casts must have
diminished, and, in all probability, in a short time this latter cast
will be annihilated, as has already happened in some of the Spanish
settlements. This being the case, we ought not to say the Indians
diminish but change their cast. With all these casts united, our
historians would wish us to believe, that <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb10" href="#pb10" name="pb10">10</a>]</span>there are, at present,
fewer inhabitants in the Marianas than formerly; but that cannot be the
case, since the Jesuits, in quitting these islands, left a greater
population than they found in the year 1738; and the Franciscans report
that that has increased progressively since. It is certain the
population does increase, as is clearly shewn by the lists of the
casts. Indeed the inhabitants of the Philippines have doubled every
century; and I believe it is the case with all the population of
America, although foreigners charge us, with occasioning the diminution
of the Indian population, by our oppressive and bad management, quoting
our own historians in support of the charge. It ought to be
recollected, however, that by these, the number of inhabitants which
the Spaniards found on their arrival, is considerably exaggerated,
whenever they are desirous of giving additional splendor to the actions
of the heroes they celebrate; and, on the contrary, <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb11" href="#pb11" name="pb11">11</a>]</span>when it
is their object to detract, they draw a very opposite picture, and,
attempting to diminish their numbers, assert that their diminution is
the consequence of oppression. From the amount of the tributes,
however, referred to by these historians, and levied at different
times, the evident conclusion is, that the Spaniards did not find the
tenth part of the inhabitants, which are now in existence.</p>
<p>The geographical description of the Philippines is, that they are in
the torrid zone, between five and nineteen degrees of northern
latitude; the sun twice passes its zenith, and produces those vapours
which, descending in copious showers, and being again absorbed by the
earth, form fountains, hot springs, and large lakes. This rainy or wet
season lasts while we have the Sun to the north, that is, from about
May till September, and at times till the beginning of December, from
which latter <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb12" href="#pb12" name=
"pb12">12</a>]</span>period till May there is continual spring. The
regular winds are the north, the east, and the south-west, and they
each prevail between three and four months at a time, the change of one
wind for another, being attended with violent storms of thunder,
lightning, and, at times, whirlwinds. Indeed these storms are complete
hurricanes, which run all round the compass in less than twenty-four
hours, tearing up trees by the roots, and laying waste the whole
country. These are so frequent, that we may justly complain,
considering our proximity to the line, of the want of sufficient solar
influence, to render the climate of these islands more agreeable. It
cannot be said that we have oppressive heat in the Philippines<a href=
"#n3"><sup>3</sup></a>; there reigns throughout the greater part of the
year, a most beautiful spring, and if the atmosphere were less moist,
it would be the most delicious climate in the world. To this moist
atmosphere, and moderately warm temperature, <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb13" href="#pb13" name="pb13">13</a>]</span>is
joined of course a great fertility. The trees are always covered with
leaves, and the soil with vegetation. The harvests of rice are most
abundant; the plants shoot up with great beauty immediately, but the
luxuriance of the soil renders it necessary, continually to clear away
the weeds, which harbour many insects of a destructive kind, and others
so dangerous as to diminish greatly the comforts and enjoyments of a
country, which, in point of fertility, returns one hundred fold of
rice, the common food of the Indians.</p>
<p>Rice is the principal production of these islands, and it was
cultivated to much greater extent before the Spaniards arrived
here<a href="#n4"><sup>4</sup></a>. They have likewise some pulse, as
mongos, patani, kidney-beans, and millet. The inhabitants breed up,
under the same roof with themselves, pigs, fowls, ducks, goats, and
even buffaloes. In the mountains there are many deer, and the woods and
fields produce all sorts of pigeons, <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb14" href="#pb14" name="pb14">14</a>]</span>small birds, quails, a
species of partridge; woodcocks, &c. Few are disposed to indulge
themselves in this latter kind of sporting; they apply themselves
ardently to hunting the deer, to which they are particularly partial.
The sea abounds with very rich fish, such as the pargo, the eel, the
sole, the pampano, the mojarra, the garropa, the shad, the tunny, the
corvina, the tanguingui, and an infinite number of others, caught
either with hooks or common nets, and likewise with a species of net
very much used in these rivers, and even out at sea, so constructed
that the fish may enter, but are unable to escape<a href=
"#n5"><sup>5</sup></a>.</p>
<p>In this occupation the inhabitants of these islands take more
delight than in any thing else, as it is a pursuit which at once
indulges their indolent habits, and gratifies their partiality to fish
in preference to animal food. Throughout the country are found many
other productions, contributing to the support of life, and which,
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb15" href="#pb15" name=
"pb15">15</a>]</span>though not so relishing as those enumerated above,
are probably better suited to their relaxed habits; and the pith of the
palm, shoots of the sugar-cane, green withs, and other succulent
productions, serve for food to those, who have no desire to labour for
their subsistence. They cultivate the bread-fruit, beans, the cacauate,
&c. and they pay particular attention to the palm tree, from which
they procure both a spirit and an oil, together with a sweet-meat,
which they call chancaca. There are few fruit-trees, and those are bad,
with the exception of the plantain, of which there is a great variety,
and all excellent and fine flavoured, and the orange, of which there
are two kinds. The mango, a very rich fruit, it is imagined, the
Spaniards imported from the coast of South America. We finish our
enumeration with the cultivation of a species of the palm tree, which
bears a very hard, little fruit of the form of a green nut.
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb16" href="#pb16" name=
"pb16">16</a>]</span>This being cut, a highly scented kernel, or eye,
is found enclosed, which is called <i>Itmo</i>. This is laid in lime,
to make what they call <i>Buyo</i>, which being chewed, produces a red
saliva, together with a disorder in the mouth, to which they are so
habituated, that they are uneasy when without it. This custom prevails
generally, and even many Spaniards adopt it with great avidity. There
are in this country mines of iron and gold, but of little value, either
from the indolence of the natives, or the insignificance of these
objects to the Spaniards, affording too little profit in their commerce
with Acapulco to deserve attention. Gold is likewise, by washing,
separated from the sand, which the waters bring down from the
mountains.</p>
<p>In Paracale they work the mines in the same manner as they do in New
Spain, but the natives are so addicted to sloth, it is not possible to
render them so productive as those of South America. In the
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb17" href="#pb17" name=
"pb17">17</a>]</span>mountains there is excellent timber for building
ships or houses, and the canes are of an immense size, very long, and
as thick as a man's thigh; of these latter the Indians construct their
houses, covering them with the leaf of the palm. They raise cotton for
clothing, which they dye various colours with logwood, indigo, and the
achiote, a large tree, whose seed is used for that purpose. There is
great abundance of wax and wild honey, amber, pearls, mother of pearl,
marble, tar, brimstone, and many other objects of less value in a
commercial point of view.</p>
<p>To these productions the Spaniards have added horses and horned
cattle, which have multiplied so much that they are to be found in the
mountains without an owner, and where those that want may supply their
wants at pleasure. They likewise introduced sheep, geese, grapes, figs,
wheat, pepper, coffee, cocoa, sugar, tobacco, and various species of
plants, which <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb18" href="#pb18" name=
"pb18">18</a>]</span>thrive so well, and produce so much, that the
Indian, with all his sloth, acknowledges the utility of cultivating
them.</p>
<p>There are, in these islands, some natural curiosities deserving
particular notice, such as the paxarillo, a species of small swallow,
which forms its nest chiefly of the froth of the sea<a href=
"#n6"><sup>6</sup></a>, and which is held in such estimation by the
Chinese, as a principal dish at their table, that they purchase it at
any price.</p>
<p>The <i>Balate</i> is a species of sea worm, which, likewise, is sold
in China at a high price. The <i>Siguey</i>, is a small shining
shell<a href="#n7"><sup>7</sup></a>, which forms the current money of
the Malays. The <i>Tabon</i>, is a bird, which lays eggs similar to
those of the turkey, burying them very deep in the sand on the sea
shore, and when hatched by the heat of the sun, it tears away the sand
that covers them, and the young come out. The <i>Caiman</i>, is a
species of crocodile; a large and uncouth animal, the more curious in
this <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb19" href="#pb19" name=
"pb19">19</a>]</span>respect, that it is produced from an egg, of the
same size as that of the duck. The <i>Chacon</i>, is a lizard, which
takes up its abode in the houses, and repeatedly articulates clearly
the word <i>toco</i>. The <i>Calo</i>, is a bird, which has a kind of
hollow shell in his head, and crows, at certain hours of the day, the
same as the cock. The <i>Taclobo</i>, is a large species of the oyster,
the shell of which will hold a pitcher of water; indeed they are used
as vessels for holy water in the churches. Our historians mention many
curiosities even more rare than these, but I do not enumerate them, as
they seem to have been ill informed on the subject, and I fear with
good reason, having been too much under the influence of the
marvellous, they have given credit to the Indians, who are always
desirous of distinguishing themselves by the relation of something very
uncommon.</p>
<p>With all these productions, the Indians formed a species of
commerce, or barter, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb20" href="#pb20"
name="pb20">20</a>]</span>among each other, still considering gold as
the representative of general value, or medium of exchange; they were
likewise in the habit of trading with the Chinese, and with the Moors
of Borneo, for flag-stones, copper, articles of furniture, &c. but
in very small quantities, their wants being necessarily few, going
almost naked, baking their rice in green canes, and eating it with the
leaf of the plantain.</p>
<p>The Spaniards, soon after they came into possession of these
islands, commenced an extended commerce with India and China, which
brought to New Spain, a proportionable increase of profit; and in a
little time, Manila became so rich a colony, that it created a jealousy
among the merchants of Seville, and, in consequence of their petition,
its commerce was restricted. From this period it began to decline, and
to the great detriment of these islands, which cannot subsist by the
exchange of their own productions alone, these being <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb21" href="#pb21" name="pb21">21</a>]</span>very
limited in their nature, and incapable of much extension, surrounded as
they are by other nations, more industrious, and who can work at a
cheaper rate<a href="#n8"><sup>8</sup></a>.</p>
<p>The luxuriant nature of the soil of these islands, has been much and
justly extolled, but, proper allowance has not been made, for the sloth
of the Indians, the hurricanes or tempests, which sweep every thing
before them, the destructive insects, the rats, and many other things,
which diminish greatly the fertility of these beautiful islands<a href=
"#n9"><sup>9</sup></a>. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb22" href=
"#pb22" name="pb22">22</a>]</span></p>
</div>
</div>
<div id="ch2" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
<div class="divHead">
<h2 id="xd19e419" class="main">CHAPTER II.</h2>
<div class="argument">
<p class="first"><i>Of the Inhabitants the Spaniards found in the
Philippines—their Language, Customs, and Religion.</i></p>
</div>
</div>
<div class="divBody">
<p class="first">Our historians, affecting always the marvellous,
divide into different classes, the inhabitants the Spaniards found, on
their first arrival in the Philippines. They denominate them satyrs,
men with tails, sea monsters, and whatever else of the fabulous, is
calculated to raise wonder in the human mind. In reality, however, they
found only two classes, that which we know by the appellation of
Negroes, and that of the Indians. The Negroes are very small in
stature, and more of a copper colour than those of Guinea, with soft
hair and flat noses. They lived in the mountains, almost in a state of
nature, merely <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb23" href="#pb23" name=
"pb23">23</a>]</span>covering the forepart of the body, with a piece of
the bark of a tree; and they subsisted upon roots, and such deer, as in
hunting, they could kill with the bow and arrow, at which they were
very dexterous. They slept where night overtook them, and they
possessed no idea of religion or civilized habits, rather, indeed,
ranking with beasts than as human beings. The Spaniards, have at length
succeeded, in domesticating many of them, and converting them to
christianity, to which they give no opposition, so long as they get
subsistence, but if they are obliged to labour, for the maintenance of
their family, they return again to the mountains.</p>
<p>The Negroes, without doubt, were the primitive inhabitants of these
islands, and they retired to the mountains, on the arrival of the
Indians. These latter, settling on the sea shore, continual hostility
prevailed between them, but the Indians were never able, to establish
themselves sufficiently, to <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb24" href=
"#pb24" name="pb24">24</a>]</span>be permitted, even to cut wood in the
mountains, without paying a tribute for it. At present, the influence
of the Negroes is very limited, but their antipathy to their first
invaders, continues unabated; for, if a Negro is killed, or dies
suddenly, it is customary for another, to bind himself to his
countrymen by an oath, that he will disappear from among them, and that
he will not return, until he has avenged the death of his friend, by
killing three or four Indians, to accomplish which, he watches their
villages, and the passes in the mountains, and if any unfortunately
stray from their companions, he murders them.</p>
<p>The origin of these Negroes, some believe to be, from Angola<a href=
"#n10"><sup>10</sup></a>, though they are not so black as their
ancestors, which it is pretended, proceeds from the temperature of
these islands being milder, and less scorching than that of Africa.
This possibly may be so, for it is well known, that by changing, from a
sultry to a temperate <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb25" href="#pb25"
name="pb25">25</a>]</span>climate, the blackness of the Negro may be
diminished, in the course of a long series of generations; yet, the
flat nose, and using a dialect of the same language, which the Indians
of these isles speak, appears to prove satisfactorily enough, that the
origin of one and the other, is nearly the same. The reason assigned,
for their not being more numerous, is, the influence of the rain, wind,
sun, and all those inclemencies natural to the climate, to which they
are exposed; the errors of the government, having reduced them to the
condition, almost, of wild beasts, in which we now see them<a href=
"#n11"><sup>11</sup></a>. The Indians whom the Spaniards found here,
were of regular stature, and of an olive complexion, with flat noses,
large eyes, and long hair. They all possessed some description of
government better or worse, and each nation was distinguished by a
different name; but, the similarity of their dress and manners, proves
that the origin of all of them is the same. <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb26" href="#pb26" name="pb26">26</a>]</span></p>
<p>They had chiefs, who held their situations, either on account of
personal valour, or by succession to their fathers, where they had
abilities to retain it. Their dominion extended over one or two
villages, or more, according to the means they possessed, of extending
protection. They were continually at war with the neighbouring
villages, and continually making each other slaves. Out of these wars,
arose three classes of people; the chiefs or masters of the villages,
the slaves, and those whom the chiefs had enfranchised, with their
descendants, and who, to this day, are called Timavas, properly
signifying children of liberty. In some places, were found Indians
whiter than others, descended, without doubt, from Chinese or Japanese,
who had been shipwrecked on these coasts, and whom the Indians,
naturally hospitable, received, and allowed to intermarry with them;
and it is generally believed that the Ygorrotes of Ylocos, whose eyes
resemble <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb27" href="#pb27" name=
"pb27">27</a>]</span>the Chinese, must have originated from the
companions of Limahon, who fled to those mountains, when Juan de
Salcedo compelled him to his disgraceful retreat, from the province of
Pangasinan.</p>
<p>It is not, however, after all, easy to ascertain the origin of these
people, but their idiom throws some degree of light on the subject.
Although the languages these Indians speak, are many and different,
they have so much intercourse one with another, that it may clearly be
discovered, they are dialects of the same language, as the Spanish,
French, and Italian, are derivatives from the Latin. The prepositions
and pronouns, are nearly the same in all of them; the numeral
characters, differ very little, and they have many words in common, and
of one and the same structure.</p>
<p>No doubt can be entertained, that the radical language, from which
all those dialects spring, prevails from Madagascar to the Philippines,
with local shades of difference. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb28"
href="#pb28" name="pb28">28</a>]</span>It is spoken too in New Guinea,
and in all the islands to the southward, in the Marianas, in the
islands of San Duisk, in those of Otaheite, and in almost all the
islands in the South Sea. In one collection of voyages, there are given
various vocabularies, with such corresponding terminations, as the
respective travellers, were able to distinguish among these islands. It
is remarkable, that in these almost all the pronouns, are the same with
those of the nation Tagala; the numerals, are common to all the
dialects, used in these islands, and most of the words are the same,
and with the same signification, as in the language Tagala. But, I am
the more inclined to believe the identity of the dialects, from a
conversation which I had with Don Juan Hovel, an Englishman, who spoke
that of San Duisk, and who had a slave, a native of one of those
islands. The structure, appeared to be the same, as that of the
languages spoken in the Philippines; and on <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb29" href="#pb29" name="pb29">29</a>]</span>the
whole, I feel confident in the opinion, that they are all dialects of
the same language, so widely diffused over so large a portion of the
earth. It is ascertained, that this language, is in common use for many
thousand leagues, extending from Madagascar to the isles of San Duisk,
Otaheite, and the isle of Pasquas, which latter, is not more than six
hundred leagues distant, from the coast of South America. Yet, the
Indians of the Philippines, do not understand the people of these last
mentioned islands, when they have occasional intercourse with them;
nor, even in these islands, do the inhabitants of one province,
understand those of another. So neither does the Spaniard understand
the Frenchman, nor the Frenchman the Italian.</p>
<p>In the same collection of voyages, already referred to, we find a
vocabulary of only five terminations, which the Spaniards have
distinguished on the coast of Patagonia, and which they have been able
to <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb30" href="#pb30" name=
"pb30">30</a>]</span>assimilate to the language of these islands, and
one of those is the word <i>balay</i>, which in that country signifies
a house; and by this same word they designate a house among the
Pampangos, and the inhabitants of the Bisayas in general. This may be
more matter of accident than of proof, that the languages of one and
the other is the same; but on observing, besides this, that the proper
names of places about the middle of the continent of South America are
very similar to those of the Philippines, I endeavoured to procure a
vocabulary of this country, and did not fail to examine, with great
diligence and attention, the few words of the language of Chili which
Ercilla mentions in his Araucana, and which I found perfectly
conformable to the language Tagala. The name Chili is a derivation from
this language: the Cormorant is called Cachile, and this is a name
which the Malays give to the sons of their kings. Chilian, which
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb31" href="#pb31" name=
"pb31">31</a>]</span>is a town of Chili, is a compound from the
language of Tagala, in which language the termination <i>an</i> gives
the signification <i>town</i>. Thus from Cachile we draw Cachilian,
meaning a town, where there are cormorants. Mapocho, which is the
situation where the city of Santiago stands, is another word of Tagalic
composition, signifying a town, and pocquiot being a kind of herb, we
form the name Mapocquiot, a town in which there is abundance of this
herb.</p>
<p>In Chili they frequently double the syllables in forming a word, as
ytayta, biobio, lemolemo, colocolo, &c. and this occurs in the
Tagala language; for instance, we say ataata, bilobilo, lebomlebom,
colocolo. A great many other words are either actually of Tagalic
derivation, or assimilate closely to that language. In examining the
structure of these two languages we are compelled to conclude that they
flow from one and the same source, and I dare affirm that the Indians
of the Philippines <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb32" href="#pb32"
name="pb32">32</a>]</span>are descended from the aborigines of Chili
and Peru, and that the language of these islands derives immediately
from the parent source, those of the neighbouring islands being
dialects of this. Many will urge the absurdity of this supposition, on
the plea that the more immediate vicinity of the Philippines to Malacca
must have occasioned them to be colonized by the Malays, as our
historians generally assert. I do not deny that these islands could
easily have been peopled by the Malays, but how could they colonize the
Isles de Palaos and Marianas, which are distant more than three hundred
leagues? and it is still more improbable that they colonized the
islands of San Duisk and Otaheite, which are distant two thousand
leagues from the Philippines. All these people, however, have the same
language, the same manners and customs, and consequently the same
origin as our Indians. There is, in my opinion, this other reason for
supposing <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb33" href="#pb33" name=
"pb33">33</a>]</span>these latter islands could not be peopled from the
westward, viz. that in all the torrid zone the east wind generally
prevails, which being in direct opposition to the course from Malacca
and the adjacent islands, it is fair to conclude that the inhabitants
of all the islands of the South Sea came from the east, sailing before
the wind; for we have seen it often happen, that the Indians from the
Palaos have arrived at the Philippines, precisely under those
circumstances. On the contrary, we have no instance on record, of any
of the Philippine Indians having been, even by accident, carried by the
winds to the islands to the eastward. Indeed we know the reverse of
this to be true, since at times the most experienced pilots, in
attempting this navigation, have been compelled to return, without
falling in with the islands they went in search of, from the necessity
there is in the voyage of being provided with proper nautical
instruments. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb34" href="#pb34" name=
"pb34">34</a>]</span>Here, therefore, we appear to have found the most
probable solution of our difficulties, that is, that the first settlers
came out of the east, we may presume from the coast of South America,
and proceeding gradually to the westward through the Pacific Ocean,
studded as we find it with islands, and clusters of islands, at no very
great distance from each other, and of course of easy access before the
wind, it follows that to whatever point, in an eastern direction, we
can trace the Tagalic language, we may conclude that at that point
emigration must have commenced. Some however dissent from this, on the
ground, that the mode of writing in use among the Malays, is similar to
that practised by the inhabitants of the Philippines. This consists in
forming the lines from the right to the left, like the Arabians,
Persians, &c. and not like the Chinese, Tartars, and Japanese, from
top to bottom. Their characters are totally different from <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb35" href="#pb35" name="pb35">35</a>]</span>ours;
they have only three vowels, <i>a</i>, <i>e</i>, <i>u</i>, and by
placing a point, either above or below the consonant, or leaving it
without one, the corresponding vowel is readily known, and equal
facility given as if the vowels were specifically inserted. Although
they can write, they have no written laws; decisions are made on
traditionary law generally, but too often by the right of the
strongest. The Rajah, or chief, with the assistance of some of the
elders, decides in all civil cases; but in criminal cases, the kinsmen
are accustomed to compound with the aggressor, for a sum in gold,
unless in cases of murder, when the only atonement admitted, is
retaliation; and if the murderer is of a different tribe or village,
all the community of which the deceased was a member, make a common
cause, against the tribe or community of the murderer, and numbers are
generally made slaves on both sides. When it is suspected that one man
has robbed another, he is obliged to <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb36" href="#pb36" name="pb36">36</a>]</span>draw a stone, from the
bottom of a cauldron full of boiling water, and if he does not
accomplish this, which is the vulgar test, he is fined in a certain
quantity of gold, the greater part of which goes to the Rajah or chief.
Adultery is likewise punished with a pecuniary fine<a href=
"#n12"><sup>12</sup></a>, as is the crime of disrespect to the elders,
but for fraud, and cheating in their dealings, there is no punishment,
and usury is very general among them. Their matrimonial customs are
peculiar; they are allowed to marry only one woman, and although the
principal people have several concubines, yet they commonly are slaves.
They are accustomed to marry a relation (not a sister), with whom if
they find themselves unable to live, or if they become tired of her,
they return her to her parents, without their being required to assign
a cause for the divorce. The dowry given on the day of marriage is
merely restored: this dowry is of two kinds, and which the bridegroom
always pays. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb37" href="#pb37" name=
"pb37">37</a>]</span>The one is called <i>bigay suso</i>, and is paid
to the mother, as a compensation for the milk, with which she nourished
her daughter. The other is called <i>bigay caya</i>, or green dowry,
which is set apart for the maintenance of the newly married couple,
although very often, by the <span class="corr" id="xd19e508" title=
"Source: expences">expenses</span> of the wedding and apparel, there
remains little or nothing for this desirable end. Besides these dowries
paid by the bridegroom, he is obliged, for some years, to serve the
parents of the bride<a href="#n13"><sup>13</sup></a>, and assist them
on certain days, particularly at the sowing of the rice, and getting in
the harvest. It is incumbent likewise, on all the relations of the
bridegroom, to behave with courtesy and respect to the bride, and her
parents and family, during these years of service, and if they are
guilty of any lapse in this respect, the marriage is declared to be
annulled, which is always very agreeable to the parents of the woman,
as a new suitor presents himself, and they reap the <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb38" href="#pb38" name="pb38">38</a>]</span>benefit
of a new service. The bridegroom, to console himself for his
sufferings, as soon as the term closes, and his service is at an end,
treats his wife as a slave; she is obliged to work for the maintenance
of the family, whilst the husband is quite idle, and thinks herself
happy, if, after having done this, she is not beaten. The interest
which the parents of the girl, thus have in her disposal, is highly
pernicious to morals; and we have not succeeded to this hour, in the
abolition of it, either by the influence of royal edicts, or the
regulations of the bishops, by both of which, it is discouraged and
prohibited. The ceremony of marriage is performed, by sacrificing a
hog, which a priestess slays with a thousand grimaces; after which, she
bestows many benedictions on the parties, and an old woman presenting
them with some food, the ceremony is closed by many obscenities.
Dancing, according to their fashion, succeeds, and drinking the rest of
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb39" href="#pb39" name=
"pb39">39</a>]</span>the day ends the feast, which is always
proportionate to the circumstances of the newly married pair. The
principal contributions to this feast, arise from presents made to the
bride and bridegroom by their friends, of which particular notice is
taken, in order that similar presents<a id="xd19e519" name=
"xd19e519"></a> may be returned to the parties on a like occasion.</p>
<p>In their religious ceremonies, they use neither idols nor temples;
their sacrifices are offered in arbours, which they raise for that
purpose. They have priestesses, whom they call <i>babailanas</i> or
<i>catalonas</i>, to whose function it belongs, to perform the
sacrifices. The priestess, taking a lance in her hand, with extravagant
and ridiculous gestures, works herself up to apparent frenzy,
accompanied by foaming at the mouth, when uttering something, which is
received as prophecy, she pierces the hog with the lance, and
immediately distributes the carcase among those present: the ceremony,
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb40" href="#pb40" name=
"pb40">40</a>]</span>as usual, is closed by dancing and drinking.</p>
<p>These sacrifices are offered to the infernal deities, as well as to
the souls of their ancestors, who they are taught to believe inhabit
very large trees, rocks of uncommon appearance, or any natural object
which, in point of magnitude or form, varies from the usual course.
They are so fully persuaded of this, that they never pass any object of
this description, without first asking the permission of its visionary
inhabitant, and to this hour the custom prevails. When any person was
dangerously ill, his friends offered up to their deities rice, wine,
and flesh, which was then given to the sick person, and which they were
of opinion would effect his cure, a custom even yet followed by some
people. They have many other superstitions, as that of the <i lang=
"tl">patianac</i>, a spirit or ideal being, whose employment or
amusement consists in preventing, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb41"
href="#pb41" name="pb41">41</a>]</span>by certain means peculiar to
itself, the delivery of a woman in labour. To counteract the malignity
of this spirit, the husband, fastening the door, reduces himself to a
state of complete nudity, lights a fire, and arming himself with his
sword, continues to flourish it furiously, until the woman is
delivered. The <i lang="tl">tigbalang</i> is another object of which
they stand in great awe. It is described as a phantom, which assumes a
variety of uncouth and monstrous shapes, and interposes its authority,
to prevent their performing the duties, prescribed by our religion.</p>
<p>These and other superstitions, formerly had extensive influence, and
are still resorted to by impostors, who find their account in
persuading those, who are silly enough to listen to them, that they are
able to cure them of dangerous illness, or to recover any thing they
may have lost, by having recourse to such absurdities; and so much do
the love of life, and our <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb42" href=
"#pb42" name="pb42">42</a>]</span>own individual interests prevail,
that although they believe these customs sinful, and although they do
not entirely give credit to their efficacy, yet they put them in
practice, because, they say, chance may be in their favour: this is a
proof that as yet they are very superficial christians<a href=
"#n14"><sup>14</sup></a>. Indeed, all their religious impressions, seem
rather the result of a slavish dread, than the effect of rational
piety.</p>
<p>They practise no external adoration, and have no other form of
address to their gods, than what has been mentioned. They do not
believe, that the good will be rewarded, or the wicked punished, but
they acknowledge the immortality of the souls of the deceased, and that
they are capable of doing them mischief. They persuade themselves, that
these retain all the natural wants incident to the mortal state, and
accordingly, place on their tombs, clothes, arms, and food, and on the
fourth day, when the funeral ceremony is performed, a vacant seat is
left at the <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb43" href="#pb43" name=
"pb43">43</a>]</span>table for the deceased, whom they believe to be
actually present, though not obvious to sight. To prove this, sand is
strewed on the floor, on which the prints of the feet of the deceased
are often found. This may be presumed, to be the pious trick of some of
the friends, but it answers the purpose, of inducing a belief in the
actual presence of the party; and in order to deprecate the injury he
may do, offerings of eatables are made to him, and which ceremony, is
perfectly conformable, to the cowardly and timorous nature of the
Indians. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb44" href="#pb44" name=
"pb44">44</a>]</span></p>
</div>
</div>
<div id="ch3" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
<div class="divHead">
<h2 id="xd19e556" class="label">CHAPTER III.</h2>
<h2 class="main">ANNO DOM. 1519 to 1564.</h2>
<div class="argument">
<p class="first"><i>Comprising the Discovery of the
Philippines.</i></p>
</div>
</div>
<div class="divBody">
<p class="first">After the conquest of the Americas, and discovery of
the South Sea, Hernando de Magellan, a Portuguese, affirmed there must
be a communication with that sea by the antarctic pole, and proposed to
his sovereign, to make the discovery by the route of the Moluccas. The
king, Don Manuel of Portugal, either not believing there was such a
passage, or prejudiced against Magellan, received his proposal with
contempt. This disgusted him, and he came into Spain, where, at
Saragossa, he was presented to Charles V., to whom he promised the
complete discovery of the <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb45" href=
"#pb45" name="pb45">45</a>]</span>Moluccas, and the adjacent islands,
within the Spanish line of demarcation, by a distinct route from that
used by the Portuguese, pursuing his object by the expected antarctic
passage to the South Sea. By the brief of Pope Alexander VI., expedited
at Rome the 4th of May 1493, Magellan secured a patent, attaching such
discoveries to the crown of Castile. This brief enjoined, that the
globe should be equally divided, by a line drawn from the north, by the
isles of the Azores, towards the south, embracing the conquests, which
formed the western boundaries of the Atlantic; the portion to the west,
to belong to the crown of Spain, and leaving to the crown of Portugal,
the hemisphere to the eastward of this line. Having discovered the
Brazils, however, and the king of Portugal being desirous of preserving
it, he requested his Holiness, that the line might be drawn, four
hundred and sixty leagues more <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb46"
href="#pb46" name="pb46">46</a>]</span>to the westward of the Azores,
in order, that no other power, might interfere with that valuable
acquisition. The line was so drawn on the map, and the Moluccas, were
accordingly, placed out of the line of territory, thus appropriated to
the Portuguese, and within that of Spain<a href=
"#n15"><sup>15</sup></a>: they were not able, however, at that time, to
adjust the other point as to the route; but the Cape of Good Hope,
interposing in their voyages to India, it was not doubted, that America
might be like this hemisphere, and finish also in a cape, and passage
to the South Sea. The desire of the Spaniards to take possession of the
Spice Islands, or, as they were called, the Moluccas, instigated them
to ascertain the truth of this conjecture; and a squadron of five
ships, was fitted out for that purpose, viz. La Trinidad, in which
Magellan himself embarked; San Antonio, La Concepcion, Santiago, and La
Victoria; <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb47" href="#pb47" name=
"pb47">47</a>]</span>the whole manned with two hundred and thirty-four
men, and paid and victualled for two years.</p>
<p>Magellan sailed from Seville with this armament on the 10th of
August 1519, and on the 13th of December he arrived at the Brazils, and
coasting the land in quest of the expected passage to the South Sea, on
Easter day, he entered the Bay of Saint Julian, in fifty degrees of
south latitude, where he intended remaining, finding the winter had
commenced in those regions. Here his people mutinied, upon an idea that
their provisions were exhausted, and that it was impossible to discover
the pass they were in search of. Magellan quelled this mutiny; but
immediately after understood, that another had broken out in the ship
San Antonio, and that the crew had murdered the commander, and confined
his cousin Alvaro de Mesquita, who was made captain on the arrest of
Juan de Cartagena. The leader on this occasion <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb48" href="#pb48" name="pb48">48</a>]</span>was
Gaspar de Quezada, whom he ordered to be hanged; and setting on shore a
Franciscan friar and Juan de Cartagena, on account of their turbulent
disposition, he sailed in prosecution of his voyage, by the much
desired pass to the South Sea. On the 1st of November 1520, he
discovered the straits which bear his name; and having occupied twenty
days in passing through them, he found himself in the South Sea with
three ships, the Santiago having been wrecked, and having separated
from the San Antonio, which his cousin commanded, and which, by the
route of the coast of Guinea, returned to Spain. Magellan, with fair
winds and pleasant weather, ploughed that sea, which never before had
been navigated. Uninterrupted in the pursuit of his object, he
discovered, on the Sunday of Saint Lazarus, a great number of islands,
which he named the Archipelago of Saint Lazarus; and on Easter Day, he
arrived at the island <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb49" href="#pb49"
name="pb49">49</a>]</span>of Mindanao, where he ordered the first mass
which was said in the Philippines. This took place in the town of
Batuan, in the province of Caraga, where he set up the cross, and took
possession of these islands, in the name of the King of Spain.</p>
<p>From Batuan, Magellan proceeded to Zebu, and, in passing the island
of Dimasaua, he formed an alliance with its chief, who accompanied him
to Zebu. The inhabitants of Zebu, received him with such kindness, that
their king, Hamabar, his whole family, with the chief of Dimasaua, and
many of the people of the island, were baptized. The King of Mactan
alone, a very small island in front of the town of Zebu, resisted the
Spaniards, and was sufficiently confident in his strength, to challenge
Magellan, who was weak enough to accept the challenge. He selected for
the enterprize fifty Spaniards, who attacked the Indians in morasses,
the water up to their breasts, and approached so near them,
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb50" href="#pb50" name=
"pb50">50</a>]</span>that Magellan was wounded with an arrow, and died
on the field with six other Spaniards, the rest saving themselves by
flight.</p>
<p>The friar Calancha, an Augustine, remarks in his history of Peru,
that all those engaged in the discovery of the South Sea, came to no
very enviable end: for, that a seaman of the name of Lopez, who was the
first that beheld it from the mast-head, renounced his faith, and
turned Moor. Basco Nunez de Balbua, who took possession of those
regions, lost his head; and Magellan himself, finished his days in the
abovementioned manner. I can add, that almost all those, who have been
concerned in the discovery of the Philippines, have suffered so much,
that the history of these islands, forms a tissue of tragedies.</p>
<p>On the death of Magellan, the Spaniards chose Juan Serrano as
Commander of the expedition; and, alarmed at their defeat at Mactan,
they remained on board their ships, apprehensive of the treachery of
the <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb51" href="#pb51" name=
"pb51">51</a>]</span>other Indians. In fact, the people of Zebu, began
to think lightly of the strangers, whom they had hitherto considered as
invincible, and proceeded to plan their destruction. Abundantly
deceitful by nature, they concealed their designs, and succeeded in
persuading our General to be present, with twenty-four Spaniards, at a
feast, which the chief of Zebu had prepared for him. In the middle of
the feast, a great number of armed Indians, whom Hamabar had concealed,
rushed in, and murdered them all, Serrano alone excepted, who escaped
to the sea side, and implored the assistance of his companions; but
they, fearful of some new treason, were witnesses of his massacre,
which the Indians effected in view of the squadron, without their
attempting to relieve him, or revenge the injury. Juan Carvallo now
became General of the armament, and he resolved to go from thence, in
search of the Moluccas: <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb52" href=
"#pb52" name="pb52">52</a>]</span>he burned the ship Concepcion, as he
had not men sufficient to man her, and sailed from Zebu with the
Trinidad and the Victoria. On the 8th of November he arrived at Tidore,
one of the Moluccas, and was well received by its chief, who granted
him a factory for the purpose of collecting cloves, &c.; and on the
21st of December, he loaded the two ships with spices, preparing for
the return to Spain. Gonzalo Gomez de Espimosa commanded the Trinidad,
and it was his intention to proceed to Panama, but he was captured by
the Portuguese. Sebastian del Cano, went in the Victoria, by the way of
the Cape of Good Hope, and, after losing many of his crew on the
voyage, arrived at San Lucar de Barrameda, with only eighteen people,
on the 7th of September 1522, three years from the time of their
departure from Seville. He was thus the first, who had sailed round the
world; and on this account, among other honours, <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb53" href="#pb53" name="pb53">53</a>]</span>the
Emperor gave him for his arms, a terrestrial globe, with this motto,
<i lang="la">Hic primus geometros</i>.</p>
<p>The account which Sebastian del Cano gave of the expedition, induced
the Emperor, to send other armaments to the Moluccas. The first was
that of Esteban Gomez, who proposed, by the way of Newfoundland, to
discover a shorter passage to the South Sea. A squadron was accordingly
despatched in the year 1524; but in a little time, news was received of
its dispersion by bad weather. In the year following, Don Fray Garcia
Jofre de Loaysa, was despatched from Corunna with seven ships, well
appointed with good officers, and four hundred and fifty picked men;
among these was Andres de Urdaneta, who afterwards became a friar of
the order of San Augustine, and directed the expedition of Legaspi to
these islands. They passed the Straits of Magellan, with the loss of
one ship, and entering the South <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb54"
href="#pb54" name="pb54">54</a>]</span>Sea, they encountered so severe
a storm, that the whole squadron was separated. Loaysa pursued his
course; and in a short time afterwards died. By order of the Emperor,
Sebastian del Cano was to succeed to the command, but he surviving only
a few days, it devolved on Martin Yañez, a Biscayan. They
arrived at Tidore on the 31st of December 1526, as did, in a short
time, the remainder of the squadron, with few men, and those
unserviceable. Here they found, that the Portuguese had declared war
against the chief of Tidore, for having entertained the squadron of
Magellan, and it was deemed on our part proper, to undertake the
defence of those benefactors of the Spaniards. They had several
encounters with the Portuguese, but of no moment, and few were killed
on these occasions; but the number of sick increased considerably, from
the length and hardships of the voyage; and from the humid nature of
the climate, the whole <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb55" href="#pb55"
name="pb55">55</a>]</span>were threatened with rapid dissolution; being
therefore already reduced to one hundred and twenty, they constructed a
fort, and surrounding it with a palisade, placed themselves under the
command of Hernando de la Torre, who was chosen General after the death
of Martin Yañez.</p>
<p>In this situation, were the remains of the armament under Loaysa
found, when the Viceroy of Mexico, by orders from court, despatched to
Molucca three ships, under the command of Alvaro de Saavedra, who
arrived at these islands, by the route of the Ladrones, now called
Marianas, of which he took possession, in the name of his Majesty the
King of Spain, in the year 1528. Saavedra pursued his voyage to Tidore,
where he found the hundred and twenty Spaniards, shut up in their
fortress. They considered him, as an angel sent to their relief, in the
extremity of misery: but this joy was of short duration, new quarrels
springing up with the Portuguese, who <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb56" href="#pb56" name="pb56">56</a>]</span>had succeeded in
destroying, nearly all the Spanish ships. They at last, however,
commenced their voyage to New Spain. Twice they made the attempt, twice
they were driven back; and they suffered so much, that the General,
with many of the crews, fell a sacrifice; the few that remained, being
compelled to submit to the Portuguese. This was a most lamentable
conclusion of the expedition; but all our squadrons, having represented
the Moluccas as extremely valuable, on account of their spices, war was
on the point of being declared, between the two kingdoms, about the
possession of them. The Spaniards alleged, that it could not be denied,
these islands were in the line of demarcation of Spain; and the
Portuguese, were unwilling to quit the spice trade, of which they were
in possession, and which so much enriched the mother country. These
differences were adjusted about the year 1529, the Emperor, renouncing
his right to the Moluccas, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb57" href=
"#pb57" name="pb57">57</a>]</span>for three hundred and fifty thousand
ducats, by way of loan, advanced by the King of Portugal.</p>
<p>Thus abandoning the Moluccas, the Emperor turned all his thoughts to
the conquest of the Western Isles, or Philippines. He despatched
instructions to the Viceroy of Mexico, to send a squadron for that
purpose, with directions not to stop at the Moluccas, in order to avoid
creating jealousy among the Portuguese. In obedience to these orders
from court, the Viceroy immediately fitted out five ships in the Puerto
de Natividad, and nominated as Commander of the expedition, Ruy Lopez
de Villalobos, directing him, to take with him four Augustine friars,
for the conversion of the conquered inhabitants. The squadron sailed on
the day of All Saints, in the year 1542, and arrived safe off the
Philippines; but they were driven so much to leeward, by the south-west
monsoon, prevalent at that time, that they were compelled <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb58" href="#pb58" name="pb58">58</a>]</span>to
anchor at the island of Sarragan, which lies on the opposite coast of
Mindanao, and at forty leagues distance. In this miserable island, they
suffered so much from hunger, that Villalobos sent some of the smaller
vessels, in search of provisions, to the other islands: but, their
return being delayed beyond his expectation, he resolved to sail for
the Moluccas, though it was in direct opposition to his orders, without
having effected any other object, than administering baptism to one
child. The Portuguese received him very ungraciously, and compelled
him, immediately to make the best of his way to Spain. In passing
Amboyna, he died of a deep melancholy, arising out of the disasters of
the expedition, and the idea of having disobeyed the orders of his
sovereign, which were, on no account to visit the Moluccas. By the
death of the General, the whole armament was deranged; indeed it was,
eventually, almost all annihilated; <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb59"
href="#pb59" name="pb59">59</a>]</span>and the few Spaniards who
remained, found means to embark in different Portuguese ships. The
Augustine friars went to Goa, from whence they found a passage to
Europe, and arrived at Lisbon in August 1549, seven years after they
had departed from the Puerto de Natividad.</p>
<p>As his Catholic Majesty, was fully determined on the conquest of the
Philippines, it is necessary to notice the title, by which he laid
claim to them. Our writers have brought forward a number of arguments,
to prove the right, which the Kings of Spain have to the Americas, and
the islands they have conquered; but I find them very superficial, and
only one incontestable document, by which our sovereigns hold these
dominions, that is, the concession of the Roman Pontifs. It is now the
received opinion of churchmen, that the Popes have not the power to
make such grants, but at the period in question, the <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb60" href="#pb60" name="pb60">60</a>]</span>contrary
opinion prevailed, and was generally acknowledged in the schools.
Supported by this idea, then so universal, the Papal See, granted to
the respective Kings, not only what they conquered, but, as we have
seen, assumed the right, of even partitioning the globe. <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb61" href="#pb61" name="pb61">61</a>]</span></p>
</div>
</div>
<div id="ch4" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
<div class="divHead">
<h2 id="xd19e624" class="label">CHAPTER IV.</h2>
<h2 class="main">ANNO DOM. 1564 to 1565.</h2>
<div class="argument">
<p class="first"><i>Of the Conquest of Zebu, and Discovery of the Route
to New Spain.</i></p>
</div>
</div>
<div class="divBody">
<p class="first">The glory of conquering the Philippines, was reserved
for his Catholic Majesty Philip II., by means of, the valour of Miguel
Lopez de Legaspi, the prudence of the Augustine friars, and the skill
of one of those friars, Andres de Urdaneta, who had been a captain in
the armament of Loaysa, but subsequently took the habit of San
Augustine in Mexico, in the year 1552. His Majesty issued an edict,
encouraging and recommending an expedition, to be sent by the Viceroy
of Mexico, to the western isles. Friar Urdaneta acquiesced in the will
of his sovereign, and the Viceroy <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb62"
href="#pb62" name="pb62">62</a>]</span>chose five other religious of
the same order, viz. Andres de Aguirre, Martin de Rada, Lorenzo Ximenes
(who died in the Puerto de Natividad), Diego Herrera, and Pedro Gamboa,
with the view to a spiritual, as well as temporal conquest. This
squadron was composed of two ships, one small galleon, and a patache (a
vessel so called). The command was given to Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, a
noble Biscayan, from whose valour and prudence, the Viceroy expected
greater results, than had been obtained from the other expeditions. The
fleet sailed from Puerto de Natividad on the 21st November, 1564, with
sealed orders; and when about a hundred leagues from the coast, the
seals being broken, they found directions to proceed to these islands.
Urdaneta had formed his plan, on the idea conceived by the Viceroy of
first making New Guinea, but, obliged to conform to the royal
instructions, he shaped his course nearly due west, in order to arrive
at the <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb63" href="#pb63" name=
"pb63">63</a>]</span>ninth degree of latitude, and from thence to run
direct west, to demand the submission of those islands, which lie
between the ninth and tenth degree, passing by the islands of Arrecifes
and Matalotes, together with those of La Nublada and Rocapartida, the
two latter being too far out of the track. On the 31st of December, the
patache separated, as if by accident, and never rejoined the squadron;
Don Alonzo de Arellano was her commander, and Lopez Martin, a Mulatto,
the pilot; and there was reason to believe that the separation was
intentional, as it afterwards proved, that they went to Mindanao,
where, taking in a cargo of gold and spices, they proceeded to New
Spain. The squadron pursued its course, and on the 9th of January,
1565, discovered an island, which Legaspi called Barbudos, because the
inhabitants wore longer beards than the other Indians. On the 22d they
discovered the islands Ladrones, where they <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb64" href="#pb64" name="pb64">64</a>]</span>remained
some days, taking in water and purchasing fresh provisions, which they
procured from the Indians, in exchange for European commodities,
especially iron, an article in great esteem with them. These Indians
pilfered whatever they could lay their hands on, and assaulted our
people while procuring water; yet, many Spaniards were desirous of
remaining among them, and petitioned the General to found a colony
there, and despatch a ship to Acapulco for that purpose; but having no
orders to that effect, he prosecuted his route on the 3d of February,
and on the 13th discovered the Philippines. At Tandaya, and Abuyo, he
attempted to make an amicable arrangement with the inhabitants, for
provisions, making presents to them, and promising, that he would pay
liberally for every thing; but he could only procure one fowl and one
egg. The stock of provisions, was now, however, becoming so short, that
he deemed it necessary, to run in more among <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb65" href="#pb65" name="pb65">65</a>]</span>the
islands, in search of a supply. They arrived at Bohol, and found the
Indians had retired to the mountains. They had behaved so kindly, in
selling provisions to those, whom Ruy Lopez de Villalobos had sent for
that purpose, that Legaspi was astonished at their reserve, and could
not conceive the cause of this change, until the pilot of a Bornean
vessel discovered it. This vessel was taken by Colonel Matheo del Sauz,
in the following manner. The General, had sent him to reconnoitre the
vessel, and the Borneans, little acquainted with Europeans and their
customs, and believing they came to make prisoners of them, received
them in a hostile manner with their cannon<a href=
"#n16"><sup>16</sup></a>, killing one soldier, and wounding twenty. The
Colonel returned their fire, and killed their captain; when part of the
crew escaped, in a small boat, which they carry in the prow of their
junk (the name they give their vessels), and the pilot, with six men,
delivered themselves <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb66" href="#pb66"
name="pb66">66</a>]</span>up, without further resistance. All this
having taken place, without the knowledge or participation of the
General, he was extremely solicitous, to do away the ill impression,
which the transaction might make, and ordered them to restore the junk,
with all the effects which they had taken; and which conduct so
satisfied the Borneans, that they immediately declared publicly, they
should interest themselves particularly, in favour of the squadron.
They informed Legaspi, among other matters, that about two years since,
some Portuguese of the Moluccas, had landed on their island, had been
guilty of great extortion, and had done considerable injury to the
inhabitants; and as they could not distinguish between the two nations,
they had imagined that the people of his squadron were Portuguese.</p>
<p>Legaspi was aware, that it was necessary, above all things, to
undeceive the Indians in this respect; he, therefore, earnestly
requested <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb67" href="#pb67" name=
"pb67">67</a>]</span>the pilot of the Bornean vessel, to go on shore,
and effect a reconciliation with the natives of Bohol, bringing on
board the Rajah of the island, if possible. The Moor, in gratitude to
the Spaniards, exerted himself, and returned on board with the Rajah,
Sicatuna, who was persuaded to enter into an amicable understanding
with them, to be consecrated and confirmed, in the manner usual with
these islanders, which is thus; the parties entering into a treaty of
friendship being bled at the arm, and the blood mixed with a little
water, or spirit, they reciprocally drink each other's blood, so
diluted, in token of amity. Legaspi, with this view, sent a soldier of
the name of Santiago on shore, to go through the ceremony with
Sicatuna; but the latter, thinking it below his dignity, to allow his
blood to be drawn, with any but that of the General, ordered his son to
take his place, promising, that the day following, he would proceed on
board, and be bled<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb68" href="#pb68"
name="pb68">68</a>]</span> with the General. Sicatuna, jealous of the
intentions of the Spaniards, requested, that whilst he was on board,
two Spaniards and two Moors of Borneo, might be sent on shore, as
hostages for his safety; on this being likewise adjusted, he allowed
them to cut wood in the mountains of Bohol, for refitting their ships;
and in ratification of the whole, he was bled with the General the
following day. Legaspi, in the belief that Sicatuna was King of the
island, on this account consented to the ceremony; and although he
afterwards understood, that the dominion of the Rajahs of this country,
extended over a few small villages only, where they exercised the
power, their valour gave them over their countrymen, he had no reason
to repent of what he had done; for, in consequence of it, the Indians
became free from apprehension, and supplied the squadron with the
refreshments, it stood so much in need of. <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb69" href="#pb69" name="pb69">69</a>]</span></p>
<p>Legaspi paid well for every thing they brought; and, at length,
procured sufficient provisions, to be in a situation to despatch one
ship to New Spain, but was unable to accompany it; and he did not wish
to have recourse to violence, to procure a larger supply, thinking that
unjustifiable and unwise, except in case of extremity. With the people
of Zebu, he was inclined to conclude, he should be obliged to have
recourse to arms, unless they supplied him, on friendly terms, with
provisions; and he intended to use, as a pretext for hostilities, their
treachery against the squadron of Magellan. He resolved, therefore, to
go to this island, in quitting that of Bohol, with the inhabitants of
which, a cordiality had subsisted from the first; and as a proof of his
sense of their conduct, he settled every account with them, most
honourably. To this justice and prudence of Legaspi, may be attributed
the easy conquest, the Spaniards made of this <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb70" href="#pb70" name="pb70">70</a>]</span>island,
against whose natives, they seldom have been obliged to use
fire-arms.</p>
<p>On Easter day, the 22d of April, Legaspi accordingly sailed from
Bohol, and on Friday the 27th, he arrived at Zebu, when he immediately
despatched an interpreter named Pacheco, to propose amity with the
natives, and that the Rajah might be sent to conclude the terms. Tupas,
who was then King of Zebu, immediately sent some of the chief men,
requesting Legaspi would not fire his artillery, which would alarm the
town: and he promised to see the General, although he had no such
intention, merely wishing to gain sufficient time, for the inhabitants
to retire into the mountains, with all their moveables. It appearing
the following day, that Tupas did not comply with his promise, three
notifications were, in the space of two hours, sent to him by a notary,
accompanied by Friar Urdaneta, who had the title of Protector of the
Indians; but he paid no attention <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb71"
href="#pb71" name="pb71">71</a>]</span>to this, and placed troops on
the shore, and in canoes, to resist the landing of the Spaniards.
Legaspi then determined on the assault, and ordered his men to fire on
the canoes and Indians, who were posted to oppose them; but they
retreated with such rapidity, that when the Spaniards leaped on shore,
no enemy was to be seen. They followed them to the town, and found it
in flames, the moveables having been taken away, and carried to the
mountains, and little of any value remaining. The soldiers plundered
those houses, which as yet, were not on fire, and among some things of
little importance, they found a jewel, consisting of the image of a
child, which they understood, was an object of adoration with the
Indians, and which is at this day, in the church of San Augustine de
Santo Niño of Zebu. The Indians, it appeared, had been in
possession of this image, from time immemorial; and they were
accustomed, when they wanted rain, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb72"
href="#pb72" name="pb72">72</a>]</span>to make a solemn feast, and
public supplication to it, and, carrying it to the sea side, they
immersed it in the water until it rained; honours or stripes, followed
the concession or refusal, of what they had petitioned for, and it was
believed among them, that this Santo Niño was the cause of the
disgrace of Magellan. At first, the Spaniards found very few eatables
in Zebu, but continuing their search, they stumbled upon thirty fanegas
of rice, and some millet. In returning from the town, they encountered
three hundred armed Indians; but upon our musquets being fired, they
fled immediately. The General established his camp on the sea shore,
and took out the Royal treasure which came in the Capitana, in order to
be enabled to examine her bottom, and put her in a proper state, for
her return to New Spain. The Spaniards found themselves perfectly
secure in this encampment, in the day-time, because the Indians dared
not attempt to molest them, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb73" href=
"#pb73" name="pb73">73</a>]</span>through fear of their fire-arms; but
at night, they occasioned them continual alarms, and on several
occasions, set fire to their camp, doing however, little damage to the
soldiers, who were defended by the palisades. The General however, in
consequence of this, ordered the whole to be destroyed, and built a
fort, which at once checked all further attempts. As yet, Legaspi kept
on the defensive, expecting that Tupas would soon arrive, with whom he
was desirous of being in amity, with a view to the conquest of the
island by fair means. After repeated messages he at last appeared,
accompanied by another chief, called Tamayan. Legaspi received them
with cordiality, treated them handsomely, and, in the name of his
sovereign, forgave the treachery, they had been guilty of towards
Magellan. They made many excuses for their conduct, and promised that
in three days they would return, with all the principal people, and
establish a <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb74" href="#pb74" name=
"pb74">74</a>]</span>friendly intercourse with the Spaniards. These
people will readily promise, whatever is demanded of them, but without
any intention of performing their promise. Tupas, though King of the
island, did not appear better entitled to respect, than any of the
rest, and thought nothing of breaking his word, always, however, making
some excuse on the succeeding visit.</p>
<p>Notwithstanding the peaceable demeanor of the Indians, the General
ordered, that no one should be permitted to quit the camp, as he
apprehended an ambuscade, which might have a fatal issue. This, in
fact, happened to Pedro de Arana, one of Legaspi's aides-de-camp, who,
disregarding this order, passed the lines alone with his gun, and
before he was able to save himself, he was run through with a lance,
and his head cut off, and carried on board a parao, which was lying at
a little distance. The General felt the loss of Pedro de Arana much,
and gave orders to the <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb75" href="#pb75"
name="pb75">75</a>]</span>Colonel, to chastise the insolence of the
Indians, and reduce them. Whilst the Colonel was employed in this
expedition, the General, who had been accustomed to sleep on board
ship, determined to pass his nights on shore in future, through some
distrust he entertained, of the officers of the navy, and ordered, that
his aides-de-camp should keep guard over him. They did not relish the
thoughts of this, persuading themselves, they would be degraded, by
obeying the orders. The day following therefore, at a general review of
the force, Pedro Mena, in the name of the whole, came forward, and,
with very little ceremony, intimated that they would not keep guard, as
it was the duty of the privates. The Colonel reprehended them sharply,
suspended them, and struck them out of the list of aids-de-camp of the
General. This punishment for their insolence, though fully merited,
exasperated them to such a degree, that they set fire to their tents,
and <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb76" href="#pb76" name=
"pb76">76</a>]</span>had nearly burnt all the effects belonging to his
Majesty. The principal perpetrators of this crime, were Pedro de Mena,
and Terresan, who were executed the following day, and by this act, the
subordination of the rest was secured.</p>
<p>The ship Capitana, was by this time prepared, for her voyage to New
Spain. Her commander was Phelipe de Salcedo, grandson of the General;
and there went in her, the friars Andres de Urdaneta, to conduct her to
New Spain, and Martin de Aguirre, to solicit assistance for the
conversion of these islanders. They sailed from Zebu on the 1st of
June, 1565, and reaching the 36th degree of latitude, in search of the
north-west winds, they directed their course to Puerto de la Natividad,
where they arrived, after a four months voyage; but considering the
distance of this port from Mexico, they pushed forwards to Acapulco,
which was nearer, and they arrived there on the 30th of October. In
Mexico, their arrival <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb77" href="#pb77"
name="pb77">77</a>]</span>occasioned much exultation, as they were
considered to be lost, by the accounts which had been given, by the
Captain Arellano and the pilot Lope Martin, who, three months before,
had arrived at Puerto de la Natividad. The friars Urdaneta and Aguirre
went to Madrid, where they met with Arellano, who was soliciting a
reward, for the discovery of the track from the Philippines to New
Spain. He had persisted in his pretensions, till the arrival of these
friars, when he altered his tone; he was put in confinement, and
ordered to Mexico, to be from thence sent to Manila, to be punished by
Legaspi as his conduct deserved. The Mexicans, however, were of
opinion, that he should not be sent to Manila, until the death of
Legaspi was ascertained. The friars Urdaneta and Aguirre, having
favourably completed their mission, embarked for Mexico, where Urdaneta
died on the 3d of June, 1568, in the 70th year of his age. <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb78" href="#pb78" name="pb78">78</a>]</span></p>
</div>
</div>
<div id="ch5" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
<div class="divHead">
<h2 id="xd19e682" class="label">CHAPTER V.</h2>
<h2 class="main">ANNO DOM. 1565.</h2>
<div class="argument">
<p class="first"><i>Of the complete Conquest of the Island of Zebu, and
of some Towns in other Islands.</i></p>
</div>
</div>
<div class="divBody">
<p class="first">The day following that, on which the Capitana sailed,
a Moor of Borneo, called Cid Hamal, established in this island, arrived
in our camp. He recommended it to the General, to invite Tupas to a
conference; and upon this being done, he accordingly presented himself
a second time, with some of the chief men of the island, and the
conference terminated, in their resolution to preserve a good
understanding with the Spaniards. They paid homage to the king of
Spain, promising, that the squadron should be supplied with provisions,
at the price usual among themselves, and granting land, and every means
of founding a Spanish city, with fortifications <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb79" href="#pb79" name="pb79">79</a>]</span>for its
defence. Amity thus restored, the Indians began to re-build their town,
and a very short time, exhibited the pleasing sight, of the individuals
of two different nations, establishing themselves at a little distance
from each other.</p>
<p>The Zebuans lost all apprehensions of the Spaniards, and came to
their town to sell fruit, goats, and provisions. Among the least
reserved was Tupas, who, under the pretext of accompanying other
chiefs, visited the General, making him presents; and so contrived that
his women should visit him likewise, dressing themselves in rich
clothes, with ear-rings and bracelets of gold on the feet and arms, and
accompanied by a great concourse of men and women; which visit was not
ill received, the General always treating them handsomely. Tupas
likewise, gave Legaspi his niece, who was a widow, and other women to
attend him. The General directed them to be instructed in the Christian
doctrine, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb80" href="#pb80" name=
"pb80">80</a>]</span>and they embraced our religion, and were baptized.
The niece of Tupas, had the name of Isabel given her, in memory of the
deceased lady of the General, whose name this was, and in a little time
she was married to Maestre Andrea, an officer of the squadron.</p>
<p>The provisions which they had in the island of Zebu, were not
sufficient for the Indians and their numerous guests; in consequence of
which, Legaspi directed Tupas, to send two chiefs to the island of
Panay, to purchase rice. Whilst these men were on their mission, the
Spaniards sailed, in vessels which they had constructed at Zebu, on an
expedition against some towns, belonging to the enemies of the Zebuans,
and were enabled to send some rice to those in the camp. The Moors
likewise of the island of Luçon, who came for commercial
purposes to Zebu, sold them two hundred baskets of this grain; but as
the return of the two ships which had gone <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb81" href="#pb81" name="pb81">81</a>]</span>to
Panay, was still delayed beyond the expected time, Legaspi was
compelled to put every man on an allowance, which produced great
discontent among the people, and some even adopted the resolution of
escaping with the patache San Juan, with the intention of lying in wait
behind the islands, to rob the small barks that came there for
commerce, and with their spoils to retire to France. The authors of
this conspiracy were Pablo Hernandez and Juan Maria Venecianos; and
they were joined in it by the pilot Francis Pierres Plin, Jorge el
Griego, Maestre Andrea, the husband of Tupas's niece, Geronimo Foxa,
and some foreigners. They fixed on the 26th of November, 1565, for
their undertaking, intending previously to endeavour to disable all the
ships, in order that they might not be pursued. It pleased Heaven to
retard their scheme one day beyond the time fixed, and Juan Maria
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb82" href="#pb82" name=
"pb82">82</a>]</span>Venecianos repenting of his treason, discovered
the conspiracy to Colonel Matheo del Sauz. The conspirators were
immediately all apprehended, except Pablo Hernandez, who escaped into
the country among the Indians. The whole underwent an examination, and
Legaspi ordered that Francis Pierres Plin, and Jorge el Griego, should
be hanged by break of day. It was his intention to have followed up the
punishment of the conspirators, and he was proceeding to hang Maestre
Andrea. The clergy, however, entreated him to pardon him, on account of
his near relationship to Tupas, to which he assented. Pablo Hernandez,
pressed by hunger, was compelled to deliver himself up, and as he was
the ringleader, he was executed in the middle of the day by
proclamation, and his head placed on a pole, as a warning to others. A
pardon was granted to all the rest in the name of the King, and by this
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb83" href="#pb83" name=
"pb83">83</a>]</span>due mixture of severity and lenity, the minds of
the General and the friars were tranquillized.</p>
<p>Famine, at this time, was likely to be the lot of the Spaniards, as
the chiefs who had been sent to Panay had not appeared; and as six more
paraos had been despatched for the same purpose, it was apprehended
that they had entered into a combination with the first, to reduce the
Spaniards by famine. In this situation, Captain Martin de Goite set
sail, with the intention of taking by force, from the enemies of the
Zebuans, as much provision as could be procured, and executed his plan
with so much success, that by Christmas he sent to the camp a small
vessel laden with borona (bread made of Indian corn and millet). This
proved the most acceptable new year's gift, which could have been
offered under their circumstances; by degrees provisions became more
plentiful, and the people began to revive, and forget <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb84" href="#pb84" name="pb84">84</a>]</span>the
famine they had endured. The chiefs now made their appearance from
Panay with the rice, but they assigned little of it to the Spaniards,
and the largest quantity to the Indians.</p>
<p>The General was well aware of the treachery of the Zebuans, of the
little faith to be placed in them, and their doubtful intentions; but
he dissembled his sentiments, as they were necessary to his views, and
our camp was tolerably well supplied. By the expeditions, which Martin
de Goite and others made round the adjacent islands, it was discovered
that some of the towns courted the friendship of the Spaniards, while
others planned their destruction by famine, for which purpose all the
provisions were conveyed to the mountains. The Moors of Luzon, however,
found it their interest to bring sufficient rice to Zebu, and Legaspi,
who did not wish to see a recurrence of the same danger as had
happened, sent the Colonel in search of provisions <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb85" href="#pb85" name="pb85">85</a>]</span>to the
neighbouring islands; but here he encountered another inconvenience, in
leaving too small a force for the defence of Zebu; the consequence of
which was, that a plot was formed to seize a vessel belonging to the
Moors of Luzon, at that time trading at Zebu, to murder all on board,
and escape with the vessel to the Moluccas, where the Portuguese would
willingly receive them. Juan Nunes de Carrion, and Miguel Gomez
Cavecillas, were executed for this piece of treason, after due
repentance of their villainy. Captain Martin de Goite, with the
provisions he forwarded, at length sent information, that many nations
were desirous of becoming vassals of the King of Spain, and the Colonel
soon after arrived with above one thousand fanegas of rice, after
having stopt at the islands of Mindanao, Negros, and Panay, where he
ransomed a Mexican Indian, who had been in the squadron of Villalobos,
and had been taken prisoner. Captain Juan de la <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb86" href="#pb86" name="pb86">86</a>]</span>Jela,
who had likewise gone out in search of provisions, had the good fortune
to discover the ship San Geronimo, which he conducted to Zebu; a
circumstance which filled every one with joy, mingled with regret, at
the thoughts of the tragic scenes which had been acted on board that
ship.</p>
<p>The Royal Audience of Mexico had despatched the ship San Geronimo
from Acapulco to relieve those at Zebu, and to advertise them of the
arrival of the Capitana at that port. They sent as captain of the ship
Pedro Sanchez Pericon; as second in command, Juan Ortez de Mosquera,
and as pilot the mulatto Lope Martin, who was sent for the express
purpose of being punished by Legaspi, for having separated,
intentionally, from the squadron in the patache San Lucas. Pericon and
Mosquera had been, before the commencement of the voyage, inimical to
each other, and in its progress their mutual antipathy was augmented.
The pilot, Martin, dreading <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb87" href=
"#pb87" name="pb87">87</a>]</span>the idea of being confronted with
Legaspi, entered into a plot with Mosquera, and they gained over to
their party most of the crew, among whom was Philip de Ocampo, a brave
man, but of the worst character. Thinking their strength sufficient,
they commenced their operations by being insolent to the commander, and
one night they killed a horse which he had brought in the galleon. The
friends of Pericon conjured him to be on his guard, as they concluded
that those who had begun by killing the horse, would end in murdering
him, if he was not sufficiently vigilant. But Pericon's confidence was
too great, and he slighted the advice of his friends. The conspirators
by this forbearance increasing every day in boldness, at last resolved
to put in practice their diabolical design of murdering the commander,
and getting possession of the vessel; accordingly one night, after
having placed guards on those of the crew whom they could not confide
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb88" href="#pb88" name=
"pb88">88</a>]</span>in, Mosquera entered the captain's bedroom,
accompanied by two seamen, one of the name of Bartolome de Lara, and
the other Morales, and ordered them to stab Captain Pericon and his
son, a young man about twenty-five years of age, who had a sub-command
in the ship. They effected their purpose, and threw the bodies
overboard; and placing some chests on the deck for the accommodation of
the people, Mosquera thus harangued them: “Gentlemen, let us
recommend to Heaven the souls of Captain Pericon and his son; they came
by their death for reasons which, when we arrive at Zebu, shall be
given to General Legaspi; every thing shall remain unaltered, and I, as
a good subject of his Majesty, will conduct the ship to that
island.”</p>
<p>Many days had not elapsed before Mosquera and the pilot quarrelled;
it was a difficult task for the latter to reconcile himself to his
situation, and put on the mask of <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb89"
href="#pb89" name="pb89">89</a>]</span>friendship to the former. He
whispered to Mosquera in confidence, that the people were much
irritated at the murders which had been committed, and among other
things, he proposed to tranquillize them, by putting in irons some
person who had been concerned in the affair, and afterwards to
discharge him, under the authority of a notarial process, drawn up for
that purpose, <span class="corr" id="xd19e726" title=
"Source: delaring">declaring</span> his innocence. This appearing a
plausible measure enough, Mosquera, with this view, foolishly convened
the ship's company, and the pilot seized upon him, and put him in
confinement. The day following he ordered breakfast, of which Mosquera
partook in his irons, and when finished, he requested the pilot would
set him at liberty, as there had been time sufficient allowed for the
ceremony. The views of the mulatto, however, were very different; he
ordered him to be hung at the yard-arm, without giving him time to
confess, observing, that Divine Providence <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb90" href="#pb90" name="pb90">90</a>]</span>had
ordered he should die without partaking the sacrament, as had been the
case with the two whom he had murdered. The mulatto now remaining
captain of the ship, Philip de Ocampo, who was his favourite, made a
speech to his companions, telling them, “That Captain Lope Martin
did not intend going to Zebu; that those who were desirous of
accompanying him, should go to a part of the world where all might
acquire great riches, but that those who were of a different opinion,
should be set on shore on an island in the immediate neighbourhood of
Zebu, from whence they might easily reach Legaspi.” All were
silent, and nothing was done till they arrived at the islands of
Barbudos; when Lope Martin landing on one which was desolate, gave out
that it was necessary to careen the ship there, but his real intention
was to leave most of his companions on this island, exposed to
famine.</p>
<p>He was not, however, able sufficiently <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb91" href="#pb91" name="pb91">91</a>]</span>to conceal his
intentions. The Friar Capellan, a venerable priest, suspected him, and
consulted with Juan de Vivero on some means of averting this blow.
Rodrigo de Angle, the mate of the ship, a man of approved courage,
determined to appeal to his Majesty, if it cost him his life, broke the
matter to others, and eventually drew to his party Bartholome de Lara,
by promising to make him captain of the ship, although he had no such
intention. Rodrigo finding he had gained most of the crew on board to
his side, weighed anchor, and hallooed to those on shore, that all the
true and faithful vassals of his Majesty might embark immediately, and
that the ship belonged to the King. By this means all were received on
board but Lope Martin and Philip de Ocampo, and about twenty-five
others, among whom were some loyalists, who were unable to reach the
ship in time.</p>
<p>Bartholome de Lara, disappointed in <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb92" href="#pb92" name="pb92">92</a>]</span>his expectations of being
made captain of the ship, began to form a party, and was joined more
from necessity than otherwise by Hernando de Morales, his accomplice in
the murder of Pericon and his son; but the new captain contrived means
to try and hang them, after which the crew remained free from further
molestation, and they arrived at Zebu. The General Legaspi, to deter
others, hanged the notary Juan de Zaldivar, for being <span class=
"corr" id="xd19e740" title="Source: accessary">accessory</span> to the
aforesaid murder. He rewarded Rodrigo del Angle, Garnica, and Juan
Enriquez, with all the loyalists, and granted a pardon, in the name of
the King, to all those who had acted any subordinate part in this
transaction.</p>
<p>The Colonel, at this time, had gone to ratify a treaty of peace with
some of the towns, and falling in with a small Portuguese galleon of
superior force, which bore down upon his patache, he was compelled to
escape as well as he could. About the <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb93" href="#pb93" name="pb93">93</a>]</span>same time, two Portuguese
vessels having appeared off Zebu, Legaspi ordered them to be
acknowledged as friends, and invited into the harbour, but they excused
themselves, and prosecuted their route. These proved afterwards to be
ships belonging to the squadron of Pereyra, which was coming against
the Spaniards, but being dispersed by storms, they could not pursue
their first intentions. The General fortified his camp, and
entertaining no fears of the Portuguese, he despatched Martin de Goite
on an amicable treaty with some adjacent towns, and to receive the
tribute of those who had already submitted. He likewise sent the
Colonel to Mindanao, for the purchase of cinnamon, to be shipped to New
Spain. This expedition was unfortunate in the death of this great man,
who was a severe loss to the Spaniards. He caught a fever, and being in
great danger, he told Morones, his second in command, and to
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb94" href="#pb94" name=
"pb94">94</a>]</span>whom he entrusted the ship before he died, that he
suspected an intention of mutiny among the crew; the object of which
was, to go off with the patache, because they had not been allowed to
purchase cinnamon for themselves, and which being the only valuable
object for which the voyage was undertaken, belonged to the King, as
being the first purchase made of that article. Legaspi paid him the
usual funeral honours in Zebu, and punished those who were found to be
concerned in this mutiny. He likewise named as his successor Martin de
Goite. The General sent Morones to Caraga, and Pedro de Herrera to
Leyte, for tar, for careening the ships. The Indians of this island are
excellent porters and labourers, and our soldiers had such confidence
in them, that leaving their arms, and relying on their friendship, they
received the tar in an unguarded manner. This, however, in the end,
cost them dear, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb95" href="#pb95" name=
"pb95">95</a>]</span>as on a sudden they found themselves surrounded in
an ambuscade, by eight or ten Indians to one Spaniard; and Matheo
Sanchez Gaditano not being able to extricate them, the Indians murdered
all but one Spaniard, who escaped to relate the news of this tragedy.
Whilst this was passing up the country, others came down to plunder the
ship, who finding our people in unsuspecting security, possessed
themselves of their arms, and destroyed every thing they could not take
away.</p>
<p>On the 10th of June, 1567, there arrived at Zebu two Portuguese
caracoas, with letters from Captain Pereyra to Miguel Lopez de Legaspi,
in which he observed, that he supposed they were the Spaniards who had
taken refuge in Zebu, in consequence of bad weather, and were unable to
return to New Spain, as had happened to those of the other Spanish
squadrons which had navigated those seas; and on this supposition
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb96" href="#pb96" name=
"pb96">96</a>]</span>he invited them to the Moluccas, where he promised
to receive them with every degree of friendship, and furnish them with
proper necessaries to prosecute their voyage.</p>
<p>Such were the contents of his letter on the occasion, but some
invalid Spaniards who came with the messenger, affirmed that Pereyra
had been despatched by the Viceroy of India to drive the Spaniards out
of Zebu, and not being able last year to effect it, in consequence of
the storms they had encountered, they had remained in Tidore with the
intention of completing it this year. Our General, aware of the snare
which Pereyra was laying for him, answered this specious letter with
corresponding dissimulation, and that he had given notice to his court
of the capture of these islands, and was in daily expectation of
hearing from his sovereign. Surrounded by these interruptions and
difficulties, the <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb97" href="#pb97"
name="pb97">97</a>]</span>General sent to Acapulco the patache San
Lucas, Captain Juan de la Isla, requesting such assistance as might
prevent the threatened suspension of their intercourse with New Spain,
and which appeared highly probable. The Augustine friars sent, on this
occasion, Friar Pedro de Gamboa to solicit some additional aid for the
conversion of these infidels, who had already begun to be baptized, and
which, they urged, would securely establish the authority of the
Spaniards in the Philippines, but the friar never arrived, having died
on the voyage.</p>
<p>On the 20th of August, this year, Philip de Salcedo arrived with two
ships, and accompanied by his brother Juan de Salcedo, who had been of
great use in the first conquest of these islands. The General was
rejoiced at the arrival of such considerable relief, at a period when
he had reason to think Pereyra intended to attack <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb98" href="#pb98" name="pb98">98</a>]</span>Zebu.
When Legaspi saw, however, that the Portuguese did not make their
appearance as he expected, he despatched his grandson, Philip de
Salcedo, to Acapulco, with directions to go by the route of the Ladrone
Islands, where he was shipwrecked; but, all the people being saved, he
built another vessel, and returned to Zebu in such happy time, that he
made up for his disappointment, by the importance of his appearance, at
the period of Pereyra's arrival, on the 30th of September 1568, with
<span class="corr" id="xd19e763" title="Source: as quadron">a
squadron</span> of three galleons, two galeots, three fustas, and
twenty smaller vessels. Every thing, however, on this occasion,
indicated perfect amity; the Generals visited reciprocally, and held
meetings, to ascertain whether these islands were in the line of
demarcation of Spain, or not, with the view of avoiding hostilities.
Pereyra, by an artful line of conduct, protracted these discussions, in
order to gain time, if <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb99" href="#pb99"
name="pb99">99</a>]</span>possible, by stratagem, to get possession of
the port and of our camp, as he found it could not be effected by
force. Disappointed, however, in his views, he returned on
Christmas-eve to the Moluccas, having been dismissed with great
civility by Legaspi. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb100" href="#pb100"
name="pb100">100</a>]</span></p>
</div>
</div>
<div id="ch6" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
<div class="divHead">
<h2 id="xd19e770" class="label">CHAPTER VI.</h2>
<h2 class="main">ANNO DOM. 1569 to 1571.</h2>
<div class="argument">
<p class="first"><i>Of the Conquest of Manila.</i></p>
</div>
</div>
<div class="divBody">
<p class="first">The supply of provisions having been very short, in
consequence of the Portuguese, in some measure, blockading the port,
the General, to guard against being exposed to the same danger a second
time, determined to change his position, and establish himself in a
more fertile country than that he then occupied. He ordered the camp to
be immediately removed to the island of Panay: with this commission he
charged his grandson, Philip de Salcedo, who was very cordially
received by the natives, because he had formerly assisted them against
their enemies, and enabled them to make many prisoners. Captain Luis de
la Haya was ordered to go with <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb101"
href="#pb101" name="pb101">101</a>]</span>his detachment, to the river
Araut in the same island; Captain Andres de Ybarra to the island of
Masbate; and the Colonel was ordered to remain in Zebu. In the interim
the camp was established in Panay, and the patache San Lucas remained
at Zebu, preparing to depart for New Spain. Juan de Salcedo ordered his
brother Philip to Panay with another vessel, which conveyed the books
and effects of his grandfather, all of which were lost in a storm;
which loss, although he felt it severely, Legaspi bore with exemplary
patience and fortitude.</p>
<p>Philip de Salcedo having loaded the patache San Lucas, sailed from
Zebu, and, in a few days after her departure, fell in with the San
Juan, which had sailed from Acapulco, and was commanded by Captain Juan
Lopez de Aguirre; Salcedo returned with her to Zebu, and, on the 10th
of July, sailed a second time on his voyage. By the San Juan the
Augustine fathers had <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb102" href=
"#pb102" name="pb102">102</a>]</span>sent Friar Herrera, having
appointed him a provincial, or clerical head of a province, which was
the first they had established in the Philippines. Their intention was
by this appointment, to increase the importance of the religious
orders, and induce higher respect from the new converts; the effect,
accordingly, was the addition of many to the number, stimulated too, by
the example of Tupas and his son: Legaspi stood godfather to Tupas, who
was christened Philip, in compliment to the King of Spain; and his son
was christened Charles, and had, as his godfather, Juan de Salcedo. The
feasts which were held on the day these two new Christians were
baptized, contributed, at the same time, to the conversion of many
others. This was a measure of great expediency, although the duty of
the fathers became necessarily so much more enlarged. It was determined
that a friar, whose name was Juan Alba, should be sent to attempt the
conversion of the <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb103" href="#pb103"
name="pb103">103</a>]</span>isle of Masbate; and another, by the name
of Alonzo Ximenes, to the river Araut, in the island of Panay, where he
made many converts. Friar Martin de Rada remained in Zebu, and the rest
of the clergy accompanied the General in the conquest of Manila.</p>
<p>The General Legaspi arrived at Panay, accompanied by the Colonel,
who, however, immediately returned to his command at Zebu, together
with his wife, who had just arrived from New Spain with Captain Juan
Lopez de Aguirre, in the ship San Juan. Legaspi was received by the
natives of Panay with every demonstration of joy, and they appeared
more sincere in their professions than those of Zebu. He constructed,
with all expedition, some works, to enable him to resist the attempts
of the squadron of Pereyra, and check the proceedings of a swarm of
pirates, which had issued from Jolo and Borneo in twenty vessels,
called <i>vireyes</i>, and had captured <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb104" href="#pb104" name="pb104">104</a>]</span>a Spanish vessel,
with the crew. The Colonel attacked these pirates with nine
<i>proas</i>: he took four <i>vireyes</i>, and would have taken the
whole, had not seven of his vessels been too much astern. Having
forwarded the account of this engagement to the General, he was now at
liberty to assist the inhabitants of Aclan, who had sustained
considerable injury from the pirates of Mindoro. In the month of
January, 1570, Juan de Salcedo sailed on this expedition with thirty
Spaniards and many friendly Indians. He entered the town of Mamburao,
and, having made himself master of it, compelled the inhabitants to
ransom themselves with gold; after which he proceeded to the isle of
Lucban, where the pirates of Mindoro had taken refuge, and had
protected themselves by some indifferent works; he, with ease, forced
their intrenchments, attacked them with fire-arms, and, as they were
unable to resist this mode of warfare, they <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb105" href="#pb105" name=
"pb105">105</a>]</span>agreed to ransom themselves with gold, as the
inhabitants of Mamburao had done. Salcedo divided the spoil among his
soldiers and the Indians, and returned to Panay, to give an account of
this expedition.</p>
<p>The General, who was determined above all things on the conquest of
Manila, named the Colonel as commandant, and sent with him his
grandson, Juan de Salcedo, with an hundred and twenty Spaniards, and
many friendly Indians, to accomplish it. They sailed from Panay the
beginning of May 1570. The Colonel went directly against Manila, but
Juan de Salcedo turned aside to the country about the lake of Bombon,
which is now called the Province of Batangas, to treat with the
natives. He sent the usual peace-offerings, but they answered him with
their arms. He engaged them, and would have succeeded, but received so
severe a wound in his leg from an arrow, that he was compelled
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb106" href="#pb106" name=
"pb106">106</a>]</span>to abandon his enterprise, and follow the
Colonel to Manila. The Colonel made terms with the Rajah, who was a
good old man, and whom history calls Raxa Matanda, that is, the old
Rajah; he had a nephew of the name of Raxa Soliman, who, likewise, made
terms with the Colonel; but little dependence could be placed on him,
as he evidently was no friend to the Spaniards, and had, as it was
supposed, secreted provisions. He was accused, likewise, of exciting
the Indians to murder the Spaniards, while on shore, which obliged our
people to behave with great circumspection toward them. One day Raxa
Soliman even ordered his men to fire upon our shipping, and, after
having done us considerable damage, he embarked on board a large junk,
and left the river, firing at us as he passed<a href=
"#n17"><sup>17</sup></a>. The Colonel instantly landed, leaving Juan de
Salcedo in charge of the ships, and, with eighty men, stormed the fort
which the Indians had at <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb107" href=
"#pb107" name="pb107">107</a>]</span>the mouth of the river, and where
at present stands the fort of Santiago. He ordered his soldiers to
attack the guns, and they were so fortunate in their attack, as in
their first onset to kill the principal artillery officer, who appeared
to be an European, as he was seen to cross himself before he
died<a href="#n18"><sup>18</sup></a>; the remainder, were by the vigour
of the assault, compelled to fly towards the town, which they burnt in
their retreat, that the Spaniards might not profit by their success.
Among other things, a foundery for cannon was destroyed, and it was
supposed they had thrown many pieces of artillery into the sea, as only
twelve, and a few falconets (a piece so called), were found in the
place. The old Rajah was not a party in this disturbance, as neither he
nor any of his people were engaged; and his fidelity was proved, by his
having displayed from his house a white flag, during the time the
action lasted. The Colonel, fearing that <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb108" href="#pb108" name="pb108">108</a>]</span>if he remained
longer, he should encounter the south-west monsoon, and be unable to
return, retired immediately to Cavite, to do the needful repairs to his
ships, and in two days sailed for Panay.</p>
<p>On the 23d of June of this year, Captain Juan de la Isla arrived
with three vessels, in which came the Friar Perrera with two other
religious, viz. Friar Diego Orduñez, and Friar Diego de Espinar,
who came to labour in this new vineyard. Despatches were brought by
them from his Majesty, by which Miguel Lopez de Legaspi was constituted
President of the islands of the Ladrones, and he was recommended to
settle the Philippines; at the same time his Majesty bestowed portions
of lands, with their inhabitants, on all who might be engaged in the
conquest. With a view to put these orders in execution, Legaspi first
despatched from Panay, the same Captain Juan de la Isla, with two ships
to Acapulco, and sailed for Zebu, where he ordered <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb109" href="#pb109" name="pb109">109</a>]</span>it
to be proclaimed, that he intended to erect the town which had been
built into a city, and to give every encouragement to increase the
population, directing those who wished to settle in it to go before the
notary, to be enrolled by five hundreds. On New Year's day, 1571, he
named two ordinary alcaldes, six regidores, a notary, and two
alguazils, who immediately took the customary oath on entering their
office, and he strictly enjoined them the discharge of their respective
duties. He likewise directed that the town, which had till then been
called San Miguel, should be named the City del Santissimo Nombre de
Jesus, in memory of the discovery of the sacred child, as before
related. He settled the manner, in which rewards should be distributed
among the tributary Indians, who were in the neighbourhood of the city,
and left them under the care of the treasurer, Guido de Labezares, in
order that he might have the opportunity of finishing a stone
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb110" href="#pb110" name=
"pb110">110</a>]</span>fort, which he had ordered to be constructed.
All these and many subordinate objects, being attained by the end of
January, he returned to Panay, to attempt from thence the conquest of
Manila.</p>
<p>Immediately after the President arrived at Panay, the Colonel,
attended by all the officers and soldiers, joined him, leaving in
Masbate the Padre Alba with six men, and in Dumangas Padre Ximenes, in
charge of the new conquests. The Padre Herrera, with other religious,
accompanied the General in his expedition against Manila, on which he
sailed the 15th of April; and in the island of Lutaga he reviewed his
force, and found they amounted to two hundred and eighty soldiers,
consisting partly of his own people, of those of the Colonel, of
Captains Andres de Ybarra, Luis de la Haya, and Juan de Salcedo. He
passed by the island of Mindoro, and settled the tribute which the
natives were to pay to the King of Spain. Here he had <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb111" href="#pb111" name="pb111">111</a>]</span>the
opportunity of saving a Chinese vessel called a Sampan, from
foundering; and he received the crew, with that kindness and warmth of
feeling, so natural to the Spaniards.</p>
<p>The Chinese acknowledged the kindness of the Spaniards, and formed a
friendly connection with them. The President continued his voyage, and
entered Cavite, where he waited the arrival of those who had fallen
astern; meantime he treated with the natives of the place, and received
them as vassals of the King of Spain. Two days after he arrived, he
entered with all his squadron into the river of Manila. The Indians,
thinking the Spaniards had returned, to punish them for the resistance
they had made to the Colonel, set fire to the town, and with their
effects fled to Tondo. The President sent the Colonel to bring them to
terms, who, arriving at their camp, gave them to understand, by means
of an interpreter, that the Spaniards had not <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb112" href="#pb112" name="pb112">112</a>]</span>come
with the intention of doing them any injury. On learning this, some
began to quench the flames, and others went in search of the old Rajah;
and Lacandola, the chief of Tondo, immediately went with others to wait
on Legaspi. He received them with a smiling countenance, and told them
that he came as a friend, provided they acknowledged the King of Spain,
as their king and natural lord and master, who would receive them under
his protection, and relieve their distresses. The principal motive, he
said, which induced his Majesty to send him there, was to propagate the
true worship of one all powerful God; that he had brought several
sacred characters with him for that purpose, and shewing them Padre
Herrera, said that he was the principal of those, who were to be their
teachers. They promised to become vassals of the King of Spain, and
hear the law which they were to be taught; he hinted to them that he
did not see Rajah <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb113" href="#pb113"
name="pb113">113</a>]</span>Soliman with them: they replied, that he
dared not appear after what had happened with the Colonel on the first
expedition; but if he would pardon him, he would immediately appear,
and promise obedience, as the rest had done. The General not only
promised to pardon him, but sent him a message to that effect, without,
however, being able to remove his apprehensions at that time.</p>
<p>But on the 18th of May, Rajah Soliman arrived, accompanied by his
uncle Rajah Matanda and Lacandola, making many apologies for what had
passed. The General pardoned and received him as a vassal of his
Majesty, and as such he was registered by the notary, Hernando Riguel.
Legaspi immediately commenced his arrangements for founding a new city,
and directed the Indians to finish the fort they had begun in the mouth
of the river. Behind this he erected a large building, which served as
a palace, with a church and convent <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb114" href="#pb114" name="pb114">114</a>]</span>for the religious,
and an hundred and twenty smaller houses for the remainder of the
Spaniards, intending this city to be the seat of government, both
spiritual and temporal, of the islands. The whole of this, the Indians
engaged to accomplish with great despatch, but it was found necessary,
to employ the Spaniards to assist them in it. A good understanding
being thus established, between the natives of Manila and Tondo and the
Spaniards, Manila was taken possession of on the day following, the
19th of May, 1571, when, in a temporary church, the feast of the
blessed Virgin Mary was celebrated, who, from that circumstance, was
named the patroness of the new city.</p>
<p>The peace which Rajah Soliman and Lacandola had made, was, on their
part, by no means sincere, for the Indians of Macabebe and Hagonoy,
appearing at the mouth of the harbour of Bancusay, with forty caracoas
(an Indian vessel), proceeded <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb115"
href="#pb115" name="pb115">115</a>]</span>to the house of Lacandola.
These men jeered at and reproached the Indians, for submitting with
such readiness, to such an insignificant number of Spaniards,
promising, if they were disposed to shake off the yoke, that they
should be assisted from Tondo and the neighbouring country, and not
leave one Spaniard alive. The President, supposing those Indians who
had arrived, had come to solicit peace, sent two Spaniards to assure
them that they might present themselves to him without fear. The chief
of the Indians, after listening to these ambassadors, leaped on his
feet, and drawing and flourishing his cimeter, he said, “The sun
gave me life, and I must not be disgraced in the eyes of my women, who
would detest me, if they thought I was capable, of being on friendly
terms with the Spaniards.” With this speech he quitted the house,
without waiting to go down by the ladder, for, with great boldness, he
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb116" href="#pb116" name=
"pb116">116</a>]</span>leaped out of the window into his caracoa,
calling out to the Spaniards, “I expect you in the bay of
Bancusay.” Legaspi determined upon punishing such conduct, and
sent against him the Colonel Martin de Goite with eighty Spaniards, in
some newly constructed small vessels. The Indian chief was true to his
word, and waited for them where he had said, with his squadron. The
battle began, and he fought with great valour; but, in a short time,
being killed by a musket shot, the rest dismayed, fled with great
precipitation; our people pursued, and made many prisoners, among whom
were the son of Lacandola, and his nephew, by which his deceit and
dissimulation were sufficiently manifest; the President, however, sent
them home, without the punishment they merited for their treason. After
this engagement, the natives became so much afraid of the Spaniards,
that many chiefs <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb117" href="#pb117"
name="pb117">117</a>]</span>came to Manila begging peace, and offering
to become vassals of the king of Spain. By this time, the works which
had been ordered in Manila were considerably advanced, and, on the day
of St. John the Baptist, the President, Miguel Lopez de Legaspi,
founded the city as the metropolis of the Philippine Islands,
appointing two ordinary alcaldes, twelve regidores, an alguazil mayor,
and a notary, who all took the customary oaths, to discharge the duties
of their respective offices with justice. This ceremony took place
while Philip II. was King of Spain, and Pius V. was in the fifth year
of his pontificate, the first governor being the President, Miguel
Lopez de Legaspi. The public square was now marked out, with the
situation of the convent of San Augustine, and the subordinate
arrangements were left to the magistracy. Legaspi ordered the city to
be called Manila, of which his Majesty approved, <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb118" href="#pb118" name=
"pb118">118</a>]</span>giving it a coat of arms. This city is placed in
fourteen degrees and a half of north latitude, and is thought to be the
antipodes of the river Saint Ann, in Brazil, which is in the same
latitude in the opposite tropic of Capricorn. <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb119" href="#pb119" name="pb119">119</a>]</span></p>
</div>
</div>
<div id="ch7" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
<div class="divHead">
<h2 id="xd19e852" class="label">CHAPTER VII.</h2>
<h2 class="main">ANNO DOMINI, 1571.</h2>
<div class="argument">
<p class="first"><i>Of the Government of Miguel Lopez de
Legaspi.</i></p>
</div>
</div>
<div class="divBody">
<p class="first">Manila being founded, and most of the towns of the
surrounding district, in amity with the Spaniards, the Governor sent
the Colonel to Pampanga, to reduce that province to the Spanish yoke,
but he had no sooner arrived at the river Betis, on his way thither,
than he was compelled to return, without being able to reduce either
the town of Betis or that of Lubao; for it appeared that Rajah Soliman
and Lacandola, who had gone with him to serve as interpreters between
the Indians and him, had conducted themselves treacherously. This fully
appeared by Lacandola leaving <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb120"
href="#pb120" name="pb120">120</a>]</span>the Colonel, and returning to
Manila without leave, for which the Governor ordered him to be put in
irons, and, to increase his punishment, told his relations that he
would not let him at liberty but at the Colonel's request; even then he
did not accede to it without confiscating all his artillery, consisting
of fifteen pieces of cannon, large and small. About this time Rajah
Matanda fell sick, and requesting to be baptized, a clergyman of the
name of Juan de Vivero administered this sacrament to him by the name
of Philip: he died of his disorder, and was buried with great
solemnity. On the 17th of July, Don Diego Legaspi, a nephew of the
Governor, arrived; he was sent by Captain Juan de Aguirre to the aid of
his uncle, having a short time before come to Panay with two ships,
which the Viceroy of Mexico had sent to these islands as a
reinforcement. The Governor ordered the Colonel to proceed to Panay,
and despatch these ships to <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb121" href=
"#pb121" name="pb121">121</a>]</span>Manila, and afterwards go to Zebu,
and bring his family to the capital. Whilst the Colonel was executing
this commission, Juan de Salcedo was sent to reduce the people of
Cainta and Taytay, two small towns high up the river Pasig, which had
refused to acknowledge the Spanish authority, and had strengthened
their position by some fortifications covering their towns. He carried
Cainta by assault, with the loss of only two killed and five wounded,
but with great slaughter on the part of the Indians, upon hearing
which, the inhabitants of Taytay immediately surrendered. He afterwards
marched to a town on the borders of the lake <i>Bay</i>, and of the
same name, and summoned the inhabitants, but they answered him with
their arms in their hands. He had with him Padre Friar Alonso de
Albarado, who had accompanied Ruy Lopez de Villalobos in his
expedition; had returned a second time to Mexico; and again had
accompanied the other five <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb122" href=
"#pb122" name="pb122">122</a>]</span>religious, of the order of San
Augustine, to Manila. This venerable person the Colonel sent, to assure
the Indians, that he did not wish to employ his arms against them, and
that he had commissioned the Padre Friar Alonso, to accommodate
matters, requesting them immediately to deliver up their town of Bay.
This in the end was acceded to, and was followed, by the submission of
many small towns, on the borders of the lake. Juan de Salcedo went
further up the country behind them, and found the people of Mahayhay,
fortified by nature so securely on a hill, that they could defend
themselves against a great force, with no difficulty, by rolling down
immense stones. Having, however, reconnoitred it, he perceived a path
less rugged than the rest, and where they seemed more negligent. By
this path he surmounted the difficulty, and appeared above them, when
they were seized with such a panic, that they fled precipitately,
without making <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb123" href="#pb123" name=
"pb123">123</a>]</span>any resistance. For two days more, Juan de
Salcedo was detained in this part of the country, passing through the
villages, which, however, he found deserted, the inhabitants having
taken refuge in the mountains. He in consequence returned to Bay, where
he had left most of his people. It was understood, that in the country
of the Camarines, there was a town called Paracale, where there were
mines of gold. He sent back to Manila Padre Albarado, and some of the
Spaniards; and having a few soldiers only, he encountered a great many
difficulties, in undertaking the conquest of this town. Many days
having elapsed, without hearing from them at Manila, the Governor
despatched Major Antonio Hurtado in search of them, and he found Juan
de Salcedo in Paracale, with all his people, very much weakened, in
consequence of the hardships they had been exposed to, and the sickness
with which they had been attacked. Salcedo <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb124" href="#pb124" name=
"pb124">124</a>]</span>returned with Hurtado to Manila, on which
occasion there were great rejoicings, as he had been supposed dead, and
the loss of a man so much loved and respected would have been severely
felt.</p>
<p>About this time the Colonel returned from Zebu, having first subdued
the province of Pampanga. The Governor now apportioned the conquered
districts and towns, among the respective officers, who had so well
earned that reward, reserving to his Majesty the usual tribute only. He
directed, that the Indians should pay a moderate rent, to those new
proprietors of land, and the Spaniards were enjoined, not to exact any
thing above the rent so settled. In a little time it was discovered,
that the Indians would not pay the tribute; and that the Spanish
proprietors, had been guilty of many vexatious acts against them, which
had produced revolts in various places. In Bohol, Panay, and in
Marinduque, the Indians had killed several Spanish <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb125" href="#pb125" name=
"pb125">125</a>]</span>factors and soldiers. To prevent these
disturbances from spreading, the Governor sent Captain Luis de la Haya,
to examine into the matter, and to punish the aggressors. He executed
his commission with such prudence, that, without exasperating the
Indians, he chastised the murderers, and left the towns in complete
subordination.</p>
<p>At the beginning of the year 1572, there arrived, with a great deal
of rich merchandize, those Chinese whom the Spaniards had saved from
shipwreck, in the island of Mindoro, together with many others of that
nation, who brought damasks, satins, taffeties, silks, porcelain, and
other things, with which the foundation of a lucrative commerce with
Acapulco was laid. These Chinese, whom we call Sangleyes, from two
Chinese words, <i>hiang, lay</i>, which signifies travelling merchants,
continue to this day the commerce with Manila, and many have settled in
these islands, where, however, they have frequently been troublesome,
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb126" href="#pb126" name=
"pb126">126</a>]</span>as will be seen in the sequel. About the time
these merchants arrived, the Augustine friars intended to hold their
second provincial chapter, and the first which had been celebrated at
Manila; and at this it was determined, to send some of their order to
China, to establish a religious intercourse between the two nations.
The Governor agreed to this, and was desirous, at the same time, to
send an embassy to the Emperor; but the Chinese would not agree to take
it to China. The Friar Alvarado, however, who was the most desirous of
the undertaking, began to study the language, that he might be able to
convert and baptize the Chinese merchants, who seemed disposed to
settle in Manila; this plan he had adopted in Tondo, where he had
administered the sacrament to numbers. In this provincial chapter it
was agreed, that Padre Herrera should be sent a second time to Mexico,
in order to bring more clerical aid to this province; they likewise
chose as provincial, the Padre Friar Martin <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb127" href="#pb127" name="pb127">127</a>]</span>de
Rada, and elected a capitular of the convent of Manila; they
established clergy in Zebu, Masbate, Otong, Mindoro, Tondo, Calumpit,
and Lubao. Soon after this, convents were founded in the districts of
Taal, Bay, and Pasig, and many visitations were made, by which it was
ascertained, that the number of the clergy increased so much, that it
became necessary, to separate the parish priests from the friars.</p>
<p>The greater part of this quarter of the island, being reduced to
complete obedience, to the King of Spain, and nothing being known of
the northern part of it, Juan de Salcedo offered to make the discovery,
at his own risk. He collected men and ships, the Governor allowing him
forty-five soldiers, with necessary ammunition. He sailed from Manila
on the 20th of May, 1572; on the third day, he arrived at Cape Bolinao,
in the province of Zambales, where he found a Chinese junk or sampan,
and a party <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb128" href="#pb128" name=
"pb128">128</a>]</span>of Chinese, who had got possession of a chief
and some Indians, with an intent to carry them to China. Juan de
Salcedo re-took them from the Chinese, and gave them their liberty,
which action so gratified the feelings of the natives, that they became
immediately vassals of the King of Spain, and solicited to be placed on
the same footing, as the people of the other districts. Passing from
thence to Pangasinan, he coasted the whole of that province, and that
of Ylocos, until he arrived at Cape Boxeador, examining all the ports,
bays, and landing places, near which his squadron was able to approach,
and it consisted of many, but very small vessels. He was desirous, of
preserving a good understanding with the Indians, and most of the towns
on the coast, received him in a very friendly manner, and supplied him
with provisions, which he stood in need of; but on his entering the
rivers and creeks, he found great resistance from the inhabitants
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb129" href="#pb129" name=
"pb129">129</a>]</span>of the districts bordering on them. He attacked
them on several occasions, putting them to flight with great ease, and
sent to them, desiring them to leave the mountains, with a promise of
his friendship. Some, however, not relying on the promises of the
Spaniards, could not divest themselves of their apprehensions, while
others readily came down, submitted, and agreed to pay the tribute. In
this manner he was proceeding, and had almost subdued these two large
provinces<a href="#n19"><sup>19</sup></a>, intending to pass on to
Cagayan; but he was opposed by his own people, who became weary of the
expedition. His second in command, Antonio Hurtado, proposed that he
should go on, and prosecute his original plan, but Juan de Salcedo,
although he desired it much, thought it better to accede to the
representations of his soldiers, and they returned by the same route,
confirming in their obedience the towns which had submitted. On his
arrival <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb130" href="#pb130" name=
"pb130">130</a>]</span>at Bigan, the natives received him with so much
cordiality, that he prudently determined on the step of founding there
a Spanish city, for the purpose of <span class="corr" id="xd19e901"
title="Source: controuling">controlling</span> the neighbouring
country.</p>
<p>Having, with this view, ordered the natives to cut sufficient timber
to build a fort, and accommodations for those who chose to remain, he
became desirous of executing the original project, which he had
abandoned, of passing on to Cagayan. He left in Bigan his second in
command, with twenty-five soldiers, and, with the seventeen that
remained, he commenced this arduous undertaking, departing in three
vessels on the 24th of July. Having passed Cape Boxeador, he entered a
river where he found a mud village of salt-makers; he desired them to
call their chiefs, as he wished to be on good terms with them, and
after many messages they appeared with their Rajah, who was a very
handsome man, and whiter than the rest of the Indians. <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb131" href="#pb131" name="pb131">131</a>]</span>Juan
de Salcedo came up to him with open arms, intending to embrace him; but
the barbarian, unaccustomed to such a mode of salutation, believing
that he wanted to catch him, took to his heels and fled, and on no
entreaty would he be prevailed on, to leave the mountains. Our people,
therefore, hoisted their sails, and arrived at the river of Cagayan.
They sailed up this river a considerable way, and found a populous
district; but they dared not attempt any hostility against the
inhabitants, as they were so few in number in comparison to the
natives, and they resolved to return to Manila by that side of the
island, in order completely to ascertain the whole extent of Luzon.
They proceeded about one hundred leagues, without discovering any
population, or any thing but a rocky shore. They coasted it until they
arrived at a bay, which Juan de Salcedo thought had been named Amanto,
having been there when <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb132" href=
"#pb132" name="pb132">132</a>]</span>he went to Paracale. In this,
however, he was mistaken, but as that bay was very near, he arrived in
a few days at it. Here he went on shore; and travelled on till he came
to the towns on the lake, where he embarked on board a small boat with
only four rowers. The boat was on the point of foundering during the
passage, and the Indians deserting her by swimming away, he would
inevitably have been lost, had not a proa, with some friendly Indians,
passing by, immediately relieved him. Arriving at Manila, he received
the melancholy intelligence of the death of his grandfather, on the
20th of August, 1572, accelerated much by the vexatious and
multifarious duties of his office. He was interred in the church of the
Augustines, with the magnificence due to his character and station.</p>
<p>By the death of Legaspi, the treasurer, Guido de Labezares became
governor <i>ad interim</i>, by a decree of the Royal Audience of
Mexico, and which decree was found <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb133"
href="#pb133" name="pb133">133</a>]</span>among the papers of the
deceased. A few days after Labezares had succeeded to the government,
Manila suffered severely from a hurricane, which destroyed almost all
the houses, these being built of canes, and drove back the two ships
which had been <span class="corr" id="xd19e917" title=
"Source: seent">sent</span> to Acapulco, but which, after the storm
subsided, sailed again for New Spain, carrying accounts of the death of
Legaspi. The new Governor sent Colonel Martin de Goite, to reduce the
revolted natives of Ylocos, which was done with little trouble, and he
brought away the tribute of the king in gold, compelling them to ransom
themselves, for a sum far exceeding that amount. This he was enabled so
easily to do, by the exertions of Juan de Salcedo, who, at his own
cost, had subdued nearly all this province, and who, as the Colonel
represented, ought to be allowed to reap the fruits of his labours; but
Guido de Labezares was prejudiced against him, and would not employ him
until he was <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb134" href="#pb134" name=
"pb134">134</a>]</span>undeceived as to his merits. He then sent him to
the conquest of the Camarines, which he effected with ease, and founded
near the river of Vicol a Spanish city, calling it Santiago de Libon.
He appointed as chief judge Captain Pedro de Chaves, with eighty
soldiers. While Juan de Salcedo was making these conquests, the
governor <i>ad interim</i> was exploring the whole of the Bisayas: he
attempted to restrain within proper bounds the avarice of the factors,
but it was without effect, as the moment he was gone they returned to
their old practices. Meanwhile a ship from Acapulco arrived with three
Augustine friars, men who were much required, not only for the purpose,
of converting to the Christian religion, the natives of the conquered
countries, but likewise to preserve the tranquillity of the different
towns, and which could not be effected solely by force of arms.</p>
<p>When the Governor <i>ad interim</i> returned <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb135" href="#pb135" name="pb135">135</a>]</span>to
Manila, he sent an embassy to the Rajah of Borneo, but without effect,
as he had no wish to be on terms with the Spaniards. He likewise
divided the province of Ylocos between the Colonel and Juan de Salcedo,
who had been employed in that expedition. In the beginning of the year
1574, Juan de Salcedo sailed to take possession of his portion; he
founded in the district of Bigan the city Fernandina, where he built a
house for himself. While he was accomplishing this object, a large
squadron of vessels passed by, which had taken a galeot and twenty men
he had sent in search of provisions; and presuming that their intention
was to attack him, he began to fortify the town, but seeing they
prosecuted their route, he took it for granted they were going against
Manila; and having collected together all the Spaniards he had in
Ylocos, he embarked for the capital to the assistance of the Governor.
This was the famous expedition of Limahon, <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb136" href="#pb136" name="pb136">136</a>]</span>by
which Manila was nearly lost, but a short time after its
foundation.</p>
<p>Limahon was a pirate of such renown, that the Emperor of China had
sent against him three different squadrons, and he was in fact so
pressed on all sides by this force, that having captured a Chinese junk
coming from Manila, who informed him of the new conquests by the
Spaniards, he determined to sail for this country, and be crowned King
of these islands, in order to be secure, by this means, from the
Emperor's attacks. He arrived at the island of Corregidor, which is in
the mouth of the bay, the 29th of November 1574, with sixty-two junks,
in which he brought one thousand five hundred women, two thousand
soldiers, and a great many seamen, sufficient artillery, muskets, and
swords. The Spaniards had no intimation of his arrival at Corregidor,
and the same night his second in command, who was a Japanese of the
name of Sioco, landed with <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb137" href=
"#pb137" name="pb137">137</a>]</span>six hundred men, with which he
entered, and attempted to take possession of Manila. In the attempt to
land his men he lost three boats, which were swamped by the surf; but
he effected his object, without being at all discovered by our people.
He first landed at Parañaque, supposing it to be Manila, but
soon finding out his mistake, he began his march to it by the beach,
his vessels following him, and at day-break he arrived at Manila, where
he was discovered by the Indians. They made all haste to the Colonel,
who lived close to the royal gate, where the college of St. Joseph now
stands, and informed him, that there was an immense body of Moors of
Borneo coming by the sea side. The Colonel, however, as he had no
reason to conclude, that the Borneans considered themselves, in direct
hostility with the Spaniards, gave no credit to it, till he saw the
Chinese enter by the gate, close to his house. Three soldiers, who were
placed as <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb138" href="#pb138" name=
"pb138">138</a>]</span>guards there, attempted to resist them, but they
were soon overpowered by multitudes, and one only escaped, severely
wounded.</p>
<p>The wife of the Colonel looking out of the window, thought they were
Indians come against them, and called out, “Here the dogs come,
we are all dead.” The Portuguese interpreter, who accompanied
Sioco, enraged at this reproachful epithet of the lady, ordered the
house to be set on fire. The Colonel, who was ill, immediately on this
got up, put on his armour, and unsheathing his sword, leapt out of the
window in the midst of his enemies, who received him on their swords,
and cut him to pieces. They killed the wife of a common soldier, whom
they found in the house, and left for dead Dona Lucia Corral, the wife
of the Colonel, but she afterwards recovered from her wounds. Sioco
pursuing his march, encountered some Spaniards who were on their way to
assist <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb139" href="#pb139" name=
"pb139">139</a>]</span>the Governor, and seeing that there were few
opposed to him, he formed his men into a half moon, and charged the
centre of the Spaniards. The engagement was long doubtful, when eight
soldiers being killed, the rest must have shared their fate, had they
not been joined by twenty more, under the command of Captain Alonso
Velasquez, the aid-de-camp of General Amador de Arriaran, and Gaspar
Ramirez, aid-de-camp of the Colonel, who charged the Chinese so
furiously, that Sioco was obliged to retire to his boats and join
Limahon, who had anchored in Cavite. Sioco justified his ill success in
this action, by saying, that the people were tired by their long march
along the beach, which excuse Limahon admitted, and determined on
another assault on the third day. This affair having happened on St.
Andrew's day, the Spaniards attributed it to the intercession of that
Saint, that they had not all fallen into the hands of the Chinese, and
expressed <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb140" href="#pb140" name=
"pb140">140</a>]</span>their gratitude, by choosing him patron of
Manila, instituting an annual solemn feast on the occasion. Limahon's
delay of the second attack, was the means of saving all, as it gave
time to Juan de Salcedo, to join with his force from Ylocos. He arrived
in the bay, in the night of the same day of St. Andrew, and
understanding that Limahon was in Cavite, he did not attempt to enter
there, but landed on the Pampanga side of the bay. The day following,
in the evening, he met with two Indians, who had escaped from the
engagement, and informed him of all that had happened; he immediately
made sail, and entered Manila that night. When he was at the mouth of
the river, he ordered the trumpets to be sounded, and placed a great
number of lights about his ship, to induce the enemy to believe, the
approach of considerable relief to the Spaniards, who saluted him in
form, all of which caused great alarm to the Chinese. The Governor
<i>ad interim</i>, was <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb141" href=
"#pb141" name="pb141">141</a>]</span>so pleased with the diligence of
Juan de Salcedo, that he appointed him Colonel, in the room of Martin
de Goite.</p>
<p>The same night, Limahon weighed anchor from Cavite, and pressed on
to Manila, and Sioco disembarked the following morning, after having
sworn by an oath to his General, that he would either die in the
attempt, or that day be in possession of the house of the Governor. He
directed his march to the fort, which our people had constructed of
timber, faggots, and barrels of earth, and he divided his troops into
three bodies. He ordered one to march down, through the principal
street of the city, to the square, where he expected the Spaniards
would sally out of the fort, and engage them; and in this expectation,
he sent another body, by the side of the river round the fort, and the
third, which he commanded himself, he led along the beach. The division
which had been ordered down the principal street, arrived in the
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb142" href="#pb142" name=
"pb142">142</a>]</span>square, and in order to induce the Spaniards to
sally from the fort, they set fire to the houses. Fortunately the
Spaniards did not quit the fort, though they saw their houses burning,
but contented themselves with playing their artillery upon the Chinese,
doing a great deal of mischief. Sioco, finding that it was not
possible, to draw the Spaniards from their fortifications, and having
lost many of his men, ordered the division that had arrived at the
square, to assault the fort, at the same time leading on his own. Such
was the multitude of the Chinese, against so few on our part, that the
palisade was forced, and they entered through a part, which Ensign
Sancho Ortez defended, and in which he was killed, performing prodigies
of valour. Immediately the Governor heard of this, he repaired to the
fort, attended by the Colonel; they cut their way through the Chinese,
and having entered it, repulsed the invaders with great loss. The
Chinese, panic struck <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb143" href=
"#pb143" name="pb143">143</a>]</span>at this, retiring by degrees
towards the shore, the Spaniards followed them close, making great
slaughter among them; but, to our great misfortune, our people suddenly
abandoned their advantage, at the sight of Limahon's squadron, which
had just entered the river, but had not been able hitherto, to take
part in the action.</p>
<p>Limahon observing this, ordered his ships off, in order that his men
might become desperate, on finding themselves deprived of all
protection from him: the contrary effect, however, was produced by it,
as they were seized with such a panic, that they could not face their
enemies, but formed themselves on the shore, and received the fire of
our artillery, which was discharged repeatedly upon them, determined
rather to wait death with firmness, than return into the engagement. In
this they would have persisted, had not Limahon arrived with four
hundred fresh men. As all was not lost, he ordered some of his
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb144" href="#pb144" name=
"pb144">144</a>]</span>people to burn a ship and galley, which, with a
few other small vessels, were drawn up on the beach, and which, when
they had destroyed the houses, they had forgot to burn with the rest,
and he made a false attack on the fort, in order to compel the
Spaniards to sally out, to hinder the operation. The Colonel guessed
his intention: he, however, sallied out with fifty men, against those
only who were proceeding to pillage the city, and put them to flight
precipitately. Limahon seeing that his plan had not succeeded, having
lost many men, and finding that his principal captain, Sioco, had been
killed, he embarked his troops, and, under favour of the night,
returned to the river Parañaque, where he killed all the
Indians, he found assembled in any hostile way, and, before day-break,
he set sail, and did not bring to, until he came to the province of
Pangasinan; where he entered into an amicable arrangement with the
chief, forming an encampment, and fortifying it with a <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb145" href="#pb145" name=
"pb145">145</a>]</span>strong palisado on an inlet of the river
Lingayen. The Governor was determined to follow him into the province,
but he found it necessary first to restore the fortifications of the
city, and likewise to quell a sedition of the Indians, who, on this
occasion, shewed how little they could be depended upon.</p>
<p>The natives of Manila, whilst the Spaniards were engaging the
Chinese, robbed their houses and maltreated their slaves; those of
Tondo killed some Sachristans belonging to a convent, and they would
have done the same with the clergy, but that they could not have
concealed it. Those of the island of Mindoro, however, imprisoned the
friars, and took them to the mountains, where they were not bold enough
to murder them, till they saw how the action with Limahon would
terminate, and how things would be adjusted. Rajah Soliman and
Lacandola, the chief of Manila and Tondo, apprehensive that the
Governor <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb146" href="#pb146" name=
"pb146">146</a>]</span>would punish them for this ill conduct, retired
to Navotas, where they fomented a rebellion. In order to quell this the
Colonel, accompanied by Friar Marin, set out immediately, and when
Lacandola understood they had arrived, he sent to them to request the
friar would repair to a station about three leagues distant, where all
the chiefs were assembled, and where they were desirous of treating of
a reconciliation with the Spaniards. The friar Marin determined to
proceed to the station which they mentioned, and there he met all the
chiefs, who received him with much joy, but they could not be persuaded
to see the Colonel. Lacandola alone abandoned his fears, in consequence
of the promise the friar had made him, and left Navotas with an
intention to present himself, but he found that Juan de Salcedo had
returned, and directed his way to his house. Salcedo encountered two
ranks of armed men on the banks of the river, near the house
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb147" href="#pb147" name=
"pb147">147</a>]</span>of Lacandola; he boldly went up to them, and
took away their lances and arrows; when, Lacandola arriving, he said,
“What is the meaning of this? why are these men armed?” The
Indian made many excuses, and promised to wait on the Governor the day
following, in company with the friar Marin. The Governor admitted the
excuses, and presented Lacandola with a silk mantle and a gold chain.
Won over by this treatment, Rajah Soliman, in four days, presented
himself to the Governor, and the sedition was thus terminated. Captain
Rivera subdued the people of Mindoro with the same facility.</p>
<p>The Governor being relieved from the anxiety, which the restlessness
of the Indians had occasioned, determined to follow Limahon to
Pangasinan. He found, on mustering, that the soldiers in Manila
amounted to two hundred, and about two hundred more were scattered
through the provinces of Bisayas and Camarines; from <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb148" href="#pb148" name=
"pb148">148</a>]</span>among these he manned the squadron, with two
hundred and fifty Spaniards, and he added one thousand five hundred
friendly Indians. On the 22d of March 1575, the Colonel sailed with
this armament to Pangasinan, and, on the 29th of the same month, in the
night, arrived in the river Lingayen. The day following he sent Captain
Pedro de Chaves to take possession of the ships belonging to the
corsair, and Captain Gabriel de Rivera to reconnoitre his
fortifications. Chaves executed his commission with ease, as the
Chinese fled from their ships, the moment he boarded them. Rivera
attacked the works, firing upon them, and making a dreadful carnage.
Limahon, observing what passed, ordered his men under cover of a grove
of date trees, where they might defend themselves more easily. Captain
Chaves sent assistance to Rivera, and a most sanguinary engagement
commenced. Rivera at last routed the Chinese, compelling them to
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb149" href="#pb149" name=
"pb149">149</a>]</span>retire to their fort, which he would have
scaled, but, finding the palisade too lofty, he had recourse to the
expedient of ordering his men to rush in a body against it, formed as
it was of date trees driven into the earth. This they did with such
force, that they broke through, opened the gate, and entered the fort.
The Chinese then retired within the second palisade, which was the
quarter of Limahon. The Spaniards ought to have attacked the inner
fort, before the Chinese had recovered from their panic; but their
avarice prevailed, and they dispersed themselves through the different
houses, which had been built within the first palisade, plundering
them, without attempting any thing else. Limahon was not slow in taking
advantage of this error of the Spaniards, and, attacking them with four
hundred men, he drove them out of the works with great loss, thus
paying dearly for the indulgence of their habits of plunder. Ashamed of
this defeat, our <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb150" href="#pb150"
name="pb150">150</a>]</span>people returned a second time to the
assault, when they retook the first line of works, but being unable to
force the inner one, they burnt the houses of the Chinese, and going on
board their boats, they retired to where Pedro de Chaves was posted.
Here, finding one of the junks unserviceable, she was set fire to, and
a retreat of the whole body was made good, to the post where the
Colonel was stationed, with the rest of the armament.</p>
<p>Juan de Salcedo, convinced of the difficulty of taking the fort by
storm, and desirous of being as sparing as possible, of the lives of
his Spaniards, considering the difficulties they had to encounter,
determined on attempting to reduce Limahon by fair means. Having in his
army a Chinese who had been established in Manila, he ordered him to
write to Limahon; but this letter having no effect, he wrote a second
to the same purpose. Limahon replied, that he was considered a savage
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb151" href="#pb151" name=
"pb151">151</a>]</span>tiger, whom all were desirous of catching; but
he assured them, that he should either kill them, or they him. The
Chinese, therefore, thus declining every amicable proposal, the Colonel
resolved to throw up works near to their works, but at such a distance
as to be without the range of the enemy's artillery. Upon his beginning
accordingly to pitch his camp, however, a shot was fired which passed
close to him, and wounded his aid-de-camp in the leg, affording him a
convincing proof that their artillery could reach all over the small
island. It was, therefore, deemed necessary to remove the camp to
another position, and to blockade the mouth of the river to prevent
Limahon from escaping, until the Governor of Manila should determine,
whether he would have the works taken by assault, or that, by means of
a blockade, the Chinese should be starved into submission. Upon this
retreat of the Spaniards, Limahon collected the remaining <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb152" href="#pb152" name=
"pb152">152</a>]</span>fragments of the junks, which had been burnt,
and with these built some boats within the fort. Four months passed in
this manner, when, finding he had no other resource, Limahon opened a
canal to the river, and, in the night, escaped with all his people in
the small vessels he had constructed. To deceive the Spaniards, and
conquer the difficulties opposed to him in the mouth of the river, he
set fire to a few small vessels filled with combustibles, and, ordering
a false attack to be made on the guard, he, in the meantime, escaped;
and, without any obstruction, on the 3d of August 1575, prosecuted his
voyage. During these transactions between Juan de Salcedo and Limahon,
the Augustine friars held a chapter, and appointed priests in the towns
of Candaba and Macabebe, in the province of Pampanga, in Bizan, in the
province of Ylocos, and in the island of Negros. They were not
satisfied with the innumerable converts, they made in <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb153" href="#pb153" name=
"pb153">153</a>]</span>these islands, but they became desirous of
attempting the spiritual conquest of the empire of China. There was at
that time in Manila, a Chinese of the name of Aumon, who had been sent
by the viceroy of Fouquien, in search of Limahon, to promise him
pardon, on the part of the Emperor of China, if he would cease his
depredations. This Chinese had been to Pangasinan, and told Juan de
Salcedo, that he wished to see the pirate; but as Salcedo distrusted
the nature of his mission, Aumon deemed it prudent to return to Manila,
where he paid his court so well to the Governor, that he delivered him
up fifty captives which had been taken from Limahon. Aumon was now
desirous of returning to China, and the Augustine friars conceived this
would be a good opportunity, to attempt an establishment there. With
this view they endeavoured to persuade him, to take two friars under
his protection, which request the Governor seconded; and, as
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb154" href="#pb154" name=
"pb154">154</a>]</span>the news of Salcedo's success against Limahon
had, by this time, reached them, Aumon determined to comply with the
request. The friars Martin de Rada, and Geronimo Marin, were nominated
for this undertaking, and, at the same time, as ambassadors from the
Governor, were the bearers of a letter to the Viceroy of Fouquien, and
another to the Emperor, which they were ordered to deliver to the
Viceroy, as their directions were not to proceed beyond that point. But
as it was intended, that these religious should remain in the province
of Fouquien, to propagate the Christian faith, two Spaniards were sent
to bring back the answer to the embassy. They left Manila on the 2d of
July 1575, and before they returned, the new Governor of these islands
arrived. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb155" href="#pb155" name=
"pb155">155</a>]</span></p>
</div>
</div>
<div id="ch8" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
<div class="divHead">
<h2 id="xd19e990" class="label">CHAPTER VIII.</h2>
<h2 class="main">ANNO DOM. 1575.</h2>
<div class="argument">
<p class="first"><i>Of the Administration of Don Francisco La Sande,
second Governor of Manila.</i></p>
</div>
</div>
<div class="divBody">
<p class="first">Doctor Don Francisco La Sande, born at Caceres in
Estremadura, and Oidor of Mexico, took possession of this government on
the 24th of August 1575. He instituted an inquiry into the conduct of
his predecessor, and acquitted him of any misapplication of his
authority. At the commencement of La Sande's government, the embassy
returned from China, and proved to have had a favourable issue, as the
Viceroy of Fouquien received them with great respect; and although he
could not permit the friars to remain in the province, as he had no
orders to that effect, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb156" href=
"#pb156" name="pb156">156</a>]</span>he forwarded the letter, which the
Governor of Manila had written to the Emperor of China, contributing
all in his power to second his views: and this fully appeared by the
answer, which the Chinese brought in the month of February, the year
following, by which the Emperor appointed one port in his dominions,
for commercial intercourse with the Spaniards. The Chinese brought
considerable presents, which they would not deliver to the actual
Governor, but to Guido de Labexares, who, as Governor <i>ad
interim</i>, had despatched the embassy. This affront Don Francisco La
Sande felt so severely, that he behaved to them with great coolness,
and made them no presents when they returned. The unhandsome conduct of
the Governor, frustrated those expectations, which had been raised by
the defeat of Limahon, and the subsequent mission; by making a most
unfavourable impression on the minds of the Chinese, who discharged
their whole <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb157" href="#pb157" name=
"pb157">157</a>]</span>vengeance, on the heads of the two Augustine
friars. They landed them in the province of Zambales, scourged them
most cruelly, murdered, before their eyes, their interpreter and
slaves, and left them bound fast to trees; in which situation they must
have perished, had not, providentially, Morones been passing that way,
who released them, and cured their wounds.</p>
<p>This year, 1576, was unpropitious to the Spaniards in the
Philippines; for, independent of this disgrace, they had the misfortune
to lose Juan de Salcedo, who died on the 11th of March, and who had
been a second Pizarro, or Cortes, in this conquest. He was seized with
a fever while in Ylocos, and when in that state, visiting a mine in his
domains, he drank some cold water, which operated so powerfully on the
intestines, that he died in three hours. On the island of Catanduanes,
likewise, a party of Augustine missionaries was shipwrecked: this was a
public <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb158" href="#pb158" name=
"pb158">158</a>]</span>loss, and most severely felt, as, without the
labours of the religious, the military exploits of the Spaniards, would
have been of little avail, in securing the subjection of these
islands.</p>
<p>This loss was repaired the following year, by the arrival of some
more friars, and seventeen Franciscans, whom the Augustines received in
their convents, and assigning to them the ecclesiastical authority over
a number of towns, the Franciscans began their labours with
indefatigable zeal.</p>
<p>About this time, Queen Elizabeth of England, sent the famous Drake
with a considerable squadron, for the purpose of subduing the Moluccas.
In passing the Straits of Magellan, he lost several of his ships; but
he pursued his course in his own ship, committing many acts of
hostility on the voyage, and giving a name to several islands which he
discovered, such as St. Bartholomew, St. James, and New <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb159" href="#pb159" name=
"pb159">159</a>]</span>Albion, a large island, where he was detained
six weeks. Arriving at Tidore, he began to gather cloves, without
permission from the King of the island, at which the latter took great
offence; but Drake having made him presents, he stipulated for the
assistance of their arms, in case he should require it, permitting the
English to establish factories for collecting cloves and nutmegs, and,
in token of his amity, sent a most superb ring to the Queen of England.
Richly laden with spices and Chinese merchandize, which he had captured
in several of our vessels, on their voyage to New Spain, Drake
proceeded on his return to England, where, after a variety of
disasters, he arrived, filling all Europe with admiration of the
valuable nature of his cargo. That strangers might not, by such means,
acquire a footing in the Moluccas and neighbouring islands, the
Governor sent an expedition against the island of Borneo, which, by the
following circumstances, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb160" href=
"#pb160" name="pb160">160</a>]</span>became a matter of easy conquest.
Sirela, King of Borneo, had come to Manila, to solicit the assistance
of the Spaniards, in the recovery of his kingdom, of which he had been
unjustly deprived by his brother; and he promised, in the event of his
success, that the whole of this large island, should become tributary
to Spain. Don Francisco La Sande, conceiving this a most desirable
object, and that it would necessarily lead to the conquest of all the
Archipelago of Maluco, determined to go in person, that he might not
lose the favourable opportunity, which now presented itself, by
replacing Sirela in the possession of his kingdom.</p>
<p>He sailed from Manila in thirty vessels, with a large body of
Spaniards and friendly Indians, and arrived safely at Borneo. Having
entered the river, he proceeded along it, until he arrived at the
residence of the usurper, upon which he immediately directed his
artillery. The King, however, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb161"
href="#pb161" name="pb161">161</a>]</span>with his troops, gallantly
attacked the Spaniards, but in a short time, fled in great disorder,
and took refuge in the mountains. The Governor placed his deposed
brother on the throne, and returned to Manila, where he planned several
other expeditions. He sent a squadron to Jolo and Mindanao, which
reduced these two islands, and compelled them to pay the customary
tribute to the King of Spain; but from the great distance they were at
from Manila, and the very limited number of clergy then in the seat of
government, a sufficiency could not be spared, for the purpose of
converting the natives to Christianity, during the short time these
islands were held. He completed the conquest of the province of
Camarines by means of Captain Chaves, who founded the city of Nueva
Caceres, close to the town of Naga. The Augustine friars began their
spiritual conquest, but finding their number unequal to the task, of
duly attending the undertaking, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb162"
href="#pb162" name="pb162">162</a>]</span>they called in to their
assistance the Franciscans, to whom eventually they ceded this
district.</p>
<p>Towards the close of La Lande's government, an unpleasant
disagreement arose between the clergy and laity. The factors had
introduced into their respective districts, several abuses, which the
clergy would not countenance. Certain services were required of the
Indians, beyond the stipulated rents, which were extremely vexatious,
and which little accorded with the Christian character. The friars
began by preaching against these abuses, but this had little effect,
and in the end, so many complaints were made, that it reached the ears
of the King (Philip the Second), who issued an order, in which he
reproved the conduct of the factors, and enjoined them, to pay strict
obedience to the instructions they had received, to confine their
imposts to the stipulated rents alone. The Governor gave every aid to
the order of his Majesty, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb163" href=
"#pb163" name="pb163">163</a>]</span>making regulations, by which the
Indians might be secured against such encroachments in future. This, in
some respect, abated the gathering storm, but tranquillity was never
completely restored, as the avarice of the factors set at defiance all
laws, human and divine. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb164" href=
"#pb164" name="pb164">164</a>]</span></p>
</div>
</div>
<div id="ch9" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
<div class="divHead">
<h2 id="xd19e1031" class="label">CHAPTER IX.</h2>
<h2 class="main">ANNO DOM. 1580.</h2>
<div class="argument">
<p class="first"><i>The Administration of Don Ronquillo de Penalosa,
third Governor of Manila.</i></p>
</div>
</div>
<div class="divBody">
<p class="first">In April 1580, Don Gonzalo Ronquillo de Penalosa
arrived at the port of Cavite, as Governor of Manila. He was a nephew
of the famous Judge Ronquillo, who hanged the Bishop of Zamora. He
brought to his predecessor, the appointment of Oidor of Mexico, with
orders for him to sail by the first ship, destined for Acapulco. On his
taking possession of his government, his first step was, to mark out
the Chinese quarter of the town, under the guns of the fort of
Santiago, on the other side of the river. He sent Captain Rivera to
Borneo, again to re-establish on his throne the legitimate King Sirela,
who had a second <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb165" href="#pb165"
name="pb165">165</a>]</span>time been deprived of it by his brother,
with the assistance of a Portuguese Captain, of the name of Brito.
Rivera executed his commission without delay, and returned to Manila,
after having placed Sirela in peaceable possession of his kingdom. This
was judged to be the fittest opportunity, for bringing the Moluccas
under the Spanish dominion, and the Governor began to make preparations
for the enterprize, for, in addition to the customary enmity between
the courts of Portugal and Castile, he had received positive
instructions from Philip the Second, to effect this object.
Circumstances, however, compelled him to postpone it till the year
following, as several matters of consequence, in these islands,
required his presence, particularly in the province of Cagayan, where a
Japanese pirate had established himself, with a great many followers
and vessels. Pablo Carrion dislodged the Japanese, but not without
great loss on the side of the <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb166"
href="#pb166" name="pb166">166</a>]</span>Spaniards, as the former,
rather than be taken prisoners, preferred dying bravely, with arms in
their hands. The pirate thus dislodged, the Governor founded the city
of Nueva Segovia, close to the Indian town of Lalo, and the city of
Arivalo, in the island of Panay, in memory of his native province.</p>
<p>The year following, 1582, an expedition sailed to the Moluccas,
commanded by Don Sebastian Ronquillo, a nephew of the Governor, who
took with him Pablo de Lima, married to a niece of the King of Tidore,
and who, in her right, laid claim to several towns, of which she had
been unjustly deprived by the King of Ternate. De Lima was likewise
appointed Governor of Ternate, when it should be subdued by the
Spaniards, and all these considerations contributed, to induce him to
give every aid to this expedition. The squadron arrived at the island
of Motiel, and making an easy conquest of it, the natives recognized
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb167" href="#pb167" name=
"pb167">167</a>]</span>Pablo de Lima as their chief. From this island,
the Spaniards proceeded on their voyage to Ternate, where the Indians
seemed determined, to throw every impediment in the way of their
disembarkation; but the resistance was of short duration, as the
Spaniards contrived to draw them into the interior, and to plant their
artillery against the town, without which expedient nothing could have
been done. They laid regular siege to the town, and were on the point
of taking it, when a disorder in the intestines began to rage among
them, which occasioned such mortality, that they were compelled to
break up their enterprize, and return to the Philippines. During these
transactions in Ternate, the Christians in Manila, found out new
objects for mutual hostility. Besides the provinces which I have
mentioned, which the Augustine friars had been the means of reducing to
obedience, they had distributed priests in Pangasinan, in Cagayan,
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb168" href="#pb168" name=
"pb168">168</a>]</span>and in the two provinces of Misames and Caraga,
in the island of Mindanao, which are the only two in this large island,
acknowledging subjection to the Spaniards. The factor of Mindanao,
whose name was Blas de la Serna, treated the Indians with great
severity, and lived a scandalous life, highly prejudicial to the cause
of Christianity.</p>
<p>The friar whom the Augustines had placed there, admonished him
repeatedly to alter his course of life; but as his conduct became more
reprehensible every day, the friar, unable to bear it longer, was under
the necessity of excommunicating him. The factor, in revenge for (as he
termed it) his impudence, publicly beat him. At this time the Bishop of
Manila was Don Fr. Domingo de Salazar, who had arrived at Manila in
March, 1581, with two Jesuits, who were the first of the order in these
islands. On the 21st of December, he erected the church into a
cathedral, appointing <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb169" href=
"#pb169" name="pb169">169</a>]</span>proper prebends and dignitaries,
and forming municipal authorities for its due government. This nobleman
was highly attentive to the rights of the clergy. He took up the affair
with the factor very warmly, and did not relax in his exertions, until
he saw him at Manila undergo the punishment, imposed on him by the
sentence of the church, and which he had so well merited.</p>
<p>The whole body of factors being alarmed, and fearing this would be
much to their prejudice, persuaded the Governor, to withdraw from the
clergy, the Indians who had been given to them for their own service,
and that of the church. The Spaniards well inclined to the factors,
seconded this advice, and they, in conjunction, commenced a cruel
persecution against the Augustine and Franciscan friars. But Pedro de
Chaves, Amador de Arriaran, Juan de Morenos, Antonio Savedra, Miguel de
Lorca, Francisco de la Cueba, Esteban <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb170" href="#pb170" name="pb170">170</a>]</span>Rodrigueze de
Figueroa, and other factors, who had seen, of how much importance the
friars were, in the conquest and retention of these islands, came over
to their party, and defended them against the attack thus made on them,
proving satisfactorily, that without the assistance of the clergy, the
factors would never have received even their rents.</p>
<p>The Governor, Don Gonzalo Ronquillo, was deeply afflicted at those
disputes, so much at variance with his character, and with the anxiety
of his views, for the happiness and prosperity of these islands. His
whole mind, indeed, was occupied in the consideration, of what might
contribute to these ends, and to the aggrandizement of the Spanish
name; but unhappily persuading himself, that his honour was committed
by these dissensions, he became affected by a deep melancholy, to which
he was a prey during six months, and to which he fell a sacrifice in
the month of March, 1583, before <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb171"
href="#pb171" name="pb171">171</a>]</span>he completed his third year
as Governor. He was interred in the church of St. Augustine, and to do
him honour, more tapers than usual being burnt, the roof of the church
was set on fire, which in a few hours communicated so generally, that
the greater part of the city was destroyed, with immense loss of lives
and property.</p>
<p>By the death of Don Gonzalo, his kinsman, Don Diego Ronquillo,
succeeded as Governor <i>ad interim</i>, being nominated as such in the
royal order. The new Governor directed all his attention, to the
rebuilding of the city, assisting personally in the public works, and
paying particular attention, to the restoration of the houses,
belonging to the inhabitants. Such diligence was used, that in a short
time, the city was completely re-established. Many of the inhabitants,
lost almost all their property in this fire; and the disaster, though
of sufficient magnitude, was swelled into a <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb172" href="#pb172" name="pb172">172</a>]</span>most
dreadful picture, by the ship going to Acapulco, but which had been
forced by stress of weather into China. It is inconceivable, in what
consternation, the inhabitants of the islands in the neighbourhood of
Manila, arrived to their assistance. Don Diego Ronquillo immediately
sent to China the factor of the royal works, Juan <span class="corr"
id="xd19e1070" title="Source: Butista">Bautista</span> Roman, with
orders to chastise those, who had been the cause of spreading this
report, and to despatch, at any expense, a ship to New Spain, with a
true statement of the extent of the mischief. The factor performed his
commission with such efficacy, that the ship he despatched, returned
the year following from Acapulco, in company with another; and in these
ships came the new Governor and the Royal Audience. The government of
Don Diego had lasted only one year, but, though short, it was of great
importance to the settlement.</p>
<p>He reduced to obedience in the island <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb173" href="#pb173" name="pb173">173</a>]</span>of Layte, and the
province of Pangasinan, some towns which refused to pay the usual
tribute, and he effectually suppressed symptoms of sedition in the
other provinces, and which took their rise in the ill treatment of the
factors. The factors entertained the idea, that the Indians whom they
had found on their lands, ought to be considered in the light of slaves
in every respect, and compelled them to work, appropriating all the
wages of their labour to their own use, by which means they enjoyed all
the luxuries of life, and even accumulated fortunes. To such a height
had these abuses been raised, that a reform was absolutely necessary.
The Governor bestowed particular attention on this subject, punishing
those who were culpable, and watching over the general good. The result
of this was, that many Indians who before had fled to the mountains,
returned to the towns, and paid the tribute settled <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb174" href="#pb174" name="pb174">174</a>]</span>by
the government, either in silver, or in the produce of the land they
cultivated. By these desirable arrangements, the royal revenue was
improved, and the interest of the factors so much injured by their own
avarice, that from hence arose the proverb, “Avarice bursts the
sack.” <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb175" href="#pb175" name=
"pb175">175</a>]</span></p>
</div>
</div>
<div id="ch10" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
<div class="divHead">
<h2 id="xd19e1081" class="label">CHAPTER X.</h2>
<h2 class="main">ANNO DOM. 1584.</h2>
<div class="argument">
<p class="first"><i>The Administration of Don Santiago de Vera, fourth
Governor of Manila.</i></p>
</div>
</div>
<div class="divBody">
<p class="first">The Governor, Don Gonzalo Ronquillo, had sent to
Madrid Captain Gabriel Rivera, to solicit several objects, necessary to
the general welfare of these islands, and in particular, that a Royal
Audience should be established there, as it was extremely
disadvantageous and embarrassing, to be obliged to have recourse to
that of Mexico.</p>
<p>The King granted this request, and sent Don Santiago de Vera, of
Alcala de Henares, as Governor and President of the Royal Audience; and
Don Melchor de Avalos, and Don Pedro de Rosas, as oidores of it. The
third oidor, Don Antonio Rivera, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb176"
href="#pb176" name="pb176">176</a>]</span>arrived two years afterwards.
Don Gaspar de Ayala was nominated fiscal. Don Santiago took possession
of his government May, 1584, and immediately formed the Royal Audience,
bearing the royal signet with much ostentation, under a canopy, from
the convent of St. Augustine, to the palace. The Chancellor was Gabriel
de Rivera, who arrived this year, with the title of Mariscal of the
lake of Bombon. Immediately that Don Santiago took possession of his
government, he put in force the orders which he had received from the
King, to chastise those factors, who had abused the authority, they
derived from the possession of the lands granted them. He began, by
dispossessing Bartoleme de Ledesma, factor of Abuyo, and others the
most culpable, punishing the rest in proportion to their
irregularities, after full conviction of their delinquency.</p>
<p>In the following year, 1585, he sent Juan de Morones and Pablo de
Lima, with a <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb177" href="#pb177" name=
"pb177">177</a>]</span>powerful squadron, to reduce the Moluccas under
the Spanish dominion, but it returned to Manila with similar disgrace
to the preceding one, without being able to take possession of the
fortifications of Ternate. The Governor was much chagrined at the ill
success of this expedition, and was desirous of repeating the attempt,
conformable to the positive instructions received from the King to that
effect; but he was not able to execute it, as the troops from New Spain
had not arrived, and, independent of this, the insurrections of the
Indians were of too formidable a nature, for they lost no opportunity
which presented itself of breaking the yoke of the Spaniards. Those of
Pampangos and Manila entered into a conspiracy with the Moors of
Borneo, who had ostensibly come there for the purpose of traffic. They
formed the plan of traitorously entering the town in the night, setting
fire to it, and killing in the confusion all the Spaniards.
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb178" href="#pb178" name=
"pb178">178</a>]</span>This conspiracy was discovered by a female
Indian, married to a Spanish soldier. The Governor checked it in its
commencement, imprisoning many, and severely punishing others by way of
example. The islands of Samar, Ybabao, and Leyte, were likewise far
from being in a state of tranquillity, and the factor of Dagami, a town
of Leyte, had nearly lost his life by the Indians, in the collection of
the tribute paid in wax, and which he had attempted to levy by a
measure, containing double the usual quantity. This compelled him to
fly for safety to the mountains, and he passed from thence in a boat to
the island of Zebu. The Governor sent Captain Lorenzo de la Mota to
quell these disturbances, which he soon did by promising to punish the
delinquent.</p>
<p>Among the calamities which happened during this government, the loss
of the ship Santa Anna was not the least; she was on her way, richly
laden, to Acapulco, and <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb179" href=
"#pb179" name="pb179">179</a>]</span>was taken by the English.
Cavendish, an English pirate, emulous of the fame of Drake, having
equipped five ships, with the assistance of Queen Elizabeth, took his
departure for this quarter of the world; and having committed many acts
of hostility on the coasts of Brazil and Peru, he arrived at Molucca,
where he procured every information respecting the produce of the
Philippines, and the rich cargoes which every year were sent from these
islands to Acapulco. Well instructed, likewise, in the tract observed
by our galleons, he sailed for the coast of California, to lie in wait
for the annual ship destined for New Spain. In due time the Santa Anna,
as is customary, made her appearance on that coast, in prosecution of
her voyage to Acapulco, and fell into the hands of the English without
any resistance, being quite unprepared.</p>
<p>The English having made themselves masters of this valuable prize,
directed their <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb180" href="#pb180" name=
"pb180">180</a>]</span>course to the Philippines, and arriving at the
island of Panay, where we had a ship in the dock of Yloylo, an attempt
was made to burn her, but it was rendered ineffectual by Captain
Lorenzo de Limas, who made a vigorous resistance, with such soldiers
and Indians, as he was able to collect in the province. Abandoning this
object, the English commander sent a letter to the Governor, to apprize
him of the capture he had made of the Santa Anna, and to inform him he
should return frequently to those seas. He departed from Panay for the
Cape of Good Hope, from whence he sailed for England, and arrived laden
with such riches, that his name became more renowned than ever was that
of Francis Drake.</p>
<p>In the year 1589 no ship was despatched to New Spain; for two which
had been equipped for this voyage, were lost in the port of Cavite in a
dreadful storm, which happened on St. Peter's Day. About the
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb181" href="#pb181" name=
"pb181">181</a>]</span>same time many insurrections of the Indians took
place, and in particular, those of Cagayan, who were always very
troublesome, murdered many Spaniards. Those likewise, in the valley of
Dingras, in the province of Ylocos, resisted the collections of
tribute, and murdered six people from the city of Fernandina, who were
travelling through their towns. Don Santiago quelled these tumults, and
restored tranquillity, by duly mingling punishment with clemency. He
likewise constructed a strong fort of stone, where the royal gate now
stands; he removed to Manila the foundery which was hitherto in Santa
Anna; and cast some artillery, with the assistance of an Indian of
Pampango. He founded an hospital for the Spaniards: but the principal
mover of this pious act was Don Luis de Vivanco, who, jointly with his
wife, endowed it, and appropriated it to the reception and cure of the
sick. The Governor divided several portions of land among those
soldiers <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb182" href="#pb182" name=
"pb182">182</a>]</span>and sailors who deserved it most, and conducted
himself in the exercise of his authority, so much to the general
satisfaction, that his character as an excellent Governor was
established by the declaration of the licentiate Herber del Corral, who
was chief judge on the occasion of passing his trial of approbation.
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb183" href="#pb183" name=
"pb183">183</a>]</span></p>
</div>
</div>
<div id="ch11" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
<div class="divHead">
<h2 id="xd19e1117" class="label">CHAPTER XI.</h2>
<h2 class="main">ANNO DOM. 1590.</h2>
<div class="argument">
<p class="first"><i>The Administration of Gomez Perez
Dasmariñas, the fifth Governor of Manila.</i></p>
</div>
</div>
<div class="divBody">
<p class="first">The clergy of Manila about this period, sent to the
court of Madrid and Rome the Friar Sanches, a Jesuit, under the
pretence of soliciting some objects, for the spiritual as well as
temporal welfare of these islands. Arriving at Madrid, he petitioned
that the Royal Audience should be removed, and that Gomez Perez
Dasmariñas, a noble Galician knight of the order of Santiago,
Corregidor of Logrono, should be sent as Governor. This nobleman
arrived at Manila in May 1590, in one of the two ships which the
Viceroy of Mexico had despatched, and in which he had sent four
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb184" href="#pb184" name=
"pb184">184</a>]</span>hundred troops, a supply, by this time highly
requisite in the islands. The other ship which accompanied her struck
on a shoal, close in with the land of Maranduque, and was lost, but all
the people were saved. The King gave the new Governor, as a salary, ten
thousand Castile ducats out of the royal revenue of New Spain, and
which was remitted annually to the Philippines.</p>
<p>He brought an order that the proceedings of the Royal Audience
should be suspended; and in performance of this, the year following,
the Oidores composing it embarked for Mexico; the Oidor Roxas alone
remaining, as the <i>ad interim</i> successor of the Governor. The
Bishop, who had some disagreement with the Governor, feeling the
importance of the Royal Audience, as the only tribunal capable of
curbing the power of the Governor, and persuading himself it was not
safe, to trust in the hands of one man, the uncontrolled <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb185" href="#pb185" name=
"pb185">185</a>]</span>exercise of authority, in a country so remote
from the seat of government, it was his intention to proceed to New
Spain, with a view to procure the re-establishment of the Royal
Audience in Manila, and on various, affairs of his bishopric. The
Governor, that he might not effect his purpose, would not allow him to
embark with the Oidores; and the Bishop in the mean time contented
himself, with giving full powers and instructions to the Augustine
Friar Ortiga, who was going to Madrid, to appear to any allegations
which might be preferred against him. In the short time this government
lasted, great undertakings were performed; such as building a wall of
stone round Manila, erecting the fort of Santiago, and furnishing it
with good artillery. The royal magazines in Manila and Cavite were
built; and the asylum of Santa Potenciana was erected for the
maintenance, at the cost of the state, of a certain number of young
persons, daughters of deceased <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb186"
href="#pb186" name="pb186">186</a>]</span>military officers, until they
should be married. The Governor established among the different
religious orders, a salutary ecclesiastical control over the Indians,
assigning to each order their different towns and provinces, and
converting the colony into a complete republic; supplying every defect
in the government; and putting the whole in a respectable state of
defence, by means of his four hundred regular soldiers, divided into
detachments.</p>
<p>Among the natives of many adjacent islands which traded with Manila,
those of Japan, in particular, brought the richest merchandize for the
consumption of the colony, and for the commerce with Acapulco. A keen
and able man of this nation, named Faranda Kicmon, who had renegaded
from the faith, persuaded Taycosama, Emperor of Japan, to send an
embassy to Manila; and promised him, that if he would give him the
commission, he would procure him to be acknowledged <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb187" href="#pb187" name="pb187">187</a>]</span>King
of Manila, and that a regular and lucrative commerce, might be
established between the two nations. The Emperor gave credit to his
representations, and despatched him with letters to the Governor,
claiming the vassalage of the Philippines. The Governor received this
embassy, and replied to it immediately, without bringing into question
the point of vassalage, by proposing to establish a commercial
intercourse; sending for this purpose, the Franciscan Friars Pedro
Bautista, Francisco de San Miguel, Bartholome, and Gerardo de San
Miguel, who likewise had determined to avail themselves of this
opportunity, to establish themselves in that kingdom to preach the
gospel: he likewise sent with them a Portuguese of the name of
Carvallo, and they bore a handsome present to the Emperor.
Notwithstanding many malicious falsehoods which Faranda had circulated,
Taycosama received the friars with much courtesy, and granted
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb188" href="#pb188" name=
"pb188">188</a>]</span>them permission to remain in his kingdom,
treating them with much respect in the first instance, although, at a
subsequent period, he murdered them. About this time ambassadors from
the King of Camboa arrived, with two elephants, as a present to the
Governor; and endeavoured to engage him, to grant them assistance
against the King of Siam, who had commenced hostilities against them.
The Governor answered the King of Camboa with another present, giving
them great hopes, but evading immediate assistance, on the plea that
his projected expedition to the Moluccas, required all his resources,
however desirous he was of giving the aid they demanded.</p>
<p>That this expedition might not turn out as the former had done,
Gomez Perez Dasmariñas determined to accompany it in person. He
sailed from Cavite on the 19th of October 1593, and arriving off
Santiago, encountered a strong gale from <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb189" href="#pb189" name="pb189">189</a>]</span>the eastward, and the
whole of the fleet was separated, his own ship alone remaining: this
compelled him to anchor at Brimstone Cape, to effect which he was
obliged to have recourse to his boats, on account of the great variety
of currents. The Chinese, to the number of one hundred and fifty,
though able to pull at the oar, assisted but very little; and the
Governor abused them for the little exertion they made. These people
resented this ill-treatment; and considering themselves as superior in
force to the few Spaniards in the ship, conceived the design of
murdering them the same evening. Whilst the Spaniards took their siesta
(or afternoon nap), little dreaming of the designs of the Chinese, the
latter commenced their carnage by killing the Governor, and all those
who were not able to effect their escape in the launch, or by swimming,
sparing only Friar Montilla, a Franciscan, and Juan de Cuellar,
secretary to the Governor, whom <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb190"
href="#pb190" name="pb190">190</a>]</span>they took with them. After
this massacre they sailed for China, and passing by Ylocos, they
entered the port of Sinay to water, where the Indians fell on them, and
killed twenty of their number. The following day they disembarked in
another port; and actuated by superstitious motives, sacrificed one of
the native converts, in revenge for the slaughter the Indians had made
the day before, and by which sacrifice, they expected to propitiate
their gods in favour of their voyage. They tied him to a cross, and
opening his chest, took out his heart, which they offered to their
idols. They then made sail, and coasted for several days: they resolved
to set on shore Friar Montilla, Secretary Cuellar, and those Philippine
Indians who had been their shipmates. They then proceeded to Cochin
China, where, in the end, they received the punishment due to their
crimes.</p>
<p>On the death of the Governor, the Licentiate <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb191" href="#pb191" name=
"pb191">191</a>]</span>Rosas succeeded to the Command, and immediately
despatched two ships in search of the Chinese, under the command of Don
Juan Ronquillo. They made enquiry in several ports; but not being able
to gain information respecting their route, they returned without
effecting their object. That they might not, however, remain without
punishment for such atrocious crimes, and supposing that the Chinese
might have taken shelter in the province of Chancheo in China, of which
they were natives, he sent Don Fernando de Castro, to solicit of the
Viceroy of that province, due satisfaction against the aggressors.
Unable, however, to reach that destination, he was, by the
interposition of divine Providence, compelled to bear away for Cochin
China, where, on his arrival, he found the murderers had retired. He
communicated his business to the King, and the whole of them were
imprisoned and executed. Some of those, likewise, <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb192" href="#pb192" name="pb192">192</a>]</span>whom
the Portuguese Governor of Molucca, had sent on the expedition with the
Chinese, were hanged in Manila. The whole, however, affording small
consolation for the melancholy catastrophe which had taken place.</p>
<p>Forty days after the death of the Governor, Friar Montilla and
Secretary Cuellar arrived at Manila, after having suffered many severe
hardships, and being brought out for death repeatedly, whilst they were
with the Chinese. The deceased Governor had given in charge to these
gentlemen a trunk, to be delivered to his son Luis Perez
Dasmariñas; and on opening it, papers of great importance were
found: among the rest, a royal order, by which he had the power to
nominate his successor, in virtue of which he named his own son Luis.
At first Luis found some difficulty in being acknowledged as such, the
Licentiate Roxas being firmly seated; and unwilling to deliver up his
authority, for <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb193" href="#pb193" name=
"pb193">193</a>]</span>which he had begun to entertain a great
attachment; he, however, on the 3d of December, in the same year, left
Luis in quiet possession.</p>
<p>The new Governor was desirous of sending another expedition to
Molucca, but desisted from it at that time from prudential motives. It
was fortunate that he formed this resolution, as in this case, Manila
would have been left with only a few troops, and exposed to another
attack from the Chinese, on whom little reliance could be placed.
Indeed, there was reason to suspect they had something of that nature
in contemplation, as many junks about this time arrived with Mandarins
in them, and the cause of their appearance was never ascertained. They
landed very frequently, and visited the Governor, but did not attempt
any thing, nor could he comprehend their object; most fortunately,
however, at this moment, arrived the two <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb194" href="#pb194" name="pb194">194</a>]</span>ships which sailed
this year from Acapulco, bringing a sufficient force with them, to
resist enemies more powerful than the Chinese.</p>
<p>Our historians have, with great minuteness, stated the losses and
arrivals of the ships which are sent to New Spain, on account of their
being so interesting to these islands, which depend upon them for their
subsistence, and, of course, their loss or arrival occasions a very
general sensation. There is no reason to think, that these misfortunes
are to be attributed to the difficulty of the passage, nor to stormy
weather, so much as to the ignorance of the pilots, who are chosen
without examination as to their nautical skill, the bad construction of
the ships, their sailing out of season, and too heavily laden. These
are, unquestionably, the principal causes of their failure; and it is a
pity it is not remedied, for it is with justice affirmed, that
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb195" href="#pb195" name=
"pb195">195</a>]</span>the avarice and knavery of some rich people,
have buried in the ocean many millions of dollars.</p>
<p>In the year following, the same two vessels again made this voyage,
and Señor Morga came in one, as successor to the late Governor,
but this nobleman was afterwards promoted to be Oidor of Mexico, where
he wrote the history of the Philippines. There came likewise in these
ships, a sufficient number of troops, sent by the Viceroy of Mexico.
Don Luis Dasmariñas was now, therefore, enabled to give the King
of Camboxa that relief which his father had promised. He likewise
despatched an expedition to the island of Mindanao; and he quelled an
insurrection in some of the provincial towns which had revolted, and
refused to pay the tribute, particularly those in Cagayan and Zambales.
He did many praiseworthy actions, and governed with more approbation
than his father, possessing greater abilities, at <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb196" href="#pb196" name="pb196">196</a>]</span>the
same time that he was more affable to all.</p>
<p>In the month of February 1596, the flag ship of the squadron of
Alvaro Mendana de Neyra arrived at Cavite. He had sailed from Callao,
the port of Lima, with four ships, to colonize the islands of Salmon;
and having begun his new settlement in the island of Negros, near New
Guinea, he died there, and his wife, Doña Isabela Barreto, at
the instigation of the people, left the colony, and came in his ship to
Manila. The Governor received her with great attention, and gave her
every assistance, to enable her to return to New Spain.</p>
<p>An important establishment was now founded here, called the Pious
Work of Mercy, which originated with a clergyman of the name of Losa,
and who, together with Captain Esquerra, an inhabitant of Manila,
employed themselves in collecting donations for this purpose; and
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb197" href="#pb197" name=
"pb197">197</a>]</span>their exertions were so successful, that they
were soon enabled to build the college of Santa Isabel, where many
female orphans are maintained, and on whom marriage portions are
bestowed. In emulation of this pious work, many others were endowed in
the convents, and in the cathedral. The projectors traded with their
funds to China, Batavia, the coast of Coromandel, and Acapulco, the
produce of which was destined to be employed in like manner as above,
in hospitals, dowers to orphan females, in ransoming children in
China<a href="#n20"><sup>20</sup></a>, and for masses for souls in
purgatory, reserving part of it for the annual increase of the funds of
these pious establishments, and to alleviate the distresses occasioned
by the losses of the annual ships, of which they thus became the
assurers to a certain extent. Such establishments may be useful to new
settlers, since the parties desirous of commercial pursuits, may, if
they possess any credit, be certain of meeting in <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb198" href="#pb198" name=
"pb198">198</a>]</span>these resources a capital with which they may
trade. I am not of opinion, however, that they are very useful to these
islands, generally speaking, because the rich merchants, who have
sufficient capital, employ it in objects attended with no risk, and in
their store-houses, and trade with that which they draw from this
charity, by which they escape the chance of loss. If there had not,
unfortunately we may say, been this resource, no doubt some mode would
have been resorted to, of insuring the Acapulco adventures, at less
than the pious foundations have been in the habit of contributing, and
which often exceeds fifty per cent., and never falls below twenty per
cent. Like all other adventures managed by a public body, there is
never such strict œconomy as when under the control of
individuals, whose interests are involved in the result. <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb199" href="#pb199" name="pb199">199</a>]</span></p>
</div>
</div>
<div id="ch12" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
<div class="divHead">
<h2 id="xd19e1188" class="label">CHAPTER XII.</h2>
<h2 class="main">ANNO DOM. 1596.</h2>
<div class="argument">
<p class="first"><i>The Administration of Don Francisco Tello de
Gusman, the fourth Governor of Manila.</i></p>
</div>
</div>
<div class="divBody">
<p class="first">The news of the death of Dasmariñas, reached
Madrid through the medium of India, and immediately the King sent as
his successor Don Francisco Tello de Gusman, Knight of the order of
Santiago, born at Seville, who had been treasurer of the Indies. He
arrived at Manila the 1st of June 1596, and the following month
despatched the ship San Philip to Acapulco; but she encountered in her
voyage heavy gales, was dismasted, and lost her rudder, and having no
other resource, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb200" href="#pb200"
name="pb200">200</a>]</span>bore away for Japan, where the relief she
sought was denied, except on the condition of her entering the port of
Urando; in effecting which she touched on a sand bank, and made so much
water, that she was under the necessity of being unloaded. The
Governor, allured by the prospect of such rich booty, immediately
conceived the design of making himself master of the vessel and cargo,
and accordingly secured it in the royal store-houses, sending
information to the Emperor Taycosama, that the Captain having given a
false representation of the matter, he had proceeded against him
according to law, and had secured the whole of the property. By this
means he so warped the whole affair, that the cargo was condemned, and
a prosecution was commenced, in the progress of which those Franciscan
friars fell martyrs, who had come to this kingdom in quality of
ambassadors.</p>
<p>Taycosama named one of the four principal <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb201" href="#pb201" name=
"pb201">201</a>]</span>Governors of his kingdom, called Uximonoxo, to
take charge of the ship, in order that the cargo might be delivered up;
for our Captain, Don Mathias Landecho, had petitioned the Emperor,
sending two Spaniards and two friars, of those he had in the ship, with
a present worth twenty thousand dollars, to soften him, and, if
possible, to obtain justice. Upon their arrival at Meaco, the court of
the Emperor, they applied to the Franciscan friars, who, by their
experience in this city, they conceived, could procure a favourable
reception to their application. The Franciscans judged it better to
apply to Ximonoxo, another of the four Governors; but this crafty
Japanese, possessing more abilities than the friars, deceived the whole
of them, found means to make them deliver up the present of the Emperor
to him, offering to give them a letter to Uximonoxo, which they agreed
to, and acceded to his wish. The Spaniards returned <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb202" href="#pb202" name=
"pb202">202</a>]</span>quite content with this letter; but it was the
letter of Uriah, the Hittite, for immediately they delivered it,
Uximonoxo imprisoned them. When they found out the deceit, they sent
the Friar Guivara to Meaco, to procure their liberty from the other
Governors, and, with the assistance of the Franciscan friars, attempted
to get an audience of the Emperor, to explain to him the conduct of his
Governors; but Uximonoxo was too crafty for them, prejudicing the
Emperor against the friars, through the medium of the Bonzos, who are
priests of their idols, to whom he suggested the propriety of
complaining against them, because they propagated a new doctrine
against the gods, which must be prejudicial to the state.</p>
<p>Taycosama, who began to be desirous of keeping possession of the
merchandize of the wrecked vessel, imprisoned the Franciscan friars, on
pretence of their having preached the gospel of Christ against his
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb203" href="#pb203" name=
"pb203">203</a>]</span>command; and likewise pretended that they were
employed as spies by the Spaniards, and that, with these views, they
had quitted their own country. He now openly seized the property saved,
and condemned the friars to death. With them the following were
comprehended in this sentence; the Friars Pedro Bautista, Francisco
Blanco, Gonsalo Garçia, Francisco de San Miguel, Martin de la
Asumpcion, together with Phelipe de Jesus, who was going in that ship
to New Spain to be ordained, and had resided with his brethren since
his arrival in Japan. These six Franciscan friars, with three Japanese
Jesuits, and seventeen Japanese laymen, who professed Christianity, all
shared the same fate. They were paraded through the streets of Meaco,
with their left ears cut off, and then marched above two hundred
leagues into Nangasaqui, where they suffered martyrdom, by being placed
on crosses, and put to death with lances. This transaction took
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb204" href="#pb204" name=
"pb204">204</a>]</span>place on the 5th of February 1597, in the
presence of Señor Martinez, a Jesuit Bishop, many other Jesuits
and Franciscan friars, and the Spaniards lately arrived in that ship,
and who returned to Manila, after suffering many hardships, and
certified what they had witnessed on this occasion.</p>
<p>Immediately on the death of these martyrs being made known in
Manila, the Governor sent two Spaniards and an Augustine friar, to
solicit their bodies, and complain to the Emperor of the ill treatment
which the Spaniards had experienced in regard to their ship, contrary
to the treaty which had been made with the government of Manila. They
likewise had instructions, to procure the establishment of commercial
regulations for the future; and to pave the way for these views, they
took with them a present of an elephant, an animal seldom seen in
Japan. Taycosama was delighted with this present, and <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb205" href="#pb205" name="pb205">205</a>]</span>he
esteemed it the more, as it knelt three times in his presence, on a
certain signal being made to it. He received the ambassadors with great
cordiality, and pleaded the laws of the empire, in justification of the
conduct which had been observed, with regard to the ship and cargo; but
made a promise, for the second time, of protection to the commerce of
the Spaniards, assuring them that these vexations should never be
repeated, and despatched them with a present to the Governor, together
with the relicts of the martyred saints. The Spaniards had little
confidence in the duration of this good understanding, for Faranda
incessantly instigated the Emperor to commence hostilities on Manila,
promising to reduce the whole of the islands to his obedience. The four
Governors of the kingdom seconded the representations of Faranda, and
measures were adopted with the view of carrying them into effect by
collecting an armament; but the chief men of <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb206" href="#pb206" name="pb206">206</a>]</span>the
country, who considered Faranda as a despicable character, much
retarded this scheme. It was at first understood in Manila, that this
armament was directed against the island of Formosa, as the first step
towards the conquest of the Philippines. Our Governor took every
precaution, and among others, sent an embassy to Canton, as the Chinese
were the ancient enemies of the Japanese; and it was their interest to
prevent the latter from making this conquest: nothing of this, however,
was eventually necessary, as Taycosama died, and peace immediately
followed.</p>
<p>While this was passing in Japan, the two expeditions which Luis
Dasmariñas had sent to Camboxa and Mindanao were proceeding in
their operations; that which went to Camboxa began successfully, but it
was afterwards completely ruined by Major Juan Gallinato, and returned
to Manila without effecting any thing. Don Luis Dasmariñas
having pledged himself <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb207" href=
"#pb207" name="pb207">207</a>]</span>for the success of this
expedition, armed, at his own cost, two ships and a galiot, and with
the approbation of the Governor, left Manila for Camboxa, and in a
little time after arrived at China, at the port of Pinae, twelve
leagues distant from Canton, where he encountered the Governor of
Malacca, took him prisoner, and returned to Manila. His galiot arrived
at Cagayan, and proceeded on his voyage to Camboxa, where he found the
King re-established on his throne by the Portuguese, Cabos Diego
Belloso and Blas Ruiz. The other two Spanish ships also arrived there,
and an attempt was made to establish themselves in that kingdom; but
although the King seemed to desire it, they were compelled to abandon
the project, as it was opposed by his step-mother, and the Malays had
already freed themselves from the control of the Portuguese by the
murder of Belloso and Ruiz; indeed a few only had escaped, <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb208" href="#pb208" name="pb208">208</a>]</span>with
Captain Juan de Mendoza in his ship.</p>
<p>In Mindanao, Captain Figueroa, who had the charge of this
expedition, and who bore, by the King's order, the title of Marquis of
what he might conquer, arrived at Buhayen, where the Moors had some
fortifications, from whence he retired to the kingdom of Tamoncaca,
whose King was in amity with the Spaniards. The Señor Salazar
having come out about this time to see the Royal Audience
re-established, the ecclesiastical establishment was likewise arranged,
the first Archbishop being the Señor himself. He, however,
scarcely enjoyed his dignity three months, as, in August in the same
year, he died of a dysentery. There had come with him Friar Pedro de
Agurto, of the order of St. Augustine, first Bishop of Zebu, and
Señor Benevides, of the order of the Dominicans, first Bishop of
New Segovia. In the same <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb209" href=
"#pb209" name="pb209">209</a>]</span>year the Oidores arrived, who were
to form the Royal Audience, the President of it being the Governor. The
chief Oidor was Morga, nominated as successor <i>ad interim</i> to the
Governor. The others were Don Christoval Telles Almanza, Alvaro
Zambrano, and Geronimo de Salazar. In eight days after their arrival,
the Royal seal being carried with much pomp to the cathedral, and from
thence to the palace, the Royal Audience was, by this ceremony,
considered as fully established.</p>
<p>In the garrison of Caldera, Juan Pacho had remained as Governor, and
being of an active disposition, he attempted to reduce the natives of
Jolo, on which island he landed immediately after a storm of rain, and
attacking them, was killed, with the greater part of his people. The
residue retreated to Caldera; but in consequence of this defeat, the
natives of Jolo and of Mindanao, with fifty Caracoas, invaded the
islands of Zebu, Negros, and Panay, <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb210" href="#pb210" name="pb210">210</a>]</span>pillaging and burning
the towns, and making many prisoners. In the following year, 1590, they
repeated the attack, and the natives retiring to the mountains, refused
to quit them again, as the Spaniards were unable to protect them. Those
in particular of the island of Panay were most pertinacious, and would
not come near the town, as one of their priestesses had asserted, that
the Spaniards were in league with the Moors, and had been the cause of
these hostilities for years back. It cost the friars a great deal of
trouble, to eradicate the effects of the impression, made by this means
on the minds of the Indians, but at length they succeeded, and the
towns were re-occupied.</p>
<p>To chastise these insults of the Moors, the Governor sent Juan
Gallinato, with two hundred Spaniards, to Jolo; but after making an
attempt to possess himself of a fort, which the King of Jolo had on a
lofty hill, he returned to Manila, without <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb211" href="#pb211" name=
"pb211">211</a>]</span>having effected any thing of consequence.</p>
<p>From that time to the present, the Moors have not ceased to infest
our colonies. It is incredible what a number of Indians they have made
prisoners, what towns they have plundered, what villages they have
annihilated, and what ships they have taken. I am inclined to think,
that Providence permits this as a punishment on the Spaniards, for
delaying the conquest for no less a period than two hundred
years<a href="#n21"><sup>21</sup></a>, notwithstanding the expeditions
and fleets, that have almost annually been sent to attempt it. On the
first arrival of the Spaniards in those seas, they conquered, in a
short time, all the Philippines, excepting the small island of Jolo,
part of Mindanao, and a few other very insignificant islands near them,
which, to this period, have not submitted. These Moorish Indians are
certainly very valiant, and their enmity has been drawn upon us
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb212" href="#pb212" name=
"pb212">212</a>]</span>by our own conduct; for instead of following the
laudable example of the first settlers in these islands, who brought
the natives under subjection, principally by the mild interference of
the friars, it seems, of late years, to have been the object of the
Spaniards, since the great increase of the lucrative commerce of
Manila, to acquire, by oppression and force, lands and establishments
on these islands, without any view to conciliate the natives. Those,
therefore, who have been sent on different occasions to reduce the
country, have, instead of attending to the object of their mission,
been solicitous only to serve their own purposes, considering that as a
primary, which ought to have been a secondary object; and the natives
profiting by constant experience in warfare, during which they
discovered that the Spaniards were mortal like themselves, have at last
become very formidable. There can be no doubt these Indians may be
reduced by <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb213" href="#pb213" name=
"pb213">213</a>]</span>the same means employed with the others, that
is, by sending missionaries amongst them, and a sufficient number of
Spanish stations might be established, to command respect. These
garrisons ought to be independent of the Governor of Manila, and ought
to have a chief, who should reside there, directing his whole attention
to the improvement of the settlement, by the extension in the country
of the Spanish influence, by temperate measures.</p>
<p>As the matter is now ordered, these appointments are made with no
other view than to enrich, by any means, the individuals sent there as
Governors. Such, too, is the situation of the Governors of Zamboanga
and Marianas; who appropriate to their own use all the revenue sent by
his Majesty's Governors for public purposes, and then return to Manila,
leaving the colonies as poor and miserable as the first day they were
established.</p>
<p>In October 1600, two Dutch pirates <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb214" href="#pb214" name="pb214">214</a>]</span>took their station at
the entrance of Marivelez, waiting for the ship Saint Thomas, which was
expected to return from New Spain about this time. The Governor sent
against them the Oydor Morga with two galleons, an English patache
which had come from Malacca, a galiot, and other small vessels. On the
12th of December an engagement took place, when Morga took one ship,
and the other fled, very much disabled; but he was incapable of
pursuing his advantage, for his ship had suffered so much that she
foundered, and fifty of the crew were drowned, the rest being saved on
the island of Fortune. The ship which he had taken from the Dutch had
on board twenty-five men, whom the Governor ordered to be hanged, as a
warning to other pirates. During this year, two ships sailed for
Acapulco; one was lost on the island of Catanduanes, but all the people
were saved; the other took shelter in one of the Marianas, where she
was <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb215" href="#pb215" name=
"pb215">215</a>]</span>seized by the Indians, who murdered most of the
Spaniards, reserving only a few, whom the ship Saint Thomas rescued on
her return to New Spain; but the various disasters which had befallen
Manila during this government, were far surpassed by a terrible
earthquake, in which many houses, and the church of the Jesuits, were
destroyed. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb216" href="#pb216" name=
"pb216">216</a>]</span></p>
</div>
</div>
<div id="ch13" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
<div class="divHead">
<h2 id="xd19e1260" class="label">CHAPTER XIII.</h2>
<h2 class="main">ANNO DOM. 1602.</h2>
<div class="argument">
<p class="first"><i>The Administration of Don Pedro de
Acuña.</i></p>
</div>
</div>
<div class="divBody">
<p class="first">In May 1602, four ships from New Spain arrived at
Cavite, in one of which came the new Governor, Don Pedro Brabo de
Acuña, Knight of the order of San Juan, and who had been
Governor of Carthagena. In passing by the Marianas, he had the good
fortune to rescue twenty-five Spaniards, who had been shipwrecked in
the St. Margarita. Immediately on taking possession of his government,
he gave audience to the ambassadors of Dayfusama, Emperor of Japan, who
had succeeded to the kingdom, on the death of Taycosama, and requested
that the commerce with his kingdom might be continued; and that
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb217" href="#pb217" name=
"pb217">217</a>]</span>shipwrights might be sent from Manila to build
vessels for him. Without touching on this last subject, the Governor
dismissed the Japanese with a magnificent present, which was all lost,
as they were shipwrecked on the island of Formosa. With these
ambassadors, friars from all the orders in Manila entreated the
Governor to be allowed to proceed to Japan, in order to make converts,
even at the risk of martyrdom. These good dispositions and intentions
the Governor encouraged, and by his assistance, they were able to
establish themselves in that kingdom, where in a short time they
founded several convents. In 1603, the Augustine friars already
possessed one, and the Captain of the ship Espiritu Santo, who put in
there in distress, applied to the friars, requesting them to interest
themselves with the Emperor, as the Japanese, conformable to their
regulations, would not permit the ship to remain. Dayfusama received
the application with <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb218" href="#pb218"
name="pb218">218</a>]</span>courtesy, and punished those who had been
the cause of it, sending the Spaniards who had accompanied the friars
back to Manila, with great honours, giving at the same time strict
orders, that all Spanish vessels arriving in future, in his ports,
should be treated as friends; the ship, however, in the meantime had
made her escape, fearing the same ill success, as had attended a
similar application to Taycosama.</p>
<p>A short time after the arrival of Acuña, he made a voyage
through the Bisayas (or Islas de Pintados), to inspect the garrisons,
and to make preparations for an expedition, which he intended against
the Moluccas; and whilst he was employed in building the fort of
Yloylo, the Moors took the opportunity offered by his absence, of
seizing all the ships they met with, burning the towns, and
endeavouring to take possession of Balayan; but the Alcalde Mayor of
the province opposed them; and upon receiving assistance from
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb219" href="#pb219" name=
"pb219">219</a>]</span>Manila, pursued them to a desert island, off
which he fell in with the Governor on his return to the capital. Orders
were issued to attack them; but the Moors making all the sail they
could, he was able only to take two, and sink five others, out of
seventy vessels, of which their force consisted. On his arrival at
Manila, the Governor received the melancholy intelligence of the death
of Señor Tello, his deputy, who had discharged his trust with
great zeal and probity. He was buried in the church of St. Augustine,
to which he had left considerable donations. Soon after this a great
fire happened in Manila, which burnt two hundred and fifty houses, the
convent of St. Domingo, and the hospital for the reception of the
Spaniards.</p>
<p>In May 1603, three Chinese Mandarins arrived, on the extraordinary
mission of discovering, whether the port of Cavite was composed of
gold, as a Chinese, called Tiongon, had reported to his Emperor, by
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb220" href="#pb220" name=
"pb220">220</a>]</span>whom he was imprisoned, until the truth of his
assertion should be ascertained, this man having promised to conquer it
or lose his life. It was believed that this was a mere stratagem, to
reconnoitre the country, as it was understood, that the Emperor
intended to land an hundred thousand men, in the following December,
with the view of becoming master, of the whole of the Spanish
possessions. The Governor treated these Mandarins, with the most
flattering distinction, shewed them the island of Cavite, and
undeceived them in regard to the opinion propagated by their
countryman, assuring them that the island was termed the Golden Island,
on account of its lucrative commerce only.</p>
<p>The expected armament of the Emperor did not make its appearance;
but an insurrection of the Chinese inhabitants of Manila followed,
which had been in a state of preparation during the embassy, and now
broke out. There was a Chinese in <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb221"
href="#pb221" name="pb221">221</a>]</span>Manila of the name of Engcan,
who had remained there since the time of Limahon, who had been
baptized, was very rich, and was in intimacy with many Spaniards. He
offered to his countrymen, to build a wall round their quarter of the
town: the work was commenced; but the fidelity of the Chinese beginning
to be suspected, the Governor endeavoured to ascertain their
intentions, through the medium of their enemies, the Japanese, from
which circumstance the Chinese entertained a belief, that the Governor
proposed to massacre them, with the assistance of these people; and
they resolved, among themselves, to enter Manila on the eve of St.
Francis, and murder every Spaniard in the place. Twenty-five thousand
Chinese were concerned in this plot, which was discovered by an Indian
having given notice of it to the curate of <span class="corr" id=
"xd19e1286" title="Source: Guiapo">Quiapo</span>, through whose means
the information was instantly communicated to the Governor. There were
two <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb222" href="#pb222" name=
"pb222">222</a>]</span>classes of Chinese at that time in Manila. Those
who came annually for the purposes of commerce, and those who had long
been residents, in a quarter of the town called Parian, outside of the
walls of the city, and whom the Dominican friars had endeavoured to
convert.</p>
<p>The first step the Governor took, was to attempt to reconcile the
annual Chinese merchants, who were very numerous; but he failed in the
attempt, as they had collected in a large body in open rebellion, in a
town within half a league of Manila, the others remaining in Parian.
The Governor made a confidant of Engcan, and sent him, in company with
some Spaniards, to endeavour to bring them back to a sense of their
duty, but without effect, as the works they had raised in their defence
would, in their opinion, protect them. In the night, some of them
sallied out, burned the towns of Quiapo and Tondo, and killed many
Indians. They were opposed by <span class="corr" id="xd19e1293" title=
"Source: an">one</span> <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb223" href=
"#pb223" name="pb223">223</a>]</span>hundred and thirty Spaniards,
almost all of whom perished: among them were Don Luis
Dasmariñas, Don Thomas Brabo, and Don Juan de Alcega, whose
heads the Chinese sent to Parian, as an incitement for their countrymen
to follow their example. Upon examination, it being discovered that
Engcan was the principal abettor of these men, he was imprisoned, which
had such an effect upon many of his countrymen, that they hanged
themselves in despair.</p>
<p>The Spaniards, finding that they could do nothing by means of mild
measures, commenced their operations, and fought with such determined
resolution, that the slaughter was immense. So general was the spirit
of loyalty, that even the friars took up arms, and, in particular,
Antonio Flores, who had been a soldier in Flanders and Italy, and had,
in the battle of Lepanto, been ensign under Bernardino <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb224" href="#pb224" name="pb224">224</a>]</span>de
Meneses, but afterwards took the habit of St. Augustine. The position
he took was on the river, close to which the rebels were obliged to
pass to join the Chinese of Parian; from this he sallied out, and made
great slaughter among them. They made good their retreat, however, to
Parian and Dilao, where they threw up works, but Captain Gallinato
burned Parian, and laid waste Dilao; and Captain Luis de Velasco
pursued them to Tabuco, which we now call Cabuyao. The Chinese not
being able to maintain themselves here, passed on to the town of St.
Pablo in the mountains, where Velasco, who had pursued them, fell,
together with two Franciscan friars. Here the insurgents fortified
themselves so strongly, that it was deemed necessary to send a greater
force from Manila against them.</p>
<p>Major Christoval de <span class="corr" id="xd19e1304" title=
"Source: Acuna">Acuña</span> was charged with the expedition. He
cut off their supply <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb225" href="#pb225"
name="pb225">225</a>]</span>of provisions, and reduced them to such
distress, that their only alternative was, to abandon their position or
starve.</p>
<p>They availed themselves of the cover of night, and made the best of
their way to Batangas, where the Spaniards pursued them, and completed
their destruction, having killed in different engagements, twenty-three
thousand men, one hundred alone, who were rowers in the galleons,
remaining of their whole number; and as a warning to their countrymen,
to abstain from insurrection in future, Engcan was ordered to be
hanged, and his head to be placed on the gaol. The Governor sent two
Augustine friars to Spain, to inform his Majesty of the rebellion, and
to enable them to arrive in a shorter time, he sent them by India; but
they encountered so many difficulties in their passage through Goa,
Persia, Turkey, and Italy, that it was three years before they arrived
at the court of Madrid. This has always been a dangerous <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb226" href="#pb226" name=
"pb226">226</a>]</span>journey, and was particularly so to Friar
Nicholas Milo, an Augustine, who, a few years before, had been sent the
same route with a lay brother, born in Japan, and who, after having
been exposed to great misery in many countries, fell a martyr in
Muscovy with his companion. The Emperor of China sent ambassadors to
Manila respecting the rebellion, requesting to know the meaning of the
slaughter, which had been made among his subjects. The Governor
justified himself amply, and the commerce remained on the same footing
as before.</p>
<p>In March 1604, eight hundred troops arrived from New Spain, with
which relief Don Pedro de Acuña was enabled to fit out a fleet
of thirty sail, in the port of Yloylo, for the conquest of the
Moluccas. He sailed at the head of this armament on the 15th of
January, 1606; and upon his arrival at Ternate, he sat down before the
place, to which the King of the island <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb227" href="#pb227" name="pb227">227</a>]</span>had retired, and took
it on the 1st of April, with the loss of fifteen Spaniards. The King of
Ternate, who had fled with some of his subjects, intimated a desire to
enter into amicable terms with the Spaniards, proposing to deliver up
all his fortresses, the towns in Batoquina, which were anciently
peopled by Christians (either Dutch captives, or Spanish deserters),
all his Christian prisoners, the islands of Marotay and Herrao, with
all his artillery and ammunition; and which terms were acceded to. He
was not, however, left in possession of his kingdom, but accompanied
the Governor to Manila, with some of his chiefs, who were not allowed
to remain, from an apprehension of their fomenting disturbances.</p>
<p>The Colonel, Don Martin Esquival, was appointed Governor of Ternate,
with six hundred men; and in Tidore, the King of the island requested,
that Captain Alarcon might remain with one hundred <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb228" href="#pb228" name=
"pb228">228</a>]</span>troops, which was acceded to. During these
transactions, and while this armament was at Ternate, and few troops
remained at Manila, the Japanese who lived behind the city, availed
themselves of these circumstances, and took up arms against the
Spaniards. This rebellion was soon put a stop to, through the mediation
of the friars, who persuaded the insurgents to lay down their arms, and
submit quietly. By this species of management, time was gained for the
arrival of the Governor, to whom information had been sent. He arrived
at Manila, banished the ringleaders to their own island, and obliged
the rest to live in the town of Dilao, where they would be always under
our guns; and by this means, kept in obedience. The Governor reaped
little benefit from these successes, as he was immediately afterwards,
seized with a complaint in the intestines, which carried him off on St.
John the Baptist's day. On the death of the Governor, <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb229" href="#pb229" name="pb229">229</a>]</span>Don
Christoval Telles de Almanza, as chief Oidor, became Military Governor
<i>ad interim</i>. The rebellion, which lay smothered in the breasts of
the Japanese, on this occasion, broke out afresh. They engaged the
Spaniards, and many fell on both sides, as the Japanese were very
brave, and were called the Spaniards of Asia. In the end, however, they
were conquered, and were not permitted to live together in any
considerable number till the year 1621, when Pelayo Hernandez built
shops on their old quarter, which were hired out for the benefit of the
Franciscan friars.</p>
<p>Some of the Spaniards of the Moluccas took prisoner Pablo Blancardo,
the Dutch commander at Malacca, and brought him in his galley to
Ternate. The Governor there, in consideration of fifty thousand
dollars, set him and all his people at liberty, which, when it was
known in Manila, was stigmatized as an act of great baseness; and this
public censure affected the Governor's <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb230" href="#pb230" name="pb230">230</a>]</span>mind to that degree,
that he died of grief soon afterwards. The second in command succeeded;
and to give satisfaction to the Royal Audience, despatched two ships in
search of General Blancardo, who, it was supposed, had gone towards
Maquien, in a patache; they took him prisoner a second time, and sent
him with all his people, to Manila, where he was some time afterwards
repaid from the Royal coffers, the amount of his ransom. Pablo
Blancardo died of grief in prison at Manila, where he had been confined
until the arrival of twenty-two Spaniards, who had been taken at
Amboyna by the Dutch, and for whom it was intended he should be
exchanged.</p>
<p>The Royal Audience conducted themselves with great approbation in
the civil administration, until the year 1608, when Don Rodrigo Vivero
of Laredo, who was named by the Viceroy as Governor <i>ad interim</i>,
arrived at Manila, and having had <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb231"
href="#pb231" name="pb231">231</a>]</span>great experience in the
management of the Indians in New Spain, he availed himself of it on
this occasion, giving instructions to that effect to the chief judges,
and other ministers of justice. He governed with much satisfaction for
one year, when he delivered up the insignia of his office, and returned
to Mexico. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb232" href="#pb232" name=
"pb232">232</a>]</span></p>
</div>
</div>
<div id="ch14" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
<div class="divHead">
<h2 id="xd19e1340" class="label">CHAPTER XIV.</h2>
<h2 class="main">ANNO DOM. 1609.</h2>
<div class="argument">
<p class="first"><i>Of the Administration of Don Juan de Silva.</i></p>
</div>
</div>
<div class="divBody">
<p class="first">When the account of the death of Acuña reached
Madrid from New Spain, the government was bestowed on Don Juan de Silva
of Truxillo, Knight of the order of Santiago, who, at that time, was
serving in Flanders. He arrived at Cavite in Easter, and took
possession of his government, bringing with him six companies of
soldiers, which addition to our force was of great importance at this
period, as, in the month of October, the Dutch squadron which has been
mentioned, appeared off the port of Yloylo. It was composed of six
ships and a considerable military force, <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb233" href="#pb233" name="pb233">233</a>]</span>which it was intended
to disembark in this province, but they were repulsed by the Alcalde
Mayor. It then appeared off Marivelez, with the view of preventing
ships from going to Manila, and of seizing all merchantmen. Don Juan de
Silva fitted out an armament, with which, in the month of April, he
attacked and defeated them on the day of St. Mark. He took two ships,
the Captains of which had been killed, with many of the crews; a third
fled, and the other two which had been separated the day before from
the fleet, and were returning with great booty, retired with such
despatch, that the Spanish squadron was unable to come up with them.
He, however, seized those ships which they had taken. Among others was
a Japanese vessel, in which were embarked those Spaniards, who had been
wrecked on the coast of that island in the ship St. Francis.</p>
<p>The Archbishop of Manila, Benavides, <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb234" href="#pb234" name="pb234">234</a>]</span>having died on the
26th of July, 1605, his Majesty named as his successor, Don Diego
Vasques Mercado of Arevalo, in Old Castile. This year, 1610, he arrived
at the Philippines, and discharged his functions with great
approbation, until the year 1616, when he died, and the Bishop of Zebu
succeeded him in the Archbishopric.</p>
<p>The Dutch being settled in the island of Java, and possessing
fortifications in Malacca and other parts of India, our Governor had
little relish for such a neighbourhood, and as they had at times
infested our seas, and attacked our islands, he determined, in person,
to destroy the forts they had in Malacca, which being so close in his
vicinity, he was the more jealous of. He fitted out a squadron of six
ships and two galleys, and sailed for Ternate, where he intended to
take on board some linguists, and to arrange all his other operations.
He understood, in Ternate, that the Dutch hearing of this expedition,
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb235" href="#pb235" name=
"pb235">235</a>]</span>had fortified themselves in such a manner in
Malacca, that it was impossible to make an impression upon them, and
that he might not entirely lose the benefit of the armament he had
prepared, he attempted to reduce the forts in Gilolo and Bataquina, but
was obliged to retreat to Manila, with the loss of three hundred men,
when he immediately began to make preparations of men and ships for
another expedition of the same nature. These islands, at this time,
received considerable aid in the arrival from Spain, by the way of
India, of five caravelas out of seven, which in April, 1613, had sailed
from Cadiz, commanded by Ruy Gonzalez de Segueira, having on board
three hundred and fifty soldiers, two hundred and forty seamen, and a
hundred Portuguese landsmen.</p>
<p>Upon the arrival of this relief, the Governor determined to proceed
to Malacca against the Dutch, whose position he ordered <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb236" href="#pb236" name="pb236">236</a>]</span>to
be reconnoitred, but he found them so powerful in ships, which had
arrived by the Straits both of Magellan and Sunda, that he deemed it
necessary to use his utmost exertions, to enable him to cope with such
powerful enemies. With this view he sent a despatch to the Viceroy of
India, requesting he would unite the forces of the two kingdoms; but
while he was preparing his armament at Cavite, ten Dutch vessels
arrived at Panay. They landed a number of men, and marched for the city
of Arivalo, burning the churches and the convents of the Augustine
friars, in the towns of Ogtong and Xaro. The Indians, aware of the
inadequate force the Spaniards possessed, fled to the mountains, and
although the Dutch retired immediately, it cost the friars a great deal
of labour, to bring them back to their towns, where they could not
persuade themselves they were secure.</p>
<p>By the end of the year 1616, Don Juan <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb237" href="#pb237" name="pb237">237</a>]</span>de Silva had
collected the greatest armament, that had been seen in the Philippines;
it consisted of ten galleons, four galleys, a patache, and many smaller
vessels, with all necessary supplies, and five thousand men, two
thousand being Spaniards and Portuguese. He sailed with this formidable
armament, on the last day of this year, to attack the forts of Malacca;
but as the galleons had not arrived which were expected from India, and
which he imagined had wintered in the Straits of Malacca, and it was
known that the Dutch kept some vessels in these Straits, in expectation
of the ships from China which passed by here, the Governor thought it
most adviseable, to attack these ships in the first instance, and after
he had destroyed them, he should be able to join the galleons from
India, and proceed to the Dutch forts in Malacca. The reasoning was
good, but it failed in the execution, the galleons of <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb238" href="#pb238" name=
"pb238">238</a>]</span>India having been burnt, in an engagement they
had with the Dutch, and the latter having quitted the Straits eight
days before the Spaniards arrived, flying with all their effects, as
they had received secret intelligence of their route. At the same time
that the Spanish galleons entered the Straits, two Malay merchantmen
from China arrived very richly laden; by saving which, the inhabitants
of Malacca called Don de Silva their preserver, received him on shore
under a canopy, and expected from his valour, and the powerful fleet he
brought, that India would be freed from those freebooters, the Dutch;
but he was seized with a fever, and died in eleven days, on the 19th of
April, 1616. He had ordered his body to be embalmed, and directed it
should be carried to Xerez de los Cavalleros, to a convent of
bare-footed carmelites, and buried there. Before he died, he gave the
command of the armament to <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb239" href=
"#pb239" name="pb239">239</a>]</span>Don Alonzo Henriquez, who brought
it back to Manila, without effecting any thing else.</p>
<p>By the death of the Governor, the command devolved on Don Andres
Alcaraz, the oldest Oidor, who had been left in charge of the
government by Don Juan de Silva, when he sailed with the armament for
Malacca. About the same time our squadron sailed from the bay, another
Dutch squadron, which had lately arrived by the Straits of Magellan,
entered the mouth of the harbour, and lay a month close to Marivelez.
There were only four ships and two pataches laying before Manila, and
it was without artillery, ammunition, or soldiers. The Governor <i>ad
interim</i> was not dismayed at this; he armed those few ships he
possessed, fortified certain positions, and was encouraged in the
undertaking by the people, who took up arms, not only the laity, but
even the ecclesiastics also. The Dutch commander wrote two <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb240" href="#pb240" name=
"pb240">240</a>]</span>letters to the Royal Audience, and one to
General Pablo Blancardo, whom the Spaniards had carried prisoner to
Manila; but as soon as he learned that Blancardo had died in prison, he
made sail to the Moluccas.</p>
<p>Upon the death of Silva, the Dutch came with ten ships against Oton,
where they were gallantly repulsed by the commandant of the Pintados,
Don Diego de Quiñones, who, in a wooden fort, sustained a siege
of ten days, during which time the Dutch made four assaults, in which
many were killed, but at last they were compelled to re-embark, and
they retired to Malacca. The following year the same armament of ten
ships came against Playa Honda. The Governor despatched against them,
the Colonel Don Juan Ronquillo, with six galleons and two galleys; they
came to an action on the 14th of April, 1617, and the two commodores
being engaged, Don Juan Ronquillo sunk his adversary's <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb241" href="#pb241" name=
"pb241">241</a>]</span>ship, called the Sun of Holland; two other ships
were burnt, and the rest fled with precipitation. The Spaniards,
however, were not able to pursue them, as they had suffered much in the
engagement, and had lost the galleon St. Mark. After this action, Don
Geronimo de Silva returned from Molucca, and the Oidor Alcarez resigned
to him his office, the duties of which he had discharged with great
applause. In October, Don Geronimo ordered the seven galleons that had
been so severely handled in the last engagement, to be laid up in
Marinduque. The two ships for Acapulco were despatched in the worst
season of the year, during the hurricane months, and they were both
lost, one on the coast of Lobo, and the other on that of Galban. This
reflected no great credit on the wisdom and prudence of the Governor.
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb242" href="#pb242" name=
"pb242">242</a>]</span></p>
</div>
</div>
<div id="ch15" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
<div class="divHead">
<h2 id="xd19e1385" class="label">CHAPTER XV.</h2>
<h2 class="main">ANNO DOM. 1618.</h2>
<div class="argument">
<p class="first"><i>The Administration of Don Alonzo Faxardo.</i></p>
</div>
</div>
<div class="divBody">
<p class="first">On the 2d of July, 1618, arrived Don Alonzo Faxardo,
of the order of Alcantara, of Murcia, and on the day following he took
possession of the government of these islands. His Majesty had
appointed him chief of an armament which he had intended to send by the
Straits of Magellan, to the relief of Don Juan de Silva, to drive the
Dutch from these seas; but it was delayed by his sending the forces
destined for the Philippines, to the relief of the Emperor of Germany,
Ferdinand the Second. The voyage on this account did not take place,
until the death of Silva was known, when <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb243" href="#pb243" name="pb243">243</a>]</span>his Majesty named
Faxardo as Governor, charging him to be careful of the interests of the
Indians, who had suffered much in the late struggles, and promising
ample rewards to those Spaniards, who should make this an object of
their special attention.</p>
<p>A short time after his arrival, the Dutch appeared in those seas,
not with the intention of attempting Manila, as they were aware of the
difficulty of the undertaking, but to intercept the galleons from
Acapulco, richly laden with bullion. For this purpose they cruized with
three ships off Cape Espiritu Santo, taking their station in the strait
of St. Bernardino, as the galleons coming from Acapulco were in the
constant habit of taking that route. On the 25th of February the Dutch
got sight of them; they bore up, and ordered them to strike their
colours, when a severe engagement took place. The Spaniards, under the
veil of night, and in the confusion <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb244" href="#pb244" name="pb244">244</a>]</span>which prevailed,
separated and escaped, one arriving at Palapag, and the other at
Borongo, on the coast of Ybabao, where the cargoes were all saved,
though the ships were lost. That the same misfortune might not occur
again, the Governor ever after gave the commanders secret instructions,
changing their route each voyage. On the 24th of August, this year,
Friar Miguel Garcia Serrano, of the order of St. Augustine, late Bishop
of New Segovia, took possession of the Archbishopric of Manila.</p>
<p>In the year 1623, upon the canonization of St. Ignacio and St.
Francisco Xavier, the friars of that order celebrated a grand festival,
and those of Zebu, desirous of imitating them, likewise celebrated one,
at which all the Jesuits of the island of Bohol were present, leaving
very few Spaniards in that island. The defenceless state of it induced
two or three Indians to persuade the rest to rebel, assuring them that
the Devil had appeared, ordering them <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb245" href="#pb245" name="pb245">245</a>]</span>not to pay tribute to
the Spaniards, but to retire to the mountains, and erect a chapel,
where they should worship him, and he would give them every thing they
required, and defend them from the Spaniards. This was quite sufficient
to set all the island in a flame, two towns alone remaining faithful to
the Spaniards. The Alcalde Mayor of Zebu, immediately upon notice of
this insurrection, sent fifty Spaniards, and one thousand friendly
Indians to Bohol, who attacked the rebels with great vigour, made
considerable slaughter, and completely routed them. This ought to have
undeceived them, but they were obstinate, and fortified themselves on a
rock, which, however, afforded them little defence, as our people being
protected by their shields from the arrows and stones they hurled down,
gained the height, and made great havock among them, making prisoners
all that were not able to save themselves by flight. The Alcalde Mayor
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb246" href="#pb246" name=
"pb246">246</a>]</span>hanged some of the ringleaders, and pardoned the
remainder; but insensible to this favour, they spurned at the proffered
pardon, and fled to the mountains, to which, six months after, the
Alcalde returned, and thoroughly quelled the insurrection.</p>
<p>The bad example of the people of Bohol was followed by those of the
island of Leyte, and was fomented by an Indian who was not suspected of
disaffection. This was Bancao, a petty chief of Dimasava, who had
received Legaspi with great attention, and had accompanied him to Zebu,
where he was baptized, for which conduct Philip the Second had sent him
a royal order, granting him many privileges. He had been very faithful
to the Spaniards in his youth, but turned traitor in his old age. In
imitation of those of Bohol, he raised an insurrection among the
Indians in the island of Leyte, so that it became necessary to send a
force against them. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb247" href="#pb247"
name="pb247">247</a>]</span>Although they saw the Spaniards were
superior in numbers to them, they were not dismayed, and received them
firmly; but in a short time they fled with precipitation. In this
flight Bancao was killed, having been transfixed by a lance: his head
was placed on a pole, to serve as a warning to others, which had so
good an effect, that order was immediately restored.</p>
<p>This year an expedition was sent to the mountains of Igorrotes,
where there were mines of gold, and where the Indians were of fairer
complexion, with the small eyes of the Chinese. It was imagined that
when Limahon was in Pangasinan, many of his people, pressed by hunger,
fled to the mountains, and mixed with the inhabitants, from which
intercourse resulted this cast, so different from the rest.</p>
<p>This expedition, under charge of Francisco Carriño de Valdes,
head of the provinces of Pangasinan and Ylocos, marched <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb248" href="#pb248" name="pb248">248</a>]</span>in
good order seven days, and on the eighth arrived in the town of the
mines, where the natives received them well; but the Spaniards placed
too much confidence in them. The Igorrotes, when least expected, rose
on them, and treacherously murdered the chief of the friendly Indians,
on which de Valades retired, to wait a better opportunity. The
following year the expedition was expected to be repeated, but it was
not, as it became necessary for the troops to march to Cagayan, to
quell an insurrection among the Indians of that province. Many
expeditions have since taken place to these mountains, but with such
ill success, that the Indians of this district remain independent to
this hour. They, however, trade with the Spaniards in gold, wax, and
tobacco, in return for cattle; and the Augustine friars have succeeded,
in converting to Christianity, a few who live in the towns near the
mountains.</p>
<p>The Governor persevered in pacific <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb249" href="#pb249" name="pb249">249</a>]</span>measures as much as
possible, although those measures were deemed disgraceful. He had much
domestic uneasiness on account of his wife, Dona Catalina Zembrano, who
had an illicit connection, and was accustomed to steal out from the
palace to a particular house, where she was at last discovered with her
lover by Faxardo, who going his rounds through the city, as was his
custom, from information, no doubt, which he had received, entered into
the house in which this lady was with her paramour, and found her in a
situation, which rendered her guilt sufficiently manifest. Don Alonzo,
a man of high honour, severely felt this injury, and was determined to
take proper vengeance. He ordered a confessor to be called to her; and
the ceremony at an end, unmoved by the tears and persuasion of the
priest to the contrary, he stabbed her with his own hand. The unworthy
paramour saved his <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb250" href="#pb250"
name="pb250">250</a>]</span>life by flight, and thus escaped the
vengeance of the Governor. Don Alonzo soon after fell into a profound
melancholy, of which he died in two years, and was buried in the church
of the Franciscans, August, 1624. By his death Don Geronimo de Silva
succeeded to the military government, and the civil government became
vested in the Royal Audience. In a short time after, a fleet of seven
Dutch men of war appeared off Playa Honda, and many of their soldiers
landed on the island of Corrigidor, and took prisoners or killed such
Indians as fell in their way. The Governor proceeded against them with
five galleons and two large galleys, and fell in with them on the coast
of Playa Honda, when the Dutch attempted to escape; but our commander's
ship, by superiority of sailing, prevented it, when a warm engagement
took place, and a Spaniard was killed close to the Governor. It is
necessary <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb251" href="#pb251" name=
"pb251">251</a>]</span>to mention this accident, as he thought himself
in great danger, and was so alarmed by it, that he ordered the ships to
retire to Cavite, where he was received with the contempt he merited;
the people imputing the loss of the victory to his cowardice.
Complaints were made to the Royal Audience, who confined him in the
fort of Santiago, where he remained until he was released by the
Governor who succeeded him, <i>ad interim</i>, Don Fernando de Silva,
knight of the order of Santiago.</p>
<p>Don Fernando had been in Manila before this time, having there made
a most honourable matrimonial connection; and having accumulated a good
fortune, he went with his wife to Mexico, and from thence to Madrid,
having been sent thither by his near relation, the Viceroy of New
Spain, Marquis de Cerralbo. Having returned to Mexico and this vacancy
in the government of Manila occurring, it was <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb252" href="#pb252" name=
"pb252">252</a>]</span>given to him <i>ad interim</i>, and he arrived
there in June 1625.</p>
<p>He was received in Manila with great satisfaction, as they knew he
was prudent, and well acquainted with these islands: this he had
sufficiently shewn in the measures he had adopted for the protection of
our commerce, by means of the ships he had built at Cavite for that
purpose. He ordered the Alcalde Mayor of Cagayan to land on the island
of Formosa, and fortify it in that part of Fanchuy which was the
nearest to Cagayan, in order, with greater facility to oppose the
Dutch, who, the year before, had raised forts on the opposite side,
called Tayguan, with the intention of obstructing the commerce of China
with Manila. The Alcalde Mayor executed his commission, and constructed
works sufficiently extensive to accommodate the troops, and the
Dominican friars, who had gone there to convert the natives; and who
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb253" href="#pb253" name=
"pb253">253</a>]</span>exerted themselves with such zeal, that in a
short time they built several towns, and were able to number the
greater part of the natives, among the professors of our faith.
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb254" href="#pb254" name=
"pb254">254</a>]</span></p>
</div>
</div>
<div id="ch16" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
<div class="divHead">
<h2 id="xd19e1445" class="label">CHAPTER XVI.</h2>
<h2 class="main">ANNO DOM. 1626.</h2>
<div class="argument">
<p class="first"><i>Of the Administration of Don Juan Niño de
Tabora.</i></p>
</div>
</div>
<div class="divBody">
<p class="first">Don Juan Niño de Tabora, knight of the order of
Calatrava, was named as Governor of the Philippines. He embarked for
his government with six hundred troops, and several officers, who had
served with him in Flanders, among whom were Don Lorenzo Olaso y
Ochotegui, who came with the appointment of Colonel. Tabora arrived
safely at Manila, and entered upon his government on the 29th of June,
1626. He possessed a fund of military knowledge, which was of great
importance, at this period, to the Philippines, and <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb255" href="#pb255" name="pb255">255</a>]</span>he
immediately provided a sufficient force to protect their commerce, and
secure the respect of their neighbours. In ten months after his
arrival, he had collected eight large ships of war, four smaller for
the commerce of Acapulco, and two still smaller for the protection of
the intercourse with Molucca. With this armament, and with two ships,
which were expected from New Spain with men and money, he determined to
attack the Dutch on the island of Formosa; but the arrival of the two
ships being retarded very considerably, he was not ready to proceed
with the expedition, until the middle of August. The Royal Audience,
considering the approach of the monsoon, and apprehensive of the loss
of the squadron, and that the object of the expedition might be thus
defeated, represented their fears to the Governor, and passed an order
that it should not sail. Having no faith, however, in what he
considered as idle chimeras, Tabora left Cavite, <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb256" href="#pb256" name="pb256">256</a>]</span>and
arrived at Cape Boxeador; where, finding the north winds had set in,
and that it was impossible to make head against them, after repeated
unsuccessful attempts, he bore away for Cavite; and the only advantage
resulting, from his pertinacious opposition to the opinion of the Royal
Audience, was the relief he sent in some small vessels, to the
Spaniards in the island of Formosa.</p>
<p>A vessel soon after arrived from China, and gave the intelligence
that the Dutch were lying in wait at Macao, for the merchantmen
expected from Manila in China. The Portuguese requested, that part of
the armament might be allowed to convoy them, offering to contribute to
the expenses. The Governor, accordingly, sent with them two large
galleons, with a patache, ordering the commodore, after he had seen the
Portuguese safe, to run up the coast from Macao to Sincapura in search
of the Dutch, wintering at Siam, for which indulgence he <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb257" href="#pb257" name="pb257">257</a>]</span>was
ordered to make the necessary presents to the King. Don Juan de
Alcaraz, who was the commodore, punctually obeyed his orders: he
arrived at Macao, and not meeting with the Dutch, who had quitted it
precipitately, on notice of his appearance in this quarter, he passed
on to Siam, where, finding the Dutch protected by the Siamese, he
burned some of their junks, and made prisoners the ambassadors whom the
Siamese were accustomed, at certain periods, to send to China, with
their acknowledgment of the sovereignty of the Emperor. Upon this
occasion our arms acquired such credit, that, during the whole of this
government, the Dutch made no further attempt against these
islands.</p>
<p>In the year 1628 two ships arrived with the usual supplies from
Acapulco, and in them came Friar Hernando Guerrero, of the order of St.
Augustine, Bishop of Cagayan, and the Governor's intended bride,
Doña Magdalena Zaldivar y Mendoza, <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb258" href="#pb258" name="pb258">258</a>]</span>with whom he had
entered into a treaty of marriage while at Mexico, and had obtained
leave from the King for that purpose. The wedding feasts, however, were
no impediment to the operations of the government. The Moors of Jolo
continually infested these islands; those, in particular, which were
the more remote from the capital, were kept in perpetual alarm, and
nothing was talked of but the depredations committed, and the prisoners
taken. To chastise these insults, a squadron was sent against Jolo,
under the command of Don Christoval de Lugo. He arrived safe, and
landed all his people without any resistance, the Indians having, in a
cowardly manner, abandoned their town, and retired, with their King, to
a fort situated on the top of a hill. The Spaniards plundered these
houses, in which the friendly Indians diligently assisted, enriching
themselves by the spoils, which consisted of rice, gunpowder,
brimstone, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb259" href="#pb259" name=
"pb259">259</a>]</span>small-arms, &c. They did not pursue them to
the fort on the top of the hill, in which they had taken refuge; but,
after having completely destroyed the town, they embarked for Manila.
In passing by the island of Basilan, they landed, burned the principal
town, and destroyed all the trees, as a punishment for the aid which
these Indians had afforded to those of Jolo, in the last incursions
they made.</p>
<p>The following year, a sacrilege was committed in the cathedral,
which affected the mind of the Archbishop to that degree, that he died
of melancholy. He was one of the most devout prelates who had occupied
the archbishopric. He was interred in the church of St. Augustine.</p>
<p>After his death, there was a dispute between the ecclesiastical
Cabildo and the Bishop of Zebu, as to who should succeed <i>ad
interim</i> to the archbishopric, when the Royal Audience determined in
favour of the Bishop, conformable to the bull of <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb260" href="#pb260" name="pb260">260</a>]</span>Pius
V. The Moors in Jolo and Caumocones again commenced their ravages in
the islands: nothing was secure in the towns on the coasts; neither
friars, Indians, churches, or ornaments; all were objects of their
enmity. Notice was, without loss of time, given to the Governor; he
despatched a fleet, commanded by Don Lorenzo Olaso, for the double
purpose of making peace with the Indians of Mindanao, as they
requested, and to retaliate upon those of Jolo. He arrived at Jolo,
landed his people, and marched up to the fort on the hill, to which, as
usual, the Indians had retired. The General believed it no difficult
matter to reduce the fort, and gave orders to attack it accordingly; he
shewed, in the attack, great personal valour, and acting the part of a
common soldier, as well as a general, was, with two of his captains,
killed. As no officer remained to command them, the men retired to
their ships; and, without doing anything <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb261" href="#pb261" name="pb261">261</a>]</span>else than laying
waste the country, they returned to Manila in haste, and in disgrace,
the Moors becoming more insolent than they were before. The Indians of
the province of Caraga, in Mindanao, observing that the Spaniards were
unable to subdue their countrymen, put to death some of the friars and
Spaniards who were living among them, and declared open rebellion in
most of the towns of the province.—The remaining friars and
Spaniards, took refuge in the towns which continued faithful to their
cause; and, in a short time, relief arriving from Manila, order was
again restored.</p>
<p>This year several embassies arrived at Manila: one from Japan from
the Governor of Nangasaquy; and the King of Saxuma, likewise, sent
ambassadors, seeking redress for the ravages our galleons had committed
in the harbour of Siam, on two junks of his nation, and out of which
had been taken some of the royal merchandize, which they considered a
great sacrilege, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb262" href="#pb262"
name="pb262">262</a>]</span>and which had so irritated them, that the
real object of the embassy was to reconnoitre the place, with a view to
take vengeance for this insult. A Governor of one of the Chinese
provinces, sent an embassy to request the continuation of the
commercial intercourse; and the King of Cambodia, who was at war with
the King of Siam, sent to request the protection of the Spaniards,
offering the commerce of his kingdom, and liberty to form a dock for
the building of ships. The Governor received all these with presents,
and dismissed them with urbanity and kindness: he accepted the offer of
the King of Cambodia, and sent some ship-builders for the purpose of
constructing a vessel there: with them went four Dominicans to preach
the gospel; but when they arrived, finding the King dead, and little
disposition in his son, who succeeded him, to admit the catholic
religion, they all returned to Manila without effecting any thing.</p>
<p>The Governor, who was determined to <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb263" href="#pb263" name="pb263">263</a>]</span>lose no opportunity
that offered to build ships, finished one in the port of Cavite; but so
badly constructed, that, at the commencement of her voyage for
Acapulco, she foundered in the port: she was, however, hove up, and
sufficiently repaired to proceed on her voyage the following year. By
this means, and the arrival here of the other ships in 1631, no ship
remained in Acapulco to send to the Philippines; and the Viceroy of
Mexico despatched two pataches with the ordinary relief. In one of
these came Don Francisco Roxas y Oñate, Oidor of Mexico, as
inspector of the Royal Audience, and other tribunals; and his office to
continue two years. He was well received, and the Governor supported
his authority whilst he lived; by means of which, he made his visit
pleasant, although he suspended two Oidors. His Excellency, on the 22d
of July 1632, died of a dysentery, occasioned by being exposed to the
rain and sun, during his visits to <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb264"
href="#pb264" name="pb264">264</a>]</span>and from Cavite, in the
performance of his office, in which he was extremely diligent, having
made a bridge over the river of Manila, repaired the fortifications of
the town, and constructed several works in Cavite.</p>
<p>Don Lorenzo Olaso had been named by the Viceroy of Mexico to succeed
him <i lang="la">pro tempore</i>. Nothing particular occurred under his
administration, which only lasted a year, when Don Juan Zerezo of
Salamanca was appointed to succeed as Governor <i lang="la">ad
interim</i>. Immediately on his arrival at Manila, with a view to
repress the insults of the Moors, and on the representation of the
Jesuits, he determined to form a garrison at Zamboanga. He appointed
Don Juan de Chaves to the command, with an adequate force, and orders,
after destroying the towns of the Moors, to erect a fort in the
situation which Friar Vera had pitched upon, a little distant from the
port of Caldera, where it was necessary to maintain <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb265" href="#pb265" name="pb265">265</a>]</span>a
detachment to guard the shipping. This situation is most beautiful;
but, having no water, the defect was supplied by digging a channel from
the river, through which the water flows in great abundance, and,
passing by the wall of the fort, falls into the sea. The first stone of
the fort was laid on the 23d of June, 1635. Many of the Spaniards
opposed this plan under different pretexts, and experience has shewn
what little purpose this fort has answered, its only use being to
enrich one military man, who is Governor for three years, and who draws
twenty or thirty thousand dollars profit from the supplies furnished
the soldiers. The Moors, not in the least checked by the fort of
Zamboanga, have continued, to this hour, committing the same ravages as
before; and the Indians, who are each taxed a measure of rice for its
maintenance, have received neither security or benefit from it.</p>
<p>It has been too justly observed by <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb266" href="#pb266" name="pb266">266</a>]</span>Señor
Solorzano, that whatever is established with a view to benefit the
Indians, universally fails of attaining that end; nor is this to be
wondered at, as every regulation brought forward with this avowed
intention is always so contrived, as to contribute not to the advantage
of the oppressed Indian, but solely to that of the person exercising
the chief authority. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb267" href="#pb267"
name="pb267">267</a>]</span></p>
</div>
</div>
<div id="ch17" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
<div class="divHead">
<h2 id="xd19e1507" class="label">CHAPTER XVII.</h2>
<h2 class="main">ANNO DOM. 1635.</h2>
<div class="argument">
<p class="first"><i>The Administration of Don Sebastian
Corcuera.</i></p>
</div>
</div>
<div class="divBody">
<p class="first">On the 25th of June, 1635, Don Sebastian Hurtado de
Corcuera, who had been Governor of Panama, took possession of this
government, and the same day Señor Guerrero took possession of
the archbishopric, although the bulls had not yet arrived. Dissensions
immediately begun between these two, originating between the Dominicans
and bearded friars, respecting the division of their provinces, and on
which account his Excellency was determined to be revenged of the
Archbishop, the very first opportunity. An occasion very soon presented
itself: the <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb268" href="#pb268" name=
"pb268">268</a>]</span>Archbishop having taken a female slave from an
artilleryman, because he had an illicit intercourse with her, the
artilleryman met her one day in the street, and, for some unknown
cause, murdered her, taking refuge in the church of St. Augustine.</p>
<p>The Governor ordered the troops to seize him in the church, without
first applying to the friars; they obeyed their orders, seized the
criminal, and delivered him up to their commanding officer, who
sentenced him to death. The sentence was executed in front of the
church of St. Augustine, a place which had never been used for public
punishment: the Archbishop attempted to prevent the violation of the
church privileges, but his attempt proved ineffectual.</p>
<p>During the disputes between the Governor and the Archbishop, the
Moors were ravaging our towns, and for the space of eight months
committed horrible atrocities. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb269"
href="#pb269" name="pb269">269</a>]</span>His Excellency determined to
go in person to chastise them. He sailed from Manila with a squadron on
the 2d of February, 1637, and having arrived at Lamitan, the residence
of Corralat, petty sovereign of Mindanao, he possessed himself of it
with ease. Corralat retired to a hill well defended by batteries, and
the best troops he had. The Governor attacked him, but after losing
many Spaniards, he sounded a retreat. The day following he renewed the
attack by a road more accessible, when he possessed himself of the
fort, and made great slaughter of the Moors, who threw themselves
headlong over the precipice in their confusion. The Governor now
retired to Zamboanga, where he received the chief of Buhayen, and those
of the island of Basilan, upon both of whom their fears had operated to
beg for peace, promising to consider Corralat as a common enemy, and
receive Friars into their dominions. <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb270" href="#pb270" name="pb270">270</a>]</span></p>
<p>From Zamboanga he passed to Jolo, and sat down before the famous
hill fort of the island, and which the Spaniards had never been able to
possess themselves of. He found it, however, so well fortified, that
after attempting to batter it, he was obliged to have recourse to some
other mode of attack. He prepared five mines, and springing them at the
time of assault, he blew up part of the works, with fifty men; but the
Spaniards advanced so slow, that the Moors had time to recover
themselves, and returning to the charge, repulsed them effectually. The
next day two more mines were sprung, which did great damage. The
Spaniards then advanced rapidly to the remaining fortification, but
behind the rampart which had been blown up, contrary to their
expectation, they found another work erected, and by which means they
were repulsed. The Governor observing the little effect produced by
these assaults, determined to surround the <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb271" href="#pb271" name=
"pb271">271</a>]</span>hill, though a league in circumference, with a
wall and forts, converting the siege into a strict blockade. This
measure, however, proved by no means adequate to the end in view, the
besieged defending themselves with great resolution, and destroying
numbers of the assailants. It was, therefore, resolved to construct a
battery on a position completely commanding the hill. The Moors on this
were desirous of capitulating, but the Governor commanded them to
surrender at discretion. Thinking these terms harsh, they became
desperate, and assaulted the Spanish camp; but not being able to force
it, they took the opportunity of quitting the hill by the back part of
it, which had been left for the time lightly guarded.</p>
<p>His Excellency found himself in possession of the enemies position,
and all their riches, with the Queen and her nephew, Tancun. The Queen
requested permission to bring the King and his chiefs into the
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb272" href="#pb272" name=
"pb272">272</a>]</span>presence of the Governor; he consented, and she
took that opportunity of escaping. The Governor then sent Tancun for
the same purpose, and he returned with the keys of the royal coffers;
but by the carelessness of the guard, being left too much at liberty,
he contrived to get possession of all the treasure, with which he
secured his retreat. His Excellency leaving a garrison of two hundred
Spaniards, and two hundred Pampangos in Jolo, returned to Manila, where
he was received with great honours, as conqueror of Jolo and Mindanao.
It is undeniable that Señor Corcuera reduced the inhabitants of
Jolo and Mindanao, and would have retained his conquest, had greater
harmony subsisted between the Jesuits, and the commanders of the
different garrisons. He was successful as a soldier, but unfortunate in
his choice of the means to secure his acquisition. The dissensions
between the Jesuits and the military rose to such a pitch, that
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb273" href="#pb273" name=
"pb273">273</a>]</span>at last all the positions were abandoned, and
all our exertions, and sacrifices of men and resources, rendered of no
avail.</p>
<p>By the year 1639, the number of Chinese in these islands had
increased to thirty thousand, most of them cultivators in Calamba and
in Biñan. Among these began a disaffection, which spreading to
those of Santa Cruz, Parian, and Manila, they at last converted the
church of St. Peter Macati into a kind of strong hold, in which they
established their head-quarters. The Governor sent against them two
hundred Spaniards, and a large body of Indians, who easily dislodged
them from this position. Dispersed into separate bands, they plundered
the houses of the Spaniards, and some Indian towns, committing great
atrocities. The Spaniards followed them, making dreadful havock among
them, from November 1639, to March following, when being reduced in
number to seven thousand, they surrendered. <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb274" href="#pb274" name="pb274">274</a>]</span>Very
few of our people were killed, but Manila was reduced to great
distress, by the loss of so many of its useful class of citizens, as
unquestionably the Chinese were. The Indians fortunately had remained
perfectly tranquil, which was rather to be attributed to their fixed
hatred of the Chinese, than their attachment to the Spaniards.</p>
<p>In the year 1642, the Archbishop Guerreo visited his diocese, and in
the harbour of Naryan, in Mindoro, a pirate seized his vessel, with all
his equipage, he himself, with great difficulty, saving himself by
flight. This disaster had such an effect upon him, that he died on the
2d of July at Manila, and was buried in the church of St.
Augustine.</p>
<p>The kingdom of Portugal, which had been united to the crown of
Castile in 1640, shook off the Spanish yoke, and electing the Duke of
Braganza King, the possessions of that nation in India immediately
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb275" href="#pb275" name=
"pb275">275</a>]</span>followed the example of the mother country, and
declared for that family. This year the Dutch reduced Malacca, and by
this conquest, and the separation of the Spanish and Portuguese
interest, it was apprehended they would renew their attempts on the
Philippines, which had now, for many years, remained unmolested by
them. This conjecture proved true; they commenced their operations by
stationing, for two successive years, a squadron in the route of the
ships from Acapulco, but the Jesuits, in the island of Samar,
frustrated their design. They then planned the capture of the island of
Formosa, with a view to interrupt the commerce to China, and as a
ladder for the conquest of the Philippines. They proceeded on the
enterprize in the year 1642, with four ships, a patache, and several
smaller vessels, and in a few days succeeded in their object, the
island having surrendered. Great consternation prevailed <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb276" href="#pb276" name="pb276">276</a>]</span>at
Manila on information of this conquest, as it was expected that the
Dutch would follow up their success by an attack on that capital; but
the glory of repelling these intruders was reserved for the successor
of Señor Corcuera. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb277" href=
"#pb277" name="pb277">277</a>]</span></p>
</div>
</div>
<div id="ch18" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
<div class="divHead">
<h2 id="xd19e1550" class="label">CHAPTER XVIII.</h2>
<h2 class="main">ANNO DOM. 1644.</h2>
<div class="argument">
<p class="first"><i>The Administration of Don Diego Faxardo.</i></p>
</div>
</div>
<div class="divBody">
<p class="first">Don Diego Faxardo, Knight of the order of Santiago,
took possession of his government on the 11th of August, 1644, and
immediately gave proof of his unrelenting disposition by his conduct
towards Señor Corcuera, by confining him in the fort of
Santiago, in which he remained five years.</p>
<p>The new Governor found these islands infested by Dutch squadrons,
and to enable himself to meet them with effect, he deemed it necessary
to unite the whole of the Spanish force, dispersed through the
different garrisons. He directed the officer in command at Zamboanga,
to enter into <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb278" href="#pb278" name=
"pb278">278</a>]</span>an amicable arrangement with Corralat, King of
Mindanao, which was effected very satisfactorily, through the mediation
of a friar. He likewise directed the officer commanding at Jolo to
adopt similar measures with the King of that island, and evacuating all
the forts, to bring all the Spaniards to Manila; but this was not to be
effected so easily, Salicala, hereditary Prince of the kingdom, having
gone to Batavia, soliciting assistance from the Dutch, to drive the
Spaniards from the island. They, however, spared him only two ships,
with which trifling aid, having made many attempts against our
principal position, which was defended vigorously by Don Estevan
Ugalde, a valiant Biscayan, the Dutch retired to Batavia, promising the
Moors to return next year, with a more effective force. The Jesuit
friar was, in the mean time, commissioned to make peace with them;
which he effected on very advantageous terms. Jolo being <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb279" href="#pb279" name="pb279">279</a>]</span>thus
evacuated, the Dutch arrived at the appointed time with the promised
assistance; and finding that the Spaniards had retired to Zamboanga,
they determined on attempting the capture of the fort of Caldera, in
Mindanao, but they were repulsed with such loss, that they made a rapid
retreat to Batavia.</p>
<p>The following year, the Dutch again appeared in these seas, with a
squadron of twelve ships, when eleven of them remaining on the coast of
Batan, the commodore came forward alone, to reconnoitre Cavite.
Señor Corcuera, who was in confinement in the fort, as already
mentioned, immediately saw the error the Dutch commander had committed,
in not making the attack with his whole force, while the place was in
an unguarded and defenceless state. Every advantage was taken of the
error, and Cavite was furnished, without delay, with the necessary
reinforcements, and supplies of ammunition and provisions. On
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb280" href="#pb280" name=
"pb280">280</a>]</span>the third day the Dutch squadron made their
attack, but the Governor, Andras Azaldegui, a very active man, defended
the place so effectually, that great slaughter ensued, and the Dutch
General received a wound, of which he died. On this they retired, and
disembarked in Pampanga, where the Alcalde Mayor of the province having
collected six hundred Pampangos, and fortified himself as well as
possible in the convent of Abucay, the Dutch assaulted him, when the
Indians fled in such disorder, and with such precipitation, that four
hundred of them were killed in the pursuit. The Dutch not deeming it
prudent to remove far from their ships, returned on board, and
disembarked a second time in the town of Samal, where the Spaniards
having gone to Manila, the Indians alone remained, who repulsed them,
and compelled them to take refuge in their ships.</p>
<p>They then took their station close to <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb281" href="#pb281" name="pb281">281</a>]</span>Mareveles, to
intercept our commerce, and while here they had information that a
galleon, built at Leyte, was on her way to Manila. They despatched six
ships to take her, but the commander understanding that the Dutch were
in these seas, put into a harbour, and fortifying the entrance with
batteries, remained perfectly secure from all insult, and the Dutch
deeming the attempt unjustifiable, returned to Batavia, without reaping
any advantage from their expedition.</p>
<p>Salicala, son of the King of Jolo, a turbulent character,
notwithstanding the peace he had concluded with the Spaniards, begun to
infest our seas with a squadron, which committed great depredations in
every quarter; and Cachile, Lord of Tup Tup, in Borneo, having followed
his example, it was found necessary to send against them an adequate
force. The Spaniards encountered the squadron of Cachile between
Masbate and Burias, and <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb282" href=
"#pb282" name="pb282">282</a>]</span>an engagement took place, in which
he was killed, and his fleet dispersed. Immediately on this Salicala
retired to Jolo, where his attention became sufficiently occupied, in
disputes respecting the succession to the throne. The Moors of Borneo,
imitating the conduct of the Indians of Jolo in their piracies, the
Governor sent Major Monforte with orders to chastise them severely, as
a warning to the rest. Monforte landed in Borneo, burning and
destroying all the towns within his reach, together with great
quantities of provisions, and a number of vessels, and making about two
hundred prisoners, thus retaliating on them for their piratical attacks
on us. Exclusive of these continual depredations of the Moors and
Dutch, the provinces in Luzon were by no means in a tranquil state.</p>
<p>A commotion, likewise, was begun in Palapag, by murdering the Jesuit
friar, who was the curate of the place; and, to <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb283" href="#pb283" name=
"pb283">283</a>]</span>enhance the criminality of the action, and
comprehend every one in the rebellion, Sumoroy, who was the assassin,
was for two days parading the town, avowing publicly that he killed the
friar; and, setting at liberty two insurgents, whom the Jesuits had
confined, he ordered the people to plunder the church and convent: from
this source, the insurrection spread through the whole island. The
Camarines imitated the conduct of the people of Palapag, in every thing
but the murder of the friars. The island of Zebu, likewise,
notwithstanding its garrison, wavered in its loyalty; and, indeed, all
the islands were ripe for rebellion: the people of Caraga, however,
were the most violent, having murdered many Spaniards and Friars. There
is no question that the Bisayas would have been lost on this occasion,
had not a stop been put to these atrocities in due time.</p>
<p>The Governor sent a force to Palapag, and ordered that four hundred
Indians of <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb284" href="#pb284" name=
"pb284">284</a>]</span>Lutao, who had been lately converted from
Mahometanism, should be incorporated with this force sent from Manila,
and jointly attack the rebels. The Jesuit friar, Vincente Damian, took
compassion on the misguided Indians, and attempted to persuade them to
return to their obedience; but, thinking themselves strong enough to
overcome the Spaniards, they would not listen to reason, and fortified
themselves on a hill, which Sumoroy had made his head quarters. Captain
Roxas commanded the Spaniards, Don Andres Azaldeguy, who was the proper
commanding officer, having had orders from the government, to go and
secure the property, in a ship which had been lost on the coast of
Camarines. Roxas was a man of ability and bravery, and came to the
resolution of assaulting the hill in the night, when the rebels would
be less on their guard. The Spaniards arrived at the outposts, when
they were discovered, and notice given to Sumoroy. The precipitation
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb285" href="#pb285" name=
"pb285">285</a>]</span>with which the Indians fled is incredible: it
resembled that of a flock of goats, our people following them, and
making great slaughter. Sumoroy attempted to escape; but his people
killed him, with the view of ingratiating themselves with the
Spaniards, and delivered up his head to Roxas, who placed it on a pole
as a warning to the rest. The friars being now able to return to their
duty, in the respective towns, soon reduced the discontented to
obedience.</p>
<p>The ringleader of the rebellion in Caraga was an Indian, named
Dabao, who was not in the least suspected of disaffection. He entered
one day into the fort, bringing with him eight men with their hands
bound, apparently with the view of surrendering them; but yet, at the
same time, so loosely bound, as to escape when they chose. When the
Spanish officer came out to receive them, Dabao struck him on the head
with his <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb286" href="#pb286" name=
"pb286">286</a>]</span>sword, and the eight men, immediately releasing
themselves, unexpectedly attacked the people in the fort. They made
such carnage, that only one friar and five soldiers escaped, by
throwing themselves from the wall, and retiring to the convent, where
they fortified themselves. The Indians immediately forsook the town and
fled to the mountains, when the friar, and the Spaniards who were in
the convent, built a boat, and retired along the coast to another town,
to which the insurrection had not spread.</p>
<p>The Governor sent them relief from Manila, and offered a pardon to
those who should return to their towns, and their allegiance as before.
The Spaniards, however, broke their word, and hanged many of the
ringleaders.</p>
<p>On the day of Saint Andrew, which was the anniversary of the victory
the Spaniards obtained over Limahon, about eight o'clock at night, an
earthquake happened, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb287" href="#pb287"
name="pb287">287</a>]</span>which destroyed almost all Manila, with the
exception of the church and convent of St. Augustine. The public
edifices, in particular, were nearly all thrown down and destroyed, and
more than six hundred people buried in the ruins: some were found alive
between the stones and the wood, who had remained there even three
days. The calamity reached the towns of the islands; in Cagayan, a hill
was rased from its foundation, and fell on a town, burying in its fall
all the inhabitants. In some parts the earth sunk; and, in others,
torrents of sand burst out, overwhelming man and beast. Many other
extraordinary changes occurred in the course of sixty days, during
which a succession of earthquakes prevailed. The people of Manila left
the city to live in huts in the fields, until it was ascertained that
they might return in safety to their houses. It was said that the image
of St. Francis, placed in the house of an Indian of Dilao, <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb288" href="#pb288" name=
"pb288">288</a>]</span>sweated most copiously during this calamity, and
shed abundance of tears; in consequence, he was elected patron of
earthquakes, and is designated St. Francis of Tears.</p>
<p>As a proof of that harshness which characterized Señor
Faxardo, it will be sufficient to mention his conduct to Christoval
Romero, whom the Viceroy of Mexico had sent, to bring him intelligence
of the state of these islands, two years having elapsed without the
usual ship having appeared at Acapulco. He arrived at the port of
Lampon, and, understanding that the Dutch were infesting these seas, he
landed the silver, and despatched it to Manila, in order that he might
with less risk get round. Soon after he had sent away the silver, the
Dutch arrived, and entered the port with their launches. Romero being
far inferior in force to the enemy, burnt his vessel, as he saw no
chance of saving it, and came to Manila by land. Everybody <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb289" href="#pb289" name=
"pb289">289</a>]</span>considered this man as entitled to great praise
for his conduct on the occasion, and expected that he would be well
received and rewarded; but the rigorous Governor, on the plea that the
burning of the launch was an act of cowardice, imprisoned him, and
condemned him to lose his head. All Manila clamoured against this
sentence; and the object of it appealed to the Royal Audience, who
revoked it. This rigour of the Governor was imputed to his not having
been duly bribed by Romero; but nothing of that nature could be
absolutely proved against him.</p>
<p>About this time, the hospital or college of St. Juan de Letran was
founded by Juan Geronimo Romero, who compassionating the situation of
unfortunate orphans, took them into his house, and carefully brought
them up. His Majesty being informed of this praise-worthy conduct, by a
royal order protected the establishment; but granted so little in aid
of it, that recourse was necessarily <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb290" href="#pb290" name="pb290">290</a>]</span>had to the
contributions of the well disposed, in order to render it of more
general use. It was, at length, removed to a spot behind the city: the
boys were allowed a blue coat, cap, &c., and were supported, as in
others, with the additional aid of a college pension, to enable them to
pursue their studies at the university; the college having no
establishment of this nature. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb291"
href="#pb291" name="pb291">291</a>]</span></p>
</div>
</div>
<div id="ch19" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
<div class="divHead">
<h2 id="xd19e1611" class="label">CHAPTER XIX.</h2>
<h2 class="main">ANNO DOM. 1653.</h2>
<div class="argument">
<p class="first"><i>The Administration of Don Sabiniano Manrique de
Lara.</i></p>
</div>
</div>
<div class="divBody">
<p class="first">The ship San Francisco Xavier arrived in Cavite in
July, 1653, bringing the new Governor, Don Sabiniano Manrique de Lara;
the Archbishop of Manila, Don Miguel Poblete; the Bishop of Ylocos, Don
Rodrigo de Cordinas, a Dominican; and the Oidor, Don Juan Bolivar. The
Governor immediately, as was usual, sat in judgment on his predecessor,
who, apprehensive that he might be deprived of his liberty, retired
into the college of Jesuits, securing his personal safety in this
sacred <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb292" href="#pb292" name=
"pb292">292</a>]</span>asylum. The Archbishop fixed the month of March
for a jubilee, on which occasion an immense concourse of people
assembled, and he, with great solemnity, invoked the blessing of the
Almighty on these islands.</p>
<p>Many calamities occurred during this administration, such as the
small-pox, famine, and a dreadful earthquake, which ruined many
edifices, and did much injury; but what affected the Governor much more
than all these, was the revolt of the Indians and Chinese, and the
ravages committed by the Moors of Mindanao. The Spaniards were at peace
with Corrolat, King of Mindanao, and he appeared perfectly satisfied;
but the chief men, turbulent and warlike, urged him to break it.</p>
<p>The Governor sent two Jesuits and some Spaniards, in the nature of
an embassy, to strengthen our existing amity with the King: when,
without any respect for their characters as ambassadors, and, listening
to the representations of his nephew <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb293" href="#pb293" name="pb293">293</a>]</span>Balatamay, he
murdered them all, and excused his atrocity to the Governor of
Zamboanga, throwing the blame on his nephew, whom, he alleged, he could
not punish, on account of his great power in the state.</p>
<p>In the letter which he wrote to the Governor of Manila, he laid the
blame on the Jesuit, who was at the head of the embassy; thus
indicating his intention, by these contradictory falsehoods, of gaining
time to draw to his party the King of Jolo, and other chiefs of the
Moluccas.</p>
<p>Don Francisco Esteyvar, who was Governor of Zamboanga, despatched
against him an armament of ten carracoas, whose rowers were Indians of
Lutao, and who, though they had been converted to Christianity, felt
for Corrolat as a countryman. Nothing could persuade them to row
against the Moors, excusing themselves under various pretexts; and,
although they could have been compelled, yet Don <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb294" href="#pb294" name=
"pb294">294</a>]</span>Fernando Bobadilla, who commanded the
expedition, fearing that they would desert him in the time he most
wanted them, and not desirous of exposing himself to such a risk,
returned to Zamboanga.</p>
<p>As the Spaniards had delayed the chastisement of the Moors for the
murder of their ambassadors, they were induced, as might be expected,
to commit still greater ravages than those they had yet been guilty of,
and Don Sabiniano de Lara sent against them a considerable squadron,
under the command of a man, valiant in the cabinet, but who proved the
reverse in the field. He repeatedly showed a disposition to attack the
Moors; but, on various pretexts, avoided coming to an engagement, and
at last retired to Zebu, abandoning the cause, and leaving the Moors to
return quietly to their own country. The Governor of Zamboanga,
however, acting a different part, and determined to chastise the Moors,
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb295" href="#pb295" name=
"pb295">295</a>]</span>collected some vessels, and retaliated on their
country, the ravages they had committed on ours.</p>
<p>A slight disturbance, about this time, took place in the province of
Pampanga, the cause of which was as follows: the late Governor having
ordered a ship to be built in Camboxa, sent all the necessary workmen
in a vessel, which he patched up, and launched for the purpose. After
having completed their work, and when they were on their return from
Camboxa to Manila, they encountered a storm, so violent, that the
vessel was wrecked, and almost all the people perished. The galleon,
San Francisco Xavier, was lost in the same storm on the coast of Samar,
and two other ships which were going to Acapulco were forced back. The
galleon, La Concepcion, too, was so unfortunate as to be driven back
twice, having suffered severely in her rigging. To repair these losses,
it was necessary that a greater quantity <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb296" href="#pb296" name="pb296">296</a>]</span>of wood should be cut
than was customary, and that with unusual expedition. The Indians
suffered always severely in these undertakings, as they were obliged to
leave their towns for the mountains, where, their wages being very
small, and their treatment very bad, they too often fell a sacrifice to
sickness. The overseer of the present wood cutting was a man of great
severity, and, as the wood was to be cut with all despatch, he had
recourse, with the poor Indians, to measures which humanity could not
justify, in order to expedite the work. Resisting this oppressive
conduct, they mutinied, and the mutiny extended through all the towns,
although they did not behave with disrespect to the church or friars.
To quell this sedition before it took a wider range, the Governor took
up his residence in Macabebe, which is the first town in the province,
from Manila, taking with him some troops, and ordering into his
presence some of the ringleaders. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb297"
href="#pb297" name="pb297">297</a>]</span>The Indians, naturally timid,
had already repented of this disturbance, when the friars interfering,
it was completely quelled, and the principal ringleader, an Indian
named Maniago, was conveyed to Manila, being considered as too
dangerous an inhabitant of the province.</p>
<p>The bad example of those in Pampanga, induced the Indians of
Pangasinan to rebel, electing as their King an Indian, called Marlong.
They murdered the Alcalde Mayor of the province, with all his family,
and, upon this being known in Manila, the Governor sent troops by sea
and land to quell the sedition; but the Dominican friars possessed such
power over the Indians, that they were restored to their duty without
firing one gun; and their King, Marlong, was delivered up and hanged
immediately.</p>
<p>When the Indians of Pangasinan began their rebellion, they had sent
emissaries to the provinces of Cagayan, Ylocos, and <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb298" href="#pb298" name=
"pb298">298</a>]</span>Zambales. In this last they made little
progress, but in Ylocos, an Indian called Manzano, headed the
rebellion, and, having collected a number of malcontents, he attacked
the Spaniards, murdered the Friar Bacarra, and ill treated the Bishop
Cardinas, on which the Alcalde Mayor and some friars fled to Manila;
but the province of Pangasinan being by this time reduced to
subjection, the troops were sent against Manzano, and soon reduced him
likewise; and the ringleaders of both were executed.</p>
<p>The civil wars of China were the cause of the conquest of that
country by the Tartars. A Chinese named Ly, having urged the provinces
remote from the court to revolt, and meeting with no opposition,
arrived at the capital (Pekin), on which occasion, either from treason
or cowardice, all abandoned the Emperor, who, seeing himself thus
forsaken, cut off, according to their usual custom, the head of his
daughter, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb299" href="#pb299" name=
"pb299">299</a>]</span>that she might not fall into the hands of the
rebels, and afterwards hanged himself on a tree, to avoid a similar
disgrace.</p>
<p>All acknowledged the authority of Ly, except the army, which had
been opposed to the Tartars, and which, fearing the result of this
rebellion, made peace with them, and they united against the common
enemy, Ly, whom they soon drove from Pekin. Nothing more was ever heard
of this rebellion; but, the Tartars having by this means got into the
interior of China, though they met with some opposition, yet, finally,
they reduced the whole of the empire, and it continues still under the
Tartar dynasty.</p>
<p>A poor Chinese, who had fled from Macao to Manila, where he was
baptized by the name of Nicolas, and where he became a shop-keeper,
afterwards went to Japan, where he married; but finding that he did not
acquire riches quick enough, he <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb300"
href="#pb300" name="pb300">300</a>]</span>entered the Chinese army,
where he rose very high, being appointed General against the rebels.
Zunchin, who was the last Emperor of the Chinese race, having hanged
himself, as already noticed, Nicolas sided with the Tartars, by whom he
was apparently well received. The Tartar Emperor heaped favours upon
him, and named him as one of his tributary monarchs, under the title of
Pignan, which signifies, conqueror of the south. By these means he
lulled him into security; and having at last imprisoned him and all his
family, completed his treachery by blowing him, and the greater part of
them, up with gunpowder.</p>
<p>His son, Cogseng, after this disgraceful transaction, turned pirate,
and sufficiently revenged the death of his father by ravaging the
Chinese coasts and islands. He was the conqueror of the island of
Formosa, and the first who triumphed over <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb301" href="#pb301" name="pb301">301</a>]</span>the arms of
Europeans. The Dutch, at this time, were complete masters of the
island, they possessed two thousand Europeans, with sufficient
artillery and ships; when hearing that the Chinese intended to attack
them, they united all their forces in Tayguan; but the pirate, who came
with about one hundred thousand men, landed on the opposite coast of
the island, and immediately entered on the cultivation of the soil. A
short time after, he invested the fort of Tayguan, and the Dutch
capitulated, after a seven months siege, by which they were allowed to
leave the island, with the ships they had in the port.</p>
<p>Cogseng, elated with this success, determined to become master of
the Philippines, for which purpose he sent the Friar Victorio Riccio, a
Dominican, with the title of his Ambassador, to Manila, with a letter
to the Governor, in which he required him to recognize him as
Sovereign, and <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb302" href="#pb302" name=
"pb302">302</a>]</span>pay him tribute, threatening, if he refused, to
ravage his coasts with his fleet. On the 18th of May, 1662, the friar
arrived on this embassy at Manila, and delivered his letter with great
secrecy, which, however, was not long withheld from the public. The
Governor without delay began to levy troops, repair the fortifications,
and <span class="corr" id="xd19e1670" title=
"Source: recal">recall</span> all the forces to the capital; and in
order to be as secure as possible, he sent away all the Chinese
merchants, and others that were established in the islands. Upon this
being known, it was whispered that the Governor intended to decapitate
all the Chinese, who, being naturally cowards, believed the knife
already at their throats, and retired to the mountains, from whence
some passed, with great risk, in small boats to Formosa. The day on
which the Governor called the Chinese chiefs before him, in order to
intimate to them that they must retire, the remaining Chinese believing
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb303" href="#pb303" name=
"pb303">303</a>]</span>that they were all to be murdered, took up arms;
but the Dominicans had sufficient influence to prevail on them to
remain quiet. The Governor now sent back Friar Riccio to Cogseng with
an answer to his letter, but, on Riccio's arrival, he found the pirate
dead of a fever, Manila being by this means released from the danger
with which she was threatened. The Chinese who had fled to Formosa,
circulated a thousand calumnies, which would have cost Friar Riccio his
life, if he had not been saved by the son of Cogseng, who had succeeded
his father in power; but not possessing the warlike spirit of his
father, he sent an Ambassador to Manila, to make a treaty of amity and
commerce with the Spaniards. Although the expedition of Cogseng had not
reached Manila, the place of its destination, the effects of it had
fallen very heavy on the islands, as all the churches and convents
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb304" href="#pb304" name=
"pb304">304</a>]</span>near Manila were destroyed, to prevent the enemy
from converting them into military stations.</p>
<p>The Governor of Ternate had abandoned that station, by no means easy
to be recovered, as the garrison was, in its retreat to Manila,
accompanied by the Indians, called Mahhicas, who were the best friends
to the Spanish cause, and who were then settled at the mouth of the
river Marigondon, where their descendants remain to this hour. The
garrisons too of Calamianes and Zamboanga evacuated these stations; and
as they had always been a check on the Moors of Jolo and Mindanao,
opportunities were by this means offered of committing with impunity
such ravages in the Bisayas, that the friars were compelled to abandon
the province of Calamianes.</p>
<p>Don Sabiniano Manrique de Lara had governed these islands with great
prudence, but notwithstanding this, several articles of <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb305" href="#pb305" name=
"pb305">305</a>]</span>impeachment were preferred against him, and he
was fined seventy thousand dollars. On appealing, however, to the
council of the Indies, the sentence was reversed, and the fine
remitted; but disgusted with the world, he retired to Malaga, his
native country, and took the monastic habit. <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb306" href="#pb306" name="pb306">306</a>]</span></p>
</div>
</div>
<div id="ch20" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
<div class="divHead">
<h2 id="xd19e1685" class="label">CHAPTER XX.</h2>
<h2 class="main">ANNO DOM. 1663.</h2>
<div class="argument">
<p class="first"><i>The Administration of Don Diego Salcedo.</i></p>
</div>
</div>
<div class="divBody">
<p class="first">Don Diego de Salcedo not being able, by the prevalence
of the south-west-monsoon, to reach Manila by the ordinary route of the
straits of Bernardino, he made Cagayan, where he landed, and travelled
across the island to the city, and took possession of his government in
September, 1663. Immediately on his arrival, he held out every
encouragement to commerce, and preparation was made for sending the
usual ship to Acapulco as early in the season as possible, in order to
avoid those misfortunes which had too frequently taken place.
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb307" href="#pb307" name=
"pb307">307</a>]</span></p>
<p>This conduct of the Governor at first gave great satisfaction to the
merchants of Manila; but they began very soon to discover his diligence
was directed only to his own individual benefit, or that of his
friends, as due care had been taken by them to buy up all the best
goods, leaving in the market only those of inferior quality; and that
no opportunity might be afforded to the merchants to procure a fresh
supply of the different articles from the coast, he despatched the ship
before the coasters could possibly arrive. By this means almost all the
commerce of Acapulco, for that season, centered in him and his friends.
About this time the news arrived of the death of Philip the Fourth, and
the Archbishop was attacked with protracted illness, which ended in
extreme debility, of which he died, 1667. The attention of Salcedo had
been completely occupied by the violent disputes, which, during the
whole period of his government, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb308"
href="#pb308" name="pb308">308</a>]</span>subsisted between him and the
ecclesiastical authorities, and which terminated in the Commissary of
the Inquisition of Mexico ordering him to be seized, and conveyed on
board the patache destined for Acapulco, in which ship he died,
1669.</p>
<p class="trailer xd19e1700">END OF VOL. I.</p>
<p><span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb2.273" href="#pb2.273" name=
"pb2.273">273</a>]</span></p>
</div>
</div>
</div>
<div class="back">
<div id="notes" class="div1 notes"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
<div class="divHead">
<h2 id="xd19e1705" class="main">NOTES TO VOLUME I.</h2>
</div>
<div class="divBody">
<p id="n1" class="first"><span class="sc">Note I</span>.—Page
6.</p>
<p>Were it not that we have this strong corroborative evidence of the
veracity of other travellers on this subject, we should be inclined to
attach a degree of impossibility to the existence of an European power
of the first distinction, in an insular situation, similar to that of
the Philippines, established there for nearly three centuries; yet
through the whole of that period incessantly exposed to the inroads and
depredations of the surrounding savage nations. But in the perusal of
the following pages it will appear sufficiently manifest that the
system of colonization pursued by the Spanish monarchy. From the first
discovery of the New World, and without little, if any, amelioration,
practised at this time, is least of all calculated for either the
extension of permanent national dominion, the enlargement of the human
mind, or the general dissemination of commercial industry. The
discovery of the Cape of Good Hope and America produced a revolution
among the European nations, which, aided by the phenomenon of the
magnetic needle, stimulated the human mind to exertions far more
arduous than had been effected by the Crusades; but the same spirit
that animated Peter the Hermit seems to have presided over the counsels
of <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb2.274" href="#pb2.274" name=
"pb2.274">274</a>]</span>the Spanish monarchy and directed its
researches. To whatever cause it may be imputed, whether political,
moral, or physical, this nation, so justly celebrated about this
period, seems to have had little progressive tendency to improvement,
and till within these few years the Spanish colonists of the
eighteenth, in point of information and commercial enterprize, differed
in no respect from those of the sixteenth century. The general
dissemination of science, the gradual dispersion of prejudice, the
consequent expansion of the human mind, and the example of surrounding
nations, will doubtless have due effect on those noble qualities which
characterized the Spaniard of the sixteenth century; and which, though
enchained for succeeding ages by the peculiarity of their internal
politics, still exist in the Spaniard of the nineteenth. No doubt,
indeed, can be entertained that the changes likely to be produced
during the present eventful period, will convert the reign of Ferdinand
the VIIth into the æra of Spanish regeneration, in all that can
be considered steady in council, great in arms, liberal in sentiment,
and energetic in social as well as commercial intercourse. And we fully
trust that the blind and persecuting influence which dictated the
expulsion of the Chinese from the Philippines, and produced
consequences nearly bordering on the annihilation of all industry and
all commerce in the Islands, no longer disgraces their counsels or
finds an advocate in the breast of one true Spaniard.</p>
<p id="n2"><span class="sc">Note II.</span>—Page 8.</p>
<p>We are well aware that at a distance from the seat of even an
energetic government, abuses will exist which may sometimes be beyond
its reach; but the instance before us, gives us at once an insight into
that system of oppression and abuse of power which prevails in the
Spanish settlements, and originated in the <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb2.275" href="#pb2.275" name=
"pb2.275">275</a>]</span>invariable practice of the Spanish court, of
furnishing the opportunity to their dependants in the mother country to
enrich themselves during a temporary residence in the colonies.</p>
<p id="n3"><span class="sc">Note III.</span>—Page 12.</p>
<p>The most authentic communications on this subject to the translator,
are, that during the months of March, April, and May, the heat is
sometimes oppressive; June, July, August, and September, forms the
rainy season; the month of October of a doubtful character; November,
December, January, and February, a heavenly spring: and that the
climate in the whole is uncommonly healthy, the natives living to a
great age.</p>
<p id="n4"><span class="sc">Note IV.</span>—Page 13.</p>
<p>If it were not sufficiently ascertained that the author of this work
was not a foreigner, but a monastic Spaniard, it might be concluded
from this expression, that he meant to cast a strong reflection on the
Spanish government; but in the progress of the work the reader will
discover that he is fully justified.</p>
<p id="n5"><span class="sc">Note V.</span>—Page 14.</p>
<p>“The fishermen place their net zig-zag-ways in from eight to
eighteen fathom water; at each angle they have several chambers, and
over every angle they have a boat moored, with two or three fishermen
in it, who are always watching the fish when they enter the chambers,
and with a line, supported on the surface by a buoy, they draw a net
across the chamber door.” <i>Vide Jackson's Mediterranean
Commerce</i>, p. 103–4.</p>
<p id="n6"><span class="sc">Note VI.</span>—Page 18.</p>
<p>The diversity of opinion as to the substance of which these nests
are composed, is such, that to this hour we <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb2.276" href="#pb2.276" name=
"pb2.276">276</a>]</span>are left on the wide field of conjecture, and
without any clue which may be absolutely relied on for unravelling the
mystery. The intelligent Sonnerat, as a judicious naturalist, is
entitled to every attention on the subject, and he, by admitting into
his work the following quotation from “<i lang="fr">Transactions
philosophiques de la société Batave, établie dans
l'isle de Java pour l'avancement des arts et des sciences, vol.
iii.</i>” gives us reason to suppose that he adopts the opinion
of that writer. He prefaces his introduction of the subject by the
following scientific description of the bird:</p>
<p>“La salangane (hirundo esculenta, Lath. sp. 26. Lin. Rumph.
herb. vi. pag. 183. tab. 75. fig. 4. Forster.)”</p>
<p>And then proceeds with the extract thus:</p>
<p>“The salanganes are of a blackish grey colour, somewhat
inclining to green; but on the back, down to the tail, as well as under
the breast, the colour is mouse grey. The whole length of the bird,
from the back to the tail, is about four inches and a half; and its
height, taken from the beak to the extremity of the foot, three and a
quarter inches: its girt is ten and a quarter inches: the longest
feathers of the wing are about four inches. The head is flat; but the
thickness of the downy feathers which cover it make it appear round,
and rather large in proportion to the rest of the body. The beak is
large, ending in a sharp point, but hooked like that of a nocturnal
bird of prey; its size is augmented by the addition of a naked
membrane, similar to parchment, which folds inwards when the beak is
shut, but expands with the opening of it, and enables the bird, while
on the wing, to seize with greater facility the insects which
constitute its food. The eyes are black, and very large; and the tongue
not forked, but of the form of an arrow. The ears flat and round, with
a small oblong opening, and entirely covered by the downy feathers of
the head. The neck very short, as are the legs, and bones of the wings.
The thighs entirely <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb2.277" href=
"#pb2.277" name="pb2.277">277</a>]</span>covered with feathers; and the
lower and more delicate parts of the legs, as well as the feet,
provided with a black skin resembling parchment: each foot has four
toes, three pointing forwards and one backwards; they are separated
from each other even to the root, and the middle one, including the
claw, is at least as long as the lower part of the leg; each toe is
furnished with a black claw, pointed, hooked, and very long, by means
of which it attaches itself, with great facility, to the juttings of
the rocks. The tail is at least as long as the body, even including the
neck and the head; when it is spread out it has the shape of a wedge,
and has ten large feathers; the four first on each side are the
longest, and when the tail is closed they extend beyond the others
about an inch; the others diminish towards the middle of the tail, and
nearly equal the length of the body. This bird is extremely light and
delicate; ten of these swallows will only weigh about two ounces and a
half. The inhabitants of Java call them <i>lawit</i>, and the
mountaineers give them the names of <i>berongdagæ</i> or
<i>waled</i>.</p>
<p>“There are two places in the neighbourhood of Batavia where
they are found in great abundance; the one, Calappa-Nongal, is about
ten miles to the south of the town; the other, Sampia, is a little more
distant towards the south-west, but both lie in that elevated range
which takes its direction by the sea coast, and which appears to be
different from the great chain which pushes itself into the country,
and traverses the whole island. Besides these principal places, there
are many others, both in the same district, and at a very great
distance from the coast, where these birds are found, though in fewer
numbers; and there are even some which are carefully concealed by those
of the inhabitants who are acquainted with them.</p>
<p>“There are two bird mountains, called <i>Goa</i> (caverns) by
the inhabitants of Java, which are insulated rocks, <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb2.278" href="#pb2.278" name=
"pb2.278">278</a>]</span>hollow in the middle, and pierced by a great
number of openings, for the most part of sufficient size easily to
admit a man; others are more difficult of access, and some so small
that nature seems to have intended them for the security of those
little animals. These rocks are composed of a grey calcareous stone and
white marble, and are covered with a multitude of lofty trees of
different kinds. To the interior of these caverns the birds fix their
nests in horizontal ranges, and so close to each other, that, generally
speaking, they join; they build them at different heights, from fifty
to three hundred feet, higher or lower as they can find a <span class=
"corr" id="xd19e1782" title="Source: birth">berth</span>; there is not
a single hole, or convenient spot sufficiently dry and proper, which is
not occupied; but if the surface is in the smallest degree wet, or even
damp, the birds immediately abandon it.</p>
<p>“At break of day the whole of the birds take wing with a great
noise, and in the dry season immediately shoot up so high in the
atmosphere, in search of their food, as to be soon lost to the sight:
they return about four in the afternoon, and again take shelter in
their holes, to which they confine themselves during the rest of the
day, those excepted which are hatching. On the other hand, during the
rainy season, it has been often remarked that they never ramble very
far from their holes, particularly in the government of Java, where the
rocks even border close on the sea.</p>
<p>“They feed on all the varieties of insects which are found
hovering over stagnated waters, and they easily secure them by means of
the extended opening of which their beak is capable. Their most
formidable enemy is a bird of prey, which catches them in great numbers
as they escape from their holes, and which the inhabitants are very
careful to keep at a distance as much as possible by shooting them.</p>
<p>“They prepare their nests with the more solid parts of their
food, and by no means with the froth of the <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb2.279" href="#pb2.279" name=
"pb2.279">279</a>]</span>sea or marine plants, as has been
asserted<a class="noteref" id="xd19e1793src" href="#xd19e1793" name=
"xd19e1793src">1</a>. This opinion is the more founded in probability,
as it is ascertained by experience that those birds which build on the
rocks, already mentioned, have never been seen on the coast, and that
they could not repair thither and return in any reasonable time on
account of the lofty chains of mountains they would have to traverse,
and the tempestuous winds which prevail there. The great difference,
then, in the colour and value of these nests, is a proof that their
quality depends solely on the nature and abundance of the insects which
form their food; perhaps, likewise, on the more or less perfect
solitude of the places they resort to for it.</p>
<p>“The nests collected in the territory of Calappa-Nongal and of
Goadja are quite grey, and are of one-third less value than those of
the territory of Sampia. These last again are in far less estimation
than the excellent sort sent every year from Ternate and Passir, or
those found in the islands immediately adjoining, and on that of Borneo
in particular.</p>
<p>“These birds require two months to prepare their nests; they
immediately after lay their eggs, and sit fifteen or sixteen days. As
soon as the young take flight, the gathering of the nests commences,
and is repeated every four months: it is the harvest of the proprietors
of those rocks. This is performed by men accustomed from their infancy
to clamber among these precipices: with reeds and bamboos they provide
themselves with ladders, with which they mount up to the holes; but
when the depth of the caves is too great, they have recourse to
ropes.</p>
<p>“When at the bottom of these caverns, they place against the
inside notched bamboos, which answer the <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb2.280" href="#pb2.280" name="pb2.280">280</a>]</span>purpose of
ladders, to enable them to reach the nests, and if these are beyond
their immediate reach, they detach them with bamboo poles; there are
likewise holes, but in very limited numbers, which may be got at by
means of ladders of bamboo.</p>
<p>“This employment, which is attended with very great risk,
costs the lives of many human beings, and particularly of those who
attempt to steal the nests. For their preservation, guards are placed
here and there.</p>
<p>“The mountaineers usually employed in collecting the nests
never undertake it till they have sacrificed a buffalo, the usual
prelude, with the Javanese, of all their enterprizes; they mutter a few
prayers, anoint their bodies with aromatic oils, and fumigate the
caverns with incense, a precaution, according to them, absolutely
necessary. The principal of these caverns lie in the island of Java,
where a female deity, under the appellation of <i>Raton laut
Ridaud</i>, or <i>Princess of the South Sea</i>, is held in high
veneration. A small hut, containing a covered bed, is prepared for her,
together with several elegant dresses, and which no person but a
Princess dare approach. Every Friday, during the period of collecting
the nests, incense is burnt in it, and the bodies and clothes of all
those who propose to mount the rocks ought to be exposed to this
fumigation. The rest of the Javanese are not so superstitious, and
attach much less importance to ceremonies. These caverns are lighted,
on such occasions, by torches made with the rosin of a large tree,
called the <i>cavet</i>, and of the inner bark of the areka.</p>
<p>“The collection of the nests does not last more than a month,
and, as has been said, may be repeated three times annually. Some think
that it might even be extended to a fourth, but that is not very
probable, as all the people employed in this work affirm that a nest,
as long as it remains entire, is constantly augmented or <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb2.281" href="#pb2.281" name=
"pb2.281">281</a>]</span>thickened by the bird, which never totally
abandons it till it becomes dry and woolly in the inside.</p>
<p>“After the nests are gathered, nothing remains to be done but
to dry and clean them, and they are then packed in baskets and sold to
the Chinese. The price varies, as depending on their whiteness and
degree of perfection; some are grey, and others reddish, while those of
the best sort are extremely rare. They are sold on the spot for from
eight hundred to one thousand four hundred rixdollars for one hundred
and twenty-five pounds weight. This price, and the insatiable avarice
of the Chinese, often produce cheating, and an adulteration of the
article. They have no hesitation in corrupting the guards with money,
opium, or clothes; and deceits are practised, against which the most
extreme vigilance is often unavailing.</p>
<p>“The two places we have already mentioned, Calappa-Nongal and
Sampia, belonged formerly to the Dutch East India Company, but as the
advantages resulting from the possession of them were partly unknown,
or diminished in value by the dexterity of the Javanese, the company
formed the resolution of letting them by public auction, and nearly one
hundred thousand rixdollars is drawn from them, a sum far exceeding
their utmost expectations. In the same range of mountains there are
besides these other places of the same description, but of less
importance. There are likewise two or three in the interior, and some
others, which are concealed with great care.</p>
<p>“There are in the government of Samarang, in the island of
Java, three mountains celebrated for their birds, called Goadaher,
Gede, and Nangasari. The sea washes their base, and flows so far into
the interior of the latter, that it may be said they can catch fish in
the body of the mountain. The nests in these districts are of an
excellent quality, but very difficult to collect, on account
<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb2.282" href="#pb2.282" name=
"pb2.282">282</a>]</span>of the precipitous nature of the rocks, and
the violent beating of the surge against them, which renders it
necessary for those employed to suspend themselves from the top by
ladders of bamboo. In the island of Java, about twenty-five quintals of
these nests are collected annually.</p>
<p>“There are likewise swallow caverns in the island of Bantam,
and in Sumatra; but the inhabitants of the former are so indolent, and
the government so detestable, that they are not even at the trouble to
sow rice, nor do they cultivate any one article which contributes to
human existence. The Chinese have never attempted to penetrate into the
interior of this kingdom, and they have no commerce whatever with the
mountaineers; indeed they have very little intercourse even with the
coast.</p>
<p>“The Javanese and Europeans established in India eat even the
birds themselves when young, but it is difficult to procure them; they
are considered as a very luscious food. The nests, on the contrary,
when stewed as a soup, and afterwards exposed to the dew, and sweetened
with sugar, are said to be highly cooling, and the Javanese administer
them successfully in violent fevers. The author of this memoir has had
occasion to observe that, prepared in the manner which will be
subsequently mentioned, they have been useful in disorders of the
throat, and in hoarseness. Most probably this remedy has been borrowed
from the Chinese, who (according to information furnished to the author
by a man who was in the habit of dealing largely in these nests) use
them most generally in the winter, because disorders of the throat are
very common at that season in the southern regions of the empire, on
account of the habits the Chinese are in of indulging themselves over
the fire.</p>
<p>“But though the author has repeatedly eat these nests,
prepared in various ways, he has not been able to bring <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb2.283" href="#pb2.283" name=
"pb2.283">283</a>]</span>himself to put much faith in the very
nutritive and strengthening property attributed to them. He has had
them analyzed by good chemists, but the result has been only a gummy
solution, of rather a disagreeable taste, which might, however, be of
service in certain disorders of the chest.</p>
<p>“These nests are, in fact, only articles of luxury or ornament
on the tables of the rich. The Chinese are passionately fond of them:
after well soaking and cleaning them, they are put with a fat capon or
a duck into an earthen pot, closely covered; they are simmered for
twenty-four hours over a small fire, which is called <i>timmen</i>;
thus prepared, this eatable acquires a relish infinitely more rich, and
a more nourishing quality.</p>
<p>“The trade in these nests, which some years ago was of little
importance, has been greatly on the increase for some time. The price
is constantly rising in China, and Batavia is the principal market for
them. The company having abandoned it, the inhabitants derive
sufficient advantage from it to diminish the exportation of specie,
which is highly prejudicial. It is now very well ascertained that the
species of swallow which builds these nests is not to be found in
China.</p>
<p>“Linnæus, in his <i lang="fr">Systeme Naturel</i>,
characterizes this swallow, which he calls the <i>hirundo
esculenta</i>, by white spots only on the feathers of the tail. But
those birds of Java, which construct the nests in question, have no
spots either on their tail or elsewhere. The feathers of the tail are
entirely of one colour, that is, grey, approaching to black on the
upper, and a lighter grey on the under surface.</p>
<p>“Rumph says, in speaking of these <i>apodes marinæ</i>,
that the feathers of their tail are spotted, and that the breast has
black and white spots.</p>
<p>“Valentyn in his description of the small swallow which builds
the eatable nests, says nothing of spots, and only states that the body
is veined white and black. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb2.284" href=
"#pb2.284" name="pb2.284">284</a>]</span></p>
<p>“If these differences are allowed to be essential, it will
follow that there must be two kinds of these swallows, the one with a
spotted breast, and having white spots on the tail, the other without
either. It is possible, even, that there may be a third variety, that
called <i>momos</i>, or <i>bocrongitams</i>. These likewise form their
nests of part of their food; but mixed with so much impure matter that
no use can be made of them. Care is taken, therefore, to drive them
away, that they may not injure the nests of the better species. They
are readily known from these latter by their superior size, and their
legs being provided with small feathers down to the feet.</p>
<p>“In the kingdom of Tonquin, and in China, there is a great
demand for these nests of the salanganes. They form their most
exquisite food, and they attribute to them the property of
strengthening the stomach, and of being a powerful aphrodisiac. They
are preserved for the tables of the King, and those of the principal
nobles who are able to procure them. They are diluted, made into gravy
or soup, and mixed with all sorts of choice aliment, and every kind of
taste is imputed to them.</p>
<p>“In the state in which the salanganes are sold, they bear a
close resemblance to the half of a preserved citron, both in size and
shape. They are put into small boats, which the people of the country
are sufficiently dextrous in piloting through the rocks where the nests
are found. The King of Cochin-China retains in his own hands,
exclusively, the portion of this trade which belongs to him, as the
most precious production of his dominions, and of which the sale is
most to be relied on.”</p>
<p id="n7"><span class="sc">Note VII.</span>—Page 18.</p>
<p>This shell, which even here, as every where else, <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb2.285" href="#pb2.285" name=
"pb2.285">285</a>]</span>bears the name of cowrie, forms likewise the
currency of Africa, as it formerly did that of India; and this may
probably furnish an argument in favour of the Malay origin.</p>
<p id="n8"><span class="sc">Note VIII.</span>—Page 21.
<span class="sc" id="n9">Note IX.</span>—Same page.</p>
<p>Two causes are here assigned for the wretched state of these
dependencies, apparently different, but in fact flowing from the same
source. We are told that the surrounding nations are more industrious,
and can work at a cheaper rate, and that the insects and rats destroy
the produce of the soil. Were the encouragement of agriculture and
manufactures an object of importance in the colonial system of the
Philippines, the extension and protection of the former would soon
circumscribe the dominion of the rats, its most destructive enemy; and
if the productions of the soil were, as they ought to be, in as great
plenty, and at as low a rate as on the neighbouring islands,
manufactures, particularly with the aid of machinery, would be afforded
at a profit adequate to the exertions of industry. But the truth is,
that the Spanish government is rather desirous of considering the
Philippines as the grand depot of the commerce of South America with
India and China, and it may be presumed that, on this account, not only
is its industry repressed, but the very heavy expense of the settlement
submitted to and annually sent from New Spain. The revenue stated to be
collected in the islands amounts to about one million of dollars, and
this, together with about the same sum remitted by the Acapulco ships,
enable the government to defray the annual charges of the colonial
establishment.</p>
<p id="n10"><span class="sc">Note X.</span>—Page 24.</p>
<p>The Spanish author, on the subject of the origin of these Negroes,
forms a conclusion directly at variance <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
"pb2.286" href="#pb2.286" name="pb2.286">286</a>]</span>with what he
afterwards says with regard to the origin of the Indians. He admits
that the similarity of the former to those of Angola, with the
exception of only a shade in colour, carries sufficient conviction as
to their parent stock, and of course allows the islands to have been
originally colonized from Africa, and by a people infinitely less
advanced in cultivation than the Indians, setting aside at once his own
very well founded subsequent conclusion, that the colonization of all
the islands of the South Sea, with the Marianas, Philippines, &c.
must have originated in South America, and proceeded gradually before
the wind. The constant course of easterly winds in the Pacific, joined
to the instances he adduces of similitude of language, unquestionably
aid his hypothesis, which, though probably more curious than
practically useful, is yet deserving of attention. There is not,
indeed, a more embarrassing subject than that frequently proves to be,
which treats of the origin and ancient connexion of distant nations,
and after all, as in this case, we are too often left on the field of
conjecture.</p>
<p id="n11"><span class="sc">Note XI.</span>—Page 25.</p>
<p>The reason here given for the wretched condition of these people
seems more candidly than might be expected from a Spaniard, to take the
load of responsibility from them and cast it on the government; and the
perusal of the succeeding pages will but too well confirm the propriety
of the censure.</p>
<p id="n12"><span class="sc">Note XII.</span>—Page 36.</p>
<p>Sonnerat asserts, that among the mild inhabitants of the fertile
plains on the west border of the Lake Bay, adultery is the only crime
punished with death; but it seems more reasonable to conclude, that of
the two the Spaniard is most to be relied on. <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb2.287" href="#pb2.287" name=
"pb2.287">287</a>]</span></p>
<p id="n13"><span class="sc">Note XIII.</span>—Page 37.</p>
<p>The striking resemblance of this to the price exacted by Laban from
Jacob for his two daughters, will not be passed over by the reader
unnoticed; and we are obliged to conclude either that such similarity
of customs must originate in a common source, or that a certain state
of social life, in certain climates, will produce manners mutually
approximating.</p>
<p id="n14"><span class="sc">Note XIV.</span>—Page 42.</p>
<p>Without, in any respect, detracting from the merit of the
propagators of the Christian faith in these islands, or claiming any
superiority for our own tenets or practice, I fear we need not travel
beyond the pillars of Hercules to the southward, and the Ultima
Thulé to the northward, to discover such perversion of human
intellect, although, I trust, it is no proof that we are very bad
Christians.</p>
<p>The influence of traditional superstitions is too generally known
and admitted to require to be descanted on. Its operation commences
with the first dawn of reason, and very rarely is it found that even
all the strength of the human mind, aided by religion and philosophy,
can thoroughly eradicate the impressions it makes. The water kelpie of
the north of Scotland differs from the Patianac and Tigbalang, only as
being a good natured and very useful being; and we are all familiar
with the mythologic machinery of our ancestors, for we will take leave
to entertain a belief that Fingal and Ossian did once exist, and that
the latter pourtrayed the manners, customs and opinions of his
time.</p>
<p id="n15"><span class="sc">Note XV.</span>—Page 46.</p>
<p>It is curious to observe the progress of science and <span class=
"pagenum">[<a id="pb2.288" href="#pb2.288" name=
"pb2.288">288</a>]</span>discovery, and still more deserving our notice
is the transitory nature of power. The magisterial authority assumed by
the Pontiff on this occasion might possibly have saved the effusion of
human blood, and its interposition at that crisis, as a mediator
between the most powerful nations then in existence, if it was
beneficial in no other respect, seems to have stimulated the Spaniards
to attempt the discovery of a passage into the Pacific by the southern
coast of America.</p>
<p id="n16"><span class="sc">Note XVI.</span>—Page 65.</p>
<p>This must either be a mistake, or we must conclude that the
intercourse of the Portuguese with these islands had furnished them
with the European improvements.</p>
<p id="n17"><span class="sc">Notes</span> XVII. and <span id=
"n18">XVIII</span>.—Pages 106–7.</p>
<p>The circumstances stated on both these occasions, incontestably
prove that the energy and exertions of the Portuguese in establishing
their own exclusive dominion in the eastern Archipelago, even in
defiance of the fiat of his Holiness, had led them to impart to the
natives that knowledge which they themselves had been but lately
possessed of; for the use of cannon, on board ships, did not come into
practice till about the year 1539.</p>
<p id="n19"><span class="sc">Note XIX.</span>—Page 129.</p>
<p>Thus it is that the Spaniards appear even to have deceived
themselves in <i>subduing</i> those islands. In the course of this
work, the reader will be enabled to appreciate the nature of what the
Spaniards called a conquest. The progress of a few men into the
interior of a country under the protection of fire-arms, and the
baptism of some individuals, to whose language the Spaniards were
perfect strangers, and who of course could form no idea of the
obligations imposed by the <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb2.289" href=
"#pb2.289" name="pb2.289">289</a>]</span>ceremony, seem to constitute
their notion of conquest. Thus it is too that their authority extends
over so small a portion of these delicious islands.</p>
<p id="n20"><span class="sc">Note XX.</span>—Page 197.</p>
<p>The inhuman custom of infanticide is not only practised with
impunity in China, but seems even countenanced as the readiest means of
limiting a population which would otherwise be superabundant, and in
time exceed the productive powers of the country. By the narrative of
Lord Macartney we learn, that in the tract of country through which the
embassy passed, the population appeared excessive; at the same time
that cultivation and industry seemed to be extended to their utmost
limits. All the accounts we possess of that extraordinary empire concur
in this representation. What effect the very pious application of the
funds of the eleemosynary establishments at Manila may have in checking
this savage custom is not noticed by the author; and we have reason to
fear the practice is so general, that any attempt to check it by this
means might rather tend to stimulate the avarice of the parents, and
produce an opposite effect. The Chinese are as yet but in a half
civilized state, and while they continue so we can entertain but
slender hopes of any alteration more consistent with the feelings of
humanity.</p>
<p id="n21"><span class="sc">Note XXI.</span>—Page 211.</p>
<p>The whole of this paragraph comprises a more virulent Philippic
against the Spanish government than we could have expected from a
Spaniard; but which the reader is by this time convinced is no less
just than spirited. That the mild measures the author recommends would
have the desired effect may be fairly doubted. He appears to write as a
monk rather than as a statesman; but it cannot admit of a question,
that if <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb2.290" href="#pb2.290" name=
"pb2.290">290</a>]</span>it were possible to combine with such measures
a military establishment, under the control of wise laws, whose mild
influence might be generally felt, and equally protect the native as
the Spaniard, the unstable authority of that nation upon these islands
would soon assume a different character, and reduce the quantum of
human misery which their present system is calculated to
perpetuate.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnotes">
<hr class="fnsep">
<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
"xd19e1793" href="#xd19e1793src" name="xd19e1793">1</a></span> This is
an opinion very generally received, and naturalists, in copying one
from another, have stamped a credit upon it. Houttyn himself, in his
<i>Natural History</i>, vol. i. part v. page 607, gives a description
of this bird, and of its manners, very different from the above.</p>
</div>
</div>
<div class="div1 imprint"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
<div class="divBody">
<p class="first xd19e110">T. DAVISON, Lombard-street,<br>
Whitefriars, London.</p>
</div>
</div>
<div class="div1" id="toc">
<h2 class="main">Table of Contents</h2>
<ul>
<li><a href="#intro">INTRODUCTION.</a>
<span class="tocPagenum"><a class="pageref" href=
"#xd19e180">v</a></span></li>
<li><a href="#ch1">CHAPTER I.</a> <span class=
"tocPagenum"><a class="pageref" href="#xd19e254">1</a></span></li>
<li><a href="#ch2">CHAPTER II.</a> <span class=
"tocPagenum"><a class="pageref" href="#xd19e419">22</a></span></li>
<li><a href="#ch3">ANNO DOM. 1519 to 1564.</a>
<span class="tocPagenum"><a class="pageref" href=
"#xd19e556">44</a></span></li>
<li><a href="#ch4">ANNO DOM. 1564 to 1565.</a>
<span class="tocPagenum"><a class="pageref" href=
"#xd19e624">61</a></span></li>
<li><a href="#ch5">ANNO DOM. 1565.</a>
<span class="tocPagenum"><a class="pageref" href=
"#xd19e682">78</a></span></li>
<li><a href="#ch6">ANNO DOM. 1569 to 1571.</a>
<span class="tocPagenum"><a class="pageref" href=
"#xd19e770">100</a></span></li>
<li><a href="#ch7">ANNO DOMINI, 1571.</a>
<span class="tocPagenum"><a class="pageref" href=
"#xd19e852">119</a></span></li>
<li><a href="#ch8">ANNO DOM. 1575.</a>
<span class="tocPagenum"><a class="pageref" href=
"#xd19e990">155</a></span></li>
<li><a href="#ch9">ANNO DOM. 1580.</a>
<span class="tocPagenum"><a class="pageref" href=
"#xd19e1031">164</a></span></li>
<li><a href="#ch10">ANNO DOM. 1584.</a>
<span class="tocPagenum"><a class="pageref" href=
"#xd19e1081">175</a></span></li>
<li><a href="#ch11">ANNO DOM. 1590.</a>
<span class="tocPagenum"><a class="pageref" href=
"#xd19e1117">183</a></span></li>
<li><a href="#ch12">ANNO DOM. 1596.</a>
<span class="tocPagenum"><a class="pageref" href=
"#xd19e1188">199</a></span></li>
<li><a href="#ch13">ANNO DOM. 1602.</a>
<span class="tocPagenum"><a class="pageref" href=
"#xd19e1260">216</a></span></li>
<li><a href="#ch14">ANNO DOM. 1609.</a>
<span class="tocPagenum"><a class="pageref" href=
"#xd19e1340">232</a></span></li>
<li><a href="#ch15">ANNO DOM. 1618.</a>
<span class="tocPagenum"><a class="pageref" href=
"#xd19e1385">242</a></span></li>
<li><a href="#ch16">ANNO DOM. 1626.</a>
<span class="tocPagenum"><a class="pageref" href=
"#xd19e1445">254</a></span></li>
<li><a href="#ch17">ANNO DOM. 1635.</a>
<span class="tocPagenum"><a class="pageref" href=
"#xd19e1507">267</a></span></li>
<li><a href="#ch18">ANNO DOM. 1644.</a>
<span class="tocPagenum"><a class="pageref" href=
"#xd19e1550">277</a></span></li>
<li><a href="#ch19">ANNO DOM. 1653.</a>
<span class="tocPagenum"><a class="pageref" href=
"#xd19e1611">291</a></span></li>
<li><a href="#ch20">ANNO DOM. 1663.</a>
<span class="tocPagenum"><a class="pageref" href=
"#xd19e1685">306</a></span></li>
<li><a href="#notes">NOTES TO VOLUME I.</a>
<span class="tocPagenum"><a class="pageref" href=
"#xd19e1705">273</a></span></li>
</ul>
</div>
<div class="transcribernote">
<h2 class="main">Colophon</h2>
<h3 class="main">Availability</h3>
<p class="first">This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no
cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give
it away or re-use it under the terms of the <a class="exlink xd19e38"
title="External link" href="https://www.gutenberg.org/license" rel=
"license">Project Gutenberg License</a> included with this eBook or
online at <a class="exlink xd19e38" title="External link" href=
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<p>This eBook is produced by the Online Distributed Proofreading Team
at <a class="exlink xd19e38" title="External link" href=
"https://www.pgdp.net/">www.pgdp.net</a>.</p>
<p>This is volume one of one of earliest histories of the Philippines
in the English language, published in 1814 in London by J. Asperne, as
a translation of <i lang="es">Historia de las Islas Philipinas</i>
published near Manila at the Impreso en Sampaloc in 1803. The Spanish
original is extremely rare.</p>
<p>This book has been prepared from scans available from the Collection
“The United States and its Territories” at the University
of Michigan (<a class="exlink xd19e38" title="External link" href=
"http://name.umdl.umich.edu/AFJ2216.0001.001">1</a>).</p>
<p>Alternative scans are available from the Internet Archive (<a class=
"exlink xd19e38" title="External link" href=
"http://www.archive.org/details/anhistoricalvie02mavegoog">1</a>).</p>
<p>Related Library of Congress catalog page: <a class="catlink" href=
"http://lccn.loc.gov/94944968">94944968</a>.</p>
<p>Related Open Library catalog page (for source): <a class="catlink"
href="http://openlibrary.org/books/OL1261846M">OL1261846M</a>.</p>
<p>Related Open Library catalog page (for work): <a class="catlink"
href="http://openlibrary.org/works/OL3730780W">OL3730780W</a>.</p>
<h3 class="main">Encoding</h3>
<p class="first">The notes to this volume, which originally appeared at
the end of volume II, have been moved to the end of this volume.</p>
<h3 class="main">Revision History</h3>
<ul>
<li>2011-03-21 Started.</li>
</ul>
<h3 class="main">External References</h3>
<p>This Project Gutenberg eBook contains external references. These
links may not work for you.</p>
<h3 class="main">Corrections</h3>
<p>The following corrections have been applied to the text:</p>
<table class="correctiontable" summary=
"Overview of corrections applied to the text.">
<tr>
<th>Page</th>
<th>Source</th>
<th>Correction</th>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd19e201">vii</a></td>
<td class="width40 bottom">,</td>
<td class="width40 bottom">.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd19e508">37</a></td>
<td class="width40 bottom">expences</td>
<td class="width40 bottom">expenses</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd19e519">39</a></td>
<td class="width40 bottom">,</td>
<td class="width40 bottom">[<i>Deleted</i>]</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd19e726">89</a></td>
<td class="width40 bottom">delaring</td>
<td class="width40 bottom">declaring</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd19e740">92</a></td>
<td class="width40 bottom">accessary</td>
<td class="width40 bottom">accessory</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd19e763">98</a></td>
<td class="width40 bottom">as quadron</td>
<td class="width40 bottom">a squadron</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd19e901">130</a></td>
<td class="width40 bottom">controuling</td>
<td class="width40 bottom">controlling</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd19e917">133</a></td>
<td class="width40 bottom">seent</td>
<td class="width40 bottom">sent</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd19e1070">172</a></td>
<td class="width40 bottom">Butista</td>
<td class="width40 bottom">Bautista</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd19e1286">221</a></td>
<td class="width40 bottom">Guiapo</td>
<td class="width40 bottom">Quiapo</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd19e1293">222</a></td>
<td class="width40 bottom">an</td>
<td class="width40 bottom">one</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd19e1304">224</a></td>
<td class="width40 bottom">Acuna</td>
<td class="width40 bottom">Acuña</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd19e1670">302</a></td>
<td class="width40 bottom">recal</td>
<td class="width40 bottom">recall</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd19e1782">278</a></td>
<td class="width40 bottom">birth</td>
<td class="width40 bottom">berth</td>
</tr>
</table>
</div>
</div>
<pre>
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