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<pre>
The Project Gutenberg EBook of The History of the Great and Mighty Kingdom
of China and the Situation Thereof, Volume , by Juan Gonzalez de Mendoza
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
Title: The History of the Great and Mighty Kingdom of China and the Situation Thereof, Volume I (of 2)
Author: Juan Gonzalez de Mendoza
Editor: George T. Staunton
Translator: R. Parke
Other: The Hakluyt Society
Release Date: February 29, 2012 [EBook #39009]
Language: English
Character set encoding: UTF-8
*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK GREAT AND MIGHTY KINGDOM OF CHINA ***
Produced by Chris Curnow, Joseph Cooper, Melissa McDaniel
and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at
https://www.pgdp.net
</pre>
<div class="technt">
<p class="center">Transcriber's Notes.</p>
<p>The hyphenation and spelling of the original document have been
preserved.</p>
<p>This text includes o's with macrons ("long" mark):
ō, which require a
Unicode (UTF-8) file encoding.
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</div>
<p class="center p6">WORKS ISSUED BY</p>
<p class="center b20"><b>The Hakluyt Society.</b></p>
<hr class="l15" />
<h1>MENDOZA'S HISTORIE OF THE<br />
KINGDOME OF CHINA.</h1>
<p class="center p2">VOL. I.</p>
<p class="center p4">NO. XIV</p>
<p class="center p6">ORIGINALLY PUBLISHED BY THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY</p>
<hr class="l15" />
<p class="center">REPRINTED BY PERMISSION</p>
<p class="p4">
Published by LENOX HILL Pub. & Dist. Co. (Burt Franklin)<br />
235 East 44th St., New York, N.Y. 10017<br />
Originally Published: 1854<br />
Reprinted: 1970<br />
Printed in the U.S.A.<br />
<br />
S.B.N.: 8337-23618<br />
Library of Congress Card Catalog No.: 73-141353<br />
Burt Franklin: The Hakluyt Society First Series 14<br /></p>
<p class="center p6 b13">THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.</p>
<hr class="l15" />
<p class="p2 center">SIR RODERICK IMPEY MURCHISON, G.C.St.S., F.R.S., Corr. Mem. Inst
Fr.,<br />
Hon. Mem. Imp. Acad. Sc. St Petersburg, &c., &c., <span class="smcap">President</span>.</p>
<table summary="Society Members">
<tr>
<td> </td>
</tr>
<tr><td><span class="smcap">The EARL OF ELLESMERE.</span></td>
<td rowspan="2"><span class="b20">}</span></td>
<td rowspan="2"><span class="smcap">Vice-Presidents.</span></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><span class="smcap">Capt. C. R. DRINKWATER BETHUNE, R.N., C.B.</span></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><span class="smcap">Rear-Admiral Sir FRANCIS BEAUFORT, K.C.B.,
F.R.S.</span></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><span class="smcap">Captain BECHER, R.N.</span></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><span class="smcap">CHARLES T. BEKE, Esq.</span>, Phil. D., F.A.S.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><span class="smcap">WILLIAM DESBOROUGH COOLEY, Esq.</span></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><span class="smcap">BOLTON CORNEY, Esq., M.R.S.L.</span></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><span class="smcap">The Right Rev. LORD BISHOP OF ST. DAVID'S.</span></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><span class="smcap">Rt. Hon. Sir DAVID DUNDAS.</span></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><span class="smcap">Sir HENRY ELLIS, K.H., F.R.S.</span></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><span class="smcap">JOHN FORSTER, Esq.</span></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><span class="smcap">R. W. GREY, Esq., M.P.</span></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><span class="smcap">JOHN HOLMES, Esq.</span></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><span class="smcap">JOHN WINTER JONES, Esq.</span></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><span class="smcap">Sir CHARLES LEMON, Bart., M.P., F.R.S.</span></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><span class="smcap">P. LEVESQUE, Esq., F.A.S.</span></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><span class="smcap">Sir JOHN RICHARDSON, M.D.</span></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><span class="smcap">The EARL SOMERS.</span></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><span class="smcap">Sir GEORGE T. STAUNTON, Bart. F.R.S.</span></td>
</tr>
</table>
<p class="center"><span class="smcap">R. H. MAJOR, Esq., F.R.G.S., Honorary Secretary.</span></p>
<h2 class="p6">INTRODUCTION.</h2>
<hr class="l15" />
<p>In presenting to the members of the Hakluyt Society a reprint of the
cotemporary English translation by Parke of Mendoza's interesting and now rare
account of China, the editor thinks it due to his readers that some explanation
should be given of the circumstances under which the original work was compiled,
and that at the same time it should be shown what previous accounts had reached
Europe respecting that remarkable country. The interest of the narrative itself,
abounding as it does with minute and curious details of the manners and customs
of so peculiar a race as the Chinese, requires no vindication: it will speak for
itself. It will nevertheless interest those who appreciate the objects of the
Society, to know, that the present translation was made at Hakluyt's own
suggestion, shortly after the appearance of Mendoza's original work in Spanish.</p>
<p>It is the leading purpose of the Hakluyt Society to deal with the Archæology
of Geography, and more especially so in connexion with the progress made by our
own English ancestors in the advancement of <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_ii" id="Page_ii">
[ii]</a></span>
that important science. In pursuance of that object, therefore, Mendoza's
account of China has been selected for re-publication, as being the earliest <i>
detailed</i> account of that country ever published in the English language. We
say <i>detailed</i> account, because we must not omit to mention that it was
preceded by a short but interesting document, published by Richard Eden in his <i>
History of Travayle in the West and East Indies</i>, entitled "Reportes of the
Province of China," of the history and contents of which we shall hereafter
speak in its proper place. While, however, in the selection for re-publication,
respect is paid to the earliest narratives which appeared in our own tongue, the
reader's appreciation of the subject is best secured by an introductory notice
of all the antecedent descriptions which may at intervals have appeared in other
languages. This plan is more especially desirable with respect to those earlier
glimmerings of information which Europe obtained respecting a country so removed
from the civilized world, by its geographical position and ethnological
peculiarities, as China, yet so marvellously in advance of it at the times of
which we speak, both in its intellectual and moral developments. In such notice,
meanwhile, we propose to pass by all discussion as to the much disputed question
of the position of the Thinæ of Eratosthenes, Strabo, and the Periplus of the
Erythræan Sea, or of the application of Marinus's Serica, as preserved to us by
Ptolemy, to the kingdom of China. Upon these more uncertain data we shall dwell
no longer than to state, that our own impression agrees with that of Vossius,
that China is the country referred to, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_iii" id="Page_iii">[iii]</a></span>
that the Seres of Ammianus Marcellinus, corresponding as they so closely do in
character with the modern Chinese, were intended to represent that people. That
the Romans possessed some knowledge of China, would seem to be shown by a
discovery made by the learned De Guignes, of a statement in a Chinese historical
work, that in the year of our Lord 166, an embassy, said to have come by sea,
arrived from An-thon (Antoninus) to the Emperor Yan-hi; and the use of the "serica
vestis", alluded to by Horace and Propertius, would appear to confirm the
impression, provided only that silk, and not muslin, were the commodity really
alluded to.</p>
<p>On these less certain points, however, we are, as we have said, unwilling to
dwell. We pass on therefore to the mention of more explicit and unquestionable
record. First of these is the narrative given in an Arabic manuscript, written
about the year 1173, describing the observations of two Arab merchants, who,
from the style of the documents, were evidently in China a couple of centuries
earlier. Their respective dates, indeed, are concluded to be 851 and 867. This
curious and valuable manuscript, discovered by the learned M. Eusèbe Renaudot in
the Comte de Seignelay's library, was translated by him into French, and
published at Paris in 1718. A translation appeared in English in 1733. Although
thus concealed from the acquaintance of Europeans till this comparatively recent
date, it rightly takes its place here as comprising the two earliest accounts of
China, of which we have as yet received<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_iv" id="Page_iv">[iv]</a></span>
any information. Though adulterated with some few exaggerations, and statements
manifestly fabulous, they contain so many curious particulars, which even now,
from the permanence of institutions and manners in China, may be considered as
accurate, that no doubt can be entertained of their genuineness, or of the
intelligence of the narrators.</p>
<p>The two narratives were written consecutively, one of them forming a sort of
comment or supplement to the other.</p>
<p>The country is described as extensive, but, though more populous, less
extensive than the Indies, and divided into many principalities. It is
represented as fruitful, and containing no deserts, while India is said to
contain some of great extent.</p>
<p>Tea, under the name of <i>tcha</i>, is distinctly referred to, as being
universally drunk infused in hot water, and supposed to be a cure for every
disease.</p>
<p>Porcelain is spoken of as an excellent kind of earth, of which is made a ware
as fine and transparent as glass.</p>
<p>The Chinese are described as more handsome than the Indians, and are </p>
<div class="blockquot">
<p>"dressed
in silk both winter and summer; and this kind of dress is common to the prince,
the soldier, and to every other person, though of the lowest degree. In winter
they wear drawers, of a particular make, which fall down to their feet. Of these
they put on two, three, four, five, or more, if they can, one over another; and
are very careful to be covered quite down to their feet, because of the damps,
which are very great and much dreaded by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_v" id="Page_v">[v]</a></span>
them. In summer they only wear a single garment of silk, or some such dress, but
have no turbans.</p>
<p>"Their common food is rice, which they often eat with a broth, like what the
Arabs make of meat or fish, which they pour upon their rice. Their kings eat
wheaten bread, and all sorts of animals, not excepting swine, and some others.</p>
<p>"They have several sort of fruits, apples, lemons, quinces, sugar-canes,
citruls, figs, grapes, cucumbers of two sorts, trees which bear meal, walnuts,
filberts, pistachios, plums, apricocks, services [cherries], and coco-nuts; but
they have no store of palms; they have only a few about some private houses.</p>
<p>"Their drink is a kind of wine made of rice; they have no other wine in the
country, nor is there any brought to them; they know not what it is, nor do they
drink of it. They have vinegar also, and a kind of comfit like what the Arabs
call Natef, and some others.</p>
<p>"They are not very nice in point of cleanliness. They eat also of dead
animals, and practice in many other things like the Magians; and, in truth, the
religion of the one and the other is much the same. The Chinese women appear
uncovered, and adorn their heads with small ivory and other combs, of which they
shall wear sometimes a score together. The men are covered with caps of a
particular make. They are very expert mechanics, but ignorant of the arts that
depend on the mathematics."</p>
</div>
<p>The knowledge of reading and writing is described as being general amongst
them, all import<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_vi" id="Page_vi">[vi]</a></span>ant
transactions being put into writing. Idolatry is mentioned as very prevalent,
and a hideous and incomprehensible statement is made, of human flesh being
publicly exposed for sale in the markets. At the same time the punishment of
vice is represented as most severe, and the surveillance over individuals
extremely rigid, "for everybody in China, whether a native, an Arab, or any
other foreigner, is obliged to declare all he knows of himself, nor can he
possibly be excused for so doing". And thieves are put to death as soon as
caught.</p>
<p>Canfu (Canton) is mentioned as the seaport of China, resorted to by Arabian
shipping; and Cumdan, described as a very splendid city, supposed to be Nanking,
was the residence of the monarch.</p>
<p>Renaudot, to whom the world is indebted for rescuing this narrative from
obscurity, believes that it supplied Edrisi, the celebrated Arab geographer of
the twelfth century, with the materials for the observations on China which
occur in his <i>Geographia Nubiensis</i>; but this reproach would seem to be
unfounded, inasmuch as his details are too few and vague, to warrant the
conclusion that they were digested from the more lucid and ample account to
which we have been referring. The most observable point of information with
which Edrisi supplies us, is the fact, that the northern parts of <i>Sin</i>
had by that time been conquered by a Tartar nation, whom he calls the Baghargar
Turks. Abulfeda also, who flourished nearly two centuries later, seems to have
been equally ignorant of the existence of the two Arab<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_vii" id="Page_vii">[vii]</a></span>
travellers; for he gives, as an apology for the ignorance of the geographers of
that day respecting China, that no one had been there from whom they could
procure information.</p>
<p>The incidental reference to China by Benjamin of Tudela, a Jewish traveller
in the east, of the twelfth century, should not be omitted. It is but a
reference, but curious enough to be quoted. It is as follows:—</p>
<div class="blockquot">
<p>"From thence (the
Island of Khandy) the passage to China is effected in forty days; this country
lies eastward, and some say that the star Orion predominates in the sea which
bounds it, and which is called Sea of Nikpha. Sometimes so violent a storm rages
in this sea, that no mariner can reach his vessel; and whenever the storm throws
a ship into this sea, it is impossible to govern it; the crew and the passengers
consume their provisions, and then die miserably. Many vessels have been lost in
this way, but people have learned how to save themselves from this fate by the
following contrivance. They take bullocks' hides along with them, and whenever
this storm arises and throws them into the Sea of Nikpha, they sew themselves up
in the hides, taking care to have a knife in their hand, and being secured
against the sea-water, they throw themselves into the ocean; here they are soon
perceived by a large eagle, called griffin, which takes them for cattle, darts
down, takes them in his gripe, and carries them upon dry land, where he deposits
his burthen on a hill or in a dale, there to consume his prey. The man, however,
now avails himself of his knife, therewith to kill the bird,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_viii" id="Page_viii">[viii]</a></span>
creeps forth from the hide, and tries to reach an inhabited country. Many people
have been saved by this stratagem."</p>
</div>
<p>The first European reference to China described by a traveller from <i>
hearsay</i>, is that given by the Minorite friar John de Plano Carpini, who,
with five other brothers of the order, in 1245 was sent by Pope Innocent IV into
the country of the Mongolians. The purpose of this mission was, if possible, to
divert these devastating conquerors from Europe, and to instigate them rather to
a war with the Turks and Saracens. At the same time they were to inculcate, as
much as might be, the Christian faith, and at all events to collect every
possible information respecting a people so little known.</p>
<p>Carpini was absent sixteen months. A copy of his narrative, formerly
belonging to Lord Lumley, is in the British Museum, and is the same which was
used by Hakluyt for his <i>Principal Navigations</i>, from which the following
extract is taken. It is after describing a battle between the Mongals and the
Chinese, whom he calls Kythayans, that he describes the latter as follows:</p>
<div class="blockquot">
<p>"The men of Kytay are Pagans, hauing a speciall kinde of writing by
themselues, and (as it is reported) the Scriptures of the Olde and Newe
Testament. They haue also recorded in hystories the liues of their forefathers:
and they haue Eremites, and certaine houses made after the manner of our
churches, which in those dayes they greatly resorted vnto. They say that they
haue diuers saints also, and they<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_ix" id="Page_ix">[ix]</a></span>
worship one God. They adore and reuerence <span class="smcap">Christ Jesvs</span>
our Lord, and beleeue the article of eternall life, but are not baptized. They
doe also honorably esteeme and reuerence our Scriptures. They loue Christians,
and bestowe much almes, and are a very courteous and gentle people. They haue no
beardes, and they agree partly with the Mongals in the disposition of their
countenance. In all occupations which men practise, there are not better
artificers in the whole worlde. Their countrey is exceeding rich in corne, wine,
golde, silke, and other commodities."</p>
</div>
<p>The first traveller, from whom accounts collected from personal experience
respecting China were received in <i>Europe</i>, was William Van Ruysbroeck,
commonly known by the name of De Rubruquis, a friar of the Minorite order, and
sometimes called William of Tripoli, from the circumstance of the narrative of
his travels having been transmitted from Tripoli to St. Louis, king of France,
at whose instance they were undertaken. The cause of his mission was a rumour,
which had spread through Europe, that the Mongolian chief, Mangu Khan, had
embraced the Christian religion; and St. Louis being then engaged in the fourth
Crusade against the Saracens, was anxious to cement an alliance with the
Tartars, who were at that time in hostility with the same power on the side of
Persia. This political purpose was enhanced by sanguine hopes that the Tartars
were even then, or likely soon to be, converted to the Christian faith. The
passage of Rubruquis was by Constantinople over the Black Sea, through the
Crimea,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_x" id="Page_x">[x]</a></span> to the
district of the city of the Caraci, in the Gobi Desert, where Mangu Khan was
then residing.</p>
<p>His first reception was not of the most hospitable kind, but nine days after
his arrival he succeeded in obtaining an imperial audience; and when Mangu Khan,
a short time after, departed for Karakorum, a city on the east side of the river
Orchon, he and his companions followed in his train. This city, of which no
traces have been found in the desert for some centuries, is mentioned by Marco
Polo, who visited it about eighteen years after Rubruquis, as having been the
first in which these Tartars ever fixed their residence, and was at that time
the capital of Mangu Khan, and the only considerable city in that part of Asia.
Rubruquis, in describing it, says: "There are two grand streets in it, one of
the Saracens, where the friars are kept and many merchants resort thither, and
one other street of the Catayans (Chinese), who are all artificers." The
explanation of this is, that the Tartars had already conquered the greater part
of northern China, then known under the name of Cathay.</p>
<p>Rubruquis and his companions, who by this time had gained considerable favour
in the eyes of the Khan, entered Karakorum with great distinction. He describes
the city itself as not equal to the village of St. Denis, near Paris, the
monastery of which he asserts was "tenne times more worth than the palace, and
more too." The place was surrounded by a mud wall, and had four gates. The
description of the palace conveys the idea of a hall,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xi" id="Page_xi">[xi]</a></span>
at one end of which was a raised seat for the Khan, on which he "sitteth above
like a god". In this city the friar found to his surprise a French goldsmith,
named Guillaume Bouchier, who is not unfrequently mentioned by early writers
under the name of William of Paris, and who had constructed a piece of
mechanism, the ingenuity of which deserves the highest praise, when the early
period at which he worked is taken into consideration. Its description is thus
given by Purchas, in a translation of the greater part of the travels of
Rubruquis, inserted in the third volume of his <i>Pilgrimes</i>.</p>
<div class="blockquot">
<p>"Master <i>William Parisiensis</i> made him (the Khan) a great silver tree,
at the root whereof were foure silver lions, having one pipe sending forth pure
cowes milke, and the foure pipes were convayed within the tree, unto the top
thereof: whose tops spread backe again downward: and upon every one of them was
a golden serpent, whose tayles twine about the bodie of the tree. And one of
those pipes runs with wine, another with caracosmos, that is, clarified whay;
another with ball, that is, drinke made of honey; another with drinke made of
rice, called <i>teracina</i>. And every drinke hath his vessell prepared of
silver, at the foot of the tree, to receive it. Betweene those foure pipes in
the top, he made an angell holding a trumpet; and under the tree, he made an
hollow vault, wherein a man might be hid; and a pipe ascendeth through the heart
of the tree unto the angell. He first made bellowes, but they gave not wind
enough. Without the palace there is a chamber,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xii" id="Page_xii">[xii]</a></span>
wherein the drinkes are layd, and there are servants readie there to poure it
out, when they heare the angell sounding the trumpet. And the boughes of the
tree are of silver, and the leaves and peares. When therefore they want drinke,
the master butler cryeth to the angell that he sound the trumpet. Then he
hearing (who is hid in the vault) blowes the pipe strongly, which goeth to the
angell. And the angell sets his trumpet to his mouth, and the trumpet soundeth
very shrill. Then the servants hearing, which are in the chamber, every of them
poure forth their drink into their proper pipe, and the pipes poure it forth
from above, and they are received below in vessels prepared for that purpose.
Then the butlers draw them, and carry them through the palace to men and women."<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a></p>
</div>
<p>Amongst the various points of information gathered by Rubruquis respecting
the Chinese or Catayans, as they were so long called, occur the following
important items. The characteristic principle of their religious and political
creed, embodied the great truth of the existence of one supreme presiding deity,
under whom the grand khan maintained the presidency over his extensive
dominions, and resistance to that dominion consequently involved not only
treason but heinous impiety. Another curious fact, first communicated by
Rubruquis, and afterwards confirmed by Marco Polo, is that of paper currency,
which was not adopted in Europe for some centuries after, being then in general
use<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xiii" id="Page_xiii">[xiii]</a></span> in
China. To him also we are indebted for some notion of the peculiar characters
and mode of writing practised by the Chinese, who, as he says, do not write with
pens as we do, but with small brushes, such as are used by our painters, and in
one character or figure give a whole word.</p>
<p>He also speaks at length of a strong drink called Cosmos, which he describes
as follows:—</p>
<div class="blockquot">
<p>"Their drinke, called Cosmos, which is mare's milk, is prepared after this
manner. They fasten a long line unto two posts, standing firmly in the ground,
and unto the same line they tye the young foales of those mares which they meane
to milke. Then come the dammes to stand by their foales, gently suffering
themselves to be milked. And if any of them be too unruly, then one takes her
foale and puts it under her, letting it sucke a while, and presently carrying it
away againe, there comes another man to milke the said mare. And having gotten a
good quantitie of this milke together (being as sweet as cowes milke) while it
is new, they powre it into a great bladder or bag, and they beat the said bag
with a piece of wood made for the purpose, having a club at the lower end like a
mans head, which is hollow within: and soone as they beat upon it, it begins to
boyle like new wine, and to be sowre and sharpe of taste, and they beat it in
that manner till butter come thereof. Then taste they thereof, and being
indifferently sharpe they drinke it; for it biteth a mans tongue like the wine
of raspes when it is drunke. After a man hath taken a draught thereof, it
leaveth behind it a taste like<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xiv" id="Page_xiv">[xiv]</a></span>
the taste of almond-milke, and goeth downe very pleasantly, intoxicating weake
braynes. Likewise Karacosmos, that is to say, blacke Kosmos, for great lords to
drinke, they make on this manner. First, they beat the said milke so long till
the thickest part thereof descend right downe to the bottome like the lees of
white wine; and that which is thinne and pure remaineth above, being like unto
whay or white must. The said lees and dregs being very white, are given to
servants, and will cause them to sleepe exceedingly. That which is thinne and
cleere their masters drinke, and in very deede it is maruellous sweet and
wholesome liquor."<a name="FNanchor_2_2" id="FNanchor_2_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a></p>
</div>
<p>This limited stock of information, however, valuable as it is from the
priority of its date, sinks into insignificance before the detailed and almost
cotemporaneous narrative of that once reviled but now much honoured pioneer of
geographical investigation, Marco Polo. In the present advanced age, when
enlarged facilities have opened up to the knowledge of the world the
characteristic peculiarities of remote countries and their inhabitants, we can
do justice to the courage and fidelity of those who, six centuries ago, could
dare to describe such apparent anomalies, while at the same time we can find an
excuse for the disbelief of those who regarded them as extravagant and impudent
fictions. Nor can we, indeed, conceive of any country and people, the
description of which, unconfirmed by the repeated observation of many, was more
calculated to excite suspicion and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xv" id="Page_xv">[xv]</a></span>
disbelief, while those very peculiarities, now that they are authenticated,
become the staple proof of the trustworthiness of the early narrator. The father
and uncle of Marco Polo, natives of Venice, had in 1254 made a trading journey
to Tartary; the exploration of the east, and the importation of its rich and
beautiful productions, offering a peculiar attraction to the commercial
enterprise of that great and flourishing city. Marco was not born till some
months after the departure of his father, but by the time of the return of the
two brothers was become a young man, fifteen years having been devoted to their
interesting and extraordinary peregrinations. They had crossed the Euxine Sea to
Armenia, whence they travelled by land to the court of a great Tartarian chief
named Barba. By him they were favorably received, and were enabled to effect
advantageous sales of their merchandise. After a year, however, spent in his
capital, a war broke out between him and a neighbouring chieftain, and the
return of the travellers to Europe being thus intercepted, they took a
circuitous course round the head of the Caspian, and so through the desert of
Karak to Bokhara.</p>
<p>After an abode there of three years, during which they obtained a knowledge
of the Tartar language, they attached themselves to the company of an ambassador
going to the court of Kublai, grand Khan of the Tartars, where they arrived
after a year's journey. This potent monarch gave them a gracious reception, and
was curious in his enquiries concerning the affairs of Europe and the Christian
religion.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xvi" id="Page_xvi">[xvi]</a></span>
Learning from them that the Pope was the person regarded with the greatest
veneration in Europe, he resolved on despatching them as his ambassadors to His
Holiness, with the request that he would send persons to instruct his people in
the true faith. Protected by his signet they set out, and pursuing their journey
across Asia, arrived in Venice in the year 1269. At this time there was a
vacancy in the popedom, and the brothers remained in Venice two years before it
was filled. At length, on the accession of Gregory X, they obtained letters from
him, accompanied with presents to Kublai Khan, and taking with them young Marco,
now seventeen years of age, and accompanied by two friars of the order of
Preachers, they again departed for the east. They landed at a port in Armenia
named Giuzza (Ayas), but finding that the Sultan of Babylon was at war with the
province, the two friars became intimidated and returned home. The three
Venetians, however, pursued their way, and after travelling for three years and
a half across Asia, and encountering numerous perils and disasters, at length
reached the court of Kublai. He was greatly pleased at their return, and Marco,
becoming a great favourite with him, was employed by the Khan in various
important missions to distant provinces. After a residence of seventeen years at
the court of Kublai, the three Venetians were extremely desirous of returning to
their native land, and at length obtained permission to accompany the
ambassadors of a king of India, who had come to demand a princess of the Khan's
family in marriage<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xvii" id="Page_xvii">[xvii]</a></span>
for their sovereign. It was a voyage of a year and a half through the Indian
seas before they arrived at the court of this king, named Argon. Thence they
travelled to Constantinople, and finally reached Venice in 1295.</p>
<p>Such is the narrative of the travels and foreign residence of the three
Polos, as related by Marco. They returned rich in jewels and valuable effects,
after an absence of twenty-four years, which had so altered them, that nothing
less than a display of their wealth was necessary to procure their recognition
by their kindred. Hence, Marco gained the name of Il Millione, the house in
which he had lived in Venice being still known in the time of Ramusio under the
name of "<i>La Corte del Millioni.</i>" Not long afterwards, news came to
Venice that the Genoese were approaching with a powerful armament, and a number
of galleys were immediately fitted out to oppose them, and Marco Polo was made <i>
sopracomito</i> of one of them. In an engagement that ensued he fell into the
hands of the Genoese Admiral Lampa Doria, and was carried prisoner to Genoa, to
which circumstance we owe the advantage of possessing a permanent record of his
travels. Then he spent four years in prison; but the interest excited amongst
the Genoese nobles by the stirring narrative of his adventures, led them to urge
him to allow an account of his travels to be drawn up from his notes and
dictation. His narrative was thus taken from his mouth in his prison at Genoa,
by the hand of his friend and fellow-traveller Rustichello, a native of Pisa. He<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xviii" id="Page_xviii">[xviii]</a></span>
afterwards regained his liberty, but of his subsequent history little or nothing
is known.</p>
<p>The most interesting portion of his narrative is unquestionably that which
refers to China, of which he speaks under the names of Kataia and Manji; the
former, as we have already stated, denoting the northern, and the latter the
southern part of the empire. The northern kingdom of Kataia contained the
residence of Kublai Khan, while the south, although subjugated, had not been
completely incorporated into the almost boundless Tartar dominion, which had
been established by Kublai's victorious ancestor, the renowned Zenghis Khan.</p>
<p>The route by which Polo entered China was along the northern frontier, and is
thus referred to by Mr. Marsden:—"Having reached the borders of Northern China,
and spoken of two places (Succuir, the modern Sucheu, and Kampion, the modern
Kancheu) that are within what is named the Great Wall, our author ceases to
pursue a direct route, and proceeds to the account of places lying to the north
and south, some of them in the vicinity and others in distant parts of Tartary,
according to the information he had acquired of them on various occasions. Nor
does he in the sequel furnish any distinct idea of the line he took upon
entering China, in company with his father and uncle, on their journey to the
emperor's court, although there is reason to believe that he went from Kan-cheu
to Sining, and there fell into the great road from Thibet to Peking." Before
reaching the latter city, however, they visited Karakorum, already<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xix" id="Page_xix">[xix]</a></span>
referred to as the capital of the Khan's dominions visited by Rubruquis. This
city, Mr. Marsden says, was built by Oktar Khan, the son and successor of
Jenghis Khan, about the year 1235, whose nephew Mangu Khan, made it his
principal residence. No traces of it have been in existence for some centuries,
but its position is noted in the Jesuits' and Danville's maps. J. Reinhold
Forster, however, on the authority of Fischer's <i>History of Siberia</i>,
observes, that it must be looked for on the east side of the river Orchon, and
not on the Onghin or Onguimuren, where D'Anville has placed it.</p>
<p>From the length of time which had elapsed since Nicolo and Maffeo Polo had
left China as Kublai's ambassadors, they were forgotten, but as soon as the
Khan, who was then absent, heard of their arrival at Karakorum, he issued orders
that they should be received with all honour and escorted to his presence. The
appearance of young Marco produced a highly favourable impression upon the Khan,
who immediately took him under his especial protection. The assiduity of Marco
in studying the language and manners of the Tartars, and the wisdom and prudence
which he exhibited in the exercise of the various important functions in which
he was employed by the Khan, caused him rapidly to rise in the estimation and
favour of that liberal-minded monarch. Upon the removal of the Khan to Khambalu,
a corruption of Khambalig (capital of the Khan), and understood to be the modern
Pekin, Marco followed in his train. This city was found to surpass in splendour<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xx" id="Page_xx">[xx]</a></span>
everything that he had yet met with. The dimensions of the palace comprehended a
square, each side of which was six miles long, a statement not very widely
different from the truth. This enclosure, however, comprised all the royal
armouries, as well as fields and meadows, stored with various descriptions of
game. The roofs of the spacious halls were covered with gorgeous gilding, and
painting in brilliant colours, while representations of dragons and battles were
carved upon the sides. To the north of the palace stood an eminence called the
Green Mountain, of about a mile in circuit, covered with the finest trees which
could be collected from all parts of the empire, and which had been brought by
elephants to this spot.</p>
<p>This account strikingly agrees with those of modern travellers, and the
description of the internal government of the country, its postal arrangements,
and the beneficent distribution of grain from the imperial granaries in times of
scarcity, agree with since recognized Chinese history.</p>
<p>Marco subsequently made an excursion into the country of Manji, or Southern
China, his route lying by the course of the imperial canal. In his southward
progress, after passing by various cities, he at length reached Tinqui
(Taitcheou), distant about three days' journey from the sea, where there is an
extensive manufactory of salt, an article which forms a leading article of
commerce in China. He next came to Yanqui (Yangtcheoufou), at the mouth of the
river Yang-tsi-kiang, the seat of a viceroy, in which Polo<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xxi" id="Page_xxi">[xxi]</a></span>
himself exercised for the space of three years the supreme jurisdiction. His
subsequent route lay along the banks of the Yang-tsi-kiang, and he incidentally
alludes to the noble city of Nanghin (Nanking), where he speaks of the
manufacture of cloths of gold and silver, but does not seem to have visited the
city itself. Taking thence a southward course, he reached Quinsai (Hang-cheou),
or the city of heaven, the splendour of which still important place was at that
time such, that he speaks of it in the following terms: "In the world there is
not the like, nor a place in which there are found so many pleasures, that a man
would imagine himself in paradise." This city, then the metropolis of Manji, was
in the height of its glory, and may well be supposed to have surpassed in
grandeur any city which Polo had seen; and if he is to be charged with
exaggeration in describing it as one hundred miles in circumference, and to have
contained one million six hundred thousand houses, and twelve thousand bridges,
it must be remembered that its really immense extent was calculated to mislead
the judgment of an observer, and to make him credulous of the accounts of the
inhabitants. It is still a splendid and very extensive city, and it is not to be
wondered at that Polo, who witnessed its unfaded glories, should have dwelt with
enthusiasm on its spacious and beautiful palaces, and its waters covered with
richly decorated barges. The character of the inhabitants he describes as
effeminate, luxurious, and unwarlike.</p>
<p>In his southward journey Polo mentions many<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xxii" id="Page_xxii">[xxii]</a></span>
great cities in Manji, which it would be difficult to identify with their modern
nomenclature. Among these Unguen, a city of the province of Fokien, is referred
to, as remarkable for its extensive manufacture of sugar, sent from thence to
Khambalu; its natives being described as skilled in the art of refining it with
wood ashes, from persons belonging to Babylonia (Egypt). It is also worthy of
notice, that his embarcation took place at a famous port called Zaitun, which
was much frequented by ships with rich cargoes from India for the supply of
Manji and Kataia, and exceedingly productive in revenue to the grand Khan, who
received ten per cent. on all merchandise. In spite of this impost, and the
heavy freights, amounting to nearly fifty per cent., the merchants are described
as making enormous profits.</p>
<p>The inhabitants of the place are represented as distinguished for their skill
in embroidery and tapestry. This has been supposed to mean Fou-cheou-fu, Amoy,
or some neighbouring port in Fokien; but it is difficult to reconcile this with
the statement that one arm of the river on which this city stood reached to
Quinsay, which, as we have already stated, appears to be intended for the
great city of Hang-cheou.</p>
<p>The next in rotation on our list of eastern travellers, is Giovanni di Monte
Corvino, a Franciscan monk of Calabria, who went as ambassador from Pope
Nicholas IV in 1288 to the grand Khan, and died in Khambalu, that is, Pekin,
holding the distinguished position of archbishop of the missions in that city.
His letters refer to little more than the progress<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xxiii" id="Page_xxiii">[xxiii]</a></span>
he made in the advancement of the Roman Catholic religion in that capital.</p>
<p>The next traveller in China of whom we have to speak is Oderico Mattheussi, a
Minorite friar, more commonly known under the name of Oderico de Pordenone, from
Pordenone in Friuli, in which place he was born about the year 1285. He
undertook a journey in 1317, accompanied by several other monks, through
Tartary, by Trebizond, to China, and returned by Thibet to Europe. In 1330, a
year before his death, he dictated in Padua, to Guglielmo di Solagno, a monk, an
account of his travels as they occurred to his memory, in the Italian language.
An English translation is given by Hakluyt in his second volume, from which we
quote the following extracts.</p>
<div class="blockquot">
<p>"Travelling more eastward, I came vnto a city named Fuco, which conteineth 20
miles in circuit, wherein be exceeding great and faire cocks, and al their hens
are as white as the very snow, having wol in stead of feathers, like vnto sheep.
It is a most stately and beautiful city, and standeth vpon the sea. Then I went
18 daies iourney on further, and passed by many prouinces and cities, and in the
way I went ouer a certain great mountaine, vpon y<sup>e</sup> one side whereof I
beheld al liuing creatures to be as black as a cole, and the men and women on
that side differed somewhat in maner of liuing fro' others: howbeit, on the
other side of the said hil euery liuing thing was snow-white, and the
inhabitants in their maner of liuing were altogether vnlike vnto others. There,
all maried women cary, in token that they haue<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xxiv" id="Page_xxiv">[xxiv]</a></span>
husbands, a great trunke of horne vpon their heads. From thence I traueiled 18
dayes journey further, and came vnto a certaine great riuer, and entered also
into a city, whereunto belongeth a mighty bridge to passe the said river. And
mine hoste with whom I soiourned, being desirous to shew me some sport, said
vnto me: 'Sir, if you will see any fish taken, goe with me.' Then he led me vnto
the foresaid bridge, carying in his armes with him certaine diue-doppers or
water-foules, bound vnto a company of poles, and about every one of their necks
he tied a thread, least they should eat the fish as fast as they tooke them: and
he caried 3 great baskets with him also: then loosed he the diue-doppers from
the poles, which presently went into the water, and within lesse then the space
of one houre, caught as many fishes as filled 3 baskets: which being full, mine
hoste vntyed the threads from about their neckes, and entering a second time
into the river they fed themselues with fish, and being satisfied they returned
and suffered themselues to be bound vnto the saide poles as they were before.
And when I did eate of those fishes, methought they were exceeding good.</p>
<p>"Trauailing thence many dayes iourneys, at length I arriued at another city
called Canasia [Quinsay, or Hang-cheou], which signifieth in our language the
city of heaven. Neuer in all my life did I see so great a citie; for it
continueth in circuit an hundreth miles: neither saw I any plot thereof, which
was not thoroughly inhabited: yea, I sawe many houses of tenne or twelue stories
high, one above another. It<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xxv" id="Page_xxv">[xxv]</a></span>
hath mightie large suburbs, containing more people then the citie it selfe. Also
it hath twelue principall gates: and about the distance of eight miles, in the
high way vnto every one of the saide gates, standeth a city as big by estimation
as Venice and Padua. The foresaid city of Canasia is situated in waters and
marshes, which alwayes stand still, neither ebbing nor flowing: howbeit it hath
a defence for the winde like vnto Venice. In this citie there are mo then 10,002
bridges, many whereof I remembered and passed over them: and vpon euery of those
bridges stand certaine watchmen of the citie, keeping continuall watch and ward
about the said city, for the great Can the emperour of Catay.</p>
<p>"The number of his owne followers, of his wives attendants, and of the traine
of his first begotten sonne and heire apparent, would seeme incredible vnto any
man, vnlesse hee had seene it with his owne eyes. The foresayd great Can hath
deuided his empire into twelue partes or prouinces, and one of the sayd
prouinces hath two thousand great cities within the precincts thereof. Whereupon
his empire is of that length and breadth, that vnto whatsoeuer part thereof he
intendeth his iourney, he hath space enough for six moneths continual progresse,
except his islands, which are at the least 5,000.</p>
<p>"The foresayd emperor (to the end that trauailers may haue all things
necessary throughout his whole empire) hath caused certaine innes to be prouided
in sundry places upon the high wayes, where all things pertaining vnto victuals
are in a continuall readinesse.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xxvi" id="Page_xxvi">[xxvi]</a></span>
And when any alteration or newes happens in any part of his empire, if he chance
to be farre absent from that part, his ambassadors vpon horses or dromedaries
ride post vnto him; and when themselues and their beasts are weary, they blow
their horne; at the noise whereof, the next inne likewise prouideth a horse and
a man, who takes the letter of him that is weary, and runneth vnto another inne:
and so by diuers innes, and diuers postes, the report, which ordinarily could
skarce come in 30 dayes, is in one naturall day brought vnto the emperor: and
therefore no matter of any moment can be done in his empire, but straightway he
hath intelligence thereof."</p>
</div>
<p>The next traveller of whom we have to make a short mention, is the celebrated
Arabian author Ibn Batuta, the date of whose journey is 1324. His point of
arrival in China was Zaitun, the port already mentioned of Marco Polo's
embarcation. Its identity is not easy of recognition. From this port he would
seem to have travelled to Hang-cheou and back again, embarking again at Zaitun.
Although his route is not distinctly traceable, the account he gives of the
country appears very accurate. He particularizes the facility and safety of
travelling, and the convenient, but at the same time rigid surveillance of the
hostelries, in which a register was kept of all strangers who lodged in them.
Silkworms and silk are mentioned, but the latter as being inferior in value to
cotton. The paper money and the manufacture of porcelain are also referred to.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xxvii" id="Page_xxvii">[xxvii]</a></span></p>
<p>In pursuance of our chronological arrangement of travels in China, we shall
here introduce the account of an embassy, though not European, sent by Mirza
Shah Rokh, one of the sons of Tamerlane, to Cathay, in the year 1419. The
ambassadors set out from Herat in Persia, about the month of November in that
year, and reached a spot in the desert within twelve stages of Sekju (Sucheu),
near the great wall in Shensi, on the 14th of June 1420. At this place they were
met, by order of the khan, by some Cathayans, who erected tents or huts for
their accommodation in the desert, and plentifully supplied them with roasted
geese, fowls, and various kinds of meat, fruits, etc., which were served to them
on china dishes; they likewise regaled them with a variety of strong liquors,
together with a pot of Chinese tea. The chief person in the embassy was the Emir
Sadi Khoja; and, according to the list of the names of the ambassadors and the
number of their retinue, taken down by some Cathayan secretaries, the entire
embassy, including merchants, amounted to eight hundred and sixty persons. In
taking this list, the Cathayan officers earnestly desired that the exact number
should be stated, as a want of truthfulness would involve them in discredit. Two
days after their arrival, they were invited to the encampment of the dankji or
governor of the borders of Cathay, by whom they were entertained with a
magnificent feast. On reaching the spot, they found a square space of ground
enclosed with tents, in the centre of which was a lofty awning of cloth
supported on wooden<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xxviii" id="Page_xxviii">[xxviii]</a></span>
pillars, with an imperial canopy of state at one end, where the throne was
placed, as if for the emperor, with other seats on each side: on the left of
this throne were placed the ambassadors, and on the right the Cathayan officers.
Each ambassador had placed before him two tables, the one covered with a variety
of meats and fruits, the other with cakes and bread, gracefully ornamented with
silk and paper. The other persons present had but one table apiece. At the lower
end of the tent stood a sideboard covered with silver and china. After the
banquet they were entertained with music and a comedy, in which the actors wore
masks representing the faces of animals: among these a child, enclosed in the
body of an artificial stork, amused them by performing a variety of curious
antics. On the next day they reached a karawl, a strongly fortified outpost,
built in a defile in the mountains, through which all travellers that way must
unavoidably go. Here their retinue was again carefully numbered. They next
arrived at Sucheu, a large and strong square city, where they had lodgings
appointed to them in a public building over the city gates, and were amply
provided with every convenience and comfort for themselves and their horses,
even the servants having mattresses and counterpanes allowed them for their
beds.</p>
<p>They next came to a city called Khamchu, after which we find them crossing
the river Karamoran by a bridge of boats, and arriving at a magnificent city
containing many splendid temples. From the beauty<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xxix" id="Page_xxix">[xxix]</a></span>
of the women, who, contrary to usual Chinese observances, were seen standing at
the doors of the taverns, they designated this town in the Persian language,
Rhosnabad, the city of Beauty. After passing several rivers they reached
Sedinfur, a large city, in which they saw a cast image of gilt metal of immense
proportions, having a great number of hands with an eye in each. This image
rested on a pedestal of polished stone, and was surrounded by six tiers of
balustrades.</p>
<p>In December 1420, after a journey of ninety-five days, they reached Kambalu
or Pekin, the whole road thither from Sucheu being through so populous a country
that they lodged every night in a large town. Workmen were at that time still
occupied in building the walls of Kambalu. Immediately on their arrival they
were conducted to the palace, and, though before sunrise, they found a multitude
assembled in the outer court, amounting apparently to no less than one hundred
thousand men. At sunrise, at beat of drum, the prince took his seat on a lofty
throne, placed under a canopy at the outside of the palace, and amidst profound
silence a number of criminals were led in, who had been brought to the capital
from all parts of the empire. Each man had a board fastened to his neck,
specifying his crime and his legal punishment, and was led by the hair to the
emperor, who after inspecting the board pronounced sentence. Upon the dismissal
of the criminals, the Persian ambassadors were introduced, and after prostrating
themselves as demanded, were graciously received by the emperor. An amusing
occurrence, however, had nearly destroyed all their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xxx" id="Page_xxx">[xxx]</a></span>
prospects of success. The monarch having been slightly injured by a fall from a
horse which had been presented to him by the ambassadors, was so exasperated,
that he condemned them all to imprisonment for life in a distant part of the
empire. He afterwards, however, thought better of his resolution, and merely
upbraiding Sadi Khoja, with the taunt that such a horse ought not to be
presented by one sovereign to another, overlooked the offence; and on hearing
that the animal was sent to him by Tamerlane as an especial favourite, his anger
was entirely appeased.</p>
<p>Previous to their departure, a circumstance occurred which threw a gloom over
the imperial court,—the most beloved of the emperor's wives died. And here, <i>
par parenthèse</i>, we would mention a curious custom recorded in this
narrative, respecting the burial of ladies belonging to the imperial family:
they are interred on a certain mountain, on which all the horses belonging to
them are turned out to graze at liberty for the rest of their lives; all the
maidens of their retinue also are placed in attendance on the grave, and have
provisions allowed them for about five years, and when these are exhausted they
are left to die of famine. In addition to this loss of his favourite wife, the
new palace of the emperor was struck by lightning on the night after the
funeral, the flames causing fearful devastation and loss of life. These
afflictions so affected the emperor, that he fell sick, and the prince his son
assuming the reins of government, gave the ambassadors their audience of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xxxi" id="Page_xxxi">[xxxi]</a></span>
leave. On their return through Cathay they were furnished as before with every
necessary, and at Sucheu, some articles which had been detained were honourably
restored to them. They took their departure by a circuitous route, in
consequence of intestine commotions, and passing through Khoten and Cashgar
proceeded homewards to Herat, which they reached in September 1422.</p>
<p>Hitherto we have had to treat of travellers who in the middle ages reached
China by an overland journey; we have now to allude to those who have visited
that country by sea, subsequent to that grand achievement of the Portuguese, the
discovery of the passage by the Cape of Good Hope.</p>
<p>The Portuguese themselves were, as might be expected, the first to take
advantage of this expeditious route, and about the same time that they had
succeeded in establishing a communication with the King of Siam they aimed at
forming relations with China. On gaining information of the boundless wealth of
the east and its empires in the productions of nature and art, King Manoel
determined on despatching a squadron farther eastward to Bengal and China. This
squadron, consisting of eight sail, the commander of which was Fernando Peres
d'Andrade, selected on account of the ability he had shown previously in India,
especially at Malacca, departed, after various unsuccessful cruises, from
Malacca on the 17th June 1517, and arrived on the 15th August at the Island of
Tamang (called by the Portuguese Beniaga), lying three miles from the mainland,
where<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xxxii" id="Page_xxxii">[xxxii]</a></span>
all foreign ships that trade to Canton must lie at anchor and transact their
business.<a name="FNanchor_3_3" id="FNanchor_3_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a>
In the harbour Andrade found Edward Coelho, who, in a previous expedition, had
been separated from him by a storm, had wintered at Siam, and had already been
there a month. Andrade caused it to be notified to the commander of the Chinese
fleet, which was stationed off the coast there for the protection of merchant
ships against pirates, that he was come on a peaceful embassy from the King of
Portugal to the Emperor of China. The commander bade him welcome, but referred
him to the Pio (great admiral) at Nanto upon the subject of his business. After
various delays and difficulties, occasioned by the numerous gradations of rank
amongst the Chinese authorities, their ceremoniousness, and the mistrust,
imperfectly veiled by civility, of the Chinese towards strangers, Andrade
reached Canton at the close of September, and ran into the harbour with all the
usual nautical ceremonies. When surprise was expressed at this, he justified
himself by referring to the practice of the Chinese in this particular when
their ships came to Portuguese Malacca. He then begged that he might forward to
the emperor the ambassador and the presents which he had brought with him, and
that the Portuguese fleet might be dismissed as soon as possible. He was
answered civilly, that they would receive the ambassador, and as soon as
permission was obtained from the emperor, would escort him to court. Meanwhile
the commander had permission<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xxxiii" id="Page_xxxiii">[xxxiii]</a></span>
to carry on trade in the town, after the ambassador had landed. Andrade now
caused the ambassador, Thomas Pires, with seven Portuguese, richly dressed, to
be put on shore with sound of trumpets and discharge of cannon. This Tomas
Pires, erroneously called by Mendoza, Bartholomew, though a man of no rank, had
been selected for this mission on account of his scientific qualifications, his
tact, and experience. He was an apothecary by profession, and a practised and
competent judge of the merchandize and productions of India. They not only
granted him one of the best houses in the town, wherein he and his companions
received visits from the most distinguished inhabitants, but also offered them
maintenance, according to the custom observed with ambassadors. This, however,
the commander declined, nor did he accept the invitation to come on shore, but,
excusing himself, sent the factor with some assistants in his stead, and when a
warehouse was granted them near the fleet, allowed the merchandize to be landed
by degrees, and an interchange of traffic commenced.</p>
<p>Matters were in this prosperous condition, when circumstances rendered it
necessary for the commander to leave Canton. Many of his people had become sick
from malaria, and nine, including the factor, were dead. These and other
disasters compelled Andrade to take leave of the Chinese commanders, and he went
back to the island of Tamang, where he was plentifully supplied with all that he
required for the repair of his ships. Before his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xxxiv" id="Page_xxxiv">[xxxiv]</a></span>
departure Andrade caused proclamation to be made in Canton, Nanto, and the
harbour of Tamang, that those who had demands on the Portuguese, should apply to
him in order that they might be fully satisfied. This proceeding gave the
Chinese a high opinion of the integrity of the Portuguese. At the end of
September 1518, Fernando Peres d'Andrade again set saile with his whole fleet,
and entered the harbour of Malacca loaded with renown and riches.<a name="FNanchor_4_4" id="FNanchor_4_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a></p>
<p>At his departure from Canton, he left the affairs of the Portuguese so
arranged that their trade with the Chinese might be carried on securely and
peacefully, and with profit to both parties. His brother, Simon d'Andrade,
received from the king a commission to make another voyage to China, and
departed in April 1518 from Malacca. Upon his arrival in August in the harbour
of Tamu, he found that the Portuguese ambassador, Thomas Pires, had not yet left
Canton, as, in spite of three applications, no order had yet been received from
the court to escort him thither. At length the order came, and Pires went in the
beginning of January 1520 by water as far as the mountain range Malenschwang,
thence to Nankin, where the emperor was, who ordered him to Pekin, where he
himself usually resided on account of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xxxv" id="Page_xxxv">[xxxv]</a></span>
nearness of the Tartars, with whom he was continually at war. In January 1521,
the emperor came there, and immediately dismissed the embassy. He had received
unfavourable accounts of the Portuguese from the authorities at Canton and
Nankin, whom the King of Bintang had influenced by an emissary; they told the
emperor that, under the pretext of trading, the Portuguese explored the country
with the view of taking it by force of arms, and that in this way they had made
themselves masters of India and Malacca. Pires therefore was admitted no more
into the palace. Meanwhile the emperor fell ill and died, and the counsellors of
his successor were of opinion that Pires and all his companions should be put to
death as spies. The emperor however ordered the ambassador, real or pretended,
to be sent back to Canton with the presents, and to be kept in custody there
until answer should be received from the Portuguese authorities at Malacca.
Until then no Portuguese or Portuguese merchandise was to be admitted into the
empire. The emperor further commanded that the king of Malacca, who was an ally
of the emperor, and who had been driven out by the Portuguese, should be
restored.</p>
<p>The severe conditions imposed upon the Portuguese by the emperor are not to
be wondered at, for all the accounts which he had received from his authorities
respecting them were prejudicial, and Simon d'Andrade himself gave frequent
occasion for complaint by inconsiderate or unjust regulations, contrary both to
the laws and to the received<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xxxvi" id="Page_xxxvi">[xxxvi]</a></span>
opinions of the country, and provoked the Chinese against the Portuguese; and
even his personal behaviour seems to have been calculated to provoke animosity.<a name="FNanchor_5_5" id="FNanchor_5_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a>
At last a hot encounter took place between the Portuguese and Chinese ships,
during which, fortunately for the Portuguese, a storm arose, which scattered the
Chinese fleet and favoured the flight of the Portuguese, so that they happily
reached Malacca at the end of October.</p>
<p>Thomas Pires meanwhile was, upon his arrival in Canton, thrown into prison
with all his companions, and died in chains; the presents which he had brought
with him were stolen. The letters, which two or three years afterwards arrived
from the prisoners, contained lamentable descriptions of the oppressions they
had to endure, and of the robberies which were committed in foreign ships, upon
the pretence that they had Portuguese on board. The great stores of valuable
merchandize, gold and silver from India, were entirely lost. Mendoza does not
complete the tale of Pires's adventures, but some interesting details are given
by Remusat in his <i>Nouveaux Mélanges Asiatiques</i>, page 205, tom. ii.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xxxvii" id="Page_xxxvii">[xxxvii]</a></span></p>
<p>The next Portuguese adventurer who comes within the range of our special
notice, is Ferdinand Mendez Pinto, who from the apparent extravagance of his
accounts became proverbial as an accomplished romancer. Congreve, in his <i>
Love for Love</i>, makes Foresight thus address Sir Sampson Legend: "Ferdinand
Mendez Pinto was but a type of thee, thou liar of the first magnitude." Like
most of his predecessors, however, in early travel, he has by this time
recovered much of his forfeited reputation, and, as in their case, some of his
most remarkable statements have been confirmed by more recent explorations.
Being compelled to leave his country from some accident, which he describes as
casting "him into manifest peril of his life", he took to the sea. The chances
of his life led him to Abyssinia, and subsequently along the coast of Arabia to
India. With his adventures in these countries we have here nothing to do, but
pass at once to the circumstances under which he was thrown upon the coast of
China. At Goa, Pinto hired himself as a soldier to Pedro de Faria, who was
proceeding as governor to Malacca. In this employ he was selected as Portuguese
agent in the company of the ambassador of the Battas, on the return of the
latter to Sumatra from his complimentary visit to Faria, at Malacca, the seat of
government. Here he fell in with one Antonio de Faria, with whom he joined in a
great commercial expedition to be sent up the Gulf of Siam.</p>
<p>We pass over various romantic adventures with pirates, described in his
narrative, especially those with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xxxviii" id="Page_xxxviii">[xxxviii]</a></span>
one Coja Acem, a native of Guzerat, and an implacable enemy of the Portuguese,
whom Faria at length overcame in a desperate encounter. The adventurers then
sailed to Liampoo (Ning-po), where Faria gained intelligence of an island called
Calempluy, in which were the tombs of seventeen kings of China, all of gold, and
containing great treasure of various descriptions. This place they sought and
reached, and having plundered, loaded their ships with the treasure. About a
month after they had put to sea, they were wrecked in a furious gale in the Gulf
of Nanking, and fourteen of the Portuguese alone escaped with their lives. The
Chinese gave the shipwrecked pirates but a harsh reception; they were first
thrust into a pond where they were almost devoured by leeches, and were
afterwards sent with other criminals to Nanking, where they were punished with a
severe whipping. They were subsequently sent to Peking, also chained together in
parties of three, and on their arrival received thirty lashes apiece by way of
welcome. Pinto gives an animated account of the magnificence of these two great
capitals, but splendid as the objects he observed in them were, they would
scarcely bear comparison with those which presented themselves along the great
rivers and canals. The multitude of cities, together with the abundance which
here prevailed, was almost incredible. The immense concourse of boats at the
time of the great fairs, the mode of rearing water-fowl, their plan of hatching
eggs by artificial heat, the industry and regularity of populace, and their
fashion of eating<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xxxix" id="Page_xxxix">[xxxix]</a></span>
with chop-sticks, are detailed with great exactness. Upon the whole, his remarks
leave no doubt, we think, of the truth of his having been an eye-witness of what
he records. Upon the subsequent occurrences of his eventful life, and his final
return to Lisbon in 1558, we shall not here dwell, but proceed to the
consideration of the next in order on our list of European travellers to China.</p>
<p>Among a series of letters in Spanish, received in 1555 from various Jesuits
in the East, and appended to the 1561 edition of Francisco Alvarez's <i>
Historia de Ethiopia</i>, occurs an account of some matters regarding the
customs and laws of the kingdom of China, which a man (who was a captive there
for six years) related at Malacca, in the college of the Jesuits. This valuable
account, we believe, has never before appeared in English, and is here
translated.</p>
<div class="blockquot">
<p>"The Chinese build their towns in the strongest situations, near rapid
rivers, and chiefly at the curves, in order that they may serve in part for
enclosures; and if the towns are half a league in circuit, they build walls of a
league in extent, so that in case of war they may hold a considerable number of
defenders. The towns are walled with stone built in mortar, for the most part;
some, especially the large towns, have very strong brick walls. They contain
very large buildings, and bridges of half a league, all of stone excellently
wrought, and there are blocks in them so large that it appears impossible for
men to have raised and set them by any contrivance. One<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xl" id="Page_xl">[xl]</a></span>
of the things that surprised us much, was to see eight columns, upon which the
government palace is built, in a town where we were for three years. We measured
these columns, and two men stretching their arms round them did not touch each
other; they appeared to us to be sixty feet high, little more or less; and it is
very strange that men should have been able to raise them and place them where
they are. The houses which are upon them are very high, all of wood, painted and
gilded. An officer resides there who collects the revenue of the province, and
there are similar ones in the other provinces. Each of these houses is
separately enclosed by walls, within which they are accustomed to plant trees
and make very pleasant gardens, with all kinds of fruit, which the Chinese are
exceedingly fond of, and also of having ponds at their houses in which they
breed fish for their amusement.</p>
<p>"What is generally considered by the nobility and principal men as the
greatest distinction, is to erect edifices in front of their gates, in way of an
arch going from one side of the street to the other, so that the people pass
underneath; some build them of stone, others of wood, with all kinds of
painting, colours of gold and blue, with pictures of various birds and other
things that may gratify the sight of the passers by. And they are so curious and
vain in this particular, that he who goes to the greatest expense therein, is
thought most of amongst them. On the border of the arches are the name and arms
of him who caused them to be erected, in letters of gold and blue.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xli" id="Page_xli">[xli]</a></span></p>
<p>"The houses are covered with glazed tiles of many colours, and the woodwork
is much wrought. The streets are very well made and paved with stone, and the
highways are all raised. I say this because they took us from that town (where
we had been prisoners for three years), and we went one hundred and twenty days'
journey, without going out of the kingdom, and found all the roads raised and
even; and several times when we passed rivers and inquired if most of the roads
that ran forward were similar, we were told that they were, and that it was a
four months' journey to reach the court of the king, and the roads were all
alike. They treated us very well on the journey, giving us sumpter beasts and
every thing necessary.</p>
<p>"In all the towns there is a street of very noble houses built by order of
the king, in which the officers who perform the service of visitation lodge.
These officers are commissioned with the royal authority over the governing
presidents (who are called in their language Taquoan). The governors of
provinces and those who hold any command, are chosen for their learning and
great prudence, without regard to anything else, and if the sons are as able as
their fathers they succeed them in their offices, otherwise they are not
admitted by the king into his service. The special governors of the towns are
obliged to sit to hear and do justice to all, every morning until midday, and
after having dined till sunset.</p>
<p>"Officers of the court come twice every year, by command of the king, to make
a stay in all the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xlii" id="Page_xlii">[xlii]</a></span>
towns, principally to see if the governors do their duty well, and to remove
them at once and put others in their place, if they are tyrannical, or oppress
the people, or perform their functions ill. These officers examine all the
walls, and if they are in bad condition, order them to be repaired. They
afterwards inquire concerning the royal revenues and the expenses of the towns,
moderating them if they are excessive. He who gives out money at usury loses it
(if proved), and, moreover, incurs further punishment. In the towns where these
officers come, they cause public notice to be given, in order that those who are
aggrieved by any injustice may come before them.</p>
<p>"In the town I was speaking of there are six governors, one of whom takes
precedence; and there are also six others whose business it is to collect the
revenues, and one of them is obliged to watch the town every night with his men,
that thieves may not disturb the people. Others take care to close the gates,
which are very strong and fortified with iron. The governors and magistrates of
every town are charged to write every moon, to the court of the king, an account
of what takes place; and each has to write separately, that it may be seen if
they concert what they write, and whether they speak truth; for those who lie to
the king incur the punishment of death; wherefore they dread much to state
anything false in their accounts. No man governs in his native place, where he
has relations, that he may do justice to all without respect of persons.</p>
<p>"In the principal towns are many strong gaols;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xliii" id="Page_xliii">[xliii]</a></span>
we being prisoners were distributed in six of them. There are prisoners for
various crimes; the most serious with them is murder. The prisoners are
numerous, because the towns are populous; in every gaol there are three, four,
or five hundred of them. A native of the town, where we were, told us, that in
it alone there might be at that time more than eight thousand prisoners; and
that was because it was a principal town, where those of the neighbouring places
were assembled together. In every gaol there is a book of the prisoners therein,
whom the gaoler counts every night. In that where I was, sometimes there were
three hundred prisoners, at others four hundred; and although I did not see the
other gaols, it appears to me from this, that there might be as many prisoners
as they told me.</p>
<p>"The serious crimes go to the court; and for those who come from thence
sentenced to death, the king gives power to the governors of the towns—if, upon
a re-examination of the case, from being nearer where the offence was committed,
they should find them less guilty—to spare their lives, and condemn them to
banishment, or to the king's service, for so many years, or for their whole
life. They take all possible pains to avoid condemning any to death. It can
scarcely be expressed how much the king is feared by his subjects: they call him
god and king for the strict government and justice that he maintains in his
kingdom, which is necessary from the people being bad and malicious.</p>
<p>"In their ancient books they find that at a certain<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xliv" id="Page_xliv">[xliv]</a></span>
time, white men with long beards are to take their kingdom of China; on this
account they are so careful of the walls and of fortifying the towns; and the
officers make a muster of the soldiers, they receive and examine them to see if
they are good soldiers; they do the same with the cavalry; and to those who
excel they give rewards according to their personal qualities, putting also in
their heads a branch with gold and silver leaves, as a sign of honour; but those
who do not satisfy them they dismiss, paying them their hire and giving them the
money with reproachful words.</p>
<p>"The people of China are, in general, neither brave nor skilful, nor have
they any natural inclination for warlike affairs; if they maintain themselves it
is by the multitude of the people, the strength of the walls and towns, and the
provision of ammunition. At the boundary of the kingdom of China, where it
borders on the Tartars, there is a wall of wondrous strength, of a month's
journey in extent, where the king keeps a great military force in the bulwarks.
Where this walls comes upon mountains, they cut them in such a manner that they
remain and serve as a wall; for the Tartars are very brave and skilful in war.
At the time we were prisoners, they broke through a part of the wall and entered
into the territory within for a month and a half's journey; but as the king
prepared great armies of men provided with artful contrivances (in which the
Chinese are very crafty), he kept back the Tartars, who fight on horse-back. As
their horses had become weak and were<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xlv" id="Page_xlv">[xlv]</a></span>
dying of hunger, one of the Chinese officers commanded a large quantity of peas
to be placed in the fields, and thus it was that the horses (being so hungry as
they were) set themselves to eat against the will of their masters; and in this
manner the army of the king of China put them in disorder and turned to drive
them out. And now a strict watch is kept on the wall.</p>
<p>"They make great feasts in the provinces of the kingdom of China, every year
on the king's birthday; and in the government palaces of every town, in a hall
covered with an awning, and having the walls and the floor ornamented with very
rich coloured cloths, they place a seat painted of the same colour. This hall
has three doors, and it is the custom of the officers of the towns to enter by
any one of them, on foot like any other man, without taking anything with him,
and without a sunshade before him; in passing they make obeisance by seven or
eight genuflexions, as if the king were sitting on the seat. Having finished,
they go to their houses, and at this time enter on foot and by any door; for
except on this day they only enter by the middle door and in very rich litters,
in which their servants carry them. They hold it for greater dignity to go in
these litters than on horseback, taking one or two persons on the right for
state, and a sunshade on foot before them, like those which they use in India.</p>
<p>"They make another very great feast on the first day of the year, which is
the day upon which we celebrate the feast of the Circumcision. These feasts<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xlvi" id="Page_xlvi">[xlvi]</a></span>
last three days; on every one of which they represent scenes by day and night,
for they are much addicted to the performance of farces. On these three days the
gates of the town are closed, because from much eating and drinking the people
are at times beside themselves. They make other very great feasts when the king
nominates his son for his heir; upon which day, they declared to me, they
release all the prisoners, even those sentenced to death. At the time that we
were prisoners, there came news that the king intended to make his son a king,
upon which the prisoners in all the gaols rejoiced much.</p>
<p>"These great kingdoms of China are divided by the same king into fifteen
provinces, and in every one of them there is a chief town, where there is a
governor, who is changed every three years; in these chief towns the treasure of
the king, from the revenue of all the province, is collected. The privilege for
those who shall betake themselves to the chief town is, that for crimes which
they have committed elsewhere they cannot be taken; and the reason of this
privilege is, that as they are continually carrying on war with the Tartars and
with other kings, if they did not afford this security these persons would pass
over to the enemy.</p>
<p>"It has been, and still is, the custom to write everything remarkable and
worthy of remembrance on large stones on the highways, and in the same places
where they occurred, principally in the towns at the government palaces, where
the officers reside.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xlvii" id="Page_xlvii">[xlvii]</a></span>
These antiquities are written in the open courts, many of them in letters of
gold; and the noblemen and men of quality are very curious to read them, and
fond of talking of remarkable actions, and of the dignity and achievements of
the former kings.</p>
<p>"I have heard much of the grandeur of these kingdoms, and seen somewhat
(although little), which to those who have no knowledge of China would scarcely
appear true; wherefore I only speak of those things that are most common among
the people, leaving the rest to time, which will discover them. The noblest and
most populous town is one where the king resides, which is called Paquin; the
natives (for I did not see it) say that it takes seven days to traverse it by a
direct road, and thirteen to go round it. It is surrounded by three enclosures
and a very copious river, which entirely encompasses it, forming, as it were,
the interior enclosure. Marvellous things are reported of the riches and
structure of the royal residence; the designs are taken from many provinces of
the same kingdom, none being allowed to go out of it. Before entering the
palaces seven or eight very strong gates have to be passed, where there are very
tall and stout men for guards. The king (according to what they say) never goes
out of that town, and everything he eats is produced within the walls; he does
not go to the outer enclosures; and they say he is never seen except by those
who attend upon him, who are all eunuchs, sons of noblemen, and who when once
they enter there into the residence, never more depart from it until death.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xlviii" id="Page_xlviii">[xlviii]</a></span>
The king has noblemen about him, very learned and of great prudence, with whom
he transacts all the business of the kingdom. And these also never go without
the enclosure on any account; they are called Vlaos. The manner of choosing them
for that dignity is this: when there is a vacancy, the king inquires for some
one distinguished in learning and for discretion, and inclined to justice; if
there be one who is commonly held of this reputation, he orders him to be
summoned from any province of the kingdom where he may be, and invests him with
the office of Vlaos.</p>
<p>"The Chinese observe much exactness in their courtesies and great neatness in
their apparel, both men and women; they generally go very well dressed, from the
quantity of silk there is in the kingdom.</p>
<p>"The soil is very productive of necessaries, fruits, and very singular
waters; there are very pleasant gardens, and all kinds of game and hunting. The
Chinese touch no food with their hands, but all, both small and great, eat with
two little sticks for cleanliness.</p>
<p>"Their temples are very large edifices, richly wrought, which they call
Valeras, and which cost a great deal, for the statues, which are of large size,
are all covered with beaten gold. The roof of the temples is gilded, and the
walls ornamented with boards well wrought and painted in pictures. They are
skilful workmen in carpentry. In these temples there are priests (who are
obliged to remain in them always), with an appointed income. They eat neither<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xlix" id="Page_xlix">[xlix]</a></span>
flesh nor fish, only herbs, principally beledas, and some fruits; on certain
days they fast. If they do anything that they ought not, they are driven out and
allowed to be priests no longer, and others are put in their place.</p>
<p>"No man can go from one province to another without taking a licence of the
governor, and he who is found without one is punished; and no traveller can be
(by law of the kingdom) more than three or four days in a town where he has not
business; there is a man whose office it is to go about looking to this, and if
any such is found, he is taken up, for they presume him to be a thief and a man
of bad life. And so every one is accustomed to have some occupation, and to hold
some office, even the sons of the officers and nobles. All employ their sons, of
whatever condition they may be, setting them to read and write, which they
vnderstand generally. Others put them to trade, and they are also in the habit
of placing their sons with officers and noblemen, that they may learn how to
serve. The officers are waited on with much veneration; all who speak to them do
so with genuflexions, and whatever they have to ask for must be done in writing.</p>
<p>"The sentences which the officers pronounce are conformable to the laws of
the kingdom; they judge according to the truth of the matter, which they inquire
into themselves, without taking account of what the parties say; and so they are
very correct in affairs of justice, for fear of the visitation, which, they say,
is made every six months. Their years have<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_l" id="Page_l">[l]</a></span>
twelve moons, and every three years they add to the year one moon, and thus it
has thirteen.</p>
<p>"The people of any consequence wear black silk for their dress, because
coloured is held dishonourable for clothing; so much so, that no one dares to go
before any officer or person of quality without a black dress; and if he has
gone away from home with a coloured cloak, and he happens to have to speak to
any officer, he takes a black cloak from some acquaintance whom he meets, and
leaves him his own while he transacts his business. The common people always
speak to the nobles cap in hand, and they may not wear black cloaks, but only
very short coloured ones. The officers wear a kind of cap, different from other
people, for a certain dignity is kept up amongst them as with us. In these caps
they have tufts made of horsehair, stuck on every part. The king wears the same,
except that they say he has two points cross-wise at the top.</p>
<p>"They praise and extol the richness of the king's dress, which they say is
always of the colour of heaven. The officers, on the principal feasts, on the
first day of January and at the beginning of the moon, dress themselves richly
in coloured damask, and on the breast and back of the vesture they bear a stag
and an eagle, very naturally embroidered, for they are clever designers. These
garments look very well; they reach within a hand's breadth of the ground, and
have very long, large, and wide sleeves. They wear boots of a blackish colour,
with soles of white cloth strong as boards.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_li" id="Page_li">[li]</a></span></p>
<p>"The officers and nobles, at the death of father or mother or a very near
relation, wear white dresses, very cross and rough; and they gird themselves
with a girdle as thick as the leg, which reaches to the ground, as does the
dress also. Attached to the cap, they wear another thinner cord. When the
deceased are less nearly related, they also clothe themselves all in white, from
the shoes to the cap, but not so coarse and rough.</p>
<p>"These are the matters that are most commonly seen and known in China, where
we were prisoners six years; other very remarkable things that we heard tell of
I omit, because I did not see them, and because it appears to me that every day
will discover more and more."</p>
</div>
<p>The next account of China is by Gaspar da Cruz, a native of Evora, and one of
the order of Friars Preachers; he is thus described by Barbosa Machado, in his <i>
Biblioteca Lusitana</i>. "Inflamed with an holy ardour of announcing the gospel
to distant barbarians, who were given to idolatry, he set sail in the year 1548
with twelve companions, of whom the Friar Diego Bernardo was vicar-general, to
the East Indies; and after building a convent at Goa, and another at Malacca, he
penetrated as far as the kingdom of Camboya; but as the fruits of his labours
did not correspond with his desires, he resolved upon passing on to China in the
year 1556, being the first missionary who illuminated its inhabitants with the
light of the faith, and had the glory of being the precursor of all those gospel
labourers, who with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_lii" id="Page_lii">[lii]</a></span>
so much labour and expenditure of blood cultivated that wild but extensive
vineyard. He spent many years in this laborous undertaking, and several times
incurred the risk of his life, especially on one occasion when, in a sumptuous
pagoda, he threw down a multitude of idols, but at the same time confounded and
silenced by the vehement efficacy of his preaching the greatest masters of
Paganism. He returned to his country in 1569, and was nominated by King
Sebastian, bishop of Malacca, but this dignity he did not accept. He died in
1570, through exposing himself in charitable exertions to assist the sufferers
in a plague which then raged at Lisbon."</p>
<p>The narrative of his travels was published in black letter at Evora in
1569-70, 4to., under the title of "Tractàdo em que se contam muito por estenso
as cousas de China con suas particularidades y assi do Regno dormuz." In the
preface reference is made to a narrative of China by a fellow-countryman, one
Francisco Henriques, but he appears merely to refer to him as having presented
this relation to Sebastian I, King of Portugal, which seems to have been an
unpublished manuscript. An abbreviated translation of the narrative of his
travels is given by Purchas, in which he mentions "the storie of certaine
Portugals, prisoners in China," one of which he nameth Galotti Perera, from whom
he received great part of his Chinese intelligence. He is also referred to by
Mendoza, in the first chapter of the second book, as one from whom he "follows
many things in the process of his historie." This person is mentioned by Barbosa
Machado under<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_liii" id="Page_liii">[liii]</a></span>
the name of Galeoti Pereyra, brother of Ruy Pereira I, first Count of Feyra, and
as being captive in Funchien in China. His account appears to have been first
printed in Italian at Venice, from the original Portuguese MS., and an English
translation by R. Willes was given by Richard Eden in his <i>Historye of
Travaile in the West and East Indies.</i> As this, though comparatively short,
preceded the narrative of Mendoza now reprinted, and formed the main basis of
the account of Gaspar da Cruz, we think it right to supply the reader with
copious extracts from it, as being for these reasons a highly important and
interesting document. They are as follows:</p>
<div class="blockquot">
<p>"This land of China is parted into 13 shyres, the which sometymes were eche
one a kyngdome by it selfe, but these many years they haue been all subject unto
one kyng. Fuquien is made by the Portugalles the first shyre, bycause there
their troubles bygan, and had occasion thereby to know the rest. In this shyre
be viii cities, but one principally more famous than others, called Fuquico, the
other seuen are reasonably great, the best known whereof unto the Portugalles is
Cinceo, in respect of a certain hauen ioyning thereunto, whyther in tyme past
they were wont for merchandyse to resort.</p>
<p>"Cantan is the second shyre, not so great in quantitie, as well accoumpted
of, both by the kyng thereof and also by the Portugalles, for that it lyeth
nearer vnto Malacca than any other part of China, and was first discryed by the
Portugalles before any other shyre in that prouince: this shyre hath in it seuen
cities.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_liv" id="Page_liv">[liv]</a></span></p>
<p>"Chequeam is the third shyre, the chiefest citie therein is Donchion, therein
also standeth Liampo, with other thirtiene or fourtiene boroughes: countrey
townes therein to many to be spoken of.</p>
<p>"The fourth shyre is called Xutiamfu, the principall citie therof is great
Pachin, where the kyng is alwayes resident. In it are fyftiene other very great
cities: of other townes therein, and boroughes well walled and trenched about, I
will say nothing.</p>
<p>"The fyft shyre hath name Chelim: the great citie Nanquin, chiefe of other
fyftiene cities, was herein of auncient tyme the royall seate of the Chinish
kynges. From this shyre, and from the aforesayde Chequeam forwarde, bare rule
the other kynges, untyll the whole region became one kyngdome.</p>
<p>"The sixt shyre beareth name Quianci, as also the principall citie thereof,
wherein the fyne claye to make vessels is wrought. The Portugalles beyng
ignorant of this countrey, and fyndyng great abundaunce of that fyne claye to be
solde at Liampo, and that very good cheape, thought at the first that it had
been made there; howbeit, in fine, they perceiued that the standing of Quinzi,
more neare unto Liampo than to Cinceo or Cantan, was the cause of so muche fine
clay at Liampo: within the compasse of Quinci shyre be other 12 cities.</p>
<p>"The seuenth shyre is Quicini, the eight Quansi, the nienth Confu, the tenth
Vrnan, the eleuenth Sichiua. In the first hereof there be 16 cities, in the next
fyftiene: howe many townes the other three haue we are ignorant as yet, as also
of the proper<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_lv" id="Page_lv">[lv]</a></span>
names of the 12 and 13 shyres and the townes therein.</p>
<p>"This, finally, may be generally sayde heereof, that the greater shyres in
China prouince may be compared with mightie kyngdomes.</p>
<p>"In eche one of these shyres be set Ponchiassini and Anchiassini, before whom
are handled the matters of other cities. There is also placed in eche one a
Tutan, as you would say a gouernor, and a Chian, that is a visitor, as it were,
whose office is to goe in circuit and to see iustice exactly done. By these
meanes so upryghtly thinges are ordered there, that it may bee worthely
accompted one of the best gouerned prouinces in all the world.</p>
<p>"The king maketh alwayes his abode in the great citie Pachin, as muche as to
say in our language, as by the name thereof I am aduertised, the towne of the
kyngdome. This kyngdome is so large, that vnder fyue monethes you are not able
to traueyle from the townes by the sea syde to the court and backe agayne, no
not vnder three monethes in poste at your vrgent businesse. The posthorses in
this countrey are litle of bodie, but swyfte of foote. Many doe traueyle the
greater parte of this iourney by water in certayne lyght barkes, for the
multitude of ryuers commodious for passage from one citie to another.</p>
<p>"The kyng, notwithstandyng the hugenesse of his kyngdome, hath such a care
thereof, that every moone (by the moones they reckon their monethes) he is
aduertised fully of whatsoeuer thing happeneth therein, by these meanes
folowyng.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_lvi" id="Page_lvi">[lvi]</a></span></p>
<p>"The whole prouince beyng diuided into shyres, and eche shyre hauyng in it
one chiefe and principall citie, whereunto the matters of all the other cities,
townes, and boroughes are brought, there are drawen in euery chiefe citie
aforesayde, intelligences of suche thinges as doe monethely fall out, and be
sent in writing to the court. If happely in one moneth euery post is not able to
goe so long a way, yet doeth there notwithstandyng once euery moneth arryue one
post out of the shyre. Who so commeth before the newe moone, stayeth for the
deliuery of his letters vntyll the moone be chaunged. Then lykewyse are
dispatched other postes backe into all the 13 shyres agayne.</p>
<p>"Before that we doe come to Cinceo we have to passe through many places, and
some of great importance. For this countrey is so well inhabited neare the sea
syde, that you cannot go one myle but you shall see some towne, borough, or
hostry, the which are so abundantly provided of all thinges, that in the cities
and townes they liue ciuily. Nevertheles such as dwel abrode are very poore, for
the multitude of them euery where is so great, that out of a tree you shal see
many tymes swarme a number of children where a man would not haue thought to
haue founde any one at all.</p>
<p>"From these places in number infinite, you shall come vnto two cities very
populose, and beyng compared with Cinceo, not possibly to be discerned which is
the greater of them. These cities are as well walled as any cities in all the
worlde. As you come in to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_lvii" id="Page_lvii">[lvii]</a></span>
eyther of them, standeth so great and mightie a brydge, that the lyke thereof I
haue neuer seene in Portugall nor els where. I heard one of my felowes say, that
he told in one bridge 40 arches. The occasion wherefore these bridges are made
so great, is for that the countrey is toward the sea very plaine and low, and
ouerwhelmed euer as y<sup>e</sup> sea water encreaseth. The breadth of the
bridges, although it bee well proportioned vnto the length therof, yet are they
equally buylt, no higher in the middle than at eyther end, in such wyse that you
may directly see from y<sup>e</sup> one end to the other, the sydes are
wonderfully well engraved after the maner of Rome workes. But that we did most
marueyle at, was therewithall the hugenesse of y<sup>e</sup> stones, the lyke
wherof as we came into the citie, we dyd see many set up in places dishabited by
the way, to no small charges of theyrs, howbeit to little purpose, whereas no
body seeth them but such as doe come bye. The arches are not made after our
fashion, vauted with sundry stones set togeather; but paved, as it were, whole
stones reaching from one piller to an other, in suche wyse that they lye both
for the arches heades and galantly serue also for the hygh waye. I haue been
astunned to beholde the hugenesse of these aforesayde stones, some of them are <span class="smcap">
XII</span> pases long and upwarde, the least a <span class="smcap">XII</span>
good pases long, and a halfe.</p>
<p>"The wayes echewhere are galantly paued with foure square stone, except it be
where for want of stone they vse to laye bricke: in this voyage wee traueyled
ouer certayne hilles, where the wayes were<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_lviii" id="Page_lviii">[lviii]</a></span>
pitched, and in many places no worse paued than in the playne grounde. This
causeth us to thinke, that in all the worlde there be no better workemen for
buildinges than the inhabitantes of China.</p>
<p>"The countrey is so well inhabited, that no one foote of ground is left
untilled; small store of cattell haue we seene this way, we sawe onely certayne
oxen wherewithall the countreymen doe plough theyr grounde. One oxe draweth the
plough alone, not onely in this shyre, but in other places also wherein is
greater store of cattell. These countrymen by arte doe that in tyllage which we
are constrayned to doe by force. Here be solde the voydinges of close stooles,
although there wanteth not the dunge of beastes; and the excrements of man are
good marchandise throughout all China. The dungfermers seeke in euery streete by
exchange to buye this durtie ware for hearbes and wood. The custome is very good
for keepyng the citie cleane. There is great aboundance of hennes, geese,
duckes, swyne, and goates; wethers haue they none: the hennes are solde by
weight, and so are all other thinges. Two pounde of hennes fleshe, goose, or
ducke, is worth two Foi of their money, that is, <i>d. ob.</i> sterling.
Swines flesh is solde at a peny the pounde. Beefe beareth the same pryce, for
the scarcitie thereof; howbeit northwarde from Fuquieo, and farther of from the
sea coast, there is beefe more plentie and solde better cheape; beefe onely
excepted, great aboundance of all these viandes we haue had in all the cities we
passed through. And if this countrey<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_lix" id="Page_lix">[lix]</a></span>
were lyke vnto India, the inhabitants whereof eate neyther henne, beefe, nor
porke, but keepe that onely for the Portugalles and Moores, they would be solde
here for nothing. But it so fallyng out that the Chineans are the greatest
eaters in all the world, they doe feede uppon all thinges, specially on porke,
the fatter that is, vnto them the lesse lothsome. The highest price of these
thinges aforesayde I haue set downe, better cheape shall you sometymes buye
them, for the great plentie thereof in this countrey. Frogges are solde at the
same price that is made of hennes, and are good meate amongst them, as also
dogges, cattes, rattes, snakes, and all other vncleane meates.</p>
<p>"The cities be very gallant, specially near vnto the gates, the which are
marueylously great, and couered with iron. The gatehouses buylt on hygh with
towers, the lower parte thereof is made of bricke and stone, proportionally with
the walles; from the walles vpward, the buyldyng is of tymber, and many stones
in it one aboue the other. The strength of theyr townes is in the mightie walles
and ditches, artillarie haue they none.</p>
<p>"The streetes in Cinceo, and in all the rest of the cities we haue seene are
very fayre, so large and so streight that it is wonderfull to beholde. Theyr
houses are buylt with tymber, the foundations onely excepted, the which are layd
with stone; in eche syde of the streetes are paynteles or continuall porches for
the marchantes to walke vnder: the breadth of the streete is neuerthelesse
suche, that in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_lx" id="Page_lx">[lx]</a></span>
them <span class="smcap">XV</span> men may ryde commodiously syde by syde. As
they ryde they must needes passe vnder many hygh arches of triumph that crosse
ouer the streetes made of tymber, and carued diuersely, couered with tyle of
fine claye: vnder these arches the mercers doe vtter theyr small wares, and such
as lyst to stande there, are defended from rayne and the heate of the sunne. The
greater gentlemen haue these arches at their doores, although some of them be
not so myghtyly buylt as the rest.</p>
<p>"I shall haue occasion to speake of a certayne order of gentlemen that are
called Loutea; I will first therefore expound what this worde signifieth. Loutea
is as muche to say in our language as Syr, and when any of them calleth his
name, he answereth Syr: and as we doe say, that the kyng hath made some
gentleman, so say they that there is made a Loutea. And for that amongst them
the degrees are diuers both in name and office, I will tell you onely of some
principalles, beyng not able to aduertise you of all.</p>
<p>"The maner howe gentlemen are created Louteas, and doe come to that honour
and title, is by the gyuynge of a broad gyrdle not like to the rest, and a cap,
at the commandement of the kyng. The name Loutea is more generall and common
vnto moe, than equalitie of honour thereby signified, agreeth withall. Such
Louteas that doe serue their prince in weightie matters for iustice, are created
after triall made of their learning; but the other, whiche serue in smaller
affayres, as capitaynes, constables, sergeantes by lande and sea, receyuers, and
such lyke,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_lxi" id="Page_lxi">[lxi]</a></span>
wherof there be in euery citie, as also in this, very many, are made for fauour:
the chiefe Louteas are serued kneelyng.</p>
<p>"The Louteas are an idle generation, without all maner of exercises and
pastymes, excepte it be eatyng and drynkyng. Somtymes they walke abrode in the
fieldes to make the souldyers shoot at prickes with theyr bowes, but theyr
eatyng passeth: they wyll stande eatyng euen when the other do drawe to shoote.</p>
<p>"The inhabitants of China be very great idolaters, all generally do worshyppe
the heauens: and as we are woont to saye, God knoweth it, so say they at euery
worde, Tien Tautee, that is to saye, <i>the heauens do knowe it</i>. Some do
worshyp the sonne, and some the moone, as they thynke good, for none are bounde
more to one then to an other. In their temples, the which they do cal Meani,
they haue a great altar in y<sup>e</sup> same place as we have; true it is that
one may goe rounde about it. There set they up the image of a certayne Loutea of
that countrey, whom they haue in great reuerence for certaine notable thinges he
dyd. At the ryght hande standeth the deuyl, muche more vglie paynted then we do
vse to set hym out, whereunto great homage is done by suche as come into the
temple to aske counsell, or to drawe lottes: this opinion they haue of hym, that
he is malitious and able to do euyl. If you aske them what they do thynke of the
soules departed, they will answeare, that they be immortall, and that as soone
as any one departeth out of this life, he becometh a deuyle if he<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_lxii" id="Page_lxii">[lxii]</a></span>
haue liued well in this worlde; if otherwyse, that the same deuyl changeth him
into a bufle, oxe, or dogge. Wherfore to this deuyl do they much honour, to hym
do they sacrifice, praying hym that he wyll make them lyke vnto hym selfe, and
not lyke other beastes. They haue moreouer an other sorte of temples, wherein
both uppon the altars and also on the walles do stande many idoles well
proportioned, but bare headed. These bare name Omithofon, accompted of them
spirites, but suche as in heaven do neither good nor euyll; thought to be suche
men and women as haue chastlye lyued in this worlde in abstinence from fyshe and
fleshe, fedde only with ryse and salates. Of that deuyl they make some accompte,
for these spirites they care litle or nothyng at all. Agayne, they holde opinion
that if a man do well in this lyfe, the heauens wyll geue hym many temporall
blessynges; but if he do euyll, then shall he haue infirmities, diseases,
troubles, and penurie, and all this without any knowledge of God.</p>
<p>"In the principall cities of the shyres be foure cheefe Louteas, before whom
are brought all matters of the inferiour townes throughout the whole realme.
Diuers other Louteas haue the maneagyng of iustice and receyuyng of rentes,
bounde to yeeld an accompte thereof vnto the greater officers. Other doo see
that there be no euyll rule keept in the citie: eache one as it behoueth hym.
Generally al these do impryson malefactours, cause them to be whypped and
racked, hoysing them vp and downe by the armes with a corde, a thyng very vsuall
there, and accompted no<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_lxiii" id="Page_lxiii">[lxiii]</a></span>
shame. These Louteas do vse great diligence in y<sup>e</sup> apprehending of
theeues, so that it is a wonder to see a theefe escape away in any towne, citie,
or village. Upon the sea neere vnto the shore many are taken, and looke euen as
they are taken, so be they fyrst whypped, and afterward layd in prison, where
shortly after they all dye for hunger and colde. At that tyme when we were in
pryson, there died of them aboue threescore and ten. Yf happely any one hauyng
the meanes to geat foode do escape, he is set with the condemned persones, and
prouided for as they be by the kyng, in such wyse as hereafter it shalbe sayde.</p>
<p>"Theyr whyps be certayne peeces of canes, cleft in the middle, in such sort
that they seeme rather playne then sharpe. He that is to be whipped lieth
grouelong on the ground. Upon his thighes the hangman layeth on blowes myghtely
with these canes, that the standers by tremble at theyr crueltie. Ten strypes
drawe a great deale of blood, twentie or thyrtie spoyle the fleshe altogeather,
fyftie or threescore wyll require long tyme to be healed, and yf they come to
the number of one hundred, then are they incurable."</p>
<p>"Wee are wont to call this countrey China, and the people Chineans; but as
long as we were prisoners, not hearing amongst them at any tyme that name, I
determined to learne howe they were called: and asked sometymes by them thereof,
for that they vnderstoode vs not when wee called them Chineans, I answered them
that all the inhabitantes of India<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_lxiv" id="Page_lxiv">[lxiv]</a></span>
named them Chineans, wherefore I prayed them that they would tell mee for what
occasion they are so called, whether peradventure any citie of theyrs bare that
name. Heerevnto they alwayes answered mee, to haue no suche name, nor euer to
haue had. Than dyd I aske them what name the whole countrey beareth, and what
they would answere beyng asked of other nations what countrymen they were: It
was tolde me that of auncient tyme in this countrey had been many kynges, and
though presently it were all vnder one, eche kyngdome neuertheless enioyed that
name it fyrst had: these kyngdomes are the prouinces I spake of before. In
conclusion they sayde, that the whole countrey is called Tamen, and the
inhabitantes Tamegines, so that this name China or Chineans is not hearde of in
that countrey. I doe thinke that the nearenesse of an other prouince thereabout
called Cochin-China, and the inhabitantes thereof Cochinesses, fyrst discouered
before that China was, lying not farre from Malacca, dyd gyue occasion both to
the one nation and to the other of that name Chineans, as also the whole
countrey to be named China. But their proper name is that aforesayde.</p>
<p>"I haue hearde moreouer that in the citie Nanquim remayneth a table of golde,
and in it written a kyng his name, as a memory of that residence the kynges were
wont to keepe there. This table standeth in a great pallace, couered alwayes
except it bee in some of theyr festiuall dayes, at what tyme they are wont to
let it be seene: couered neuerthelesse as<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_lxv" id="Page_lxv">[lxv]</a></span>
it is, all the nobilitie of the citie goeth of duetie to doe it euery day
reuerence. The lyke is done in the head cities of all the other shyres in the
pallaces of the Ponchiassini, wherein these aforesayde tables doe stande, with
the kyng his name written in them, although no reuerence be done therevnto but
in solempne feastes.</p>
<p>"I haue lykewyse vnderstoode that the citie Pachin, where the kyng maketh his
abode, is so great, that to goe from one syde to the other, besydes the
subarbes, the which are greater than the citie it selfe, it requyreth one whole
day a horsebacke, going hackney pase. In the subarbes be many wealthy marchantes
of all sortes. They tolde me furthermore that it was moted about, and in the
motes great store of fyshe, wherof the kyng maketh great gaynes.</p>
<p>"They haue moreouer one thing very good, and that whiche made vs all to
marueyle at them, beyng Gentiles: namely, that there be hospitalles in all theyr
cities, alwayes full of people, we neuer sawe any poore body begge. We therefore
asked the cause of this: answered it was, that in euery citie there is a great
circuit, wherein be many houses for poore people, for blinde, lame, old folke,
not able to traueyle for age, nor hauyng any other meanes to lyue. These folke
haue in the aforesayde houses, euer plentie of rice duryng theyr lyues, but
nothyng els. Such as be receyued into these houses, come in after this maner.
Whan one is sicke, blinde, or lame, he maketh a supplication to the Ponchiassi,
and prouyng that to be true he wryteth, he remayneth<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_lxvi" id="Page_lxvi">[lxvi]</a></span>
in the aforesayde great lodgyng as long as he lyueth: besides this they keepe in
these places swyne and hennes, whereby the poore be releeued without goyng a
beggyng.</p>
<p>"The kyng hath in many ryuers good store of barges full of sea crowes, that
breede, are fedde, and do dye therein, in certayne cages, allowed monethly a
certayne prouision of ryce. These barges the kyng bestoweth vpon his greatest
magistrates, geuyng to some two, to some three of them, as he thynketh good, to
fyshe therewithall after this maner. At the houre appoynted to fyshe, all the
barges are brought togeather in a circle, where the riuer is shalowe, and the
crowes, tyed togeather vnder the wynges, are let leape downe into the water,
some vnder, some aboue, worth the lookyng vppon: eche one as he hath filled his
bagge, goeth to his owne barge and emptieth it, which done, he retourneth to
fyshe agayne. Thus hauyng taken good store of fyshe, they set the crowes at
libertie, and do suffer them to fyshe for theyr owne pleasure. There were in
that citie where I was, twentie barges at the least of these aforesayde crowes;
I wente almost euery day to see them, yet coulde I neuer be thoroughly satisfied
to see so straunge a kynde of fyshyng."</p>
</div>
<p>The Spaniards were long behind their neighbours the Portuguese in prosecuting
the important task of eastern investigation. The Papal division of the world
between the discoverers of the two nations by the boundary of a certain
meridian, made them follow the line of exploration to the westward.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_lxvii" id="Page_lxvii">[lxvii]</a></span></p>
<p>The Father Andres de Urdaneta, who, previous to entering himself as a monk of
the order of the Augustins, had been a skilful navigator, persuaded Philip II to
realize the conquest of the Philippines, where the voyages and the life of the
celebrated Magellan were brought to a close. This prince consequently issued
orders to the viceroy of Mexico, to send out an expedition under the command of
a native of Mexico, named Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, and desired that Andres de
Urdaneta should accompany him, together with four other Augustines, viz., Diego
de Herrera, Martin de Herrada, Pedro de Gamboa, and Andres de Aguirre. The fleet
arrived in 1565 at the island of Zebu. On the 1st of June the same year, the
Father Andres de Urdaneta returned to Mexico. In 1566 Legaspi built the town of
Zebu, and the Augustines established a monastery as a station for their missions
among the natives. The Spaniards, pursuing their conquests, arrived in 1571 at
the island of Luzon, the most northerly and the largest of this archipelago:
Legaspi here founded the city of Manilla.</p>
<p>The work of conversion and civilization was scarcely begun, when the island
was engaged in a quarrel by the attacks of the Malays of Borneo and Mindanao.
These pirates, too cunning to venture on an open struggle, landed suddenly on
the coast, slaughtered or extorted money from the missionaries, and carried away
several of the natives, whom they afterwards sold as slaves. In 1574 a more
serious aggression diverted attention from the attacks of these pirates:<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_lxviii" id="Page_lxviii">[lxviii]</a></span>
a Chinese corsair, who was called King Limahon, appeared before Manilla. For a
long time he had resisted the squadrons of his emperor, but at last, vanquished
by numbers and forced to flee, he entertained the project of conquering Luzon
with seventy-two vessels, which carried two thousand soldiers, bold adventurers,
besides the sailors and one thousand five hundred women. They effected a landing
on the 29th of November 1574, just after Lopez de Legaspi had been appointed
governor-general of the Philippines. The corsairs marched against the Spanish
town, which they expected to surprise; but a little corps of advanced guard,
under the orders of Captain Velasquez, having given the garrison time to rally,
a general battle took place, and ended in the defeat of the Chinese. Limahon in
vain essayed to renew the attack: repulsed afresh, he took refuge at the mouth
of the river Lingayen, in Pangasinan, the northern province of Luzon. At the
time of his attack, he had been closely followed by a Chinese captain, charged
to watch him, and who had a conference with the Spanish governor. The latter
thought this a favourable occasion for introducing the Gospel into China. Having
sent for Alfonso de Alvarado, provincial of the Augustins, a venerable and holy
old man, one of those whom Charles V had sent to the discovery of New Guinea, he
told him to select missionaries for the Celestial Empire. The provincial in his
joy offered to go there himself, old as he was; but the governor would by no
means consent to this proposal. The choice fell upon Martin de<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_lxix" id="Page_lxix">[lxix]</a></span>
Herrada, or Rada, a native of Pampeluna, in Navarre, who had already filled the
office of provincial, and who burned with such desire to convert the Chinese,
that after having studied their language, he had made a proposal to some
merchants of that nation who had come to the Philippines, that they should carry
him as a slave to their country, where by this means he hoped to introduce the
knowledge of the Gospel. They chose also Friar Geronimo Marin, a native of
Mexico, a man equally distinguished for his piety and learning, and in company
with these two missionaries, who they hoped would be able to remain a
considerable time in China and to spread the knowledge of the Gospel there, they
sent two soldiers, who were to bring back news respecting the progress of the
mission. Besides other presents, the governor gave the Chinese captain all the
slaves of his nation which the Spaniards had taken from Limahon, who was at that
time held under blockade, to take them back free to their country. The 5th of
July 1575, the friars landed at Tansuso [Gan-hai], whence, on their way to visit
the governor of Chincheo [Tsiuen-cheu] they passed through the town of Tangoa
[Tong-gan] in China.<a name="FNanchor_6_6" id="FNanchor_6_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a>
The mandarin of Chincheo, of whom the captain who conducted them held his
commission, gave them a good reception; but as the ambassadors were sent by a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_lxx" id="Page_lxx">[lxx]</a></span>
simple lieutenant of the king of Spain, and not direct from the monarch, he
insisted that they should address him on their knees. This mandarin, after
having entertained them at a banquet, sent them with a good escort to the Tutan
or viceroy of the province. They then made a journey of thirty leagues, carried
in palanquins. At Aucheo [Focheou, so pronounced in the Fokien dialect] they
met with an honourable reception. Each of the monks received a present of six
pieces of silk tissue, which they crossed upon their breast in the manner of a
stole, and two bouquets of silver: the other members of the embassy also had
presents. As to the alliance proposed between Spain and China, and the
permission requested by the missionaries for the exercise of their apostolic
ministry, the viceroy referred them to the emperor. While waiting the reply from
Pekin, the monks bought many books in the Chinese language, and visited the
pagodas. The principal contained one hundred and eleven idols, all carved in
relief and gilded. Three in particular attracted their attention. The first was
a body with three heads, which looked at one another: they believed they saw in
it a vague symbol of the Trinity. The second was a woman who held a little
infant in her arms; they called her the Virgin Mother and the Divine Infant. The
third represented to them an apostle. The monks having been to examine the gates
of the city, this demand awakened the suspicions of the viceroy, who would
seldom permit them to go out after. Upon his desiring to see some piece of
writing<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_lxxi" id="Page_lxxi">[lxxi]</a></span>
by their hand, they copied for him the Lord's Prayer and the Ten Commandments,
putting the Chinese translation to the Spanish text; and the viceroy took great
pleasure in reading them. He only retarded their departure till the arrival of
the visitor of the province, who desired to see them. The curiosity of this
functionary once satisfied, he gave them rich presents for the Spanish governor
of the Philippines, saying that they might return when they brought Limahon dead
or alive. They then left Aucheo to return to Chincheo, where they made no
lengthened stay, the mandarin of this town attending them to the port of
Tansuso. After fresh entertainments, the Chinese captain who had brought them,
was charged with the task of reconducting them to Manilla, and they embarked on
the 14th of September 1575. <i>En route</i>, they learned that Limahon, who
had been blocked up by the Spaniards, had contrived to escape with part of his
troops, and had gained the island of Formosa.</p>
<p>The flight of Limahon disconcerted the Chinese captain who brought back the
missionaries, and who feared that he should be disgraced on this account when he
returned to China. This captain, to whom they explained the principal points of
the Christian faith, would have embraced it, had he not feared the punishment
inflicted in his country on those who forsake the national religion. He said
even that they would easily succeed in converting the Chinese, if they could
first gain over the emperor, by means of an embassy sent to him by the King of
Spain.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_lxxii" id="Page_lxxii">[lxxii]</a></span></p>
<p>Herrada, thus prevented from preaching, had not been idle during his stay in
China; he composed a vocabulary of the Chinese language, now apparently unknown,
and drew up a succinct account of his voyage, respecting which we translate some
very curious remarks by the Friar Geronimo de Ramon, in his <i>Republicas del
Mundo</i>. He says that this treatise fell into his hands, but was taken away
by some one, he could not tell by whom, and never returned to him; a
circumstance which caused him much annoyance, because he wished to write the <i>
Republic of China</i>; but it turned out, he says, the better for him, for he
wrote in consequence to the Licenciate Juan de Rada, Alcalde of the Upper Court
of Navarre and brother of Martin, who sent him a great number of interesting
papers of his brother's. He then proceeds to speak of the high respectability
and credibility of De Rada, on account of his rank and distinguished piety. An
original letter by De Rada, however, giving a succinct account of his embassy is
inserted by the Friar Gaspar de San Augustin, in his <i>Conquistas de las Islas
Philipinas</i>, to which we refer the reader for full accounts of all the
movements of those zealous preachers of the gospel in the Philippines and in
China at that early period.</p>
<p>De Rada's treatise formed the basis of the narrative compiled by Mendoza,
which is now republished. On his return from China, his ship being stranded on
the island of Bolinao, he and his companions were stript of everything and left
naked; but were saved by the providential arrival of a Spanish armament, which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_lxxiii" id="Page_lxxiii">[lxxiii]</a></span>
conducted them safe to Manilla, where he died in 1577.</p>
<p>His narrative was transmitted to Philip II, in the year 1576, by the hands of
his companion, the Friar Geronimo Marin, and the king consequently nominated
three ambassadors; viz., Marin, the Father Juan Gonzalez de Mendoza (the
compiler of the work now reprinted, a native of Toledo, and who had left the
career of a soldier for the garb of a monk of the order of St. Augustine), and
Father Francisco de Ortega: all these were Augustinians. They were dispatched to
Mexico for the purpose of making suitable additions to the costly presents
provided by the king; but the viceroy of Mexico, instead of favouring their
immediate departure, threw so many obstacles in the way, that it was not till
1584 that the embassy was carried out, and it ultimately proved a complete
failure.</p>
<p>Meanwhile the work of evangelization was not confined to the Augustinians.
Some Franciscans of the province of St. Joseph, in Spain, were sent to their
assistance, and among these Pedro de Alfaro, the narrative of whose adventures
is given by Mendoza in the second book of the second part. The place and date of
his birth are not recorded. We know only that he arrived in Manilla from Spain
on the 2nd July 1578, with fourteen brothers of his order, of which he was the
superior, to assume the post of chief "costodio" of the province of St. Gregory
in Luzon, and that he built a church in that city. On his arrival, he soon
became acquainted with the mission of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_lxxiv" id="Page_lxxiv">[lxxiv]</a></span>
Martin de Rada in China, and conceived an earnest desire to penetrate that
almost inaccessible empire. He therefore solicited permission for that purpose
from Francisco de Sande, Alcalde of the royal audience of Mexico, Governor of
the Philippines; but the failure of the former mission, and the fear of
compromising the newly opened relations between the countries, caused a refusal.
Upon this the zealous missionary resolved upon embarking without permission. He
took with him Juan Bautista de Pizaro, Augustin de Tordesilla, and Sebastiano de
Becotia, all three Franciscans, three Spanish soldiers, four natives of the
Philippines, and a young Chinese taken from Limahon, to serve as an interpreter.</p>
<p>Without any nautical experience, they trusted themselves to a little boat,
and managed to pass, as if by miracle, through the fleet of vessels which
guarded the coast, and entered the port of Canton. On being led before a judge
and asked what they sought, and how they had found their way, they freely stated
the facts, and announced that their wish was to teach the way to heaven to the
inhabitants of China. A native Christian, however, who acted as interpreter,
considering his and their safety rather than the truth, adroitly modified their
statement, and declared that they were holy men like the bonzes, that they had
had no idea of visiting China, but in sailing from the Philippines to the
Hilocos they had suffered shipwreck and lost most of their crew. Their only
resource had been this little bark, which had unexpectedly brought them into
this unknown<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_lxxv" id="Page_lxxv">[lxxv]</a></span>
port. The mandarin who examined them enquired what they had in the vessel, and
was told that they had no weapons or merchandize, but only their books and
articles used in their worship. He was much interested with the sight of these
when they were brought, but expressed surprise that they had been saved in such
a storm. The ingenious interpreter replied, that they had been saved as the most
valuable objects they possessed. The result of this examination was a formal
permission to land. They were not, however, allowed to preach. For some time
they suffered much from want, but were at length liberally supplied from the
public funds with the necessaries of life. Misrepresentations meanwhile were
made respecting them, which subjected them to a second lengthy examination,
which resulted in their being sent to Fucheou by order of the viceroy of that
city, in order that everything they possessed might be inspected. This journey
enabled them to make the observations on the country recorded by Mendoza in the
second volume. The viceroy asked them some questions and handed them over to his
deputy, who treated them with much courtesy. After a stay of several days in
Fucheou, the Timpintao or deputy sent them back to Canton, upon arriving at
which place they were ordered to prepare to leave the kingdom. This command, in
their then state of destitution, overwhelmed them with dismay, and they made
strenuous efforts, but without success, to gain some assistance in these trying
circumstances. Some of them received a licence to go to Macao, and others<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_lxxvi" id="Page_lxxvi">[lxxvi]</a></span>
to Luzon. Those who resolved upon returning to the Philippines proceeded to
Tsiuencheu, where they embarked, and reached Luzon on the 2nd February 1580.</p>
<p>The various and repeated disasters, consequent upon the zealous efforts of
these adventurous friars, may well explain the failure of the mission of which
Mendoza was a member. As a compensation for his failure, however, he adopted a
course which was calculated to be far more practically useful. He collected the
accounts of the various Portuguese and Spanish priests, which have been already
alluded to; viz., Gaspar da Cruz, Martin de Rada, Pedro de Alfaro, etc., and
brought them together into one volume for publication. In this task he must have
received valuable assistance from his colleague in the mission, Geronimo de
Marin, who, in company with De Rada, had been an eye-witness of the most
important facts detailed throughout the work. To these were added, as a sort of
appendix, an "Itinerario del Nuevo Mundo", in which is inserted a comparatively
short account of the adventures of another party of Franciscans in China, in the
year 1581, at the head of whom was Father Martin Ignazio [de Loyola], a relation
of the celebrated founder of the Jesuits. It is but a repetition of similar
disasters to those already recounted, the whole party narrowly escaping with
their lives.</p>
<p>The ill success of the Augustinians and Franciscans did not deter the
well-known perseverance of the Jesuits, who, of all the monkish orders, have<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_lxxvii" id="Page_lxxvii">[lxxvii]</a></span>
undoubtedly done the most for the diffusion of Christianity; and although it is
not our province here to relate the details of their progress, it appears but an
interesting sequel to the discouragements we have related, to mention the final
triumph of the eminent Matteo Ricci, in the year 1600, in gaining access to the
emperor at Pekin, and being finally permitted to settle in that capital. Nor can
we refrain in this place, and at this particular juncture of Chinese affairs,
from presenting the reader with the following translated extract from a letter
written by that distinguished man in 1584, together with some observations by
its recipient, one Geronimo Roman, factor of the Philippines at Macao. The
document referred to was first printed by M. Ternaux Compans, in his <i>
Archives des Voyages, ou collection d'anciennes relations inédites ou très-rares</i>,
and is, as he observes, especially curious for the suggestions it contains with
reference to the conquest of China. It is as follows:—</p>
<div class="blockquot">
<p>"The power of China rests rather upon the great number of towns and the
multitude of inhabitants, than upon the valour of the people. There are more
than sixty millions of rated persons inscribed on the royal registers, exclusive
of the public functionaries and those people who are too poor to pay taxes. All
the neighbouring kingdoms pay tribute to the King of China, excepting Japan,
which has freed itself recently; it is on this account that the Chinese are
accustomed to consider their country as the centre of the world, and to despise
all other nations. They are very much dreaded by all the kings in the vicinity,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_lxxviii" id="Page_lxxviii">[lxxviii]</a></span>
because they can assemble, in a moment, so considerable a fleet, that it
frightens them by the number of vessels; the Chinese, however, are but poor
warriors, and the military is one of the four conditions which are considered
mean among them. Nearly all the soldiers are malefactors, who have been
condemned to perpetual slavery in the king's service; they are only fit to war
with thieves. Thus, whenever two or three Japanese vessels happen to make a
descent upon the coast, the crews penetrate into the interior, even seize upon
the large towns, pillage and put everything to fire and sword, and no one dares
to resist them. But, being badly led themselves, they always end by falling into
some ambuscade, and very few of them return to Japan. It also happens sometimes
that brigands intrench themselves upon a mountain, in the interior of the
country, and all the force of the empire is insufficient to dislodge them. It is
said, moreover, that the Tartars ravage the frontiers of the empire; in short,
it appears to me the most difficult thing in the world to regard the Chinese as
warriors. They have no more spirit than women, and are ready to kiss the feet of
any one who shows his teeth at them. They spend two hours every morning in
combing and plaiting their hair. Running away is no dishonour with them; they do
not know what an insult is; if they quarrel they abuse one another like women,
seize each other by the hair, and when they are weary of scuffling become
friends again as before, without wounds or bloodshed. Moreover it is only the
soldiers who are<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_lxxix" id="Page_lxxix">[lxxix]</a></span>
armed; others are not permitted to have even a knife in their houses; in short,
they are only formidable from their numbers. The walls of the towns are, at
most, but fit to protect them from robbers; they are built without any
geometrical knowledge, and have neither <i>revers</i> nor ditches....</p>
<p>"The above is [an extract from] Father Resi [Ricci]'s letter forwarded to me
by Father Ruggiero; I think it necessary to add the following observations:—</p>
<div class="blockquot">
<p>"The King of China maintains a numerous fleet on this coast, although he is
not at war with any one. In an island called Lintao, which is situated near this
town [Macao], there is an arsenal, the director or haytao of which is
continually occupied in superintending the building and equipment of vessels.
The island furnishes timber, but every other necessary for them has to be
imported from the continent. There are always more than two hundred and fifty
armed vessels in this province of Canton, as far as Chincheo, where a separate
jurisdiction begins, and the coasts of which are guarded by another fleet. The
admiral has the title of Chunpin; it is a very high rank, although inferior to
the tutan; he has a numerous guard and many drums and trumpets, which make a
most agreeable music to the ears of the Chinese, but an insufferable din to
ours.</p>
<p>"These vessels go out a little when it is fine weather, but hasten back at
the least wind. They have some small iron guns, but none of bronze; their powder
is bad, and never made use of but in firing<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_lxxx" id="Page_lxxx">[lxxx]</a></span>
salutes; their arquebuses are so badly made that the ball would not pierce an
ordinary cuirass, especially as they do not know how to aim. Their arms are
bamboo pikes, some pointed with iron, others hardened by fire; short and heavy
scimitars, and cuirasses of iron or tin. Sometimes a hundred vessels are seen to
surround a single corsair, those which are to windward throw out powdered lime
to blind the enemy, and, as they are very numerous, it produces some effect.
This is one of their principal warlike stratagems. The corsairs are generally
Japanese or revolted Chinese.</p>
<p>"The soldiers of this country are a disgraceful set. The other day they had a
quarrel with some other Chinese who were carrying provisions to market, and beat
them; the latter went to complain to the governor of Macao, who caused forty
soldiers to be arrested and beaten with bamboos. They came out afterwards crying
like children. They are mean, spiritless, and badly armed knaves. There is
nothing formidable in thousands of such soldiers. Besides what can the soldiers
be in a country where their position is looked upon as dishonourable and
occupied by slaves. Our Indians of the Philippines are ten times more
courageous.</p>
<p>"With five thousand Spaniards, at the most, the conquest of this country
might be made, or at least of the maritime provinces, which are the most
important in all parts of the world. With half a dozen galleons, and as many
galleys, one would be master of all the maritime provinces of China, as well as
of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_lxxxi" id="Page_lxxxi">[lxxxi]</a></span>
all that sea and the archipelago which extends from China to the Moluccas."</p>
</div>
</div>
<p>Mendoza's work was first published at Rome in 1585, in a small octavo form,
under the following title:</p>
<div class="blockquot">
<p>"Historia de las cosas mas notables, ritos y
costumbres del gran reyno de la China, sabidas assi por los libros de los mesmos
Chinas, como por relacion de religiosos y otras personas que an estado en el
dicho reyno. Hecha y ordenada por el mvy R. P. Maestro Fr. Joan Gonzalez de
Mendoça de la orden de S. Agustin, y penitenciario appostolico a quien la
Magestad Catholica embio con su real carta y otras cosas para el Rey de aquel
reyno el año 1580. Al illustrissimo S. Fernando de Vega y Fonseca del consejo de
su Magestad y su presidente en el Real de las Indias. Con vn Itinerario del
nueuo Mundo. <i>Con privilegio y licencia de su Sanctidad.</i> En Roma, a
costa de Bartholome Grassi, 1585, en la stampa de Vincentio Accolti."</p>
</div>
<p>This edition, of which there is a copy in the British Museum, having on its
title-page the autograph of Sir Hans Sloane—is described by Brunet as "rare".
The text comprises four hundred and forty pages: it is preceded by the Latin
Privilege of Pope Sixtus V, dated June 13th; Mendoza's dedication to Fernando de
Vega, dated Rome, June 17th; a note or post-script "al lector", in which Mendoza
alludes to the recent receipt of letters from Father Andres de Aguirre,
provincial of the Philippines, conveying the startling intelligence that the
King of China and his subjects were ready and willing to embrace the Catholic<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_lxxxii" id="Page_lxxxii">[lxxxii]</a></span>
faith; this is followed by Mendoza's Preface to the reader, and two sonnets in
Spanish, the first entitled: "Soneto de ... en la reduçion del Reyno de la China
a la Iglesia Catholica." This interesting and important little volume is also
remarkable as being the first European work in which Chinese characters were
printed.</p>
<p>We learn from Brunet that two editions of the original Spanish were published
the following year (1586), one at Madrid, the other at Barcelona: it was again
printed at Medina del Campo in 1595, and at Antwerp in 1596.</p>
<p>An Italian translation by Francesco Avanzo was published at Venice in 1586,
8vo.; at Rome and Genoa in the same year, 4to.; and again at Venice in 1587, in
12mo.; 1588 and 1590 in 8vo.</p>
<p>The English and French translations appeared in the same year, viz., 1588;
the rare black-letter English version now reprinted, being made by Parke at the
instance of Hakluyt himself, as we learn from the translator's dedication to the
celebrated navigator Thomas "Candish" (Cavendish), which is dated on new-year's
day, 1589.</p>
<p>The French translation, which was made by Luc de la Porte, was reprinted at
Paris in 1589 and 1600; and with a slightly varied title at Geneva in 1606, at
Lyon in 1606, and at Rouen in 1604.</p>
<p>A Latin version by Marcus Henning was published at Frankfort in 1589, 8vo.;
and that by Joachimus Brulius appeared at Antwerp in 1655, 4to.</p>
<p>Adelung (<i>Fortsetzung zu Jöchers Lexikon</i>) states that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_lxxxiii" id="Page_lxxxiii">[lxxxiii]</a></span>
a German version was published at Frankfort in 1589, 4to.</p>
<p>On his return, as a recompense for his services, Mendoza was made bishop of
Lipari in 1593. In 1607 he went to America with the title of Vicar Apostolic,
and in the same year was made bishop of Chiapa; and in 1608 was translated to
the bishopric of Popayan. He was the author of several other works, historical
and theological. The year of his death is not exactly known, but it was about
the year 1620. Ossinger, in his <i>Bibliotheca Augustiniana</i>, describes him
as a most eminent historian, a very eloquent orator, and a highly accomplished
preacher.</p>
<h2 class="p6">THE HISTORIE OF THE<br /><br />
<span class="s09">GREAT AND MIGHTIE KINGDOME</span><br /><br />
<span class="s08">OF CHINA, AND THE SITUATION</span><br />
<span class="s07">THEREOF:</span><br /><br />
<br />
<span class="s09">Togither with the great riches, huge</span><br /><br />
<span class="s08">citties, politike gouernement, and</span><br /><br />
<span class="s07">rare inuentions in the same.</span></h2>
<div class="figcenter">
<img src="images/i089.jpg" width="167" height="93" alt="Decoration 1" />
</div>
<p class="center p2">Translated out of Spanish by <i>R. Parke</i>.</p>
<p class="center p6"><span class="s06">TO THE</span><br />
RIGHT WORSHIPFULL AND FAMOUS GENTLEMAN,<br />
M. THOMAS CANDISH, ESQUIRE, INCREASE OF<br />
HONOR AND HAPPIE ATTEMPTES.</p>
<p>It is now aboue fiue and thirty yeares passed, right worshipfull, since that
young, sacred, and prudent Prince, king Edward the sixt of happie memorie, went
about the discouerie of Cathaia and China, partly of desire that the good young
king had to enlarge the Christian faith, and partlie to find out some where in
those regions ample vent of the cloth of England, for the mischiefs that grew
about that time neerer home aswell by contempt of our commodities, as by the
arrestes of his merchantes in the Empire, Flanders, France, and Spaine:
forsseeing withall how beneficiall ample vent would rise to all degrees
throughout his kingdome, and specially to the infinite number of the poore sort
distressed by lacke of worke. And although by a voyage hereuppon taken in hande
for this purpose by Sir Hugh Willobie and Richard Chauncellour, a discouerie of
the bay of Saint Nicolas in Russia fell out, and a trade with the Muscouites,
and after another trade for a time with the Persians by way of the Caspian sea
ensued, yet the discouerie of the principall intended place followed not in his
time, nor yet since, vntill you tooke your happie and renowmed voyage about the
worlde in hande, although sundrie attemptes, at the great charges of diuers
honorable and well disposed persons, and good worshipfull merchants and others
haue beene made since the death of that good king, in seeking a passage thither
both by the North-east, and by the Northwest. But since it is so (as wee<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">[2]</a></span>
vnderstande) that your worshippe in your late voyage hath first of our nation in
this age discouered the famous rich ilandes of the Lu Zones, or Philippinas,
lying neare vnto the coast of China, and haue spent some time in taking good
view of the same, hauing brought home three boyes borne in Manilla, the chiefe
towne of the said Ilands, besides two other young fellowes of good capacitie,
borne in the mightie Iland of Iapon, (which hereafter may serue as our
interpretors in our first traficke thither), and that also your selfe haue
sailed along the coast of China, not farre from the Continent, and haue taken
some knowledge of the present state of the same, and in your course haue found
out a notable ample vent of our clothes, especially our kersies, and are in
preparing againe for the former voyage, as hee that would constantly perseuer in
so good an enterprise: we are to thinke that the knowledge and first discouerie
of the same, in respect of our nation, hath all this time beene by the Almightie
to you onely reserued, to your immortall glorie, and to the manifest shew of his
especiall fauour borne towards you, in that besides your high and rare attempt
of sailing about the whole globe of the earth, in so short a time of two yeares
and about two monethes, you have shewed your selfe to have that rare and
especiall care for your countrie, by seeking out vent for our clothes, that
ought vpon due consideration to moue many thousands of English subiects to pray
for you, and to loue and honor your name and familie for euer. For as you haue
opened by your attempt the gate to the spoile of the great and late mightie,
vniuersall, and infested enimie of this realme, & of al countries that professe
true religion: so haue you by your great care wrought a way to imploie the
merchants of Englande in trade, to increase our Nauie, to benefite our
Clothiers, and (your purpose falling out to your hoped effect) to releeue more
of the poorer sort, then all the hospitals and almes houses can or may, that
haue beene built in this realme, since the first inhabiting thereof.</p>
<p>And sir, if to this your late noble attempt, it might please you, by your
incouragement, and by the help of your purse to adde<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[3]</a></span>
your present furtherance for the passage to be discouered by the northwest, (for
proofe whereof there bee many infallible reasons, and diuerse great experiences
to be yeelded) our course with our commodities to the rich Iland of Iapon, to
the mightie empire of China, and to the Ilandes of the Philippinas, for the vent
that you haue found out, should be by the halfe way shortened, and you should
double and manyfolde treble the credite of your fourmer late enterprise, and
make your fame to mount, and yourself to liue for euer in a much higher degree
of glorie, then otherwise it might be, or that by any other mean you could
possibly deuise: In which action so highly importing the generall state of this
lande I haue perfect experience that many worshipfull and wealthie marchants of
this citie and other places would most willingly ioyne their purses with yours:
and to play the blabbe, I may tell you they attende nothing with greater desire
and expectation, then that a motion hereof being made by some happie man, your
selfe and they might friendly and seriously ioyne together for the full
accomplishing of this so long intended discouerie: And to descende to some
particulars, there is one speciall reason that giueth an edge vnto their
desires, proceeding from the late worthie attemptes of that excellent and
skilful pilot M. John Dauis, made for the search of the aforesaid northwest
passage these three late yeares, hauing entred into the same foure hundred
leagues further than was euer hitherto thoroughly knowen, and returned with an
exact description thereof, to the reasonable contentment for the time, of the
aduenturers, and chiefly of the worshipfull M. William Sanderson, whose
contributions thereunto, although they haue beene verie great and
extraordinarie, yet for the certaine hope or rather assurance that he conceiueth
vpon the report of the Captaine himselfe and all the rest of any skill employed
in these voyages, remayneth still constant, and is readie to disburse as yet to
the freshe setting on foote of this enterprise entermitted by occasion of our
late troubles, euen this yeare againe, for the finall perfection of so
profitable and honorable a discouerie, a farre greater portion then in reason
would<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[4]</a></span> be
required of any other man of his abilitie. And albeit, sir, that you haue taken
in your late voyage, besides the knowledge of the way to China, the intelligence
of the gouernement of the countrie and of the commodities of the territories and
prouinces of the same, and that at the full, according to the time of your short
abode in those partes, yet neuerthelesse for that of late more ample
vnderstanding hath beene in more length of time, by woonderfull great endeuour
taken by certaine learned Portingals and Spaniardes of great obseruation, and
not long agoe published in the Spanish tongue, I haue for the increase of the
knowledge of the subiectes of Englande, and specially for the illuminating of
the mindes of those that are to take the voyage next in hande to Iapan, China,
and the Philippinas, translated the same worke into English, and committed it to
print, passing ouer Paulus Venetus, and sir John Mandeuill, because they wrote
long agoe of those regions: which labour, to say trueth, I haue vndertaken at
the earnest request and encouragement of my worshipfull friend Master Richard
Hakluit late of Oxforde, a gentleman, besides his other manifolde learning and
languages, of singular and deepe insight in all histories of discouerie and
partes of cosmographie: who also for the zeale he beareth to the honour of his
countrie and countrimen, brought the same first aboue two yeares since ouer into
this court, and at this present hath in hande a most excellent and ample
collection of the sundrie trauailes and nauigations of our owne nation, a matter
long intended by him, and seruing to the like beneficiall and honorable purpose,
which I hope will shortly come to light to the great contentation of the wiser
sort.</p>
<p>In the meane season, hauing nowe at length finished according to my poore
skill and leasure this my translation, I thought best to dedicate and commende
the same to your worshipfull patronage, as the man that I holde most worthie of
the same, and most able of our nation to iudge aright of the contentes thereof,
and to correct the errors of the author whensoeuer you shall meete with them:
beseeching you to accept in good part the trauaile and good meaning<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[5]</a></span>
of the translator: and so wishing vnto you health, increase of knowledge, with
fortunate and glorious successe in your further couragious attempts, I leaue you
to the protection of the Almightie.</p>
<p class="i4">From London the first of Ianuarie 1589.</p>
<p class="i6">Your worships alwaies to command,</p>
<p class="i8"><span class="smcap">Robert Parke.</span></p>
<div class="figcenter p4">
<img src="images/i095.jpg" width="200" height="108" alt="Printer's Logo" />
</div>
<h2 class="p6"><span class="s08">THE PRINTER,<br />
TO THE CHRISTIAN READER.</span></h2>
<p>Whereas (good courteous Reader) in this historie describing the kingdome of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[6]</a></span>
China with the countries there adiacent, thou shalt finde many times repeated,
and that in some things too gloriously, the zeale of certaine Spanish Friers
that laboured in discouerie of the saide China, and the declaration of certaine
myracles (but falsely reported) by them to haue beene wrought, togither with
examples of diuerse their superstitious practices: which happily may giue
offence vnto some in reading: thou must vnderstande that this is to be rather
imputed vnto the first writer of this historie in Spanish, than to any fault of
mine: for the Spaniardes (following their ambitious affections) doo vsually in
all their writinges extoll their owne actions, euen to the setting forth of many
vntruthes and incredible things: as in their descriptions of the conquestes of
the east and west Indies, etc., doth more at large appeare. Notwithstanding all
which, our translator (as it seemeth) hath rather chosen to be esteemed <i>
fidus interpres</i>, in truely translating the historie as it was, though
conteyning some errors, then to be accounted a patcher or corrupter of other
mens workes.</p>
<p>But howsoeuer either our first authour, or the translator, haue shewed
themselues affectioned, sure I am that the knowledge of this kingdome will not
onely be pleasant, but also verie profitable to our English nation: and by
playing the good Bee, in onely accepting herein that which is good, I doubt not,
but the reading of this historie will bring thee great contentment, and delight.</p>
<p style="text-align: right"><span class="smcap">Vale. </span></p>
<h2 class="p6"><span class="s08">THE HISTORIE</span><br />
<span class="s05">OF THE</span><br />
<span class="s08">MIGHTIE KINGDOME OF CHINA,</span><br />
<span class="s06">IN THE WHICH IS CONTAINED THE NOTABLE THINGS<br />
OF THAT KINGDOME, TOUCHING THAT WHICH<br />
IS NATURALL.</span></h2>
<hr class="l15" />
<p class="chapter">CHAP. I.</p>
<p class="intro">The description of the kingdome and the confines that it hath belonging.</p>
<p>This great and mightie kingdome of China, which we do meane to treat of in
this Historie, hath beene discouered by cleere and true notice, within this
tenne yeares, by Spanyards that were dwellers in the Ilands Philippinas, that
are three hundreth leagues distant from the said kingdome: Notwithstanding, that
long time before, there was relation giuen, by way of the Portingall Indias, by
such as dwelt in Macao, and did trafike to Canton, a citie of the same kingdome
of China. But this was by relation so, that the one nor the other could
satisfie, for that there was founde varietie in that which was true, till the
yeere of 1577. Frier Martin de Gorrada,<a name="FNanchor_7_7" id="FNanchor_7_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a>
prouincial of the Augustine friers, who were the first discouerers of the said
Ilands Philippinas, and ministred first the holy baptisme amongst them, with his
companions, frier Hieronimo Martin, Pedro Sarmiento, and Myghell de Loarcha,
cheefe officers of the citie of Marrila<a name="FNanchor_8_8" id="FNanchor_8_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a>
in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[8]</a></span> said
Ilands, by the order and commandement of Guido de Labassares, gouernour thereof,
did enter into the saide kingdome of China, led and gouerned by a captaine
belonging to the king of the said kingdome, called Omoncon.</p>
<p>Of the comming of this Omoncon vnto the Ilands Philippinas, and of his
hardines to carrie the aforesaid vnto the firme land, he being commanded to the
contrarie vpon paine of death, and how he was receiued, and great courtesie
shewed, and of other things verie curious, you shall finde in the second part of
this historie, where as is the substance and whole relation of all that was
brought vnto the king of Spaine.</p>
<p>You shall vnderstande that this mightie kingdome is the Orientalest part of
all Asia, and his next neighbour towards the Ponent is the kingdome of
Quachinchina,<a name="FNanchor_9_9" id="FNanchor_9_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a>
whereas they doo obserue in whole all the customes and rites of China. The
greatest part of this kingdome is watred with the great Orientall Ocean sea,
beginning at the Iland Aynan,<a name="FNanchor_10_10" id="FNanchor_10_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a>
which is hard by Quachinchina, which is 19 degrees towards the North, and
compassing towards the South, whereas their course is northeast. And beyond
Quachinchina towards the North, the Bragmanes<a name="FNanchor_11_11" id="FNanchor_11_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a>
do confine, which are much people, and verie rich, of golde, siluer, and
pretious stones, but in especiall, rubies: for there are infinit. They are
proude and hawtie men, of great corage, wel made, but of browne colour: they
haue had (but few times) warre with them of China, in respect for that betwixt
both the kingdomes, there are great and mightie mountaines and rockes that doth
disturbe them. And harde vnto this nation ioyneth the Patanes<a name="FNanchor_12_12" id="FNanchor_12_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a>
and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[9]</a></span> Mogores,<a name="FNanchor_13_13" id="FNanchor_13_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a>
which is a great kingdome, and warlike people, whose head<a name="FNanchor_14_14" id="FNanchor_14_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a>
is the Gran Samarzan:<a name="FNanchor_15_15" id="FNanchor_15_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a>
They are the true Scythas or Massagetas, of whom it is affirmed that they were
neuer ouercome by any other nation: they are a people well proportioned and
white: by reason they dwel in a cold countrie. Betwixt the West and the South is
the Trapobana, or Samatra, a kingdome very rich of gold, pretious stones, &
pearles: and more towards the South, are the two Iauas, the great and the lesse,
and the kingdome of the Lechios:<a name="FNanchor_16_16" id="FNanchor_16_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a>
and in equall distance, are the Iapones: yet notwithstanding those that are more
indifferent to this kingdome are the Tartarians, which are on the selfe firme
land or continent, and are alonely diuided by a wal, as shal be declared in the
9 chapter of this booke. These Tartarians haue had many times wars with them of
China: but at one time (as you shall perceive) they got the whole kingdome of
China, and did possesse the same for the space of 93 yeares, till such time as
they of China did rebell and forced them out again. At this day they say that
they are friends one with another, and that is, for that they bee all Gentiles,
and do vse all one manner of ceremonies and rites. They doo differ in their
clenes<a name="FNanchor_17_17" id="FNanchor_17_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a>
and lawes, in the which the Chinas doth exceede them very much. The Tartarians
are very yellow and not so white: and they go naked from the girdlested vpwards,
and they eate raw flesh, and do annoint themselues with the blood of raw flesh,
for to make them more harder and currish, by reason whereof they doo so stinke,
that if the aire doth come from that part where they be, you shall smel them
afar off by the strong sauor. They haue for certainty, the truth of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[10]</a></span>
the immortalitie of the soule (although it be with error), for they say that the
soule doth enter into other bodies, and that soule that liued well in the first
bodie, doth better it from poore to rich, or from age to youth: and if it liued
evill, to the contrarie in worse. The sons of the Tartarians do very much
obserue and keepe the commandement in obeying their parents, for that they doo
wholly accomplish the same without failing any iot of their will, vnder paine to
be seuerly and publikelie punished. They confess one God, whom they worship, and
haue him in their houses carved or painted, and every day they doe offer vnto it
incense, or some other sweet smelles: they do call him the high God, and do
craue of him vnderstanding and health. They haue also another god, which they
say is son vnto the other; they do call him Natigay: this is their god of
terestriall things. They haue him likewise in their houses, and every time they
go to eate they doo annoint his face with the fattest thing they haue to eate:
that being doone they fall to eating, hauing first giuen their gods their
pitance. They are a kinde of people that verie seldome doo fable a lie, although
their liues should lie thereon, and are verie obedient vnto their king: but in
speciall in their warres, in the which euerie one doth that he is appointed to
doo: they are led by the sound of a drome or trumpet, with the which their
captaines do gouerne them with great ease, by reason that they are trained vp in
the same from their youth. And many other things are amongst them, in the which
they do resemble them of China, (who) if they did receiue the faith of our Lord
Jesu Christ, it is to be belieued that the Tartarians would do the same, for
that they are taken for men very ducible, and do imitate verie much them of
China.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[11]</a></span></p>
<hr class="l15" />
<p class="chapter">CHAP. II.</p>
<p class="intro">Of the temperature of the kingdome of China.</p>
<p>The temperature of this mightie kingdome is diuersly, by reason that almost
the whole bignesse therof is from the south to the north, in so great a length
that the iland of Aynan being neere vnto this land, in 19 degrees of altitude,
have notice of some prouinces that are in more than 50 degrees, and yet they do
vnderstand that beyond that there bee more vpon the confines of Tartaria. It is
a strange thing to be seene, the strange and great difference betwixt the
colours of the dwellers of this kingdome. In Canton, a mightie citie, whereas
the Portingales had ordinarie trafficke with them of China, for that it was nigh
vnto Macao, where as they had inhabited long since, and from whence they do
bring all such merchandise as is brought into Europe. There is seene great
diuersities in the colours of such people as doe come thither to trafficke, as
the said Portingales do testifie.</p>
<p>Those which are borne in the citie of Canton, and in al that cost, are browne
people, like vnto them in the citie of Fez or Barbarie, for that all the whole
countrie is in the said paralel that Barberie is in. And they of the most
prouinces inwards are white people, some more whiter than others, as they draw
into the cold countrie. Some are like vnto Spanyards, and others more yealow,
like vnto the Almans,<a name="FNanchor_18_18" id="FNanchor_18_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_18_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a>
yelow and red colour.</p>
<p>Finally, in all this mightie kingdome, to speake generally, they cannot say
that there is much cold or much heat, for that the geographers do conclude and
say it is temperate, and is vnder a temperate clime, as is Italy or other
temperate countries, wherby may be vnderstood the fertilitie of the same, which
is (without doubt) the fertilest in all the world,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[12]</a></span>
and may compare with the Peru and Nuoua Espannia, which are two kingdomes
celebrated to be most fertill: and for the verification, you shall perceiue in
this chapter next folowing, wherin is declared such things as it doth yeeld and
bring forth, and in what quantitie. And yet aboue all things (according unto the
sayings of fryer Herrada,<a name="FNanchor_19_19" id="FNanchor_19_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_19_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a>
prouinciall, and his companions, whose relation I will follow in the most part
of this hystorie, as witnesses of sight), vnto whom we may giue certaine
credite, without any exception. They say that the countrie is so full of youth
that it seemeth the women are deliuered euery moneth, and their children, when
they are little, are extreame faire; and the country is so fertill and fat, that
it yeldeth fruit three or four times in the yeere, which is the occasion that
all things is so good cheape, that almost it seemeth they sell them for nothing.</p>
<hr class="l15" />
<p class="chapter">CHAP. III.</p>
<p class="intro">Of the fertilitie of this kingdome, and of such fruits and other things
as it doth yeld.</p>
<p>The inhabitants in this countrie are perswaded, of a truth, that those which
did first finde and inhabite in this lande, were the nevewes of Noe (who, after
they had traueiled from Armenia, wheras the arke stayed, wherin God did preserue
their grandfather from the waters of the flood), went seeking a land to their
contentment; and not finding a countrie of so great fertilitie and temperature
like vnto this, wherein was all things necessarie for the life of man, without
comparison: they were compelled, with the aboundance thereof, to inhabite
therein, vnderstanding that if they should search throughout all the world, they
should not finde the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[13]</a></span>
like; and I thinke they were not deceiued, according as now it is to be seene,
and what may be considered in the proces of this chapter, of such fruits as the
earth doth yeeld. And although there is declared here of such as shall suffice
in this worke, yet is there left behind a great number more; of whose
properties, as well of herbes and beasts, which of their particulars may be made
a great volume, and I doo beleeue that in time there will be one set forth.</p>
<p>The great trauell and continual laboure of the inhabitants of this countrie,
is a great helpe vnto the goodnes and fertilitie therof, and is so much that
they do neither spare nor leaue mountains nor vallies, neither riuers, but they
do sow and plant all such things as they perceiue that the place wil yeeld,
according unto the goodnesse thereof: as orchards with fruite, great fields of
wheat, barlie, rice, flaxe and hempe, with many other things: all which traueile
vnto them is verie easie, remembering with what great libertie they do inioy
their goods, and the great and infinit number of people that there is, as well
for handie craftes as for to till and cultiuate the grounde. In all this mightie
countrie they do not suffer vacabunds nor idle people, but all such (ouer and
aboue that they are greeuouslie punished), they are holden for infamous: neither
doo they consent nor permit any of them that are naturally borne there to go out
of their countries into other strange countries; neither haue they any wars at
this present, which was the thing that in times past did consume much of their
people. The king dooth content himselfe onely with his owne kingdome (as one
that is helde the wisest in all the world). Beside all this, they are naturally
inclined to eate and drinke wel, and to make much of themselves in apparel, and
to haue their houses well furnished with household stuffe; and to the augmenting
hereof, they do put themselues in great labor and trauaile, and are great
dealers and trafickers: al which, with the fertilitie of the countrie aboue
said, is the occasion that iustlie it might<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[14]</a></span>
haue the name to be the most fertilest in all the whole world.</p>
<p>This country doth yeeld all kind of herbs, as doth Spaine, and of many kindes
mo: also all manner of fruites, like as in Spaine, with diuers other sorts, the
names whereof are not yet knowne, for that they do differ very much from ours;
but yet the one and the other are of a marueilous excellent tast, as they doo
say. They haue three sorts of orenges, the one verie sweete, which doth exceede
sugar in their sweetnesse: the other sort not so sweet as the first: the third
sort are somewhat sower, but verie delightfull in the tast. Also they haue a
kinde of plummes<span class="sidenote">Excellent plummes.</span>, that they doo
call <i>lechias</i>,<a name="FNanchor_20_20" id="FNanchor_20_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_20_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a>
that are of an exceeding gallant tast, and neuer hurteth any body, although they
shoulde eate a great number of them. It yeldeth great aboundance of great
melons, and of an excellent sauour and tast, and verie bigge. Also a kinde of
russet appels that be very great, of a good tast. I doo not heere declare of
other fruites, nor of their names, because I will not seeme tedious vnto the
reader, nor spende the time herein, but will treat of other things of more
importance.</p>
<p>In all parts of this kingdome there is great store of sugar<span class="sidenote">Excellent white sugar good cheape.</span>, which is the
occasion that it is so good cheape: for you shall have a quintal of verie
excellent white and good sugar, when it is most deerest, for the value of sixe
ryals of plate. There is great abundance of honie, for that their delight is in
hiues, by reason whereof not only honie<span class="sidenote">Honie and wax.</span>, but waxe is very good cheape; and there
is so great quantity therof, that you may lade ships, yea fleetes thereof. They
do make great store of silke<span class="sidenote">Excellent good silke.</span>, and excellent good, and give it verie perfite
colours, which dooth exceed very much the silke of Granada, and is one of the
greatest trades that is in all that kingdome.</p>
<p>The veluets, damaskes, sattens, and other sortes of webs, which is there
made, is of so small a price, that it is a wonder to speake it, in especiall
unto them that doo know how their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[15]</a></span>
prises be in Spaine and in Italie. They do sell none of their silkes there by
the yard, neither any other kinde of websterie, though it be lynnen; but by the
waight, wherein there is least deceit. They haue great store of flaxe<span class="sidenote">Great store of flaxe and hempe.</span>, wherwith
the common people doo apparell themselues: also hempe for the cawlking of their
ships, and to make ropes and hasers. And on their drie and tough landes,
although they be stonie, they gather great stoore of cotton wooll<span class="sidenote">Cotton, wool, wheat, and barlie, rie, oates.</span>. They doo sowe
wheate, barlie, rye, and oates, and manie other kindes of graine; and the one
and the other doo yeelde great increase. In the marrish groundes (of which there
be many), by reason of moyst and great aboundance of riuers that be in this
countrie, they doo sowe rice<span class="sidenote">Great abundance of rice.</span>, which is a common victuall or maintiniment vnto
all people of the kingdome, and vnto them that dwell neere them; and they doo
gather so greate aboundance that when it is most dearest you shall haue a haneg<a name="FNanchor_21_21" id="FNanchor_21_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_21_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a>
for a ryall of plate: of the which, and of all other graines aforesaid, the
countrie was woont to yeeld them, and foure times in the yeere there increase.</p>
<p>On their high grounds, that are not good to be sowne, there is great store of
pine trees, which yeelde fruite very sauorie: chestnuts<span class="sidenote">Chestnuts.</span> greater, and of better
tast, then commonly you shall finde in Spaine: and yet betwixt these trees they
do sow maiz, which is the ordinarie foode of the Indians of Mexico and Peru, and
great store of panizo,<a name="FNanchor_22_22" id="FNanchor_22_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_22_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a>
so that they doe not leaue one foote of grounde vnsowen. And of trueth, almost
in all the whole countrie, you shall not finde any ground that is barren or
without profite, what by the naturall vertue of the country, and also by the
manuring and helping of it.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[16]</a></span></p>
<hr class="l15" />
<p class="chapter">CHAP. IV.</p>
<p class="intro">Here I do proceed in the fertilitie of this kingdome, and of such things
as it doth yeeld.</p>
<p>Besides the fertilitie of this countrie beforesaide, all the fields be verie
faire to behold, and yeelde maruelous odoriferous smelles, by reason of the
great quantitie of sweete flowers of diuers sorts. It is also garnished with the
greene trees that be planted by the riuers sides and brookes, whereof there is
great quantitie. And there is planted there orchards and gardens, with banketing
houses of great pleasure, the which they doo vse verie much for their recreation
and auoiding the troubles of minde. The Loytias, or gentlemen, doo vse to plant
great forrests and thicke woods, whereas doo breed many wilde boores, bucks,
hares, and conyes, and diuers other beasts<span class="sidenote">All kind of beasts.</span>: of whose skins they make very
excellent furres<span class="sidenote">Excellent furres, muske.</span>, but in especiall of <i>martas ceuellias</i>,<a name="FNanchor_23_23" id="FNanchor_23_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_23_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a>
of which there is a great number. There is great aboundance of muske, the which
they do make of a little beast that doth feede of nothing else but of a roote
which is of a maruellous smell, that is called camarus, as big as a man's
finger. They do take them and beat them with blowes till they be brused all to
peeces; then they do put them in a place whereas they may soonest putrifie; but
first they do bind very fast such parts whereas the blood may run out of their
brused bones, all to peces, remaining within them. Then after, when they thinke
they be putrified, then they do cut out smal peeces, with skinne and all, and
tie them vp like bals or cods, which the Portugals (who doth by them) do call <i>
papos</i>: and this is the finest that is brought out of all Indies (if there
be no deceit vsed in it), for many times they will put amongst it small peeces
of lead, and other things of weight. There is also great store<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[17]</a></span>
of kyne, that are so little worth that you may buy a very good one for eight
rials of plate; and beefes<span class="sidenote">Great store of beefes.</span>, that are bought for halfe the mony: one whole
venison is bought for two rials; great store of hogs, whose flesh is as holsome
and good as our mutton in Spaine. There is great aboundance of goates<span class="sidenote">Deere, hogs, and goates.</span>, and of
other beasts that are to be eaten, which is the occasion that they are of little
value. The flying foules that doo breed about the lakes and riuers are of so
great quantitie<span class="sidenote">Great store of wildfoule.</span> that there is spent daily, in small villages in that countrie,
many thousands, and the greatest sort of them are teales. The fashion how they
do breed and bring them vp shal be declared in a chapter particularly; for that
which is said shal not seeme impossible. They be sold by waight<span class="sidenote">Foule solde by waight.</span>, and likewise
capons and hens, and for so smal value that two pounds of their flesh being
plucked, is worth ordinarily two Foys, which is a kinde of mony like vnto the
quartes<a name="FNanchor_24_24" id="FNanchor_24_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_24_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a>
of Spaine; hogs flesh, two pounds for a Foy and a halfe, which is six marauadiz.
Likewise all other victuals after the same rate, as it doth plainly appeare by
the relation made by the friers.</p>
<p>There are also many herbs for medicines, as very fine reubarbe<span class="sidenote">Reubarbe and other medicinall hearbs.</span>,
and of great
quantitie, and wood called Palo de China; great store of nutmegs, with the which
they may lade fleetes, and of so lowe a price that you may buy foure hundreth
for a ryall of plate; and cloues, sixe pound for halfe a ryall of plate; and the
<span class="sidenote">Foure hundred of nutmegs for six-pence. Cloues, sixe pound for 3 pence; the like of pepper.</span>
like in pepper. Synamon, one rowe, which is 25 pound, for four ryals of plate,
and better cheape. I do leave to speake of many other hearbs medicinable and
profitable for the vse of man: for that if I should write the particular vertue
of euerie of them, it would require a great volume. Of fish, both swimming and
shell fish of all sorts, that they haue with them is to be wondred at: not onely
vpon the sea coasts, but also in the remote places of that kingdome, by reason
of the great riuers, which be nauigable vnto such places. Besides all this it<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[18]</a></span>
is verie rich of mines of golde and siluer, and other mettals, the which (gold
and siluer excepted) they do sell it so good cheape that a quintal of copper,
<span class="sidenote">Mines of gold and siluer and other mettals. Iron and
Steele 4 shilling a quintal. Siluer is worth more than gold. Great store of
pearles.</span>
yron, or steele is to be bought for eight rials of plate. Gold is better cheape
there then it is in Europe, but siluer is more woorth. There is founde great
store of pearles in all this kingdome: but the most part of them are not rounde,
by the which you may gather and vnderstande the goodnesse and fertilitie of the
same. And that the first that did discouer and inhabite that kingdome were not
deceiued, for that they founde all things necessarie vnto the preseruing of the
life of man, and that in aboundance: for the which, with iust reason, the
inhabitants may thinke themselues to possesse the best and fertilest kingdome in
all the whole world.</p>
<hr class="l15" />
<p class="chapter">CHAP. V.</p>
<p class="intro">Of the antiquitie of this kingdome.</p>
<p>As before is said, this kingdome is of so ancient antiquity, that there is
opinion that the first that did inhabite this countrie, were the neuewes of Noe.
But the light which is found in the histories of China, is that from the time of
Vitey, who was their first king, and did reduce their kingdome vnto an empire,
and hath and doth indure vnto the king that now rayneth: as you shall vnderstand
in the place where we shall make mention of the kings of that countrie, whereas
you shal vnderstand by iust computations, that vnto this day, there hath rayned,
naturall and vsurped, to the number of 243 kings<span class="sidenote">243 kings.</span>. The sonne doth succeede the
father in the kingdome, and for want of a sonne, the next kinsman doth succeed:
and for that they do take (after the vse of the emperors of Turkie) so many
wiues as pleaseth them: it seldome falleth out to lacke heires, for that the
first sonne that is borne of either of his wiues is right heire vnto the
kingdome: and the rest of his sonnes he doth appoint them<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[19]</a></span>
cities where as they do dwel priuately: and there they are prouided of all
things necessarie for them, conformable vnto their degrees, with expresse
commission vpon paine of death neuer to go out of them, neither to returne vnto
the court, except they be sent for by the king. So after this conclusion, all
those that are kinsfolke vnto the king, are resident and kept in a mightie and
populous citie, called Causi,<a name="FNanchor_25_25" id="FNanchor_25_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_25_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a>
whereas those whome the king and his counsel do thinke and see to be men of
great wisdome, or giuen to martiall affaires, they doo commande that they neuer
goe forth of their houses, to auoide occasions of suspition whereby might grow
alterations and treasons against the king. The dwelling places of these
prouinces, are mightie and of a huge bignesse: for that within the compasse of
them, they haue all manner of contentment necessary for them: as gardens,
orchards, fishing ponds of diuers sorts, parkes and groues, in the which are all
kinde flying foules, fish and beasts, as are to be found in the mountaines and
riuers. And it is walled round about with a stone wall, so that euery house of
these seemeth to be a towne. They giue themselues much vnto musike, wherewith
they doo passe away the time. And for that they are giuen to pleasure and ease,
they are commonly corpulent and fatte, verie faire conditioned and quiet,
liberall vnto strangers. These princes, in what place soeuer they are, the
gouernours of the cities are bound to visite them euery festiuall day. Likewise
if they doo passe on horsebacke by their doores, they must alight and walke on
foote while they haue passed it: and if they be borne in a litle chaire,
likewise to come out of the same, and to walk on foote with silence, till they
be past. And for that they shall not plead ignorance, the gates of these princes
houses are all painted red: so that they being brought vp from their youth, in
this straight, close, and idle life, it is not vnto them tedious, but dooth
rather reioyce in the same.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[20]</a></span></p>
<hr class="l15" />
<p class="chapter">CHAP. VI.</p>
<p class="intro">The bignesse of this kingdome of China, and of such measures
as they do vse in trauaile.</p>
<p>This mightie kingdome, which we commonly call China, without knowing any
cause or foundation wherefore we should so cal it, those countries neere ioyning
vnto the same, do call it Sangley: and they in their naturall toonge do cal it
Taybiner,<a name="FNanchor_26_26" id="FNanchor_26_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_26_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a>
the which is to be vnderstood, nothing but a kingdome: and is the most biggest
and populous that is mentioned in all the world, as it shalbe apparant in the
discourse of this hystorie, and in the wonderfull things that shalbe treated of
in the next chapter following. All the which is taken out of the bookes and
hystories of the said Chinos, whereas they do make mention of the mightinesse
thereof, and of the 15 prouinces that are comprehended in the same: the which
bookes and hystories were brought vnto the citie of Manilla, printed and set
forth in China, and were translated into the Spanish toong, by interpreters of
the saide nations. And for that they were baptised and became Christians, they
remaine as dwellers amongst vs in these ilandes, the better to obserue and keepe
the lawes of baptisme, and to flie the paine and punishment the which they
should receiue for dooing the same: for that they turned Christians and receiued
the faith without the license of the king and counsell, which is forbidden vppon
paine of death, and is executed with great violence, and without remission. This
mightie kingdome is in circuit or compasse about 69516 die,<a name="FNanchor_27_27" id="FNanchor_27_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_27_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a>
which is a kind of measure that they do vse: which being reduced into the
Spanish account, is almost<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[21]</a></span>
3000 legues, and in length 1800 leagues, this is to be vnderstood the whole 15
<span class="sidenote">The China is in compass 3000 leagues and 1800 leagues
long.</span>
prouinces: the which are garnished with many cities and townes, besides a great
number of villages, as you may plainely see in the chapter following. By the
said booke, it is found that the Chinos haue amongst them but only three kind of
measures: the which in their language are called <i>lii</i>, <i>pu</i>, and <i>
icham</i>, which is as much as to say, or in effect, as a forlong, league, or
iorney: the measure which is called <i>lii</i>, hath so much space as a mans
voice in a plaine grounde may bee hearde in a quiet day, halowing or whoping
with all the force and strength he may: and ten of these <i>liis</i> maketh a <i>
pu</i>, which is a great Spanish league: and ten <i>pus</i> maketh a dayes
iourney, which is called <i>icham</i>, which maketh 12 long leagues. By the
which account it is founde that this kingdome hath the number of leagues as
afore is saide: yet, by the account of other bookes, they do finde it bigger and
of more leagues. Yet frier Martin de Herrada, prouinciall of the Austen friers
in the Ilands Philippinas, who is an excellent geometrician and cosmographer,
did cast the account with great diligence, by their owne descriptions, and doth
finde it to amount vnto the sum aforesaid, to be 1800 leagues long and 3000
leagues in compasse, beginning at the prouince of Olam, which is that towards
the south, and nearest vnto Malacia,<a name="FNanchor_28_28" id="FNanchor_28_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_28_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a>
and so alongst the countrie towards the north east for the space of 600 leagues.</p>
<hr class="l15" />
<p class="chapter">CHAP. VII.</p>
<p class="intro">Of the 15 prouinces that are in this kingdome.</p>
<p>This mightie kingdome is diuided into fifteene prouinces, that euery one of
them is bigger then the greatest kingdome<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[22]</a></span>
that we doo vnderstand to be in all Europe. Some doo esteeme those cities to be
metropolitans, where as is resident, the gouernors, presidents, or viz rées,
which in their natural toong are called Cochin: of the prouinces, two of them,
which are called Tolanchia and Paguia, are gouerned by the king in person with
his royall counsel. The occasion why the king is alwayes resident or abiding in
one of these two prouinces which are two of the mightiest and most popularst of
people, is not for that in them he is most at his content, or receiue more
pleasure in them then in any of the other: but onely for that they doo confine
vpon the kingdome of Tartaria, with whom in times past they had ordinary and
continuall wars: and for that the king might with more ease put remedie in such
harmes receiued, and defend with better oportunitie the rage of his enimie, he
did ordaine and situate his pallace and court in them two. And for that it hath
beene of antiquitie many yeeres past, it hath remained hitherto, and appeareth
to continue still the habitation of the kings of that kingdome, as by desert for
the excellencie of the clime, and aboundance of all things necessarie.</p>
<p>The names of the fifteene prouinces are as followeth:—Paguia,<a name="FNanchor_29_29" id="FNanchor_29_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_29_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a>
Foquiem,<a name="FNanchor_30_30" id="FNanchor_30_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_30_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a>
Olam,<a name="FNanchor_31_31" id="FNanchor_31_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_31_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a>
Sinsay,<a name="FNanchor_32_32" id="FNanchor_32_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_32_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a>
Sisuam,<a name="FNanchor_33_33" id="FNanchor_33_33"></a><a href="#Footnote_33_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a>
Tolanchia,<a name="FNanchor_34_34" id="FNanchor_34_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_34_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a>
Cansay,<a name="FNanchor_35_35" id="FNanchor_35_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_35_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a>
Oquiam,<a name="FNanchor_36_36" id="FNanchor_36_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_36_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a>
Aucheo,<a name="FNanchor_37_37" id="FNanchor_37_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_37_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a>
Honan,<a name="FNanchor_38_38" id="FNanchor_38_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_38_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a>
Xanton,<a name="FNanchor_39_39" id="FNanchor_39_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_39_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a>
Quicheu,<a name="FNanchor_40_40" id="FNanchor_40_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_40_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a>
Chequeam,<a name="FNanchor_41_41" id="FNanchor_41_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_41_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a>
Susuam,<a name="FNanchor_42_42" id="FNanchor_42_42"></a><a href="#Footnote_42_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a>
and Saxij.<a name="FNanchor_43_43" id="FNanchor_43_43"></a><a href="#Footnote_43_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a>
Almost all these prouinces,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[23]</a></span>
but in particular tenne of them which are alongst the sea costs, are full of
deepe riuers of sweete water and navigable, vpon whose branches are situated
many cities and townes, whereof you may not onely haue the number of them, but
also their names: for that these Chinos are so curious people, that in their
books are named besides the cities and townes, the banketing houses and houses
of pleasure, which the gentlemen haue for their recreation. And for that it will
be more trouble than profite to inlarge any further in this matter, I will refer
it vnto the next chapter, where I will intreate of the cities and townes that
either of these prouinces hath, and pass ouer all the rest, as not necessarie;
for our intent is to set forth the bignes of this kingdome.</p>
<hr class="l15" />
<p class="chapter">CHAP. VIII.</p>
<p class="intro">Of the cities and townes that every one of these prouinces hath in
himselfe.</p>
<p>These fifteene prouinces, which with better truth might be called kingdomes,
according vnto the greatnes of them, as you may perceiue by the number of cities
and townes that each of them hathe, besides villages, the which if I should adde
herevnto, would be an infinite number.</p>
<p>The number of cities and townes that euery prouince hath. First, the prouince
of Paguia, where as ordinarily the king and his counsel is resident, hath 47
cities and 150 townes.</p>
<table summary="Provincial Cities">
<tr>
<td>Canton</td>
<td>hath 37 cities and 190 townes.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Foquien</td>
<td>hath 33 cities and 99 townes.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Olam</td>
<td>hath 90 cities and 130 townes.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Synsay</td>
<td>hath 38 cities and 124 townes.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Sisuan</td>
<td>hath 44 cities and 150 townes.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Tolanchia</td>
<td>hath 51 cities and 123 townes.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Cansay</td>
<td>hath 24 cities and 112 townes.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Ochian</td>
<td>hath 19 cities and 74 townes.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Ancheo</td>
<td>hath 25 cities and 29 townes.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Honan</td>
<td>hath 20 cities and 102 townes.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Xaton</td>
<td>hath 37 cities and 78 townes.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Quicheu</td>
<td>hath 45 cities and 113 townes.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Chequeam</td>
<td>hath 39 cities and 95 townes.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Susuan</td>
<td>hath 42 cities and 105 townes.</td>
</tr>
</table>
<p>By which account appeareth to be 591 cities and 1593 townes, beside villages
and houses of pleasure, which are an infinite number: by the which you may
consider that this kingdome doth deserve to be called great, and compared with
the best and principalst that is heard of in al the whole world. The Chinos do
vse in their pronunciation to terme their cities with this sylable, Fu, that is
as much as to say, citie, as Taybin fu, Canton fu, and their townes with this
sylable, Cheu. They have some villages that are so great, that it lacketh but
onely the name of a towne. All their cities for the most part are situated by
the riuers sides: such as are nauigable, the cities are moted rounde about,
which make them to bee verie strong, not only the cities but townes are walled
round about with high and strong wals of stone, one faddome high, and all the
rest is of bricke, but of so hard a substance that it is not to be broken almost
with pickaxes. Some cities hath their wals so broad, that 4 and 6 men may walke
side by side on them: they are garnished with many bulwarks and towers, a small
distance the one from the other, with their battlements and faire galleries,
where as many times their vizroyes doeth goe to recreate themselues with the
gallant sight of the mountains and riuers, with their fields so odoriferous.
There is betwixt the wals of their cities and the mote of the same a broade
space, that six horsemen may ride together; the like space is within, betwixt
the walles and the houses, whereas they may walke without impediment. Their wals
are kept in such good reparation, by reason of their great care and diligence,
that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[25]</a></span> they
seeme to be but new made, and yet in some cities there is founde mention of two
thousand yeeres since the first foundation. In every city the king doth ordaine
a justice, and giveth him great rents onely to visit them, and make them to be
renewed and repaired where as is requisite, and is done vpon the kings cost: for
out of his rents in such cities and townes is given them all that is needful to
be asked. The high waies in all this kingdome are made and kept plaine with
great care and diligence, and the entering into the cities and townes are very
sumptuous and with great maiestie, they have three or foure gates bound with
yron very strong. Their streetes very well paved, and so broad that 15 horsemen
may ride together in them, and so straight, that although they be very long, yet
you may discouer the end. On both the sides are portals, vnder which be their
shops full of all sorts of merchandises very curious, and of all occupations
that you will desire: In the streets, a good space the one from the other, are
made manie triumphall arkes of extreme bewtie: they are made of masons worke,
very curiously painted after the fashion of the old antiquitie of Rome. All
their houses ordinarily haue three doores, that in the middest is great, the
other be lesser, but of a maruellous gallant proportion. The king is alwayes
resident in the citie of Suntien,<a name="FNanchor_45_45" id="FNanchor_45_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_45_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a>
<span class="sidenote">The mightie citie called Suntien, or Quinsay.<a name="FNanchor_44_44" id="FNanchor_44_44"></a><a href="#Footnote_44_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a></span>
which in their language is as much to say, the citie of heauen. Of which citie
the Chinos do declare many things which seemeth to be true, for that if you do
talke with many of them, and at sundrie times and places, yet doo they not varie
the one from the other: and according to their report, it should be the greatest
in all the worlde, in these dayes. They who do make it to be least, do affirme,
that to goe from gate to gate, leauing the suburbs, had need of a summers day
and a good horse to do it: it is also called Quinsay, as Marcus Paulus doth call
it.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[26]</a></span></p>
<hr class="l15" />
<p class="chapter">CHAP. IX.</p>
<p class="intro">Of the wonderfull buildings in this kingdome, and of mightie wall or
circuit in the same of 500 leagues long.</p>
<p>In this kingdom in al places, there be men excellent in architecture: and the
necessaries that they haue to build with is the best that is in the world. For
as it is said in the chapter past, they haue a kinde of white earth of the which
they make brickes, of so great hardnesse and strength, that for to breake them,
you must haue pickaxes, and vse much strength: and this is the cause that in all
the kingdome there is mightie buildings and verie curious. Putting apart the
kings pallace where hee is resident in Tabin<a name="FNanchor_46_46" id="FNanchor_46_46"></a><a href="#Footnote_46_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a>
(for of that you shall haue a particular chapter), in all such cities that bee
the heads of the prouinces, is resident a vizroy or gouernour, and dwelleth in
the house that (in euery such citie) the king hath ordained on his proper cost:
all the which, to conclude, are superbious and admirable, and wrought by
marueilous art, and are as bigge as a great village, by reason that they haue
within them great gardens, water ponds and woods compassed about: in the which
(as it is declared in the 4 chapter) is great quantitie of hunt and flying
foules. Their houses commonly be verie gallant and after the manner of Rome, and
generallie at the doores and gates of them are planted trees in gallant order:
the which maketh a gallant shadow and seemeth well in the streets. All these
houses are within as white as milke, in such sort that it seemeth to be
burnished paper. The floares are paued with square stones, verie broad and
smooth; their seelings are of an excellent kind of timber, verie well wrought
and painted, that it seemeth like damaske and of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[27]</a></span>
the colour of gold, that sheweth verie well: euerie one of them hath three
courts and gardens full of flowers and herbes for their recreation. And there is
none of them but hath his fish poole furnished, although it bee but small. The
one side of their courts is wrought verie gallant, like as it is in counting
houses, vpon the which they haue many idols carued, and wrought of diuers kinds
of mettals: the other three parts or angles of their courts are painted with
diuers things of verie great curiositie. But aboue all things they are
marueilous cleane, not only in their houses, but also in their streets: in the
which commonly they haue three or foure necessarie or common places of ease,
verie curiously ordained and placed; for that the people, being troubled with
their common necessitie, shall not foule the streetes, and therefore they haue
this prouision: the like is vsed in all wayes throughout the kingdom. Some
cities there be, whose streets be nauigable, as in Bruxels in Flanders, Mexico
in the Indians, and as in Venice in Italie; which is the occasion that they are
better serued and prouided, for that their barkes and boates doo enter laden
with all kinde of victuals harde to their doores.</p>
<p>The highways throughout all this kingdome, are the best and gallantest paued
that euer hath beene discouered: they are verie plaine, yea vnto the mountaines,
and they are cut by force of labour and pickaxes, and maintained with brick and
stone, the which by report of them which hath seen it, is one of the worthiest
things that is in all the realme. There are many mightie bridges, and of a
wonderfull making, and some wrought vpon boats, as it is in Syvill: but in
especiall vpon such riuers as are broad and deepe. In the citie of Fucheo,<a name="FNanchor_47_47" id="FNanchor_47_47"></a><a href="#Footnote_47_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a>
there is a towre right against the house of the kings chiefe receiuer, and it is
affirmed by those that haue seene it, to surmount any building that hath beene<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[28]</a></span>
amoungst the Romans: the which is raised and founded vppon fortie pillars, and
everie pillar is of one stone, so bigge and so high that it is strange to tell
them, and doubtfull to the hearers to beleeue it: for which cause I thinke it
best not to declare it in particular, as I do in all things where as I doo finde
it difficult to be beleeued, and where I haue no certaine author to verifie the
truth.</p>
<p>There is in this kingdome a defence or wall that is fiue hundred leagues<span class="sidenote">A wal of 500 leagues long.</span>
long, and beginneth at the citie Ochyoy,<a name="FNanchor_48_48" id="FNanchor_48_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_48_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a>
which is vppon the high mountaines, and runneth from the west vnto east. The
king of that countrie which made it was called Tzintzon, and it was for his
defence against the Tartaries, with whom he had warres; so that the wall doth
shut vp all the frontier of Tartaria. But you must vnderstande that foure
hundred leagues of the saide wall is naturall of it selfe, for that they be high
and mightie rockes, verie nigh together: but in the other hundred leagues is
comprehended the spaces or distance that is betwixt the rockes, the which he
caused to be made by mens handes of verie strong worke of stone, and is of seuen
fathom brode at the foote of it, and seuen fathom high. It beginneth at the
partes of the sea, in the prouince of Canton,<a name="FNanchor_49_49" id="FNanchor_49_49"></a><a href="#Footnote_49_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a>
and stretcheth foorth by that of Paguia and Cansay, and doth finish in the
prouince of Susuan.<a name="FNanchor_50_50" id="FNanchor_50_50"></a><a href="#Footnote_50_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a>
This king, for to finish this wonderful<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[29]</a></span>
worke, did take of euerie three men one thorough his kingdome, and of fiue, two;
who for that they trauailed in their labour so long a iourney, and into
different clymes (although that out of those provinces that were nearest there
came great store of people), yet did they almost all perish that followed that
worke.</p>
<p>The making of this superbious and mightie worke, was the occasion that his
whole kingdome did rise vp against the king, and did kill him, after that he had
raigned fortie yeares, and also a sonne of his that was called Agnitzi. The
report of this wall is helde to be of a verie truth, for that it is affirmed by
all the Chinos that doo traficke to the Islands Philippinas and to Canton, and
Machao, and be all confirmable in their declaration as witnesses, because they
haue seene it: and it is the farthest parts of all the kingdome, whereas none of
vs vnto this day hath beene.</p>
<hr class="l15" />
<p class="chapter">CHAP. X.</p>
<p class="intro">Of the dispositions, countenance, with apparell and other exercises of
the people of this countrie.</p>
<p>Both men and women of this countrie are of a good disposition of their
bodies, well proportioned and gallant men, somewhat tall: they are all for the
most part brode faced, little eyes and flat noses, and without bearde saue only
upon the ball of the chinne: but yet there be some that haue great eyes and
goodly beardes, and their faces well proportioned, yet of these sorts (in
respect of the others) are verie few: and it is to bee beleeued that these kinde
of people doo proceede of some strange nation, who in times past when it was
lawfull to deale out of that countrie, did ioyne one with another.</p>
<p>Those of the prouince of Canton (which is a whot<a name="FNanchor_51_51" id="FNanchor_51_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_51_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a>
country)<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[30]</a></span> be
browne of colour like to the Moores: but those that be farther within the
countrie be like unto Almaines,<a name="FNanchor_52_52" id="FNanchor_52_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_52_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a>
Italians and Spanyardes, white and redde, and somewhat swart. All of them do
suffer their nailes of their left hande to grow very long, but the right hand
they do cut: they haue long haire, and esteeme it very much and maintaine it
with curiositie: of both they make a superstition, for that they say thereby
they shall be carried into heauen. They do binde their haire up to the crowne of
their heade, in calles of golde verie curious, and with pinnes of the same.</p>
<p>The garments which the nobles and principals do vse, bee of silke of
different colours, of the which they haue excellent good and verie perfite: the
common and poore people doo apparell themselues with another kinde of silke more
courser, and with linnen, serge, and cotton: of all the which there is great
abundance. And for that the countrie for the most part is temperate, they may
suffer this kinde of apparell, which is the heauiest that they doo vse: for in
all the whole kingdome they have no cloth, neither doo they suffer it to be
made, although they have great aboundance of woolle, and very good cheape: they
<span class="sidenote">Great abundance of wool and good cheape.</span>do vse their coates according vnto our old vse of antiquitie, with long skirts
and full of plaites, and a flappe ouer the brest to be made fast under the left
side, the sleeues verie bigge and wide: upon their coates they doo vse cassockes
or long garments according vnto the possibilitie of either of them, made
according as wee doo vse, but only their sleeues are more wider. They of royall
bloode and such as are constituted vnto dignitie, do differ in their apparell
from the other ordinarie gentlemen: for that the first haue their garments laide
on with gold and siluer downe to the waste, and the others alonely garnished on
the edges, or hem: they do vse hose verie well made and stitched, shoes and
buskins of veluet, verie curious. In the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[31]</a></span>
<span class="sidenote">Shooes and buskines of veluet.</span>
winter (although it be not very colde,) they haue their garments furred with
<span class="sidenote">Great abundance of Marters furres.</span>
beasts skins, but in especiall with Martas Ceuellinas, of the which they haue
great aboundance (as aforesaid) and generally they do vse them at all times
about their necks. They that be not married doo differ from them that be
married, in that they do kirrle their haire on their foreheade, and wear higher
hattes. Their women do apparell themselues verie curiouslie, much after the
fashion of Spaine: they vse many iewels of gold and precious stones: their
gownes haue wide sleeues; that wherewith they do apparel themselues is of cloath
of gold and siluer and diuers sortes of silkes, whereof they haue great plentie,
as aforesaid, and excellent good, and good cheape: and the poore folkes doo
apparell themselues with veluet, vnshorne veluet and serge. They haue verie
faire haire, and doo combe it with great care and diligence, as do the women of
Genouay, and do binde it about their heade with a broad silke lace, set full of
pearles and precious stones, and they say it doth become them verie well: they
doo vse to paint themselues, and in some place in excesse.</p>
<p>Amongst them they account it for gentilitie and a gallant thing to haue
little feete, and therefore from their youth they so swadell and binde them
verie straight, and do suffer it with patience: for that she who hath the least
feete is accounted the gallantest dame. They say that the men hath induced them
vnto this custome, for to binde their feete so harde, that almost they doo loose
<span class="sidenote">An il vse and custome.</span>
the forme of them, and remaine halfe lame, so that their going is verie ill, and
with great trauell: which is the occasion that they goe but little abroad, and
fewe times doo rise vp from their worke that they do; and was inuented onely for
the same intent. This custome hath indured manie yeares, and will indure many
more, for that it is stablished for a law: and that woman which doth breake it,
and not vse it with her children, shalbe counted as euill, yea shalbe punished
for the same. They<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[32]</a></span>
are very secreat and honest, in such sort that you shall not see at any time a
woman at her window nor at her doores: and if her husband doo inuite any person
to dinner, she is neuer seene nor eateth not at the table, except the gest be a
kinsman or a very friende: when they go abroade to visite their father, mother,
or any other kinsfolkes, they are carried in a little chaire by foure men, the
which is made close, and with lattises rounde about made of golde wyre and with
siluer, and curteines of silke; that although they doo see them that be in the
streete, yet they cannot be seene. They haue many servants waiting on them. So
that it is a great maruell when that you shall meete a principall woman in the
streete, yea you will thinke that there are none in the citie, their keeping in
is such: the lameness of their feet is a great helpe therevnto. The women as
well as the men be ingenious; they doo vse drawne workes and carued works,
<span class="sidenote">Ingenious people.</span>
excellent painters of flowers, birds and beasts, as it is to be seene vpon
beddes and bords that is brought from thence. I did see my selfe, one that was
brought vnto Lysborne in the yeare 1582, by Captaine Ribera, chiefe sergant of
Manilla, that it was to be wondred at the excellencie thereof: it caused the
kings maiestie to haue admyration, and he is a person that little wondreth at
things. All the people did wonder at it: yea the famous imbroiderers did
maruaile at the curiousnesse thereof. They are great inuenters of things, that
although they haue amongst them many coches and wagons that goe with sailes, and
<span class="sidenote">Wagons with sailes.</span>
made with such industrie and policie that they do gouerne them with great ease:
this is crediblie informed by many that haue seen it: besides that, there be
many in the Indies, and in Portugall, that haue seene them painted vpon clothes,
and on their earthen vessell that is brought from thence to be solde: so that it
is a signe that their painting hath some foundation. In their buying and selling
they are verie subtill, in such sort that they will depart a haire. Such
merchants as do keepe<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[33]</a></span>
shoppes (of whom in euery citie there is a great number) they haue a table or
signe hanging at their doore, whereon is written all such merchandise as is
within to be sold.</p>
<p>That which is commonly sold in their shops is cloth of golde and siluer,
<span class="sidenote">Cloth of gold tissue and silke.</span>
cloth of tissue, silkes of diuers sorts and excellent colours: others there be
of poorer sort that selleth serges, peeces of cotton, linnen and fustian of all
colours; yet both the one and the other is verie goode cheape, for that there is
great aboundance, and many workemen that do make it. The apothecarie that
selleth simples, hath the like table: there be also shops full of earthen
<span class="sidenote">Porsilan.</span>
vessels of diuers making, redde, greene, yellow, and gilt; it is so good cheape
that for foure rials of plate they giue fiftie peeces: very strong earth, the
which they doo breake all to peeces and grinde it, and put it into sesternes
with water, made of lime and stone; and after that they haue well tumbled and
tossed it in the water, of the creame that is vpon it they make the finest sort
of them, and the lower they go, spending that substance that is the courser:
they make them after the forme and fashion as they do here, and afterward they
do gild them, and make them of what colour they please, the which will never be
lost: then they put them into their killes and burne them. This hath beene seene
and is of a truth, as appeareth in a booke set foorth in the Italian toonge, by
Duardo Banbosa,<a name="FNanchor_53_53" id="FNanchor_53_53"></a><a href="#Footnote_53_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a>
that they do make them of periwinkle shelles of the sea: the which they do
grinde and put them under the ground to refine them, whereas they lie 100 years:
and many other things he doth treat of to this<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[34]</a></span>
effect. But if that were true, they should not make so great a number of them as
is made in that kingdome, and is brought into Portugall, and carried into the
Peru, and Noua Espania,<a name="FNanchor_54_54" id="FNanchor_54_54"></a><a href="#Footnote_54_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a>
and into other parts of the world: which is a sufficient proofe for that which
is said. And the Chinos do agree for this to be true. The finest sort of this is
neuer carried out of the countrie, for that it is spent in the seruice of the
king, and his gouernours, and is so fine and deere, that it seemeth to be of
fine and perfite cristal: that which is made in the prouince of Saxii<a name="FNanchor_55_55" id="FNanchor_55_55"></a><a href="#Footnote_55_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a>
is the best and finest. Artificers and mechanicall officers doo dwell in streets
appointed, whereas none do dwell amongst them, but such as be of the same
occupation or arte: in such sort that if you doo come at the beginning of the
<span class="sidenote">All occupations be in streets by themselves.</span>
street, looke what craft or art they are there, it is to be vnderstood that all
that streete are of that occupation. It is ordayned by a law and statute, that
<span class="sidenote">The son inherits his fathers occupation.</span>
the sonne shall inherite his fathers occupation, and shall not vse any other
without licence of the justice: if one of them bee verie rich and will not
worke, yet he cannot let but haue in his shop men that must worke of his
occupation. Therefore they that do vse it, by reason that they are brought vp in
it from their youth, they are famous and verie curious in that which they do
worke, as it is plainelie seene in that which is brought from thence to Manilla,
and into the Indies, and vnto Portugall. Their currant monie of that kingdome is
made of golde and siluer, without any signe or print, but goeth by waight: so
that all men carrieth a ballances with them, and little peeces of siluer and
golde, for to buy such things as they haue neede of. And for<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[35]</a></span>
things of a greater quantitie they haue bigger ballances in their houses, and
waights, that are sealed, for to giue to euery man that which is theirs: for
therein the iustices haue great care. In the gouernement of Chincheo<a name="FNanchor_56_56" id="FNanchor_56_56"></a><a href="#Footnote_56_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a>
they haue copper monie coyned, but it is nothing woorth out of that prouince.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[36]</a></span></p>
<hr class="l30 p6" />
<h2><span class="s08">THE HISTORIE</span><br />
<span class="s05">OF THE</span><br />
<span class="s08">MIGHTIE KINGDOME OF CHINA,</span><br />
<span class="s05">WHEREIN SHALBE DECLARED, OF THE RELIGION THAT IS AMONGST THE<br />
PEOPLE, AND OF THEIR IDOLS THAT THEY DO WORSHIP,<br />
AND OF OTHER THINGS TOUCHING THAT THEY<br />
DO VSE ABOUE NATURE.</span></h2>
<hr class="l15" />
<p class="center">THE SECOND BOOKE.</p>
<hr class="l15" />
<p class="chapter">CHAP. I.</p>
<p class="intro">Of the number of gods that they doo worship, and of some tokens and
paintings that is found amongst them that do represent a mysterie
of our
Christian religion.</p>
<p>In the two prouinces, Paguina an[d] Tolanchia, wheras we haue said, the king
of the countrie is ordinarily resident, for that they do bound vpon Tartary,
with whom they haue continuall warres: and againe the most principall and
politike people be in those places, ouer and aboue all the other.</p>
<p>Amongst the figures of all their idols that they do haue, the Chinos doo say
that there is one of a strange and maruellous making, vnto whom they do great
<span class="sidenote">A strange image.</span>
reuerence: they doo paint him a bodie with three heads, that doth continually
looke the one on the other: and they say that it dooth signifie, that all three
be of one good will and essence, and that which pleaseth the one pleaseth the
other: and to the contrarie, that which is grieuous and displeaseth the one, is
grieuous and displeaseth the other two: the which being<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[37]</a></span>
interpreted Christianly, may be vnderstoode to be the mysterie of the holy
<span class="sidenote">A mysterie of the Trinitie.</span>
Trinitie, that wee that are Christians doo worship, and is part of our faith:
the which, with other things, seemeth somwhat to be respondent to our holy,
sacred, and Christian religion: so that of verie truth we may presume that Saint
<span class="sidenote">S. Thomas preached in this kingdome.</span>
Thomas the Apostle<a name="FNanchor_57_57" id="FNanchor_57_57"></a><a href="#Footnote_57_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a>
did preach in this kingdome, who as it is declared in the lesson on his day,
<span class="sidenote">The martyrdom of Saint Thomas.</span>
whereas he was martyred in the city of Calamina, for his faith and holy Gospel
that he preached.</p>
<p>It is verified that when this glorious apostle did passe into the Indies, hee
trauelled through this kingdome of China, where as it appeareth he did preach
the holy Gospel and mysterie of the Holy Trinitie: whose picture in the manner
aforesaid doth indure vnto this day, although those people, by the great and
long blindnesse which they are in with their errors and idolatrie, doo not
perfectly knowe what that figure with three heads doth represent or signifie.
The better for to beleeue that which is said, or at least to vnderstande that it
is so, is that it is found in the writings of the Armenians, that amongst them
are in reputation and of great authoritie: and there it saith, that this
glorious apostle did passe through this kingdome of China, when he went into the
Indies, where he was martyred, and that he did preach there the holy Gospell,
although it did profite verie little, for that the people were out of order, and
occupied in their warres: and therefore this apostle did passe into the Indies,
and left some of the countrie (although but a few) baptised and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[38]</a></span>
instructed, that when it should please God, they might haue occasion to perseuer
in that which was taught them.</p>
<p>They haue also amongst them (as it is said) certaine pictures, after the
fashion and with the ensignes of the twelue apostles, which is a helpe to the
verifying of that aforesaide: although if you doo aske of the people who they
are, they doo answere that they were men, and great philosophers that did liue
vertuouslie, and therfore they are made angels in heauen. They doo also vse
amongst them the picture of a woman verie faire with a man childe in her armes,
whereof they say shee was deliuered and yet remained a virgine, and was daughter
vnto a mightie king: they do reuerence her verie much, and do make prayer vnto
her: more then this, they cannot say of this mysterie, but that she liued a holy
life and never sinned.</p>
<p>Frier Gaspar de la Cruz, a Portugall of the order of Saint Dominicke, was in
the citie of Canton, where he did write many things of this kingdome,<a name="FNanchor_58_58" id="FNanchor_58_58"></a><a href="#Footnote_58_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a>
and with great attention, whom I do follow in many things in the proces of this
hystorie, and he saith, that he being vpon a small island that was in the
middest of a mightie riuer, there was a house in manner of a monasterie of
religious people of that country, and being in it, he saw certaine curious
things of great antiquitie: amongst them he saw a chappel, like vnto an oratorie
or place of prayer, verie well made, and curiouslie dressed: it had certaine
staires to mount into it, and compassed about with gilt grates, and was made
fast: and looking vpon the altar, the which was couered with a cloth verie rich,
hee sawe in the midedst of the same an image of a woman of a meruailous
perfection, with a childe hauing her armes about hir necke, and there was
burning before her a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[39]</a></span>
lampe: he being amased at this sight he did demande the signification: but there
was none that could declare more thereof then that which is said before. Of this
which hath been said, it is easily to be beleeued how that the Apostle S. Thomas
did preach in this kingdom, for that it is seene these people haue conserued
these traditions many yeares past, and doo conserue the same: which is a signe
and token that they had some notice of the true God, whose shadows they do
represent. There is amongst them many errors, and without any foundation, and is
not of them to be seene nor perceiued til such time as by faith they shall knowe
the right God: as may bee seene in the chapters, where we shall speake of these
matters.</p>
<hr class="l15" />
<p class="chapter">CHAP. II.</p>
<p class="intro">I do prosecute the religion they haue, and of the idols they do
worship.</p>
<p>Ouer and aboue that which is saide, these idolators and blind people (being
men so prudent and wise in the gouernment of their common wealth, and so subtill
and ingenious in all arts) yet they do vse many other things of so great
blindnes and so impertinent, that it doth make them to wonder, which
attentiuelie doo fall in the consideration: yet is it not much to be meruailed
at, considering that they are without the cleere light of the true Christian
religion, without the which the subtilest and delicatest vnderstandings are lost
and ouerthrowne. Generally amongst them they doo vnderstand that the heauen is
the creator of all things visible and inuisible: and therefore they do make a
shew of it in the first caract or letter of the crosse row, and that the heauen
hath a gouernour to rule all such things as are comprehended<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[40]</a></span>
there aboue: whom they call Laocon Izautey,<a name="FNanchor_59_59" id="FNanchor_59_59"></a><a href="#Footnote_59_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a>
which is to be vnderstood in their language: the gouernour of the great and
mightie God, this they do worship as the principall, next vnto the sun. They say
that this gouernour was not begotten, but is eternal, and hath no body, but is a
spirit. Likewise they do say that with this there is another of the same nature,
whom they call Causay,<a name="FNanchor_60_60" id="FNanchor_60_60"></a><a href="#Footnote_60_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a>
and is likewise a spirit, and vnto this is giuen power of the lower heauen, in
whose power dependeth the life and death of man. This Causay hath three
subiectes whom he doth commande, and they say they bee likewise spirites, and
they doo aide and helpe him in things touching his gouernment. They are called
Tauquam, Teyquam, Tzuiquam, either of them hath distinct power the one ouer the
other: they say that Tauquam hath charge ouer the raine, to prouoke water for
the earth, and Teyquam ouer humane nature to bring forth mankinde, ouer warres,
sowing the ground, and fruites. And Tzuiquam ouer the seas and all nauigators.
They doo sacrifice vnto them, and doo craue of them such things as they haue
vnder their charge and gouernment: for the which they do offer them victuals,
sweate smels, frontals and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[41]</a></span>
carpets for their altars: likewise they promise many vowes, and represent plaies
and comedies before their idols, the which they do verie naturallie.</p>
<p>Besides this, they haue for saints such men as haue surmounted other in
wisdome, in valour, in industrie, or in leading a solitarie or asper life: or
such as haue liued without doing euill to any. And in their language they cal
them Pausaos, which be such as we do call holy men.</p>
<p>They likewise doo sacrifice vnto the diuell, not as though they were ignorant
that he is euill, or condemned, but that he shoulde doo them no harme, neither
on their bodies nor goods. They haue manie strange gods, of so great a number,
that alonely for to name them is requisite a large hystorie, and not to be
briefe as is pretended in this booke. And therefore I will make mention but of
their principals, whom (besides those which I haue named) they haue in great
reuerence.</p>
<p>The first of these they doo call Sichia, who came from the kingdome of
Trautheyco,<a name="FNanchor_61_61" id="FNanchor_61_61"></a><a href="#Footnote_61_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a>
which is towards the west: this was the first inuenter of such religious people,
as they haue in their countrie both men and women, and generally doth liue
without marrying, in perpetuall closenesse; and all such as doo immitate this
profession do weare no haire, which number is great, as hereafter you shall
vnderstand: and they greatly obserue that order left vnto them.</p>
<p>The next is called Quanina, and was daughter vnto the king Tzonton, who had
three daughters; two of them were married, and the third, which was Quanina, hee
woulde also haue married, but she would neuer consent thereunto: saying that she
had made a vow to heauen to liue chast, whereat the king her father was verie
wroth, and put her into a place like vnto a monastrie, whereas she was made to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">[42]</a></span>
carrie wood and water, and to worke and make cleane an orcharde that was there.
The Chinos do tell many tales of this maide, for to be laughed at: saying, that
the apes came from the mountaines for to help her, and how that saints did bring
her water, and the birds of the aire with their bylles did make cleane her
orchard, and that the great beastes came out of the mountaines and brought her
woode. Her father perceiuing that, imagining that she did it by witchcraft, or
by some art of the diuell (as it might well bee), commanded to set fire on that
house whereas she was: then she seeing that for her cause that house was set on
fire, she would haue destroyed her selfe with a siluer pinne, which she had to
trim vp her haire: but vpon a sodanne at that instant there fel a great shower
of raine and did put out the fire, and shee departed from thence and hid her
selfe in the mountaines, whereas she liued in great penance and led a holy life.
And her father, in recompense of the great sinne and evill he committed against
her, was turned to a lepar, and full of wormes, in such sort that there was no
phisition that could cure him: by reason whereof hee was constrained to repaire
vnto his daughter to seeke cure (which being aduised of the same by reuelation
of a deuine spirit); then her father, being certified thereof, did craue pardon
at her handes, and did repent him verie much of that which he had done, and did
worshippe vnto her, the which she seeing, resisted her father therein, and put a
saint before him, that he should worship it and not her, and therewith shee
straight waies returned vnto the mountaines, whereas she died in great religion.
This they haue amongest them for a great saint, and doe pray vnto her to get
pardon for their sinnes of the heaven, for that they do beleeve that she is
there.</p>
<p>Besides this, they haue another saint which they call Neoma, and was borne in
a towne called Cuchi, in the prouince of Ochiam. This they saye was daughter
vnto a principall man of that towne, and would neuer marrie, but<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[43]</a></span>
left her owne naturall soyle and went vnto a little iland, which is right ouer
against Ingoa, whereas she liued a verie straight life, and shewed manie false
miracles. The occasion why they haue her in reputation of a saint is: There was
a certaine captaine of the king of China, whose name was Compo; he was sent vnto
a kingdome not farre from thence to make warre against the king. It so chaunced
that he, with his nauie, came to an anker at Buym, and being readie to departe,
hee would haue wayed his ankers, but by no meanes he could not mooue them: being
greatly amazed thereat, and looking foorth, he sawe this Neoma sitting on them.
Then the captaine came vnto her, and told her with great humilitie, that he was
going to warres by commandement of the king. And that if so be she were holie,
that she would giue him counsell what were best for him to do: to whom she
answered and sayd, that if he would haue the victorie ouer them that hee went to
conquer, that he should carrie her with him. He did performe that which she
said, and carried her with him vnto that kingdome, whose inhabitantes were great
magicians, and threw oyle into the sea, and made it seeme that their shippes
were all on fire. This Neoma did worke by the same art, and did vndoe that which
the other did practise or imagine, in such sort, that their magicke did profitte
them nothing, neither could they doe anie harme vnto them of China. The which
being perceiued by them of y<sup>e</sup> kingdome, they did yeeld themselues to
be subjectes and vassales vnto the king of China. The captaine beleeued this to
be a myracle, yet notwithstanding he did coniure her (as one of good
discretion), for that thinges might fall out to the contrarie; and the better to
certifie his opinion, whereby hee might the better giue relation thereof vnto
the king, he said: Ladie, turne me this rodde the which I haue in my hand drie,
to become greene and florishing, and if you can so do, I will worship you for a
saint. Then she at that instant did not onely make it greene,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">[44]</a></span>
but also to haue an odoriferous smell. The which rod he put vpon the poope of
his ship for a remembrance, and for that he had a verie prosperous and good
viage, he did attribute it vnto her. So that vnto this day, they haue her in
reputation of a saint, and carrie her picture vppon the poope of their ships,
and such as be trauellers to the sea doo offer vnto her sacrifices.</p>
<p>These aforesaide they doo esteeme for their principall saints, yet besides
all these they haue an infinite number of carued idols, which they doo place
vpon alters in their tempels: the quantity of them is such that in my presence
it was affirmed by frier Geronimo Martin, he that entred into China, and is a
man of great credite woorthy to giue credite vnto, that amongst many other
things, he was in one of their temples in the cittie of Vcheo, where as hee did
count one hundred and twelue idols: and besides this they haue manie in the high
wayes and streetes, and vppon their principall gates of the citie, the which
they haue in small veneration, as you shall perceiue in this chapter following:
whereby it is plainlie to be seene, in what subiection they are vnto errours and
idolatrie, such as doo lacke the trueth of true Christian religion.</p>
<hr class="l15" />
<p class="chapter">CHAP. III.</p>
<p class="intro">How little they doo esteeme their idols whome they worshippe.</p>
<p>These miserable idolaters doo so little esteeme their idols, that it is a
great hope and confidence, that at what time soeuer the gospel shal haue any
entry into that country, straightwayes they will leaue off all their
superstitions: in particular in casting of lots, which is a thing much vsed
throughout all that kingdome: also this will be a great helpe thereunto, for
that they are generally men of good vnderstanding, and ducible and subiect vnto
reason, in so<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[45]</a></span>
ample sort (as is declared by that religious Dominicke aforesaid), he being in
Canton in a temple whereas they were sacrificing vnto their idols, being mooued
with great zeale to the honour of God, did throw certaine of them downe to the
grounde. When these idolaters did see his boldnesse, which seemed vnto them to
be without reason, they laide hands on him with an infernall furie, with
determination for to kill him: then he did request of them that before they did
execute it, that they would heare what he would say: the which his petition
seemed vnto the principals that were there to bee iust, and commanded all the
people to withdrawe themselues, and to heare what he woulde say. Then he, with
the spirit that God did put in him, said, that they should aduertise themselues,
for that God our Lorde and creator of heauen and earth, had giuen vnto them so
good vnderstandings, and did equall them vnto the politikest nations in all the
world: that they should not imploy it vnto euil, neither subiect themselues to
worship vnto stones and blocks of wood, which haue no discourse of reason, more
then is giuen them by the workmen that did make them, and it were more reason
the idols should reuerence and worship men, because they haue their similitude
and likenesse: with these words, and other such like in effect, they were all
quieted, and did not only approoue his saying to be true, but did giue him great
thankes, excusing themselues: saying, that vntill that time there was none that
euer did giue them to vnderstand so much, neither how they did euill in doing
their sacrifices, and in token of gratefulnes (leauing their idols on the
ground, and some broken all to pieces) they did beare him company vnto his
lodging. Hereby you may vnderstand with what facilitie, by the helpe of
almightie God, they may be reduced vnto our Catholicke faith: opening (by the
light of the gospel) the doore which the diuell hath kept shut by false
delusions so long time, although the king, with all his gouernors and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">[46]</a></span>
ministers, hath great care that in all that kingdome there be none to induce
nouelties, neither to admit strangers or any new doctrin without license of the
said king, and of his roial counsel, vpon pain of death, the which is executed
with great rigor. They are people very ducible and apt to bee taught, and easie
to bee turned from their idolatrie, superstition, and false gods: the which they
haue in smal veneratiō as aforesaid. With great humility they do receiue and
approue corrections of their weaknes, and do know the vauntage that is betwixt
the gospell and their rights and vanities, and do receiue the same with a verie
good will, as it hath beene and is seene in manie Chinos that haue receiued
baptisme in the citie of Manila, vpon one of the Ilands Philippinas, whereas
they do dwell, and leaue their owne naturall countrie for to enioy that which
they vnderstande to bee for the saluation of their soules. So that those who
haue receiued baptisme are become verie good Christians.</p>
<hr class="l15" />
<p class="chapter">CHAP. IV.</p>
<p class="intro">Of lots which they doo vse when they will doe anie thing of importance,
and howe they doe inuocate or call the diuell.</p>
<p>The people of this countrie do not alonely vse superstitions, but they are
also great augurisers or tellers of fortunes, and do beleeue in auguries, as a
thing most certaine and infallible, but in especiall by certaine lots which they
<span class="sidenote">They cast lottes.</span>
do vse at all times, when they beginne any jorney, or for to doe anything of
importance, as to marie a sonne, a daughter, or lend anie money, or buy any
lands, or deale w<sup>t</sup> merchandise, or any other thing whose end is
incertaine or doubtfull. In all these matters they do vse lottes, the which they
do make of two sticks, flat on the one side, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">[47]</a></span>
round on the other, and being tyed togither with a small threede, throwe them
before their idols. But before they do throwe them, they do vse great ceremonies
in talke, and vse amorous and gentle wordes, desiring them to giue them good
fortune. For by them they doe vnderstand the successe to be good or euill in
their iourney, or any other thing that they do take in hande. Likewise they do
promise them, if they do giue them good fortune, to offer vnto them victuales,
frontalles, or some other thing of price. This being done, they throwe downe
their lots, and if it so fall out that the flat side be vpper, or one flat side
and the other round, they haue it for an euill signe or token. Then they returne
vnto their idols, and say vnto them manie iniurious words, calling them dogs,
infamous, villaines, and other names like in effect. After they haue vttered
vnto them all iniuries at their pleasure, then they beginne againe to fawne vpon
them, and intreat them with milde and sweet words, crauing pardon of that which
is past, and promising to giue them more gifts then before they did, if their
lot do fal out wel. Then, in the like manner as before, they do proceed, and
throw the lots before the idols: but if it fal not out according vnto their
expectation, then they returne againe with vituperous and vile words: but if to
their desire, then with great praises and promises. But when that in matters of
great importance, it is long before their lots do fall well, then they take them
<span class="sidenote">They throw their gods under their feet.</span>
and throwe them to the grounde, and treade vppon them, or else throwe them into
the sea, or into the fire, whereas they let them burne a while: and sometimes
they doo whippe them vntill such time as the lottes doo fall as they would haue
them, which is the rounde side vpwards, and is a token of good successe vnto
that for which they do cast their lottes. Then if the lottes doo fall out vnto
their content, they doo make vnto them great feastes with musicke and songes of
great praise, and doo offer vnto them geese, duckes, and boyled rise. But if the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">[48]</a></span>
thing whereon they doo cast their lottes bee of importance, then they doo offer
<span class="sidenote">A hogs head for a sacrifice.</span>
vnto them a hogges heade boyled, dressed with hearbes and flowers, the which is
esteemed aboue all other thinges, and therewith a great pot with wine. Of all
that they doo offer, they doo cut off their billes, and the clawes of the
fowles, and the hogges snowte, and do throw vpon it graines of rise, and
sprinkling it with wine, they set it in dishes vpon the altar, and there they do
eate and drinke, making great feast and cheere before their idols.</p>
<p><span class="sidenote">Another kind of lots.</span>
Another kinde of lots they doo vse, in putting a great number of little
stickes into a pot, and vpon everie one of them is written a letter: and after
that they haue tumbled and tossed them together in the pot, they cause a child
to put in his hand and take out one, and when they haue seene the letter, they
seeke in a booke which they haue for that purpose the leafe that beginneth with
that letter, and looke what they doo finde written therein, they do interpret of
it conformable vnto the thing that they cast their lots for.<a name="FNanchor_62_62" id="FNanchor_62_62"></a><a href="#Footnote_62_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a></p>
<p>Generally in all this country when they finde themselues in any trouble, they
<span class="sidenote">Inuocation to the diuell.</span>
do inuocate and call vpon the diuell, with whom they do ordinarily talke (euen
as we do cal vpon God in our neede): of him they doo demande what way and order
they might take to cleere themselues thereof, as they did in the presence of
frier Pedro de Alfaro, of the order of Saint Francis, in the yeare of our Lorde
1580, at such<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">[49]</a></span>
time as he came from China, as may be seene in his relation. The order that they
haue in inuocating or calling on the diuell, is as followeth. They cause a man
to lie vpon the ground, his face downwards, then another beginneth to reade vpon
a booke singing, and part of them that are present do answere vnto him, the rest
do make a sound with little bels and tabers; then within a little while after,
the man that lieth on the ground beginneth to make visages and iestures, which
is a certaine token that the diuell is entered within him: then do they aske of
him what they doo desire to know; then he that is possessed doth answere, yet
<span class="sidenote">The diuell telleth lies.</span>
for the most part they bee lies that hee doth speake; although hee doo keepe it
close, yet doth hee giue diuers reasons vnto that which hee dooth answere, for
that alwayes they doo answere either by worde or by letters, which is the
remedie they have when that the diuell will not answere by worde. And when that
he doth answere by letters, then do they spread a redde mantle or couerlet vpon
the ground, and throw thereon a certaine quantitie of rice dispersed equally in
euery place vpon the couerlet; then do they cause a man that cannot write to
stand there with a sticke in his hand; then those that are present do begin to
sing and to make a sounde as at the first inuocation, and within a little while
the diuell doth enter into him that hath the sticke, and causeth him to write
vpon the rice, then do they translate the letters that are there formed with the
sticke, and being ioyned altogether, they finde answere of that they do
demaunde; although for the most part it falleth out as aforesaide, as vnto
people that do communicate with the father of all lying, and so do their
answeares fall out false and full of leasings. If that at any time he do tell
them the truth, it is not for that he dooth it by nature or with his will, but
to induce them vnder the colour of a truth to perseuir in their errors, and they
do giue credite vnto a thousand lies: in this sort doo they inuocate the diuell,
and it is so ordinarie a thing throughout al the kingdome, that there is nothing
more vsed nor knowne.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">[50]</a></span></p>
<hr class="l15" />
<p class="chapter">CHAP. V.</p>
<p class="intro">Of the opinion they haue of the beginning of the worlde, and of
the
creation of man.</p>
<p>Although the Chinos be generally verie ingenious, and of a cleere
vnderstanding, yet in their owne respect they say that all other nations in the
worlde be blinde, except the Spaniards, whom they have knowne but of late time;
they haue amongst them both naturall and morall philosophie, the which is read
publikely amongst them, and also astrologie.</p>
<p>But nowe touching the beginning of the worlde, and the creation of man: they
have many errors, wherof some of them shalbe declared in this chapter, taken out
of their owne books, and specially out of one that is intituled the beginning of
the world.</p>
<p><span class="sidenote">Strange opinions.</span>
They say that at the beginning, the heaven, the earth, and the water were a
masse or lumpe ioyned in one. And that there is one resident in heaven, whom
they call by name Tayn, hee by his great science did separate heaven and earth
the one from the other, so that the heaven remained hie in the state that it is,
and the earth following his naturall inclination, as grave and heauie, did
remaine whereas it is. They say that this Tayn did create a man of nothing, who
they call Panzon,<a name="FNanchor_63_63" id="FNanchor_63_63"></a><a href="#Footnote_63_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a>
and likewise a woman, who they call Pansona. This Panzon, by the power that was
given him by Tayn, did create of nothing another man, who they call Tanhom,<a name="FNanchor_64_64" id="FNanchor_64_64"></a><a href="#Footnote_64_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a>
with thirteen other brothers. This Tanhom was a man of great science, in so
ample sort, that hee did give name vnto all created things, and did know by the
assignement and doctrine of Tayne the vertue of them all, and to apply them<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">[51]</a></span>
to heale all manner of diseases and sicknesses: this Tanhom and his brethren,
but especially the eldest, who was called Teyencom,<a name="FNanchor_65_65" id="FNanchor_65_65"></a><a href="#Footnote_65_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a>
he had twelve; his first begotten, called Tuhuncom, had nine, so had al the
rest very many. They do believe that the linage and generation of these did indure for more than ninty thousand yeeres, and in the end and conclusion of
them did end all humaine nature; for that it was the will of Tayn, who did first
create the man and woman of nothing, for to be reuenged on certaine iniuries
that they did vnto him, and for euery one that he had shewed vnto them, they did
almost knowe so much as himselfe, and would not acknowledge any superioritie, as
they did promise him, at such time as hee did give vnto him the secreat of all
his science. At that time did the heauen fall downe, then did Tayn raise it vp
againe, and created another man vpon the earth named Lotzitzam;<a name="FNanchor_66_66" id="FNanchor_66_66"></a><a href="#Footnote_66_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a>
<span class="sidenote">Marvellous varieties.</span>
hee had two hornes, out of the which proceeded a verie sweete sauour, the which
sweet smell did bring forth both men and women. This Lotzitzam vanished away,
and left behind him in the world manie men and women, of whom did proceede all
nations that now are in it. The first that this Lotzitzam brought foorth was
called Alazan, and lived nine hundred yeares; then did the heauen create another
man called Atzion, whose mother, called Lutin, was with childe with him, onely
in seeing a lyons head in the aire: he was borne in Truchin in the province of
Santon, and liued eight hundred yeares. At this time was the worlde replenished
with much people, and did feede on nothing but on wilde hearbs and raw things:
then was there borne into the worlde one called Vsao, who gave them industrie to
make and do many things, as to vse the trees to make defence to save them from
wilde beasts, which did them much harme, and to kill them, and make garments of
their skinnes. After him came one called Huntzui, who did inuent the vse of
<span class="sidenote">The first invention of fire.</span>
fire, and instructed them what they should doo, and how to rost<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">[52]</a></span>
and boyle their victuals, and how to barter and sell one thing for another. They
did understande one another in their contradictions by knots made vpon cords,
for that they had not the vse of letters nor any mention thereof. After that,
they say that a certain woman, called Hautzibon, was deliuered of a son named
Ocheutey,<a name="FNanchor_67_67" id="FNanchor_67_67"></a><a href="#Footnote_67_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a>
who was the inuentor of many things and ordained mariage, and to play on many
<span class="sidenote">Strange opinions.</span>
and diuers instruments. They do affirme that he came from heauen by myracle for
to doo good vpon the earth: for that his mother going by the way did see the
print of a mans foote, and putting her foote on it, she was straight wayes
invironed with a lightning, with whom she was conceiued, and with child with
this son. This Ocheutey had a son called Ezoulom,<a name="FNanchor_68_68" id="FNanchor_68_68"></a><a href="#Footnote_68_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a>
who was the inuentor of phisicke and astrology, but, in especiall, matters
touching lawe and iudgement. Hee showed them how to till the lande, and inuented
<span class="sidenote">The invention of plough and spade.</span>
the plough and spade; of this man they do tell manie wonderfull and maruellous
things, but amongst them all, they say that he did eate of seuen seuerall kindes
of hearbes that were poyson, <span class="sidenote">Sic. orig.</span>
and did him no harme; he liued 400 hundred yeares;
his son was called Vitey, the first they had amongst them; hee reduced all
<span class="sidenote">The first king of China.</span>
things to be vnder gouernement, and to haue it by succession, as shalbe declared
in the chapter whereas I will treate of the king of this mightie kingdome that
now liueth. These and many other varieties and toyes they saie of the beginning
of the world, whereby may be vnderstood how little men may do without the fauour
of God, and the light of the catholike faith, yea, though they be of the most
subtilest and finest wit that may be imagined.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">[53]</a></span></p>
<hr class="l15" />
<p class="chapter">CHAP. VI.</p>
<p class="intro">How they hold for a certaintie that the soule is immortall, and that he
shal haue another life, in the which it shalbe punished or rewarded
according vnto the workes which he doth in this world; and how they
pray for the dead.</p>
<p>By that aforesaid it appeareth to be of a truth that the apostle S. Thomas
did preach in China, and we may presume that all which wee haue seene dooth
remaine printed in their hearts from his doctrine, and beareth a similitude of
the truth and a conformity with the things of our catholike religion. Now
touching this that wee will treate of in this chapter, of the immortalitie that
they believe of the soule, and of the rewarde or punishment which they shall
have in the other life, according vnto the workes doone in company with the
bodie, which appeareth to be the occasion that they do not live so euill as they
might, not hauing the knowledge of this truth.</p>
<p>I do hope by the power of his diuine maiestie that they wil easily be brought
vnto the true knowledge of the gospel. They say and do affirme it of a truth,
that the soule had his first beginning from the heauen, and shall neuer haue
<span class="sidenote">The soul is immortal.</span>
ende, for that the heauen hath given it an eternall essence. And for the time
that it is within the body that God hath ordained, if it do liue according to
such lawes as they have, without doing euill or deceit vnto his neighbor, then
it shalbe caried vnto heaven, wheras it shal liue eternally with great ioy, and
shalbe made an angel: and to the contrarie, if it liue ill, shall go with the
diuels into darke dungeons and prisons, whereas they shall suffer with them
torments which neuer shall haue end. They doo confesse that there is a place
whither such soules as shalbe made angels doo go to make themselues cleane of al
such euil as did cleaue unto them, being in the bodie: and for that it should be
speedelier doone, the good<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">[54]</a></span>
deeds which are done by their parents and friends doo helpe them verie much. So
that it is very much vsed throughout al the kingdome to make orations and
praiers for the dead,<a name="FNanchor_69_69" id="FNanchor_69_69"></a><a href="#Footnote_69_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a>
for the which they have a day appointed in the moneth of August. They do not
make their offrings in their temples, but in their houses, the which they doo in
<span class="sidenote">Strange obsequies.</span>
this manner following. The day appointed, all such as do beare them companie
vntill their sacrifices are concluded for the dead, which are such as we do cal
here religious men, euery one hath his companion and walketh the streets, and
dooth report the daies and houses where they will be, for that it cannot be
doone altogether. So when they come vnto the house whereas they must doo their
offices, they enter in, and do prepare that euery one do make oration and
sacrifice according to their fashion for the dead of that house, vnderstanding
that by their helpe they shalbe made cleane from their euils, which is an
impediment that they cannot be angels nor inioy the benefite which is ordained
for them in heauen. One of these that is like vnto a priest, dooth bring with
him a taber, and other two little bords, and another a little bell. Then they do
make an altar, wheron they do set such idols as the dead had for their saints
liuing; then do they perfume them with frankensence and storax and other sweet
smels: then do they put fiue or six tables ful of victuals for the dead and for
the saints: then straightwayes, at the sound of the taber, little bords, and
bels (which is a thing more apt for to dance by, as by report of them that have
heard it), they begin to sing certaine songs which they haue for that purpose:
then do the nouices goe vp vnto the altar, and do offer in written paper those
orations which they did sing to the sound of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">[55]</a></span>
those instruments. This being done, they sit down and begin anew to sing as
before. In the end of their prayers and songs, he who doth this office, doth
sing a prayer, and in the end thereof (with a litle borde that he hath in his
hand for the purpose) he striketh a blow vpon the table, then the other do
answere in the same tune, declining their heades, and doe take certaine painted
papers, and guilt papers, and doe burne them before the altar. In this sort they
are all the night, which is the time that ordinarily they do make their
<span class="sidenote">They make their sacrifices in the night.</span>
sacrifices, the which being done, the priests and those that be in the house, do
eat the victuals that was set vpon the tables, wherein they doo spend the
residue of the night till it be day. They say that in doing this they do purifie
and make cleane the soules, that they may goe and become angels. The common
<span class="sidenote">Great superstition.</span>
people do beleeue of truth that the soule that liueth not well, before they go
into hell (which shall not be before the end of the world, according as they do
thinke in their error), in recompence of their euill life, the heauens doo put
them into the bodies of buffes and other beasts; and those which liue well, into
the bodies of kings and lords, whereas they are very much made of and well
serued. These and a thousande toies in like sort, making that the soul dooth
mooue out of one into another, as certaine old philosophers did affirme it to
bee, who were as blind and as far from the truth as they.</p>
<hr class="l15" />
<p class="chapter">CHAP. VII.</p>
<p class="intro">Of their temples, and of certaine manner of religious people, both men
and women, and of their superiors.</p>
<p>There are found in this kingdome many moral things, the which do touch verie
much our religion, which giueth vs to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">[56]</a></span>
vnderstand that they are people of great vnderstanding, in especiall in naturall
things, and that it should be of a certainty, that the holy apostle of whom we
have spoken, did leaue amongst them by his preachings occasion for to learne
manie things that do shew vnto vertue; one of the which is, that there is found
amongst them many monasteries in their cities and townes, and also in the
fieldes, wherein are manie men and women that do liue in great closenes and
obedience, after the fashion of other religious monasteries. They haue amongst
them (that is knowne) onely foure orders, euery one of them hath their generall,
who dwelleth ordinarily in the citie of Suntien, or Taybin, whereas is the king
and his counsell. These their generals they doo call in their language <i>
tricon</i>, who doo prouide for euery prouince a prouinciall, to assist and
visite all the conuents, correcting and amending such faults as is found,
according vnto the institution and manner of liuing. This prouinciall doth
ordaine in euery conuent one, which is like vnto the prior or guardian, whom al
the rest do reuerence and obey. This generall is for euer till he doo die,
except they doo finde in him such faults that he doth deserue to be depriued;
yet they do not elect their prouincials as we do vse, but it is doone by the
king and his counsell, alwayes choosing him that is knowne to be of a good life
and fame, so that fauour carrieth nothing away. This generall is apparelled all
in silke, in that colour that his profession dooth vse, either black, yeallow,
<span class="sidenote">Gallant colours for religious men.</span>
white, or russet, which are the fower colours that the foure orders doo vse: hee
neuer goeth foorth of his house, but is carried in a little chaire of iuorie or
golde, by foure or sixe men of his habite. When any of the conuent doth talke
vnto him, it is on their knees; they haue also amongst them a seale of their
monasterie, for the dispatching of such businesse as toucheth their religion.
These haue great rentes giuen them by the king for the sustayning of themselues
and their suruants. All their conuents hath great rentes in general; part<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">[57]</a></span>
giuen them by the king, and part of charitie, giuen them in those cities or
townes whereas they haue their houses, the which are many and verie huge. They
doo aske their charitie in the streets, singing with the sounde of two little
bords, and other instruments. Every one of them when they do begge, doth carrie
in their hands a thing, wherein are written certaine praiers, that they say is
for the sins of the people; and all that is giuen them in charitie they lay it
vpon the said thing, wherewith they do vnderstand (in their blind opinion) that
their spirit is cleare of all sinne. In general their beards and heads are
shauen, and they weare one sole vesture, without making any difference,
according vnto the colour of their religion. They do eate altogether, and haue
their sels according to the vse of our friers, their vestures or apparel is
ordinary of serge of the said foure colours. They haue beads to pray on, as the
papists vse, although in another order; they doe assist al burials for to haue
charity; they do arise two houres before day to pray, as our papists<a name="FNanchor_70_70" id="FNanchor_70_70"></a><a href="#Footnote_70_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a>
do their mattins, and do continue in the same vntill the day doo breake: they
doo praie all in one voice, singing in verie good order and attention, and all
<span class="sidenote">Gallant bels.</span>
the time of their praying they do ring belles, whereof they haue in that
kingdome the best and of the gallantest sounde that is in all the world, by
reason that they are made almost all of steele; they pray vnto the heauen, whom
they take for their god, and vnto Sinquian, who they say was the inuenter of
that their manner of life, and became a saint. They may leaue their order at all
times at their pleasure, giuing their generall to vnderstand thereof.</p>
<p>But in the time that they are in that order they cannot marrye, neither deale
with anye woman, vpon paine to bee punished asperly.<a name="FNanchor_71_71" id="FNanchor_71_71"></a><a href="#Footnote_71_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a>
At such time as one doth put himselfe in religion, the father or next kinsman of
him that taketh<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">[58]</a></span>
the order, doth inuite all them of the conuent, and doth make them a great and
solemne banket; yet you must vnderstand that the oldest sonne of any man cannot
<span class="sidenote">The eldest sonne is prohibited to take orders.</span>
put himself in any monasterie, but is prohibited by the lawes of the countrie,
for that the eldest sonne is bound to sustaine his father in his old age. When
that any of these religious men do die, they doo wash him, and shaue him, before
they do burie him, and do all weare mourning apparell for him. The religious man
or woman that is once punished for any fault, cannot afterward turne and receiue
the habite at any time. They haue a certaine marke giuen vnto them in token of
their fault, and that is a borde put about their necke, so that it is seene of
all people. Euerie morning and euening they do offer vnto their idolles
frankensence, benjamin, wood of aguila,<a name="FNanchor_72_72" id="FNanchor_72_72"></a><a href="#Footnote_72_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a>
and cayolaque,<a name="FNanchor_73_73" id="FNanchor_73_73"></a><a href="#Footnote_73_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a>
the which is maruelous sweete, and other gummes of sweet and odoriferous smels.
When that they will lanch any ship into the water after that it is made, then
these religious men, all apparelled with rich roabes of silke, do go to make
sacrifices vpon the poopes of them, wheras they haue their oratories, and there
they doo offer painted papers of diuers figures, the which they doo cut in
peeces before their idols, with certaine ceremonies and songes well consorted,
and ringing of little belles, they do reuerence vnto the diuell. And they do
paint him in the fore castle, for that he shall do no harme vnto the shipps:
that being done, they do eate and drinke<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">[59]</a></span>
till they can no more. And with this they thinke it is sufficient for the
shippe, that all such viages as shee shall make shall succeede well, the which
they haue amongst them for a thing most certaine: and if they did not blesse
them in this order, all things would fall out to the contrarie.</p>
<hr class="l15" />
<p class="chapter">CHAP. VIII.</p>
<p class="intro">The order that they haue in burying of the dead, and the mourning
apparell they haue.</p>
<p><span class="sidenote">A strange kind of buriall.</span>
It seemeth vnto me not farre from our purpose, to declare in this place, how
they vse in this kingdome to burie the dead, and it is surely a thing to be
noted: the manner is as foloweth. When that any one doth die, at the very
instant y<sup>t</sup> he yeeldeth vp y<sup>e</sup> gost, they do wash his bodie
all ouer from top to toe, then do they apparell him with the best apparell that
he had, all perfumed with sweet smels. Then after he is apparelled, they do set
him in y<sup>e</sup> best chaier that he hath; then commeth vnto him his father
and mother, brethren and sisters and children, who kneeling before him, they do
take their leaue of him, shedding of many teares, and making of great moane,
euery one of them by themselues. Then after them in order commeth all his
kinsfolkes and friends; and last of all his servants (if he had any), who in
like case do as the other before. This being done, they do put him into a coffin
or chest, made of verie sweete wood (in that countrie you haue verie much); they
do make it very close, to avoid the euil smel. Then do they put him on a table
with two bankes, in a chamber verie gallantly dressed and hanged with the best
clothes that can be gotten, couering him with a white sheete hanging downe to
the ground, whereon is painted the dead man or woman, as<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">[60]</a></span>
naturall as possible may be. But first in the chamber whereas the dead bodie is,
or at the entrie, they set a table with candles on it, and full of bread and
fruits of diuers sorts. And in this order they keepe him aboue ground 15 dayes,
in y<sup>e</sup> which time euery night commeth thether their priests and
religious men, whereas they sing praiers and offer sacrifices, with other
ceremonies: they bring with them many painted papers, and do burne them in the
presence of the dead bodie, with a thousand superstitions and witch-craftes: and
they do hang vpon cordes (which they haue for the same purpose) of the same
papers before him, and many times do shake them and make a great noyse, with the
which they say it doth send the soule straight vnto heauen.</p>
<p>In the end of the 15 daies, all which time the tables are continually
furnished with victuals and wine, which the priests, their kinsfolkes and
friends, that do come to visite them, do eat. These ceremonies being ended, they
take the coffin with the dead bodie, and carrie him into the fields, accompanied
with all his kinsfolks and friends, and with their priests and religious men,
carrying candles in their hands, wheras ordinarily they do burie them on a
mountaine, in sepulchres, that for the same purpose in their life time they
caused to be made of stone and masons worke: that being doone, straight waies
hard by y<sup>e</sup> sepulture, they do plant a pine tree, in y<sup>e</sup>
which place there be many of them, and they be neuer cut downe except they be
ouerthrowne with the weather, and after they be fallen they let them lie till
they consume of themselues, for that they be sanctified. The people y<sup>t</sup>
do beare him company to the graue, do go in uery good order like a procession,
and haue with them many instruments, which neuer leaue playing till such time as
the dead is put into the sepulcher. And that burial which hath most priests and
musicke is most sumptuous, wherin they were woont to spend great riches. They
sing to the sound of the instruments many orations vnto<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">[61]</a></span>
their idols, and in the end they do burne vpon the sepulcher many papers,
whereon is painted slaues, horse, gold, siluer, silkes, and many other things,
the which they say, that the dead body doth possesse in the other world whether
he goeth to dwell. At such time as they do put him into the grave, they doo make
great bankets and sports with great pastime, saying of a truth, that looke what
soeuer they doo at that time, the angels and saints that are in heauen doe the
like vnto the souls of the dead that is there buried. Their parents, familiars,
and servants, in all this time doo weare mourning apparell, the which is verie
asper,<a name="FNanchor_74_74" id="FNanchor_74_74"></a><a href="#Footnote_74_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a>
for that their apparell is made of a verie course wolle, and weare it next vnto
their skins, and girt vnto them with cords, and on their heads bunnets of the
same cloth, with verges brode like vnto a hat hanging downe to their eyes; for
father or mother they do weare it a hole yeare, and some two yeares, and if his
son be a gouernor (with licence of the king), he doth withdraw himself many
times, leauing the office he hath, the which they esteeme a great point of
honor, and have it in great account, and such as are not so much in aliance do
apparell them in died linnen certaine monethes. Likewise their parents and
friendes, although these doo weare it but for the time of the buriall.</p>
<hr class="l15" />
<p class="chapter">CHAP. IX.</p>
<p class="intro">Of their ceremonies that they vse in the celebrating the Marriages.</p>
<p>The people of this kingdome haue a particular care to giue state vnto their
children in time, before that they be ouercome or drowned in vices or lasciuious
liuing. The which care is the occasion, that in this countrie, being so<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">[62]</a></span>
great, there is lesse vice vsed than in any other smaller countries: whose ouer
much care doth cause them many times to procure to marrie their children being
verie yoong: yea, and to make consort before they bee borne, with signes and
tokens, making their writings and bandes for the performance of the same in
publike order. In all this kingdome—yea, and in the Ilands Philippinas—it is a
customable vse, that the husband doth giue dowrie vnto the wife with whom he
doth marrie; and at such time as they doe ioyne in matrimonie, the father of the
bride doth make a great feast in his owne house, and doth inuite to the same the
father and mother, kinsfolkes and friends, of his sonne in lawe. And the next
day following, the father of the bridegroome, or his next parent, doth the
like vnto the kinsfolkes of the bride. These bankets being finished, the
husbande doth giue vnto his wife her dowrie in the presence of them all, and she
doth giue it vnto her father or mother (if she haue them) for the paines they
tooke in the bringing her vp. Whereby it is to be vnderstoode, that in this
kingdome, and in those that doe confine on it, those that haue most daughters
<span class="sidenote">They that haue most daughters are most richest.</span>
are most richest; so that with the dowries their daughters do giue them, they
may well sustaine themselues in their necessitie; and when they die, they doo
giue it that daughter that did giue it them, that it may remaine for their
children, or otherwise vse it at their willes. A man may marrie with so manie
<span class="sidenote">They may marrie with many wiues.</span>
wiues as he can sustaine, so it be not with his sister or brothers daughter; and
if any doo marrie in these two degrees, they are punished very rigorously. Of
all their wiues, the first is their legitimate wife, and all the rest are
accompted but as lemanes or concubines. These married men doo liue and keepe
house with his first wife, and the rest he doth put in other houses; or if he be
a merchant, then he doth repart them in such villages or townes whereas hee doth
deale in, who are vnto him as seruantes in respect of the first. When the father
doth die, the eldest sonne, by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">[63]</a></span>
his first wife, doth inherite the most part of all his goods, and the rest is
reparted in equall partes amongest the other children, both of his first wife
and of all the other wiues. For lacke of a sonne by his first wife, the first
borne of the other wiues doth inherite the most part: so that few times, or
neuer, there is none that dieth without heyres, eyther by his first wife, or by
the others. And if it so fall out that any of these his wiues do commit
adulterie (the which seeldome chaunceth, by reason of their keeping in, and
great honestie, as also it is great infamie unto the man that doth offer any
<span class="sidenote">Honest women.</span>
such thing), then may the husband, finding them togither, kill them: but after
that first furie being past, he cannot but complaine of the adulterers vnto the
Justic, and although it be proued verie apparent, yet can they giue them no more
punishment but beate them cruelly vpon their thyghes, as is the custome and lawe
of the countrie, as shalbe declared vnto you in his place. Then may the husband
afterwardes sell his wife for a slave, and make money of her for the dowrie he
gaue her. Notwithstanding, there be amongst them that for interest will
dissemble the matter—yea, and will seeke opportunities and occasion. Yet if such
be spied or knowen, they are righteously punished. They say in the prouinces
that bee neere vnto Tartaria, and in the selfe same Tartaria they doo vse a
custome and manner of marriage very strange, that is: the vizroys or gouernors
doo limit and appoint a time when that all men and women shall meete together,
such as will marrie, or receive the order of religion.</p>
<p><span class="sidenote">A strange kind of marriage.</span>
The time being accomplished, all such as would be married, do meete together
in a citie of that prouince appointed for that purpose; and when they come
thither, they doo present themselues before 12 auncient and principall men,
appointed there by the king for the same purpose, who doo take a note of their
names, both of men and women, and of what state and degree they are, and of
their substance for<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">[64]</a></span>
to dowrie their wiues with whom they shalbe married. Then do they number all the
men and women that be there, and if they do find more men than women, or, to the
contrarie, more women than men, then they cast lots, and do leaue the number
that doth so beare in register til the next yeare; y<sup>t</sup> they may be the
first that shalbe married. Then sixe of those ancient men do put the men in
three parts; the rich they put in one part, without any consideration of
gentilitie or beautie, and those that are rich in a meane in an other parte, and
the poor in the thirde part. In the meane time that these sixe men be occupied
in the reparting of the men, the other sixe doe repart the women in three
parts—to say in this manner, the most fairest in one part, and them not so faire
in an other, and the fowlest in an other. This diuision being made, then do they
marrie them in this order: vnto the riche men they doo giue the fairest, and
they doo giue for them the prise that is appointed by the judges, and vnto them
that are not so rich they do giue them that are not so faire, without paying for
them anye thing at all; and vnto the poore men they giue the fowlest, with all
that which the rich men do pay for the faire women, diuiding it into equall
partes. Sure it is a notable thing if it bee true. This being done, they are all
married in one daie, and holpen (although peraduenture not all content), the
marriages being doone, there is greate feastes made, in such houses as the king
hath ordeyned in euerye citie for the same purpose, the which are furnished with
beds, and all other necessaries belonging thereunto, for that the new married
people may be serued of all that is needful for the time that the feast do
indure. This solemnitie beeing finished, which they saye doth indure fiftie
dayes, these newe married people doo goe vnto their owne houses. You must
vnderstande that this custome of marriage is ordeyned for the common and poore
people, and not for lords nor gentlemen, who are not bound to obey this
ordinaunce, but to marrie whereas they like best, euerie one<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">[65]</a></span>
to seeke and marrie with his equall, or else by an order which the king hath set
downe vnto the viceroys and gouernors, what to be done therein.</p>
<p>When that the King of China is married, then dooth he choose thirtie
concubines, the principallest persons in all his kingdome, the which hee dooth
keepe and maintayne within his pallace so long as hee doth liue. But after that
hee is dead, and his funerall ended, as is accustomed, then doth the heire or
successor of the kingdome apparell these thirtie women maruelous gorgeously,
with many iewelles; then doth hee cause them to set in an estrado, or rich
pallet, gallantly dressed and furnished, in one of the three halles (as shall be
declared in the second chapter of the third booke), with their faces couered, in
such sort as they may not be seene nor knowen; and being set in this order, then
doth there enter in thirtie gentlemen of the principallest of the kingdome,
(those whom the king left named in his testament), the which goeth by
antiquitie, or according vnto order set by the king; and eyther of them doth
take one of these ladies by the hand, and looke howe they found them, so they
doo carrie them with their faces covered till they bring them home to their
houses, whereas they haue them for their wiues, and do maintaine and keepe them
all the dayes of their liues. Towards the mainteyning of them, the king doth
leaue in his testament great reueneues, and the successor in the kingdome doth
accomplish and performe the same with great diligence and care.</p>
<p>In old time, when that the kinges of China would marrie one of his children
or kingsfolkes, he did make in his pallace a great and solemne banket, to the
which he did inuite all the principallest lordes and gentlemen of his court,
commaunding to bring with them their sonnes and daughters, who did accomplish
the same, striuing who should apparell their children most richest and most
gallantest. The banket being done, the young princes do go whereas are these<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">[66]</a></span>
young ladies, euerie one placed in order according to their age, and there he
doth chuse his wife according to his owne will or desire, and where he liketh
best. But at this time, this custome is left off, for that the princes and
gentlemen do marry with their kinsfolkes, so that it be not in the first or
seconde degree: yet many times they do not keepe the second.</p>
<hr class="l15" />
<p class="chapter">CHAP. X.</p>
<p class="intro">How that in all this mightie kingdome there is no poore folks walking in
the streets nor in the temples a begging, and the order that the king
hath giuen for the maintayning of them that cannot worke.</p>
<p>Manie things of great gouernment hath beene and shall be declared in this
historie worthy to be considered: and in my opinion, this is not the least that
is contained in this chapter, which is such order as the king and his counsell
<span class="sidenote">A good order to avoid idle people.</span>
hath giuen, that the poore may not go a begging in the streetes, nor in the
temples whereas they make orations vnto their idols: for the auoiding therof the
king hath set downe an order, vpon great and greeuous penaltie to be executed
vpon the saide poore, if they do begge or craue in the streetes, and a greater
penaltie vpon the citizens or townes men, if they do giue vnto any such that
beggeth; but must incontinent go and complaine on them to the justice, who is
one that is called the justice of the poore, ordayned to punish such as doo
breake the lawe, and is one of the principallest of the citie or towne, and hath
no other charge but only this. And for that the townes be great and many, and so
full of people, and an infinite nomber of villages, whereas it cannot be chosen
but there is many borne lame, and other misfortunes, so that he is not idle, but
alwaies occupied in giuing order to remedie the necessities of the poore without
<span class="sidenote">I would the like were with vs.</span>
breaking of the lawe. This iudge, the first day that hee doth enter into his
office, hee commandeth that whatsoeuer children be borne a creeple in any part
of his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">[67]</a></span>
members, or by sicknes be taken lame, or by any other misfortune, that
incontinent their fathers or mothers doo giue the iudge to vnderstande thereof,
that he may prouide for all things necessarie, according vnto the ordinance and
will of the king and his counsell; the which is, the man child or woman child,
being brought before him, and seene the default or lacke that it hath, if it be
so that with the same it may exercise any occupation, they giue and limit a time
vnto the parents, for to teach the child that occupation ordayned by the iudge,
and it is such as with their lamenes they may vse without any impediment, the
which is accomplished without faile; but if it so be, that his lameness is such
that it is impossible to learne or exercise any occupation, this iudge of the
poore doth command the father to sustaine and maintaine him in his owne house
all the dayes of his life, if that hee hath wherewithall; if not, or that hee is
fatherlesse, then the next rich kinsman must maintaine it; if he hath none such,
then doth all his parents and kinsfolkes contribute and pay their partes, or
giue of such thinges as they haue in their houses. But if it hath no parentes,
or they be so poore that they cannot contribute nor supply any part therof; then
doth the king maintaine them in verie ample manner of his owne costes in
hospitalles, verie sumptuous, that he hath in euerie citie throughout his
kingdome for the same effect and purpose: in the same hospitalles are likewise
maintayned all such needie and olde men as haue spent all their youth in the
<span class="sidenote">A very good order.</span>
wars, and are not able to maintaine themselues: so that to the one and the other
is ministered all that is needefull and necessarie, and that with great
diligence and care: and for the better accomplishing of the same, the iudge doth
put verie good order, and dooth appoint one of the principallest of the citie or
towne, to be the administrator, without whose licence, there is not one within
that hospitall that can goe foorth of the limittes: for that license is not
granted vnto anie, neyther doo they demand it, for that there they are prouided
of all thinges<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">[68]</a></span>
necessarie so long as they doo liue, as well for apparell as for victualles.
Besides all this, the olde folkes and poore men within the hospitall, doo bring
vpp hennes, chickens, and hogges for their owne recreation and profit, wherein
they doo delight themselves. The iudge doth visite often times the administrator
by him appointed. Likewise the iudge is visited by an other that commeth from
the court, by the appointment of the king and the counsell to the same effect:
and to visite all such hospitalles as bee in the prouinces limited in his
commission, and if they doo finde any that hath not executed his office in right
<span class="sidenote">A mirror for vs to look vpon.</span>
and iustice, then they doo displace them, and punish them verie rigorouslie: by
reason whereof all such officers haue great care of their charges and liue
vprightly, hauing before their eyes the straight account which they must giue,
and the cruell rewarde if to the contrarie.</p>
<p>The blinde folkes in this countrie are not accounted in the number of those
that of necessitie are to bee maintayned by their kinsfolkes, or by the king;
for they are constrayned to worke; as to grind with a querne<a name="FNanchor_75_75" id="FNanchor_75_75"></a><a href="#Footnote_75_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a>
wheate or rice, or to blowe smythes bellowes, or such like occupations, that
they haue no neede of their sight. And if it be a blind woman, when she commeth
vnto age, she doth vse the office of women of loue, of which sorte there are a
great number in publike places, as shall be declared in the chapter for that
purpose. These haue women that doo tende vpon them, and doo paint and trim them
vp, and they are such that with pure age did leaue that office. So by this order
in all this kingdome, although it be great, and the people infinite, yet there
is no poore that doo perish nor begge in the streetes, as was apparent vnto the
Austen and Barefoote fryers, and the rest that went with them into that
countrie.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">[69]</a></span></p>
<hr class="l30 p6" />
<h2><span class="s08">THE THIRD BOOKE</span><br />
<span class="s05">AND</span><br />
<span class="s08">HISTORIE</span><br />
<span class="s05">OF THE</span><br />
<span class="s08">GREAT AND MIGHTIE KINGDOME OF CHINA,</span><br />
<span class="s05">IN THE WHICH IS CONTAYNED MANY NOTABLE THINGS WOORTHIE<br />
TO BE CONSIDERED OF, TOUCHING MORALL<br />
AND POLLITIKE MATTERS.</span></h2>
<hr class="l15" />
<p class="chapter">CHAP. I.</p>
<p class="intro">How manie kinges hath beene in this kingdome, and their names.</p>
<p>In the fourth chapter of the first booke, I did promise particularly to
declare howe many kinges haue beene in this kingdome, and their names. Nowe to
accomplish the same, I will beginne and declare the succession of them from
<span class="sidenote">Vitey, the first king of China.</span>Vitey (who was the first that did reduce the kingdome to one empire gouernment)
vnto him that dooth reigne at this daye, remitting that which shall lacke vnto
the chapter aforesaide: whereas shall be found the number of the kinges, and how
many yeares since the first beginning of this kingdome, and the manner of the
succession.<a name="FNanchor_76_76" id="FNanchor_76_76"></a><a href="#Footnote_76_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a></p>
<p>
This Vitey was the first king of China (as it appeareth by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">[70]</a></span>
their histories, where as they doo make particular mention). But amongest other
thinges that they do declare of the kinges person, they do say that he was in
height so much as seuen measures, which is accustomed in China; and euerie
<span class="sidenote">Which is foure yeardes quarter and halfe.</span>
measure is two thirdes of a Spanish vare, which is by good account foure vares<a name="FNanchor_77_77" id="FNanchor_77_77"></a><a href="#Footnote_77_77" class="fnanchor">[77]</a>
and two terses<a name="FNanchor_78_78" id="FNanchor_78_78"></a><a href="#Footnote_78_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a>
in length: he was sixe palmes broade in the shoulders, and was as valiant in his
deedes as in bignesse of his bodie: he had a captaine called Lincheon, who was
not onely valiant, but politike and of great wisedome, by reason whereof with
his valour and strength he did subiect vnto Vitey all the whole countrie that he
doth now possesse, and caused all people to feare him. They do attribute that
<span class="sidenote">The first inuention of garments and dying of colours.</span>
this Vitey did first inuent the vse of garmentes for to weare, and by the dying
of all manner of colours, of making of shippes: hee likewise inuented the sawe
to sawe tymber; but aboue all thinges he was a great architector, and an
inuenter of buildinges, whereof hee made verie manie and verie sumptuous, which
doo indure vnto this day in the remembraunce of his name: he did also inuent the
wheele to turne silke, the which is vsed to this day in all the kingdome: hee
was the first that did use to weare golde, pearles, and precious stones for
iewelles, and to weare cloth of golde, siluer, and silke in apparell: he did
repart all the people of the countrie into cities, townes, and villages, and did
ordaine occupations, and commaunded that no man should vse any other but that
which his father did vse, without his particular licence, or the gouerners of
his kingdome. And that should not be granted without great occasion for the
same.</p>
<p>All of one occupation were put in streetes by themselues,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">[71]</a></span>
the which order is vsed vnto this day throughout al the kingdome; so that if you
doo desire to know what occupation is in anye street, it is sufficient to see
the first house thereof, although it be very long: for it is verie certaine that
they be all of one occupation and not mingled with any other. Amongst all other
things he ordeyned one thing of great consideration, that was, no woman to be
<span class="sidenote">No woman to be idle.</span>
idle, but to worke, either in her husbands occupation, or in sowing or spinning.
This was a law so generall amongst them, that the queene her selfe did obserue
and keepe it.</p>
<p><span class="sidenote">A strange kind of hearb.</span>
They saye that he was a great astrologician, and had growing in the court of
his pallace a certaine hearbe, the which did make a manner of demonstration when
that any did passe by it, whereby it did shewe if any were euill intentioned
against the king. Many other things they do declare which I let passe, because I
would not be tedious vnto the reader, referring the dreames and fondnesse of
these idolaters vnto the iudgement of your discretion: for vnto the discreete is
sufficient to touch of euerie thing a little. He had foure wiues, and by them
fiue and twentie sonnes; he reyned a hundreth yeares: there was betwixt this
king and he which did build the great wall (that was spoken of in the ninth
chapter of the first booke) one hundred and sixteene kinges, all of the lynage
of this Vitey. All the which did raigne, as appeareth by their histories, two
thousand two hundreth and fiftie seuen yeares. I do not here declare their
names, because I would not be tedious, although they be particularly named in
their histories; but here I will set downe them that I finde necessarie to be
spoken of for the succession vnto him that now reygneth.</p>
<p>The last king of the lynage of this woorthie Vitey, was called Tzintzon: this
did make the mightie and great wall aforesaide. Finding himselfe to be greatly
troubled with the king of Tartarie, who did make warre vppon him in many places
of his kingdom, he did ordaine the making thereof,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">[72]</a></span>
and for the furnishing of the same, he did take the third man of the countrie to
the worke; and for that manie people did die in this tedious worke, by reason
they went so farre from their owne houses, and in diuers climes cleane contrarie
vnto that where as they were bred and borne: it grew that the king was hated and
abhorred of all people, in such sort that they did conspire his death, which in
effect they did accomplish and slew him, after he had reigned fortie yeares: and
also his sonne and heyre, who was called Aguizi. After the death of this
Tzintzon and his sonne, they did ordaine for their king one that was called
Anchosan, a man of great valour and wisedome; hee reigned twelue yeeres: a sonne
of his did succeede him in the kingdom, called Futey, and he reigned seuen
yeares. After the death of this king, who died very young, his wife did reigne
and gouerne, and was of his owne lineage: she did maruellously gouerne that
kingdome for the space of 18 yeares, and for that shee had no issue naturall of
her bodie, a sonne of her husbands y<sup>t</sup> he had by an other wife did
succeede in the kingdome, and reigned three and twentie yeares: a son of his did
succeede him, called Cuntey, and reigned 16 yeares and eight monthes: a son of
his called Guntey, did reigne 54 yeares: a sonne of his did succeede him called
Guntey, and reigned thirteene yeares: his sonne, called Ochantey, did succeede
him, and reigned 25 yeares and three monthes: his son, called Coanty, succeeded
him, and reigned 13 yeares and two monthes. After him reigned his sonne Tzentzey
26 yeares and 4 monthes: then succeeded his son called Anthrey, and reigned no
more but 6 yeares; his sonne, Pintatey, did inherite and reigned 5 yeares. This
Pintatey when he died was not married, and therefore a brother of his did
succeede him, called Tzintzuny, and reigned but 3 yeares and 7 monethes: after
him succeeded a younger brother called Huy Hannon, and reigned sixe yeares: his
sonne, called Cubun, did succeed him, and reigned 32 yeares:<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">[73]</a></span>
his sonne, Bemthey, did inherite and reigned 18 yeares: after him his son,
Vnthey, and reigned 13 yeares: Othey succeeds him, and reigned 17 yeares; his
sonne, called Yanthey, reigned but 8 monethes, and left a sonne, called Anthey,
who reigned 19 yeares, whose eldest sonne, called Tantey, died incontinent after
his father, and reigned only 3 monthes, and his brother, called Chyley, reigned
one yeare; his son, called Linthey, reigned 22 yeares; his sonne, called
Yanthey, did succeede him, and reigned 31 years. This Yanthey (the historie
saieth) was a man of small wisedome, which was the occasion that he was abhorred
and hated of those of his kingdome. A nephew of his, called Laupy, did rebell
against him; he had two sociates for to helpe him, gentlemen of the court; they
were two brethren and verie valiant, the one was called Quathy, the other
Tzunthey; these two did procure to make Laupy king. His vncle the king
vnderstoode thereof, and was of so litle valor and discretion, that he could
not, neither durst he put remedie in the same, which caused commotions and
common rumors amongst the people. But in especiall there was foure tyrantes
ioyned in one, and all at one time, they wer called, Cincoan, Sosoc, Guansian,
and Guanser. Against these Laupy did make warre vnder colour to helpe his vncle,
but after a while, that the warre indured, he concluded and made peace with
Cincoan, and he married with one of his daughters, who straight wayes made warre
against the other three tyrants with the helpe of his father in lawe.</p>
<p>At this time this mightie kingdome was diuided in three partes, and beganne
the tyrannie as you shall vnderstande: the one and principall part fell vpon
Laupy by the death of his vncle, the other to Sosoc, and the other vnto Cincoan
his father in law. In this sort remained the kingdome in diuision a while, til
such time as Cuthey, sonne vnto Laupy, did reigne in his fathers steede. Then
did there a tyrant rise vp against him, called Chimbutey, and slew him: he by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">[74]</a></span>
his great valour did bring the kingdome all in one as before, after that it had
bin in diuision 41 yeares, and reigned after that alone 25 yeares: his sonne,
named Fontey, did succeede him, and reigned 17 yeares. And to make short of this
linage, there was 15 kinges, and reigned 176 yeares; against the last of them,
who was called Quioutey, there did arise against him tyrannously Tzobu. Of this
linage there was eyght kinges, who reigned 62 yeares: against the last of them,
called Sutey, there arose one called Cotey, of whose lynage there was fine
kings, and reigned twentie foure yeres; the last of them, called Otey, was
slaine by Dian. There was of this lynage foure kings that reigned 56 yeres:
against the last of them rose vp Tym, and there was of this race fiue kinges,
and reigned one and thirty yeares: against the last of this house rose vp Tzuyn.
And there was of this linage three kings, and reigned seuen and thirtie yeares,
against the last of these rose vp Tonco. This and all the rest of his lynage did
gouerne maruelous well; which was the occasion that they endured the longer
time. There was of them one and twentie kinges, and reigned 294 yeares; the last
of them, called Troncon, did marrie with one that had beene his fathers wife,
called Bausa, a verie faire woman: hee tooke her out of a monasterie, where she
was a nunne, onely to marrie with her: she vsed such policie that he was slaine,
and did gouerne the kingdome after, alone, one and fortie yeares. The historie
sayth that she was dishonest, and that with extremitie, and vsed the companie of
the best and principallest of the realme; and not content with that, she married
with one of base lynage, one fit for her purpose, because she was so vicious.
They say that before she did marrie, she caused to be slaine the sonnes she had
by her first husbande, for that she had a desire that a nephew of hers should
succeede her in the kingdome. Then those of the kingdome perceiuing her intent,
and wearie of her by reason of her ill liuing, sent out to seeke a bastard sonne
of her husbandes,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">[75]</a></span>
who was fledde away, and with a common consent they raysed him for king. He was
called Tautzon: he caused cruell and rigorous iustice to be done vpon his
stepmother, as was reason for her euilles, and an example to all those of the
kingdome, who by a president of her ill liuing beganne to straggle: there was of
his lynage seuen kinges, that reigned 130 yeares: against the last, called
Concham, arose Dian; of this linage there were but two kinges, and reigned
eighteene yeares. Against the second and last arose Outon, and was of his linage
three kinges, and reigned but fifteene yeares: against the last there arose
Outzim; of this there was but two kinges, and reigned nine yeares and three
monethes; there arose against the last Tozo: he and his sonne reigned foure
yeares: with the sonne of this one Auchin did fight and slewe him in the combat,
and succeeded him in the kingdome: hee with other two of his lynage reigned
tenne yeares; against the last of these arose vp one of the lynage of Vitey, the
first king, and slewe him; hee was called Zaytzon; there was of this lynage
seuenteene kinges, and reigned with all peace and quietnesse three hundred and
twentie yeares: the last of this lynage was called Tepyna, with whom did fight
the gran Tartaro called Vzon, who entred into China with a mightie armie, and
got all the kingdome; and it was possessed with nine Tartare kings, the which
reigned 93 yeares, and intreated the inhabitantes with great tyrannie and
seruitude: the last of these was called Tzintzoum; this was more cruel vnto the
Chinos then any of the rest, which was the occasion that all the kingdome did
ioyne together in one, and did elect a king, called Gombu, a man of great valour
and of the lynage of ancient kinges past, who by his great woorthinesse and
ioyning much people together, did so much that hee did driue all the Tartaros
out of the kingdome, with the death of many thousands of them, who obstinately
and without iustice did with all tyrannie keepe that kingdome in possession:
there<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">[76]</a></span> was of
this lynage twelue kinges with this that now reigneth: the eleuen kinges past
reigned two hundreth yeares: he that now possesseth the kingdome is called
Boneg, who by the death of his elder brother that died by a fall hee had from
his horse, did inherite the kingdome: he is of 21 yeares of age (as they saye)
and hath his mother aliue, of whom, as yet, there is nothing written: so that I
can write nothing in particular, but that they say he is a gallant gentleman,
and welbeloued of his subiects, and a great friende vnto iustice. He is married
with a cosen of his, and hath one sonne.</p>
<p>Those of his linage hath got of the Tartares many countries since they were
driven out of China, the which are on the other side of the mightie wall. God
for His mercie's sake bring them to the knowledge of His holy lawe, and
accomplish a prophesie that they have amongst them, by the which they are given
to vnderstand that they shall be ruled and brought in subiection by men with
great eyes and long beards—a nation that shall come from countries farre off, by
whom they shalbe commanded, which signifieth to be Christians. The king of this
countrie is had in so great reputation amongest his subiects, that in all the
prouinces where he is not resident, in the chiefe cities whereas are the
vizroyes or gouernors, they haue a table of gold, in the which is portred the
king that nowe reigneth, and couered with a curtin of cloth of gold, verie
riche, and thether goeth euery day the loytias, which are the gentlemen, men of
lawe, and ministers of justice, and do by dutie reuerence vnto it, as though the
kinge were personally present. This table and picture is discouered the first
day of their feasts which they doo celebrate, and is at the newe moone of euery
month, on the which day all people do repaire and do reuerence vnto the picture
with the same respect as they would doo if he were present: they do call the
king Lord of the Worlde, and Sonne of Heaven.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">[77]</a></span></p>
<hr class="l15" />
<p class="chapter">CHAP. II.</p>
<p class="intro">Of the court and pallace of the king, and of the citie where as he is
resident; and how that in all the kingdome there is not one that is
lord over subiects by propertie.</p>
<p>The habitation of this king, and almost of al his predecessors, hath bin and
is commonlie in the citie of Taybin or Suntien: the occasion is (as they saye)
for that it is neerest vnto the Tartarians, with whom continually they have had
wars, that they might the better put remedie in any necessitie that shoulde
happen, or, peraduenture, for that the temperature or clime of that place is
more healthfull than the other prouinces, or the dwelling to be of more
pleasure, as it is giuen to vnderstand by that worde Suntien, which in their
language is as much to say the celestiall citie; it is of such bignesse that,
for to crosse it ouer from gate to gate, a man must traueile one whole day, and
<span class="sidenote">A citie of a daies iourney long.</span>
have a good horse, and put good diligence, or else he shal come short: this is,
besides, the subburbes, which is as much more ground. Amongst the Chinos is
found no varietie in the declaration of this mightie city, and of the great
riches that is in it, which is a signe to be of a truth for that they agree all
in one. There is so much people in it, what of citizens and courtiers, that it
is affirmed that, vpon any vrgent occasion, there may be ioyned together two
hundreth thousand men, and the half of them to bee horsemen. At the entring into
this citie toward the orient, is situated the mightie and sumptuous pallace of
the king, where he remaineth ordinarily, although hee hath other two: the one in
the midst of the citie, and the other at the end towards the west. This first
pallace they do testifie is of such huge bignesse, and so much curiositie, that
it is requisite to haue foure days at the least to view and see it all. First it
is compassed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">[78]</a></span>
about with seuen walles, very huge; and the space that is betwixt one wall and
other doth contain ten thousand souldiers, which doo watch and gard the king's
house dayly: there is within this pallace three score and nineteen halls, of a
marueilous rich and curious making, wherein there are many women that do serve
the king in the place of pages and squires; but the principallest to be seen in
this pallace is foure halles very rich, whereas the king giveth audience vnto
such ambassadours as come vnto him from other kingdomes or prouinces, or vnto
his owne people when they call any court of parliament (which is very seldome),
for that he is not seene by his commons out of his owne house but by great
chance, and yet when they doo see him, for the most part it is by a glasse
window. The first of these hals is made al of mettal, very curiously wrought
<span class="sidenote">Foure curious halles.</span>
with manie figures: and the seconde hath the seeling and the floore wrought in
the order of masons' worke, all of siluer of great value: the third is of fine
golde, wrought and inamiled verie curiously. The fourth is of so great riches,
that it much exceedeth all the other three: for that in it is represented the
power and riches of that mightie kingdome: and therefore in their language they
do cal it the hall of the king's treasure; and they do affirme that it deserueth
to haue that name—for that there is in it the greatest treasure that any king
hath in all the world, besides many iewels of an inestimable price, and a chaire
(wherein he dooth sit) of great maiesty, made of iuory, set full of precious
stones and carbuncles, of a great price, that in the darkest time of the night
the hall is of so great clearenesse as though there were in it many torches or
lights: the wals are set full of stones of diuers sorts, verie rich and of great
vertue, wrought verie curiously: and to declare it in fewe words, it is the
richest and principalst thing to be seene in all the kingdome, for therein is
the principallest thereof.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">[79]</a></span></p>
<p>In these foure halles are heard such ambassadours as are sent from other
countries, according vnto the estate and qualitie of the king and prouinces from
whence they come: so that according as they are esteemed, so are they
entertained into one of these foure hals. If that from whence they come is from
a king of small power, he hath audience in the first hall: if he be of a
reasonable power, in the second hal, and in this order in the rest. Within this
mightie pallace, the king hath all that any humane vnderstanding can desire or
aske (touching this life), in pleasure for to recreate his person, and for their
queene: for that neuer (or by great chance) they go foorth of the same: and it
hath beene a customable vse amongst the kings of that countrie, that it is as a
thing inherited by succession never to go forth. They say, their reason why they
doo keepe themselues so close and not to go abroade, is to conserue the mightie
estate of their estade,<a name="FNanchor_79_79" id="FNanchor_79_79"></a><a href="#Footnote_79_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a>
and also to auoide for being slaine by treason (as many times it falleth so
out); for which occasion you haue had kings, that in all the time of their
reigne haue not gone out of their pallace but onely the day of their oath and
crownation: and besides this their close keeping, yet haue they tenne thousande
men continually (as aforesaide) in garde of the pallace both day and night,
besides others that are in the courtes, staires and halles, and other places.
Within the gates and wals of this mightie pallace they haue gardines, orchards,
woodes, and groues, whereas is all manner of hunt, and foule, and great pondes
full of fish. And, to conclude, they haue all manner of pleasures and delites,
that may be inuented or had in any banketting house in the fielde. In all this
kingdome there is not one that is lorde ouer any subiect or vassales (as they of
Turkie), neither haue they any iurisdiction proper, but that which is his
patrimonie and moueables, or that which the king doth giue them in recompence of
good seruice or gouernment, or for any<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">[80]</a></span>
other particular respect: all the which dooth end with the person, and is
returned againe vnto the king, except he will giue it vnto the sonne of him that
is dead, in curtesie more then by obligation or duetie: giuing to vnderstande
that it is to auoyd inconueniences and occasions of treasons, which might grow
if that there were any lords that were rich or of power, and not for couetousnes
or any other intent. Those whom he dooth put in authoritie, whether they are
vizroyes, gouernours, or captaine generals, or whatsoeuer they be, hee giueth
vnto them large wages, sufficient to sustaine them in their office, in so ample
sort, that it is rather ouerplus vnto them then lacke; for that he will not that
their necessitie compell them to take presents or bribes, which thing doth
<span class="sidenote">Punished for taking bribes.</span>
blinde them, that they cannot do iustice vprightly: and vnto him that doth
receiue or take any such (although it be but of smal prise) he is cruelly
punished.</p>
<hr class="l15" />
<p class="chapter">CHAP. III.</p>
<p class="intro">The number of such subiects as doo pay vnto the king tribute in all these fifteene prouinces.</p>
<p>Vnderstanding the greatnesse of this kingdome of China, and the infinite
number of people that is therein, it is an easie thing to bee beleeued, the
number that euery prouince hath of such as do pay tribute, as is taken out of
the booke that the officers haue, whereby they do recouer that tribute: and it
is affirmed, that there are as many more, such as are free and do pay no
tribute. The loytians and ministers of iustice, all sorts of soldiers, both by
sea and land (which is an infinite number), are free and do pay nothing; the
number as followeth.</p>
<p>The prouince of Paguia<a name="FNanchor_80_80" id="FNanchor_80_80"></a><a href="#Footnote_80_80" class="fnanchor">[80]</a>
hath two millions seuen hundred and foure thousand that doth pay tribute to the
king.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">[81]</a></span></p>
<p>The prouince of Santon, 3 millions and 700 thousand tributers.</p>
<p>The prouince of Foquien, two millions foure hundred and seuen thousand
tributers.</p>
<p>The prouince of Olam, two millions two hundred and foure thousand tributers.</p>
<p>The prouince of Sinsay, three millions three hundred and foure score
thousand.</p>
<p>The prouince of Susuan, two millions and fiftie thousand.</p>
<p>The prouince of Tolanchia, there where as the king is resident, and is the
biggest of them al, sixe millions fourescore and ten thousand.</p>
<p>The prouince of Cansay, two millions three hundred and fiue thousand.</p>
<p>The prouince of Oquiam, three millions and eight hundred thousand.</p>
<p>The prouince of Ancheo, two millions eight hundred and foure thousand.</p>
<p>The prouince of Gonan, one million and two hundred thousand.</p>
<p>The prouince of Xanton, one million nine hundred fortie and foure thousand.</p>
<p>The prouince of Quicheu, two millions thirtie and foure thousand.</p>
<p>The prouince of Chequeam, two millions two hundred and fortie foure thousand.</p>
<p>The prouince of Sancii, which is the least of all the prouinces, hath one
million sixe hundred threescore and twelue thousand tributers.</p>
<p>By this account it is found, that the tribute payers are verie many: and it
is approoued in manie places of this historie whereas they do treate of the
greatnes of this kingdome, that it is the mightiest and biggest that is to bee
read of in all the world. God, for His mercies sake, bring them to the knowledge
of His lawe, and take them out from the tyrannie of the diuell, wherein they are
wrapped.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">[82]</a></span></p>
<hr class="l15" />
<p class="chapter">CHAP. IV.</p>
<p class="intro">The tribute that the king hath in these fifteene prouinces, according
vnto the truest relation.</p>
<p>Although this kingdome is great and very rich, yet there is none that doth
pay so little tribute ordinarily vnto their king as they do, neither amongst
Christians, Moores, nor Gentiles, that we know. The extraordinary and personall
seruice is very much, that in some respect wee may say that they are more slaues
than free men, for that they do not possesse one foote of land; but they pay
tribute in respect whereof, as also for the great misusing of them by their
gouernours, will bee a great part and occasion to inuite them to receiue the
lawe of the gospell, and that with great facilitie to inioy the libertie of the
same.</p>
<p>The ordinarie tribute that euery one dooth pay that dooth keepe house, is two
Mases<a name="FNanchor_81_81" id="FNanchor_81_81"></a><a href="#Footnote_81_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a>
euery yeare, which is as much as two Spanish rials of plate. This tribute is
verie little, yet the Loytians (which is a great part of the kingdome) do pay
none, neither their gouernours nor ministers, captaines nor souldiours: the
multitude of the people is so great, and the kingdome so bigge, that alonely
that which they giue for expences of the king and his court is woonderfull, with
customes, dueties, portages, and other rents: not accounting that which is paide
vnto garisons and souldiers of that kingdome, neither in that which is spent in
repairing of walles of particular cities, and in men of warre at sea, and campes<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">[83]</a></span>
by land, to gouernoures and iustices, which doth not enter into this account.</p>
<p><span class="sidenote">The rent of the king.</span>
The rent which remaineth vnto the king ordinarily is this that followeth, and
is taken with great regard out of the booke of his excheker. Yet the Chinos do
say that it is much lesse then that they do pay at this time; for that this is
of old antiquitie, when as the tributes were lesse: the tributes as followeth.</p>
<p><span class="sidenote">Pure gold.</span>
Of pure golde, from seuenteene to two and twentie killates,<a name="FNanchor_82_82" id="FNanchor_82_82"></a><a href="#Footnote_82_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a>
they giue him foure millions, and two hundred fiftie sixe thousand and nine
hundred Taes:<a name="FNanchor_83_83" id="FNanchor_83_83"></a><a href="#Footnote_83_83" class="fnanchor">[83]</a>
euerie one is worth ten rials and foure and twentie marauadies Spanish mony.</p>
<p><span class="sidenote">Fine siluer.</span>
Of fine siluer, three millions one hundred fiftie three thousand two hundred
and nineteene Taes.</p>
<p><span class="sidenote">Pearles.</span>
The mines of pearles, whereof you haue many in this kingdome (although they
are not verie round), is woorth vnto him commonly two millions sixe hundred and
thirtie thousand Taes.</p>
<p><span class="sidenote">Precious stones.</span>
Of precious stones of all sorts, as they come from the mines, one million
foure hundred three score and ten thousand Taes.</p>
<p><span class="sidenote">Muske and amber.</span>
Of muske and amber, one million and thirtie fiue thousande Taes.</p>
<p>Of earthen dishes and vessell, fourscore thousand Taes. Besides all this, the
king doth put forth verie much ground to his subiects, and they do pay him with
part of the croppe that they gather, or with the cattle that they bring vp on y<sup>e</sup>
same grounde.</p>
<p><span class="sidenote">Rice.</span>
The quantitie that they pay him is as followeth. Of cleane rice (which is a
common victuall throughout all the kingdome, and of the countries adioyning to
them) they pay him three score millions, one hundred three score and eleuen
thousand, eight hundred thirtie and two hanegges.</p>
<p><span class="sidenote">Barle.</span>
Of barley, twentie nine millions, three hundred foure<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">[84]</a></span>
score and eleuen thousand, nine hundred fourescore and two hanegges.</p>
<p><span class="sidenote">Wheate.</span>
Of wheat like vnto that in Spaine, thirtie three millions, one hundred
twentie thousand and two hundred hanegges.</p>
<p><span class="sidenote">Salt.</span>
Of salt, twentie fiue millions three hundred and fortie thousand foure
hundred hanegges, which is made in his owne salt pits, and is of a great rent.</p>
<p><span class="sidenote">Mayz.</span>
Of wheat called Mayz, twentie millions two hundred and fiftie thousand
hanegs.</p>
<p><span class="sidenote">Millo.</span>
Of millio,<a name="FNanchor_84_84" id="FNanchor_84_84"></a><a href="#Footnote_84_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a>
twentie foure millions of hanegges.</p>
<p><span class="sidenote">Panizo.</span>
Of Panizo,<a name="FNanchor_85_85" id="FNanchor_85_85"></a><a href="#Footnote_85_85" class="fnanchor">[85]</a>
fourteene millions and two hundred thousande hanegges.</p>
<p><span class="sidenote">Other graine.</span>
Of other different graine and seeds, fortie millions and two thousand
hanegges.</p>
<p><span class="sidenote">Peeces of silk.</span>
They doo pay him in peeces of silke, of fourteene vares long the peece, two
hundred fiue thousand and fiue hundred ninetie peeces.</p>
<p><span class="sidenote" >Raw silke. Cotton wool.</span>
Of raw silke in bundles, fiue hundred and fortie thousande pounds.
Of cotton
wool, three hundred thousand pounds.</p>
<p><span class="sidenote">Mantels.</span>
Of mantles wrought of all colours, eight hundred thousand and foure hundred
mantles. Of Chimantas<a name="FNanchor_86_86" id="FNanchor_86_86"></a><a href="#Footnote_86_86" class="fnanchor">[86]</a>
made of rawe silke, that waieth twelue pound a peece, three hundred thousand
sixe hundred and eightie of them. Of mantles made of cotton of fourty vares,
sixe hundred seuenty eight thousand, eight hundred and seuentie. Of Chimantas of
cotton, three hundred foure thousand sixe hundred forty and eight. All this
aforesaide is for expenses of the court, which is great. The Chinos y<sup>t</sup>
come vnto the Philippinas do affirme the same, and do not differ in the report,
which is a signe to be true: likewise they do receiue of it in his tresurie,
whereas is many millions, and cannot be otherwise, considering his great rentes.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">[85]</a></span></p>
<hr class="l15" />
<p class="chapter">CHAP. V.</p>
<p class="intro">Of the men of war that are in the fifteene prouinces, as wel footmen as<br />
horsemen, and of the great care they haue in the gard of the kingdome.</p>
<p>Looke what care and diligence this mightie king hath, that iustice should be
ministred with right and equitie: so likewise (yea and much more) he hath
touching matters that may preuent wars, which be offered by princes adiacent
vnto him, or any other whatsoeuer. But in especiall with the Tartarians, with
whom they haue had continuall wars many years. (Although at this day) that the
Tartarians doo feare him very much: in such sort as he thinketh it best to keepe
him for his friende, and doth acknowledge vnto him a certain manner of
vassalage. And although at this present and long time since, he hath bin and is
without any occasion of wars, that should come vpon a sodain; yet hath he had
manie and grieuous enimies to defend himselfe from, or to offend them, as you
shall perceiue in this that followeth. For besides that he hath in euery
prouince his president and counsell of war, captaine generall, and others
ordinarie to take vp people, and ordaine their campes and squadrons as well by
sea as by land, to serue at all assaies when that occasion shall serue; so
likewise he hath in euery city captaines and souldiers for their particular
<span class="sidenote">Great care for to defend their countrie.</span>
garde and defence, and doo range and watch to set their garde in order both day
and night, as though their enimies were at the gates. This military order they
do vse and maintaine, in such sort that no nation knowne may be compared vnto
them. Although, speaking generally, (according vnto the relation of certaine
Spanish souldiers that were there, and did manie times see them) there be other
nations that do exceed them both in valiantnesse, courage, and worthinesse of
mind.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">[86]</a></span></p>
<p>They haue at the gates of all their cities their squadrons, who let<a name="FNanchor_87_87" id="FNanchor_87_87"></a><a href="#Footnote_87_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a>
the entrie and going out of any whatsoeuer, except he haue licence of the
iustice of that citie or towne, brought them in writing: the which gates they do
shut and open by order and licence of their captaines, which is sent vnto them
euery day, written in whited tables, and their sine vnto it. These gates are the
force of all the cittie, and thereon is planted all the artilerie they haue;
nigh vnto the which gate, is ordinarily the house whereas they are founded or
made. At night, when they do shut their gates, they do glew papers vpon the
ioinings of them: then they doo seale the papers, with the seale that the
gouernour or iudge of that cittie doth weare on his finger, the which is done by
himselfe, or by some other in whom he hath great confidence and trust: and they
cannot open them againe in the morning vntill such time as it bee seene and
acknowledged that it hath not been touched since the night that it was put on.
So that if any haue any iourney to ride very early in the morning, he must go
forth of the citie ouer night, before the gates be shut, and remaine in the
suburbs: for out of the cittie it is not possible to goe vntill the gates be
open, which is not till the sunne be vp ordinarily.</p>
<p>They do not vse any castles nor forts, but great bulwarkes and gun bankes,
whereas they haue continuall watch, and doo change by quarters according as wee
do vse: and the officers with a great number of souldiers do range throughout
the city, and bulworkes: and commonly the captaines be naturall of those
prouinces, whereas they haue their charge giuen them in consideration that the
loue they haue to their countrie, doo binde them to fight to the death for the
defence thereof. And for that there should be more quietnesse and rest in the
cities, it is not permitted that any do weare weapons, defensiues, nor
offensiues, but onely such souldiers as haue the kings pay: neither do they
consent<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">[87]</a></span> they
should haue them in their houses, neither vse any in trauaile by sea nor lande.
Besides all this, the king hath in the citie of Taybin and Suntiem (whereas hee
is resident), and in such cities lying there about, a great number both of
horsemen and footemen, alwaies in a readinesse for to go with him into any
place, for the safegarde of his person in time of necessitie.</p>
<p>The souldiers of his kingdome are in two sortes and manners, the one sort are
such as bee and are naturals of the citie whereas they haue their charge, and
these be called in their language Cum: in this place the sonne doth succeed the
father, and for lacke of an heire, the king doth prouide one in the dead man's
place. Euery one of them hath his name written vpon the post of his doore, and
the place appointed whither he shal go when occasion shall serue (enemies being
against that cittie or towne). The other sort of souldiers are strangers, and
are consorted for yeares or monethes to serue. These be they that ordinarily
make their watches, musters, and ioyne companies for the receit of the
captaines: these be called in their language Pon.<a name="FNanchor_88_88" id="FNanchor_88_88"></a><a href="#Footnote_88_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a>
These goe from one place vnto another, whereas they are commanded to go. One
captaine and ancient hath charge of a thousand, and a meaner captaine with his
ancient a hundreth, that doo depend vpon the other. So that for to knowe the
number of people that is in a great campe, it is done with great ease in
accounting the ensignes of a thousand men, which are easily knowne. Euery chiefe
or petie captaine of these, hath his house vpon the cittie wal, and his name put
on it, and there he dwelleth so long as the warres indureth. These captaines
euery moneth do exercise their souldiers in marching and putting them in order:
sometime<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">[88]</a></span>
with quick speed, and other times more slower, and to giue assalt and retyre as
they are taught by the sound of the drum: this they do vse continually in the
time of peace, as well as in the time of warre: also how to vse their weapons,
which are ordinarie, hargabuses, pikes, targets, faunchers,<a name="FNanchor_89_89" id="FNanchor_89_89"></a><a href="#Footnote_89_89" class="fnanchor">[89]</a>
brushebilles,<a name="FNanchor_90_90" id="FNanchor_90_90"></a><a href="#Footnote_90_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a>
holbards, dagars, and armour. The horsemen do vse in the warres to carrie foure
swords hanging at their saddell bowes, and doo fight with two at once, with
great dexteritie and gallant to behold. These do accustome to go into the wars
accompanied with many seruants, and familiar friends on foote, all wel armed
after the gallantest manner that possibly they may. These footemen be
marueillous full of policie, and ingenious in warlike or martiall affaires: and
although they haue some valor for to assalt and abide the enemie, yet doo they
profite themselues of policies, deuises and instruments of fire, and of fire
workes. Thus do they vse as wel by land in their wars as by sea, many bomes<a name="FNanchor_91_91" id="FNanchor_91_91"></a><a href="#Footnote_91_91" class="fnanchor">[91]</a>
of fire, full of old iron, and arrowes made with powder and fire worke, with the
which they doo much harm and destroy their enimies. The horsemen do fight with
bowes and arrowes, and lances, and with two swordes (as I haue saide before),
and some with hargabuses. They cannot gouerne their horses very wel, for that
they haue but one peece of iron that is crosse in their mouthes that serueth for
a bridle; and for to make them stay, they pull but one raine, and with clapping
their hands together and making of a noise before them. They haue very ill
<span class="sidenote">Uerie ill horsemen.</span>
saddels, so that they be al verie ill horsemen. The like prouision hath the king
for the sea: hee hath great fleetes of ships, furnished with captaines and men,
that doo scoure and defend the costs of the countrie with great diligence and
watchings. The souldiers, as well by land as by sea, are paid with great
liberalitie, and those that do aduantage themselues in valor, are very much
esteemed, and haue great preferment and rewards. When<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">[89]</a></span>
these Chinos doo take anie prisoner in the wars, they doo not kill him, nor giue
him more punishment, but to serue as a souldier in that countrie in the farthest
parts from their naturall, the king paying him his wages as other souldiers are
paid. These for that they may be knowne doo weare redde bonnets, but in their
other apparell they do differ nothing from the Chinos. Likewise such as be
condemned by iustice for criminall offences, to serue in any frontier (as is
vsed much amongst them), they also weare redde caps or bonnets: and so it is
declared in their sentence, that they do condemme them to the red bonnet.</p>
<hr class="l15" />
<p class="chapter">CHAP. VI.</p>
<p class="intro">More of the men of war which are in al these fifteene prouinces, and how
many there be in euery one of them, as well horsemen as footemen.</p>
<p>In the chapter past you do vnderstande what care these Chinos haue in the
time of peace as well as in warre for to defend their citties, and what
preparations they haue generrally throughout al the countrie. Now lacketh to let
you know particularly the number that euery prouince hath in it selfe, the
better to vnderstand the mightinesse therof. They haue in euerie prouince in
their chiefe or metropolitan citie, a counsell of warre, with a president and
foure counsailers; all the which are such as haue bin brought vp from their
youth in the wars, with experience of the vse of armour and weapon: so that vnto
them is giuen the charge for the defence of their prouince.</p>
<p>These counsellors doo ordaine captaines, and prouide other officers and all
necessaries for the warres, and send them vnto such cities and townes whereas
they see it is needfull. And for that in the accomplishing thereof there<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">[90]</a></span>
shalbe no lacke, the treasurer is commanded to deliuer vnto them whatsoeuer they
do aske without any delay.</p>
<p><span class="sidenote">The number of souldiers in all China.</span>
The number of the souldiers that euery prouince had in the yeare 1577, at
such time as frier Martin de Herrada and his companie entered into China (hauing
no wars, but great peace and quietnesse), is as followeth.</p>
<p>The prouince of Paguia, whereas ordinarily the king is resident, hath two
millions and one hundred and fiftie thousand footemen, and foure hundred
thousand horsemen.</p>
<p>The prouince of Santon hath one hundred and twenty thousand footemen, and
fortie thousand horsemen.</p>
<p>The prouince of Foquien hath eight and fiftie thousande and nine hundred
footemen, and twentie two thousand foure hundred horsemen.</p>
<p>The prouince of Olam hath three score and sixteene thousand footemen, and
twentie fiue thousande fiue hundred horsemen.</p>
<p>The prouince of Cinsay hath eightie thousand three hundred footemen, but of
horsemen verie few or none; for that this prouince and the other that followe,
are all mountaines, and ful of rockes and stones.</p>
<p>The prouince of Oquiam hath twentie thousand and sixe hundred footemen, and
no horsemen, for the reason aforesaide.</p>
<p>The prouince of Susuan foure score and sixe thousande footemen, and foure and
thirtie thousande and fiue hundred horsemen.</p>
<p>The prouince of Tolanchia, which is that which doth border vpon the
Tartarians, with whom the kings of China haue had wars (as aforesaid), hath two
millions and eight hundred thousand footemen, and two hundred and
ninety thousand horsemen, and are the most famous and best in all the whole kingdome: for that they are brought vp in the use of armour from their youth,
and many times exercised the same in times past, when they had their ordinary
war with their borderers the Tartarians.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">[91]</a></span></p>
<p>The prouince of Cansey hath fiftie thousand footemen, and twentie thousand
two hundred and fiftie horsemen.</p>
<p>The prouince of Ancheo (there whereas the friers were) hath foure score and
sixe thousand footemen, and fortie eight thousand horsemen.</p>
<p>The prouince of Gonan, fortie foure thousand footemen, and fourteene thousand
fiue hundred horsemen.</p>
<p>The prouince of Xanton hath fiftie two thousand footemen, and eighteene
thousand nine hundred horsemen.</p>
<p>The prouince of Quincheu, hath fortie eight thousand and seuen hundred
footemen, and fifteene thousande three hundred horsemen.</p>
<p>The prouince of Chequeam, thirty foure thousand footmen, and thirteene
thousand horsemen.</p>
<p>The prouince of Sancii, which is least of them all, hath forty thousand
footemen, and sixe thousand horsemen.</p>
<p>All these people aforesaid, euery prouince is bound (by an order set downe in
parlement) to haue in a redinesse, the which is an easie thing to be done; the
one is for that the king doth pay them roiallie, the other for that they do dwel
<span class="sidenote">The souldier is royall paid.</span>
in their owne natural countries and houses, wheras they do injoy their
patrimonies and goods: leauing it vnto their sonnes. In the time of wars, they
are bound to assist the place that hath most necessitie. By this account it
plainely appeareth that all these prouinces (which may better be called
kingdomes, considering their greatnes) haue fiue millions and eight hundred
<span class="sidenote">The number of footemen and horsemen.</span>
fourtie sixe thousand and fiue hundred footemen, and nine hundred fortie eight
thousand three hundred and fiftie horsemen. All the which, if in valor and
valientnes might be equalled vnto our nations in Europe, they were sufficient to
conquer y<sup>e</sup> whole world. And although they are more in number and
equal in policies, yet in their valientnesse and courage they are far behind.
Their horse for the most part are little, but great traueilers: yet they say,
within the countrie there are verie great and excellent<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">[92]</a></span>
good horse. I do not here declare the industrie that might (with the fauour of
God) be vsed to win and ouercome this people, for that the place serueth not for
it; and I haue giuen large notice thereof, vnto whom I am bound. And againe, my
profession is more to bee a meanes vnto peace, then to procure any warres; and
if that which is my desire might be doone, it is, that with the word of God,
which is the sworde that cutteth the hearts of men, wherewith I hope in the
Lorde to see it.</p>
<hr class="l15" />
<p class="chapter">CHAP. VII.</p>
<p class="intro">Of a law amongst the Chinos, that they cannot make anie wars out of their
owne countrie, neither go forth of the same, neither can any stranger come in
without licence of the king.</p>
<p>Although in many things that haue bin seene in this kingdome is shewed and
declared the sharpe and ripe witts of these men, and with what wisedome and
prudence they doo most manifest the same (in my iudgment) is in that which
shalbe declared in this chapter. They without all doubt seeme to exceede the
Greekes, Carthagenians, and Romanes, of whom the old ancient histories haue
signified to vs, and also of those later times; who for to conquere strange
countries did separate themselues so farre from their natural, that they lost
their owne countries at home. But these of this kingdome being forewarned (as y<sup>e</sup>
prouerbe saith:) Felix quem faciunt aliena pericula cautum. By the hurt of
another, etc., they haue found by experience y<sup>t</sup> to go forth of their
owne kingdome to conquer others, is the spoile and losse of much people, and
expences of great treasures, besides the trauaile and care which continually
they haue to sustaine that which is got, with feare to be lost againe: so<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">[93]</a></span>
that in the meane time whilest they were occupied in strange conquests, their
enimies, the Tartarians and other kings borderers vnto them, did trouble and
inuade them, doing great damage and harme. And more, considering that they do
possesse one of the greatest and best kingdomes of the world, as well for riches
as for fertility, by reason whereof, and by the great aboundance of things that
the country doth yeeld, many strange nations do profite themselues from them,
<span class="sidenote">They haue no neede of other nations.</span>
and they haue need of none other nation, for that they haue sufficient of all
things necessarie to the mainteining of humane life. In consideration whereof
they called a generall court of Parliament, whether came all vizroyes and
gouernours and other principall men of all the fifteene prouinces: and there
they did communicate, to put remedy in this great inconuenience in the best
manner possible. Then after they had wel considered of the same with great care
and diligence, taking the iudgment particular of euery one, and in generall by
common consent, they found it requisit for their quietnes and profite, and a
thing most conuenient for the common wealth to leaue al y<sup>t</sup> they had
got and gained out of their owne kingdome, but specially such countries as were
farre off. And from that day forwards not to make any wars in any place: for
that from thence did proceed a known damage and a doubtfull profite: and being
altogether conformable, they did request the king that was at that present that
he would cal home al such people as he had in other kingdomes bordering there
about vnder his obedience, perswading him that in so doing, he should remaine a
mightie prince, more richer, more in quiet and in more securitie. Then the king
perceiuing the request and petition of his kingdome and subiects, and being
fully satisfied that this perswasion was requisite to be put in execution: he
straight wayes set it a worke, and commanded vpon great penalties, that al his
subiects and vassals naturall that were in any strange countries, that in a time
limited, they should returne<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">[94]</a></span>
home to their owne country and houses: and likewise to the gouernours of the
same countries, that they should in his name abandon and leaue the dominion and
possession that he had of them: excepting such as would of their owne good will
acknowledge vassalage, and giue him tribute, and remaine friends, as vnto this
<span class="sidenote">Straight lawes.</span>
day the Lechios<a name="FNanchor_92_92" id="FNanchor_92_92"></a><a href="#Footnote_92_92" class="fnanchor">[92]</a>
and other nations do. This law was then established and is inuiolablie kept to
this day: in the which it is first commanded that none whatsoeuer, vpon paine of
death, shall make or begin warre in any part without his licence. Also on the
said penaltie, that no subiect of his shall nauigate by sea out of the kingdome
without the said licence. Also that whatsoeuer will go from one prouince to
another within the said kingdome, to traficke in buying and selling, shall giue
sureties to returne againe in a certaine time limited, vpon paine to bee
disnaturalled of the countrie. Likewise that no stranger whatsoeuer shall come
in by sea nor by land, without his express licence, or of the gouernours of such
ports or places whereas they shall come or ariue. And this licence must be giuen
with great consideration, aduising the king therof. All which lawes haue beene
the occasion that this mightie kingdome hath not come to notice and knowledge
but of late yeares. All the which that is said, seemeth to be true, for that it
is cleerely found in their histories and books of nauigations of old antiquitie:
whereas it is plainely seene that they did come with the shipping vnto the
Indies, hauing conquered al that is from China, vnto the farthest part thereof.
Of all the which they indured possessors in great quietnes, till such time as
they ordeined the law of abandoning of their owne good will, as aforesaid. So
that at this day there is great memory of them in the Ilands Philippinas and on
the cost of Coromande, which is the cost against the kingdome of Norsinga<a name="FNanchor_93_93" id="FNanchor_93_93"></a><a href="#Footnote_93_93" class="fnanchor">[93]</a>
towards the Sea of Cengala;<a name="FNanchor_94_94" id="FNanchor_94_94"></a><a href="#Footnote_94_94" class="fnanchor">[94]</a>
whereas is a towne called vnto this day the soile of the Chinos, for<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">[95]</a></span>
that they did reedifie and make the same. The like notice and memory is there in
the kingdom of Calicut, wheras be many trees and fruits, that the naturals of
that countrie do say, were brought thither by the Chinos, when that they were
lords and gouernours of that countrie. Likewise in those dayes they were of
Malaca, Siam, and Chapaa,<a name="FNanchor_95_95" id="FNanchor_95_95"></a><a href="#Footnote_95_95" class="fnanchor">[95]</a>
and other of their borderers. Also it is to be beleeued of y<sup>e</sup> Ilands
of Iapon, for that there are many token unto the Chinos unto this day, and the
naturals of the country are much after the fashion of the Chinos, and many
particular things that do giue vs to vnderstand: and some lawes that are
obserued and kept in China. But now in these dayes the gouernors of the sea
ports do dispence with the law that forbiddeth y<sup>e</sup> going out of the
kingdome, by certaine gifts which is giuen them by merchants to giue them secret
licence, that they may go and trafficke in ilands bordering there about, as vnto
the Philippinas, whither come euery yeare many ships laden with merchandise of
great riches, of the which is brought many times into Spaine. Likewise they do
trauaile vnto other parts and places, wheras they vnderstand they may profite
themselues. Yet they do not giue any such licence vntill they haue giuen
sureties to returne within one whole yeare.</p>
<p>The desire of gain hath caused them to traueile to Mexico, whither came the
yeare past in anno 1585 three merchants of China, with verie curious things, and
neuer staied till they came into Spaine and into other kingdomes further off.
Likewise the said iudge and gouernours doo giue licence vnto strangers (in the
order aforesaid) for to enter into their ports to buy and sel, but first vpon
examination and charge, that they should haue a great care not to demand any
licence but to the same intent. Then haue they their licence with a time
limited, and with condition that they shall not procure to goe about their
cities, neither to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">[96]</a></span>
see the secrets thereof. And this is giuen in writing vpon a whited table, which
is set vpon the fore partes of their ships, that when they come to an anker in
any port it may be seene of the keepers and guards that they sinke them not, but
let them peaceably to enter and to trafficke in buying and selling, paying their
ordinarie customes due vnto the king.</p>
<p>In euery port there is a scriuener or notarie, put there by the gouerners,
that dooth set downe in memorie the day and houre that any shippe doth enter in,
in order that, whether hee be a stranger or natural, to take in his lading and
dispatch, according vnto the old custome of those ports, the which is inuiolably
kept; which is the occasion that they do lade and dispatch in so short a time,
and with so great quietnesse, as though there were but one shippe, although many
times you shall see in one port two thousande ships small and great. In this
sort, with a bought licence, did the Portugals traficke from the Indies in
Canton, a prouince of this kingdome, and in other parts of that kingdome, as
they themselues haue declared, and likewise the Chinos.</p>
<hr class="l15" />
<p class="chapter">CHAP. VIII.</p>
<p class="intro">Of the kings royall counsell, and the order they haue to know euerie
moneth what dooth passe in all the kingdome.</p>
<p>The king hath in the citie of Tabin,<a name="FNanchor_96_96" id="FNanchor_96_96"></a><a href="#Footnote_96_96" class="fnanchor">[96]</a>
whereas he is resident, a royall counsell of twelue counsellers, and a
president, chosen men throughout al the kingdome, and such as haue had
experience in gouernement many yeares.</p>
<p>For to be one of the counsell, it is the highest and supremest dignitie that
a man can come vnto; for that (as aforesaid)<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">[97]</a></span>
in all this kingdome there is neither prince, duke, marquesse, earle, nor lord,
that hath any subiectes, but the king only, and the prince his sonne. These
counsellers, and the gouernors of these prouinces by them appointed, bee such
personages, that they are respected and esteemed for the time of their
continuance in the same estimation, as is the other, where as they haue these
titles.</p>
<p><span class="sidenote">Councillors must be expert in sciences.</span>
For to be one of this counsell, it is not sufficient that they be expert and
learned in the lawes of the countrie, and in morall and naturall philosophie,
and commenced in the same, but they must be also expert in astrologie and
iudgements. For they say, he that must be of this supreme counsell, by whome is
gouerned all these fifteene prouinces: it is requisite that they know all this
that is saide, for to prognosticate what shall succeede and happen, the better
to prouide for all necessities that shall come. These twelue doo sit in counsell
ordinarily in the kinges pallace, for the which there is a hall appointed,
maruellous richly trimmed: and in the same thirteene chayres, sixe of them of
golde, and sixe of siluer: both the one and the other of great price, wrought
with great curiositie: yet the thirteenth is more richer, for that it is of
golde and set full of precious stones of great value, and that is placed in the
middest of them vnder a canopie or cloth of estate, of cloth of gold: in the
which is imbrodered the kinges armes, and is as it is saide, certaine serpentes,
wrought with golde wyer: in this chayre the president doth sitte when the king
is not in presence: but if hee be there (as seeldome he is) then doth the
president sit in the first and highest of the chaires on the right hand, which
be of gold: in the which, and in the other of siluer, they bee placed according
vnto their antiquitie: in this sort, that if the president do die, then do the
most auncient proceede and inherite his roome, and in his chaire doth the fift
person rise on the side of the golden chaires: and so from the fourth vnto the
fift: and in this order all<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">[98]</a></span>
the rest arise in the chaires of siluer, passing into the other chaires of
golde. This may the president doo, preferring euerie one in order (if any doo
die) without the consent of the king. And if any of these chaires be voyd, then
doth the counsell choose an other by voices: the which is done by vprightnes,
and he which hath the most is preferred; but the chiefest in this preferment is
merit and sufficiencie. If he that is chosen be absent in any gouernment, then
doo they send for him; but if hee be present in the citie, then doo they carrie
him before the king, giuing him to vnderstand of their election, in whose power
it is to accept or to make it voyde, which neuer doth happen. Then the king
himselfe on his owne handes, according vnto their custome, doth make him sweare
a solemne oth that he shall doo vpright iustice according vnto the lawes of the
countrie, and that he shall likewise doo vprightly in the choosing of viceroyes
and gouernours or any other iustices, and not be led with affections nor
passions, neyther receiue anie bribes himself nor any other for him: with many
other things in this order and effect: and aboue all thinges hee shall not bee
partaker, neyther consent to anye treason at anie time against the king: but
rather if that hee doo vnderstande of anie such, directly or indirectly, he
shall straight wayes giue the kinge to vnderstande thereof, or his counsell, of
all that he dooth knowe or vnderstande, alwaye favouring with his industrie and
force the preseruation of peace and life of the king.</p>
<p>This oth of homage being doone, they doo carrie him vnto the chaire which is
on the left hande in the hall, and doo giue him the possession with great
solemnitie; for the which, certaine dayes after there is great feastes in the
citie, as well by them of the counsell as by the citizens and courtiers: during
the which time, the marchants do leaue their contractions and trafickes, and
handicraft men their occupations.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">[99]</a></span></p>
<p>If any occasion bee requisite to talke with the king, there is none that
speaketh with him but the president, and if it so fall out that hee be sicke,
then the most auncient and vppermost in the golden chayres dooth talke with him
at all times when neede requireth; but when hee talketh with him hee is on his
knees, and his eyes inclyned to the grounde, and neuer mooueth although the
talke endureth two houres. He is paide with the same money that all viceroyes,
gouernours, iustices, and captaines of the kingdome are: when they will talke
with the president, it is in the self same order.</p>
<p>In this royall counsell euerie moneth they doo knowe all thinges that doo
happen in all the kingdome woorthie to bee aduised of, and this is without falt;
for that those which doo gouerne the prouinces haue expresse commandement to
sende notice vnto the court of all thinges that doo happen in anye of their
prouinces touching warres, the estate of the countrie, the kinges rents, or any
other thing: the which is accomplished with so great care, that although it bee
a prouince distant fiue hundred leagues from the court, yet the post doth not
misse his day appointed. And those which do first come, do tarrie till the last
or furthest off doo come, and then vpon the day appointed they do all together
giue their relations. Those which are farre off for to be at the court so soone
and at the instant as those which are nigh at hand, doo send postes daily, that
the one may ouertake the other. They do run post after the vse of Italy and
Spain with a horne, but they were woont to haue a coller of belles, the better
to be heard: so y<sup>t</sup> the postmasters when they do heare the horne or
bels, do straight waies bridle their horse to be in a readines. Likewise, if
their iourney be to passe by water (as many times it hapneth), then y<sup>e</sup>
boat-men do make their barks readie.</p>
<p>Then when the counsell hath taken relation of all the posts in effect, the
president incontinent doth giue a straight<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">[100]</a></span>
account thereof vnto the king: then hee, or the counsell by his order (if anie
such neede requireth), do put remedie for that that is needfull for the time.
And if it be requisite to send any iustice about the same, he is straight wayes
appointed, and dispatched and sent in all haste and with great secrecie: and
this iustice doth make inquiries in such sort that it is not knowen, no not in
the citie where the fault is committed.</p>
<p>And for that, touching this matter, it shall bee spoken of more at large in
chapters following, I will conclude with this: that this king will haue such
dominion ouer his kingdome and subiectes, that although it be great with so
manie prouinces, cities, and townes, yet not one uiceroy, gouernor, nor iustice
can put any man vnto death, without his sentence be first confirmed by the kinge
and his royall counsell, except it be in the warres actually, for that there in
the delaying thereof may growe some perill; therefore they doo permit the
captaine generall or his lieftenant, to behead or hang what so euer souldier
that shall offende or doo anie ill thing; this may they do without consentment
of the king or his counsell, onely with the consentment of the kinges treasorer,
or of the generall of the fielde: the which bee both of them graue personages,
and they must be both conformable in their iudgementes or else they cannot
execute death.</p>
<hr class="l15" />
<p class="chapter">CHAP. IX.</p>
<p class="intro">Of such presidents and ministers as the king doth put in euerie prouince,
and the order that they haue in their gouernment.</p>
<p>You do vnderstande howe the two prouinces, Paguia and Tolanchia are gouerned
by the supreme counsell of the king, and such ministers as they doo send to
gouerne. The other thirteene prouinces that do remaine, haue eyther of them a
vizroy or gouernor, whom the common people do call<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">[101]</a></span>
Insuanto;<a name="FNanchor_97_97" id="FNanchor_97_97"></a><a href="#Footnote_97_97" class="fnanchor">[97]</a>
who is continually resident, and doth dwell in the metropolitane citie, whereof
<span class="sidenote">Euery prouince hath his viceroy.</span>
the prouince doth commonly beare the name. And although all the kinges officers
and iustices of what sort of administration they are, be generally called by the
name of Loytia;<a name="FNanchor_98_98" id="FNanchor_98_98"></a><a href="#Footnote_98_98" class="fnanchor">[98]</a>
yet euerie one hath a speciall and a particular name besides, according vnto his
office that he doth execute: of the which and of their proper names I will giue
you to vnderstand, for that it doth differ from our purpose. The vizroy, that is
in euery prouince principall and supreme magistrate in place of the king, they
do call him Comon.<a name="FNanchor_99_99" id="FNanchor_99_99"></a><a href="#Footnote_99_99" class="fnanchor">[99]</a>
The second in dignitie is the gouernour of all the prouince, and he is called
Insuanto, who hath verie little less maiestie than the viceroy: then the
corregidor or gouernor that is resident in any citie, where as is neither
viceroy nor gouernor, is called Tutuan,<a name="FNanchor_100_100" id="FNanchor_100_100"></a><a href="#Footnote_100_100" class="fnanchor">[100]</a>
all of this degree. Of any thing that is of importance, of what citie soeuer
they be, they do giue relation thereof vnto the higher gouernor, called
Insuanto, and likewise this Insuanto vnto the viceroy or comon, whose charge is
to giue the king to vnderstand thereof or his royall counsell, by the postes
that we haue spoken of before. The third in dignitie is called Ponchasi;<a name="FNanchor_101_101" id="FNanchor_101_101"></a><a href="#Footnote_101_101" class="fnanchor">[101]</a>
this is the president or counsell, of the kinges reuenewes, who hath vnder him a
counsell and many ministers and officers, as sargents and others, which do
recouer the rents in euery province. This state dooth giue account of all his
office vnto the tutuan, after that he hath paide all kind of wages and charges
ordinarie and extraordinarie due to any officer of the kinges in all that
prouince.</p>
<p>The fourth degree or dignitie is called Totoc,<a name="FNanchor_102_102" id="FNanchor_102_102"></a><a href="#Footnote_102_102" class="fnanchor">[102]</a>
and this is captaine generall of all souldiers, as well footmen as horsemen.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">[102]</a></span>
The fift is called Anchasi;<a name="FNanchor_103_103" id="FNanchor_103_103"></a><a href="#Footnote_103_103" class="fnanchor">[103]</a>
<span class="sidenote">Captaine generall.</span>
he is president and gouernour ouer iustices both criminall and ciuill: and doth
determine with his counsell of matters in difference, whatsoeuer that do appeale
vnto him from other meaner iustices. The sixt is called Aytao:<a name="FNanchor_104_104" id="FNanchor_104_104"></a><a href="#Footnote_104_104" class="fnanchor">[104]</a>
this is generall puruier and president of the counsell of warre, whose office is
to prouide souldiers when that it is requisite or necessitie demaundeth, and to
prouide ships, munitions, and victuals for any fleete that shall passe by sea,
as that shall be requisite by land, and for the suppliment of garisons in cities
and coastes. To this is giuen the charge to examine such strangers that do come
to any prouince, to knowe of whence they are, and wherefore they do come, and of
all other thinges, and after beeing knowen, to giue the viceroy to vnderstand
thereof, and of all thinges needful.</p>
<p>These sixe offices or charge are of great authoritie, and they that haue the
execution thereof are had in great reuerence: euerie one of them hath in
societie or counsell tenne, which are men chosen of great experience and
diligence, and they do help him in the exhibition and dispatch of matters
touching that office. When they are in place of counsell, which is in the
pallace of the viceroy (whereas euerie office hath his place appointed,
garnished in very good order), their sociates are diuided in two partes, fiue of
them do sit on the right hand of the president, and fiue on the left hand; those
which do sit on the right hande are the most auncientes and haue the more
preheminence, and doo differ from the other that be on the left hande in this
only, for that they do weare wastes or girdels imbossed with gold, and yealow
hattes: and they on the left hand haue their girdels imbossed with siluer, and
weare blewe hats; the which girdels, with gold and siluer, and hats yealow and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">[103]</a></span>
blewe, there is none that is permitted to weare but onelye the counsellers.
Likewise these and the presidents do weare the kinges armes on their breastes
and backes imbrodered with golde, without the which they can not goe foorth to
anie place where they must be seen, neyther sitte in iustice to determine anie
thing whatsoeuer. If they doo, they are not onely disobedient, but are seuerely
punished at the time of their visitation.</p>
<p>If the president of any of these counsels doo die, then one of the
auncientest of the counsellers dooth succeede him in the office, obseruing in
all thinges the order, as I haue saide in the chapter past, of the royall
<span class="sidenote">A very good propertie of iustices.</span>
counsell. All these iustices generally haue a maruellous morall vertue, and that
is, they be all very patient in hearing any complaynt, although it be declared
with choller and proude speech. It is the first thing that is taught them in
their schooles: they are verye well nourtered, and courteous in their speeches,
although it bee with them that they haue condemned by lawe. If that vppon any
necessitie they must goe into any part of the prouince to make any information
of importance, then is appointed one of the counsell, and hee goeth alone, but
he hath with him the authoritie of them all.</p>
<p>Besides these sixe counsellers or iudges aforesaide, there bee others of
lesse dignitie (although greatly respected, as all ministers of iustice bee in
this kingdome), and they are called as followeth: Cautoc, this is the chiefe
auncient-bearer;<a name="FNanchor_105_105" id="FNanchor_105_105"></a><a href="#Footnote_105_105" class="fnanchor">[105]</a>
Pochim,<a name="FNanchor_106_106" id="FNanchor_106_106"></a><a href="#Footnote_106_106" class="fnanchor">[106]</a>
the seconde treasourer; Pochinsi, he that keepeth the seale royall; Antzatzi,<a name="FNanchor_107_107" id="FNanchor_107_107"></a><a href="#Footnote_107_107" class="fnanchor">[107]</a>
he is as the maior or bailife of any citie or towne. There be also other three
officers, which are called Guytay,<a name="FNanchor_108_108" id="FNanchor_108_108"></a><a href="#Footnote_108_108" class="fnanchor">[108]</a>
Tzia,<a name="FNanchor_109_109" id="FNanchor_109_109"></a><a href="#Footnote_109_109" class="fnanchor">[109]</a>
Toutay,<a name="FNanchor_110_110" id="FNanchor_110_110"></a><a href="#Footnote_110_110" class="fnanchor">[110]</a>
these doo keepe court and haue<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">[104]</a></span>
audience in their houses once a weeke; and when they do open their doores, there
is shott off foure peeces of artilerie, to giue all men to vnderstande that they
are in place, readie to heare, and to doo iustice. If they do finde any that is
culpable or faultie, they doo straight wayes sende them with a sargent vnto the
ordinarie iustice of the citie, which is called zompau, with a bill or note, in
the which is signified the punishment that he must haue.</p>
<p>Euerie ordinarie iustice hath committed to his charge a thousand souldiers.
He can not exceed his limit nor iurisdiction, neyther can anie other haue to doo
<span class="sidenote">A very good order.</span>
in his charge. Euerie night they doo range their circuit, and doo cause that
euery one may be quiet in his house, and to put out their candelles and lightes
in time to auoyde fires, which hath happened amongest them verie great, by
reason that their houses are so neere one to an other, and all the vpper partes
of their houses wrought with tymber, according vnto the vse of Byskaye: and all
suche as they doo finde with light after the houre limited, they are punished
verie asperly. From these there is no appellation but vnto suche iustices as are
sent from the court, and besides them vnto none but vnto the visiters that doo
come ordinarily, who doo vndoo and make satisfaction of all griefes or wronges
doone by the other, and these are called in their language Gomdim, which is as
much to say, a righter of all griefe: this man is respected more than all the
rest.</p>
<p>Besides all these there be other particular officers, which be called Tompo:<a name="FNanchor_111_111" id="FNanchor_111_111"></a><a href="#Footnote_111_111" class="fnanchor">[111]</a>
these haue the charge to see the prouision of victualles, and to put a price on
them; an other is called Tibuco,<a name="FNanchor_112_112" id="FNanchor_112_112"></a><a href="#Footnote_112_112" class="fnanchor">[112]</a>
he that dooth arest and punish vagabundes and idle persons. Quinche<a name="FNanchor_113_113" id="FNanchor_113_113"></a><a href="#Footnote_113_113" class="fnanchor">[113]</a>
is the cheefe sargent, Chomcan<a name="FNanchor_114_114" id="FNanchor_114_114"></a><a href="#Footnote_114_114" class="fnanchor">[114]</a>
is the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">[105]</a></span>
keeper of the prison: this is one that they haue in great reuerence, for that he
hath a priuilege aboue all the rest: that after hee hath done his dutie vpon his
knees at his first entrie, hee may tell his tale on foote, and so can not the
rest doo, but kneeling.</p>
<p>When that these gouernours or iustices doo newly come into these prouinces or
cities, ordeyned and sent by the supreme counsell, they doo sende two or three
dayes before they come themselues their letters patentes and prouisions: the
which being seene and obeyed, there goeth foorth to receiue him all the loytias
and men of warre with their souldiers and ensignes military, and other officers,
making great feastes and pastimes.</p>
<p>Likewise the citizens at this time doo hange their streetes with clothes of
silke and other thinges very richly, and trimmed with flowers, bearing him
companie vnto his lodging with much musicke and sound of instrumentes.</p>
<p>Aboue all these dignities and offices there is one which is called Quinchay,
which is to be vnderstood in their language "the golden seale"; this goeth not
from the court, but vpon waightie matters and of great importance touching the
quietnesse of all the kingdome. The order they haue in the choyse of these
iustices and officers, and of other matters touching good gouernment, shall be
declared vnto you in the chapter following.</p>
<hr class="l15" />
<p class="chapter">CHAP. X.</p>
<p class="intro">Here is prosecuted the manner how they do choose their gouernors and
iustices, and howe they doo execute the same.</p>
<p>All such officers as I haue declared vnto you in the chapter past, the king
dooth ordaine them by consent of his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">[106]</a></span>
counsell, who doo informe themselues with a particular diligence of the qualitie
and behauiour of the person that shall be elected. The principall matter that
<span class="sidenote">A very good consideration.</span>
they doo aduertise themselues is, that the viceroy, gouernour, or counsellor be
not a naturall of that countrey that he is prouided for; and that for to preuent
the inconuenience that might happen in the executing of good iustice, which many
times chaunceth, eyther for the loue of his friendes and kinsfolkes, or else for
the hate hee hath to his enimies. All such as are prouided in these offices,
after that they do depart from the court whereas the charge is giuen them, til
they come to the prouince, citie, or towne, whereas they shall remaine in
iustice, they doo spende nothing on their owne horses; for that in all places
whereas they doo trauaile or come, the king hath houses appointed, whereas they
are receiued and lodged, and serued of all thinges necessarie, as well for
horses for themselues as horses for them that come with him; likewise of barkes
and boates, if that his iourney be by water, all is of free cost: it is all
appointed what they shall haue to eate, which is conformable vnto the qualitie
of his person, and the office he hath in charge. And when they do come vnto such
houses as are appointed by the king to receiue and cherish them, they of the
house do aske him if he will haue his pittance or ordinarie in money or in
victualles; who, if he haue any kinsfolkes or friendes in that place that will
inuite him, then dooth hee demand it in money, and keepe it to himselfe. These
houses are maruelously well prouided of beds, and all other things necessarie;
for that the Ponchas, who is president of the kinges reuenewes, hath a
particular care to see all these things well furnished, by a commandement from
the king and the supreme counsell. When they doo come vnto the citie or towne
whereas they take the charge of gouernment, after they haue giuen the
intertainment vnto them with feasts and pastime, as is declared in the chapter
past, then do they bring him and lodge him in the kings<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">[107]</a></span>
house, and do prouide him of seruants and all thinges necessarie that belongeth
vnto him, and ministers needefull for the execution of iustice, who likewise
haue their abiding in the same house, as sergeants and notaries, and other
ministers of lesse authoritie. The king doth pay them all sufficient wages, for
that it is forbidden vpon great penalties to take bribes or any other thing of
any clyent. Likewise y<sup>e</sup> iudges be straightly charged and commanded,
and that is one of the chiefest articles that is giuen them from the counsel,
not to consent to be visited of any clyents in their houses, neither can they
pronounce any sentence but in the place of publike audience, and in the presence
of all the officers, and it must be done in such sort that all men that are in
the place of audience may heare it, and is doone in this sort following. The
iudge doth set himselfe in the seate of iustice, then do the porters put
themselues at the entring or doores of the hall, who do name with a lowde and
high voice the person that doth enter in to demand iustice, and the effect of
that he doth aske. Then the plaintife doth kneele downe somewhat a far off from
the iudge, and doth with a loud voice declare his griefe or demand, or else in
writing. If it be in writing, then one of the scriueners or notaries doth take
the petition and doth read it, the which being vnderstood by y<sup>e</sup>
iudge, he doth straightwaies prouide vpon the same that which is agreeable vnto
iustice, and doth firme the petition with his own firme with red inke, and
commandeth what is needful to be done. These iudges are straitly charged and
commanded by the kinges authoritie, that they must go fasting into y<sup>e</sup>
hal of audience or iudgement hall without drinking of any wine, and they must
giue no sentence with wine; and that is such a custome amongst them, that
whosoeuer dooth breake it is seuerely punished. By way of phisicke they do
permit, before they doo go to giue any sentence, to comfort themselues with some
conserues or such like. But wine in no manner of wise, although<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">[108]</a></span>
they bee sicke of any infirmitie, and the lacke thereof to be hurtfull unto
them: for they esteeme it a lesse euill to leaue of the hearing of any matter,
then to giue any sentence after that they haue eaten or dronke. These matters
being executed in publike (which is maruelously obserued and kept), it is not
possible y<sup>t</sup> any of the officers should take any bribes, but it must
be discouered by one of them; and for that they are vsed with great rigour in
their residence, euerie one is afraid of his companion, and are one to an other
(in this case) great enemies. The sergeants and notaries and the other officers
are maruelous precise in the executing of their office: if that any doo not his
duetie in his office, they take him and put a little banner in his hand, and he
remaineth with the same, kneeling on his knees till the court of audience be
ended. Then do the iudge command the bedelles to giue him so many whippes as hee
doth deserue for the neglecting of his office. This same is little esteemed
amongest them, for that it is a common thing vsed amongest them. When that anie
of these iudges will go abroade into the citie (as seeldome times they doo for
the reseruing of their authoritie), they are accompanied with the officers and
ministers of iustice, and that in so good order, that the first two doo carrie
siluer mases, after the manner as they doo in Rome carrie the mases before the
cardinalles. They doo carrie them vpon long roddes, which doth signifie that in
the name of the king they are in those offices: then after them followeth other
two, and they do carrie ech of them in his hand a long cane and very straight,
which doth signifie the vpright iustice that ought to be done and is doone by
that iudge that there goeth: then followeth them other two, and they doo trayle
ech of them a cane vpon the ground with long red laces, and at the endes
tassels, which doth signifie the instrumentes wherewith they do whippe the
faultie or malefactors; then followeth them other two with tables, like vnto
white targets, in the which is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">[109]</a></span>
written the name of the iudge, with his title and office. The rest, which be
many in number, do accompanie him to do him worship and honor. Those two that we
spake of before, that do carrie the mases, do crie out and make a noyse vnto the
people apart themselues, and to make roome that the iudge may passe: the which
is straightwayes accomplished, for that by experience they know that he that
doth neglect the same, is incontinent punished in the streete without remission:
and the respect they haue vnto him is such that not one, of what state or degree
soeuer he be, that dare mooue himself at such time as he doth passe by, neither
crosse the streetes (except it be some superior iudge, vnto whom the inferiors
doth the like reuerence). If any man do offend therein, he is then straightwaies
punished. In all matters of lawe, as ciuill as criminall, the iudges do nothing
but by writing, and do pronounce the sentences, and examine witnesses in
publike, before all the rest of the officers, because no subtilty nor falshood
shalbe vsed in their demaundes, neither in their writings, to set downe other
then the truth. Euerie witnesse is examined by himselfe, and if he do double in
his declaration, then do they ioyne together and make their demaunde from one to
an other, til by their striuing they may come to a better knowledge of the
truth. But when by these meanes they cannot bring it to light, then doo they
giue them torments to make them confesse, beleeuing that without it such persons
as haue experience and knowledge will tell the truth.</p>
<p>In matters of great importance, and such as doo touche graue personages, the
iudge will not trust the scriuener or notarie to write any information; but they
with their owne handes will write the declaration of any witnesse, and will
consider verie much of that which is declared. This great diligence is the
occason that fewe times there is any that doth complaine of any ill iustice
doone, the which is a great and notable vertue, and ought to be imitated of all
good<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">[110]</a></span>
iustices, for to auoyd many inconueniences which doo happen for the not vsing
the same the which these Gentiles haue great care to performe; who, beside the
prosecution of right iustice, without respect or exception of any person, do vse
certaine preuentions worthie to be suffered.</p>
<p>First these iudges, in al cities and townes of their iurisdiction, do number
the households, and do repart them in ten and tenne housholds, and vpon the
tenth house they do hang a table or signe whereon is writen the names of those
ten housholders, with a commandement, in the which generally they are commanded,
and euery one by himselfe particular, y<sup>t</sup> hauing any knowledge or
notice that any of those ten housholders haue committed any trespasse or fault
against any of the rest, or against himselfe, that is hurtfull vnto his
neighbours or to the commonaltie, to go straight way and giue the iustice to
vnderstand thereof, that the fault may be punished, with a mendment vnto the
offender, and an example to al other. And vnto him that doth know any such
offence and wil not declare it, is allotted the same punishment y<sup>t</sup>
<span class="sidenote">An occasion of amitie betwixt neighbours.</span>
the offender should haue, which is the occasion that one neighbour hath a care
of an other, and liueth vnder feare, least they should giue occasion to be
complained of. And againe, that their enimies may not this way take any
aduantage. When that any of these ten neighbours doth remooue into an other
streete, or into any other citie or towne to dwell, or will make any long
iorney, hee is bound to ring a bell, or play on a coper kettle amongest all the
neighbours for the space of ten dayes before he doth remooue or depart, and to
aduise them all of his departure, and whether for that if he do owe any thing,
or any thing be lent, that they may come and demaund it before their departure,
because that none shall loose y<sup>t</sup> which is theirs. And if it so fall
out that any shall depart without vsing this diligence, the iustice doth compell
the rest of his neighbours y<sup>t</sup> are written on the signe to pay his
debt, because they did<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">[111]</a></span>
not aduise the iustice or his creditors before his departure. Such as do owe
money or debts and will not paye (proouing the debt they doo execute their
goods), if they haue none, they put them in prison, and limit a time for him to
pay the same. But if it passe, and the debt not paide nor his creditor
contented: for the first time they doo whippe them moderately, and do appoint
him the second time limited for to pay y<sup>e</sup> same: if he do then misse,
they do whip him more cruelly, and doo appoint him an other time, and so doo
prosecute the same till he die with punishments, which is y<sup>e</sup> occasion
y<sup>t</sup> euery one doth pay that he oweth, or procure amongst his friends
to pay, or else giue himselfe for a slaue vnto his creditor, to shun the trouble
of the prison and the paine of whippings, which is a thing not to be suffered.</p>
<p><span class="sidenote">Cruell tormentes.</span>
These iudges do vse two maner of torments to make them to confesse the truth,
when by fayre meanes they can not, or by pollicie, the which first is procured
with great care and diligence: the one is on their feete, and the other on their
hands, and is so terrible that it cannot be suffered, but of force they do
confesse that which the iudge doth pretende to know; yet doo they execute none
of them except first they haue good information, or at the least, semiplena, or
else so many indicions that it is a sufficient information for the same. The
tormentes on the hands is giuen with two stickes as bigge as two fingers, and a
span long, turned round and full of hooles in all places, wherein are put cordes
to pull in and out: their fingers of both their hands are put into the cordes,
and little and little they do pinch them, till in the end they do breake them at
the jointes, with an incredible paine vnto them that doo suffer it, and y<sup>t</sup>
causeth them to giue great shrikes and groanes that will mooue any man to
compassion. And if it so come to passe that by this cruell torment they will not
confesse, and that the iudge do vnderstand by witnesse and by indicions that hee
is faultie and culpable, then dooth he commaund to giue him the torment<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">[112]</a></span>
of the feete, which is a great deale more cruell than that of the handes, and is
in this sort: they take two peeces of woode, foure square of foure spannes long
and one spanne broade, and are ioyned together with a gume, and hooles boored
<span class="sidenote">A more cruell torment.</span>
thorough, and put thorough them cordes, and in the middest of these bordes they
doo put the whole foote, and straine the cordes, and with a mallet they do
stryke vpon the cordes, wherewith they do breake all the bones, and cause them
to suffer more paine and griefe than with the torment of the handes. At the
executing of these torments the supreme iudges are alwaies present, the which
seeldome times doth happen: for that such as be culpable will sooner confesse
than suffer those torments, desiring rather to die some other death that is not
so cruell, than to suffer the paines of this torment.</p>
<p>The prisons that they haue are no lesse cruell and rigorous, as you shall
vnderstand in a chapter by it selfe hereafter.</p>
<hr class="l15" />
<p class="chapter">CHAP. XI.</p>
<p class="intro">Of the visitors that the king doth send euery yeare to visite the
inferior iudges of his prouinces, and of the punishing of such as they do find
culpable.</p>
<p><span class="sidenote">A great care to do true iustice.</span>
It is to be woondred at the great and vigilant care that this heathen prince
hath, in that his ministers and iudges, as wel viceroyes, gouernors, presidents,
as anie other officers, should execute their offices well and vprightly, as they
ought to doo: for in the end of three yeares that their gouernment doth indure,
they do take of them in residence straight account by the iudges thereof, who
bee called Chaenes. Likewise they doo dispatch euerie yeere in great secrecie
into euerie prouince, other iudges and visitors, that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">[113]</a></span>
be called Leachis,<a name="FNanchor_115_115" id="FNanchor_115_115"></a><a href="#Footnote_115_115" class="fnanchor">[115]</a>
the which are persons of great confidence, and prooued by experience of long
time to be of good life, good customes, and haue done good seruice in the
administring of iustice vprightly. These as they trauaile do inquire in euerie
citie and towne that they come in (not being knowen, and in verie secret
manner), all griefes and iniustice that is done in that prouince, which is the
occasion that euerie one dooth liue (as the prouerbe sayth) with their face
discouered. These do carrie from the king so great authoritie in their
commissions giuen them, that without returning to the court, if they finde any
delict culpable, they may apprehend the iudges and punish them, suspend, and
reprieue, and do any thing touching their commission at their owne pleasure, so
that it be not to take away the life of any man. This (as it is said) none can
do without the consent of the king.</p>
<p><span class="sidenote">Ceremonies in performing of their oth.</span>
And because they should execute their office the better in this visitation,
and with iustice and equitie, they do make them to sweare to be loyall, true,
and secret. The which oth is executed in this order: they doo giue him to drinke
three times of a certaine beuerage which they doo vse, and that is the
confirming of their oth. And for that their departure should be with more
secrecie, the counsell doth command their secretaries to make their prouisions,
leauing in blank a space for his name that shal haue the prouision, and for the
name of the prouince whether he shall goe, declaring nothing but that which is
their ordinarie, that wheresoeuer the Loytia or iudge (being so dispatched)
shall come, that they shall obey him as the king himselfe. But when soeuer it is
in secret determined who shall goe, then doth the president of the counsel
command the prouision to be<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">[114]</a></span>
sealed, then he himselfe doth write his name in, and the prouince whether he
doth goe. And tharewithall hee dooth depart from the court in great secrecie,
and vnknowen of any who it is, nor whether he doth go, nor wherefore.</p>
<p>Then when he doth come to the prouince, citie, or town, whether he is sent,
he dooth with like secrecie make his inquirie how the viceroy or gouernour doth
vse himselfe in his gouernment, and how all other officers do execute their
offices, without knowing from whence he came, nor whether he will, neither what
he doth pretend. So after that hee hath passed throughout all the prouince, and
is fullie certified of all his desire, then doth hee goe vnto the chiefe or
metropolitane citie, whereas are resident all those iudges against whom hee hath
made his visitation, and there he dooth remaine and abide till such time as the
Tutam or viceroy doth make a generall counsell, which is once a month at the
least: and at such time as they are in their counsell hall (and peraduenture
without thought of any such iudge that should come), then this uisitor doth goe
vnto the doore, and sayth vnto the porter, goe and tell them of the councell,
that there is a uisitor that must and will come in, to notifie vnto them a
commandement from the king: then the viceroy (vnderstanding by these words what
he might be) doth commaund the doores to be open, and doth himselfe and the rest
that are with him, rise vp from their seates, and doth goe and receiue him as
their superior iudge; who doth enter with his prouision open in his handes
(which dooth not cause a small feare amongest them all, but in especiall vnto
such as their owne conscience doth accuse them): he doth read his prouision in
the presence of them all, and at the instant of the conclusion, the viceroy doth
arise from his place and dooth vnto him great reuerence and complementes, and so
doo all the rest, acknowledgeing their duties.</p>
<p>Then dooth this uisitor place himselfe in the principallest<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">[115]</a></span>
seate of counsell, and maketh his oration as the common vse is amongst them,
wherein he doth giue them to vnderstande the cause of his comming, and with what
care and diligence he did vse in his visitation to search out the trueth of
matters: after which, with well pondred wordes, he doth laude and prayse all
such as haue well executed their offices, and according thereunto he doth
straight waies place them in their counsels in the higher seates, and promising
them to giue the king and his counsell large account of their good seruice, that
they might be rewarded according as they do deserue. Likewise he doth sharply
reprehende all such as haue neglected their bounden dueties. Then doth he read
there before them all the sentence pronounced against them, declaring in summe
all such thinges wherein he hath found them culpable, which hath caused him to
pronounce that sentence against them, the which, although it be never so
rigorous, it is foorthwith executed without any replication or appellation: for
from these visitors there is no appellation.</p>
<p>All such as shalbe punished or reprehended, they do first take away from them
the ensignes of iustice, which be, as I haue told you, the girdle, bonnet, or
narrowe brimd hat: with the which they can neither punish nor hurt him: and if
that any wil absolutely do it, he shall for the same be deprived of his office,
and loose his head. So being cleare of these things, then do they execute the
rigour of the sentence pronounced against the malefactor. But if there be any
doubt in the sentence giuen, doth he straight waies (vppon the same doubt)
ordaine nine iudges to sit vpon it, admonishing them (with the present before
their eyes) to vse well their offices, wherewith hee doth charge them in the
name of the king. Manie times these visitors do carrie power for to reward all
such as doo well execute their offices, in giuing them roomes and offices of
greater honor: so that the present and knowen reward which is done vnto the
good, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">[116]</a></span>
the rigorous punishment for the malefactors, is the occasion that this mighty
kingdome is one of the best ruled and gouerned of any that is at this time
knowen in all the world: waying the gouernement of the one (as in many places of
this historie it is expressed) and ioyne it vnto the long and great experience
which we haue had in the other, and then you will say as I say. Many times these
visitors do visite the colleges and schooles, such as the king hath ordained of
his owne cost in euerie prouince (as in the processe of this booke you shall
vnderstand), and do examine the schoollers of the same, animating them to
promotion all such as doo profite themselues in their studies, and doo whip and
put in prison, yea and thrust them out of the schooles all such as are to the
contrarie. Of all the which and of their commencing and rewardes, which is given
vnto such as they do find sufficient, shall be at large declared vnto you in a
particular chapter for the same.</p>
<hr class="l15" />
<p class="chapter">CHAP. XII.</p>
<p class="intro">Of their prisons they doo vse, and the order they haue in the executing
of iustice vpon the culpable.</p>
<p>Euen as the iudges and ministers are seuere and cruell in punishing, euen so
are they in putting them in prisons, the which are as terrible and as cruell,
with the which they doo keepe in peace and iustice this mightie kingdome: and as
there is much people, so haue they manie prisons and verie great. There are in
<span class="sidenote">Thirteene prisons in euery great cittie.</span>
euery principal citie throughout al these prouinces thirteene prisons, inclosed
and compassed about with high wals, and of so great largenesse within, that
besides the lodgings of the keeper and his officers, and for a garison of
souldiours that are there continually, there are<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">[117]</a></span>
fish ponds, gardeines, and courts, whereas the prisoners do walke and recreate
themselues all the day, such as are in for small matters. Likewise there are
<span class="sidenote">Victualing houses in the prisons and shops.</span>
victualling houses and shops, whereas is solde all manner of such things as the
prisoners doo make for to sustaine themselues: which if they did not vse, their
whole substance were not sufficient for their maintenance, the time is so long
that they be there, although it be for a small matter: the occasion is for that
the iudges take deliberation in their sentences: and againe, their cities are
great and ful of other matters. Likewise they are slowe in the execution of any
sentence. So that many times it doth fall out, that men being condemned to die,
doo remaine so long in prison after their condemnation, that they die with pure
age, or some other sicknesse or infirmitie, or by the crueltie of the straight
and asper prison. Of these thirteene prisons aforesaide, alwayes foure of them
are occupied with prisoners condemned vnto death, and in euerie one of them
there is a captaine ouer one hundred souldiers which are reparted, and dooth
keepe watch and warde day and night: euery one of these condemned prisoners hath
a bord tied about his necke that hangeth downe vnto his knees, a third of a
yarde brode; it is made white with a certain whiting, and written vpon it the
occasion wherefore he was condemned to die. The keeper of the prison hath a
booke, wherein is written all the names of them that are condemned, and the
occasion wherfore: for to be accountable of them at all times when they shalbe
demaunded of him by the iudges or vizroies. They are shakled and manakled, and
put in wards that do answere into the court, whereas the officers of the prison
do make them to lie with their face downewarde vpon a floore made of bords for
the same purpose, and do drawe ouer them iron chaines, drawne through great iron
rings that are placed betwixt prisoner and prisoner, wherewith they are so
strait crushed that they cannot mooue nor turne them from one side to another:
also<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">[118]</a></span> they
doo lay on them a certaine couering of timber, wherein remaineth no more space
of hollownesse then their bodies doth make: thus are they vsed that are
condemned to death. This prison is so painefull and grievous, that many doo
dispaire and kill themselues because they cannot suffer it. In the day time they
do take them forth and take off their manacles, that they may worke for to
sustaine themselues; all such as haue nothing to maintaine themselues, nor any
other that will help them, them the king doth giue a pittance of rice to
sustaine them. Likewise they do worke what they may to better the same.</p>
<p>There is neuer no execution done vpon such as are condemned to die, but at
the comming of the visiters or iudges of residence, whom they do call Chenes and
Leuchis,<a name="FNanchor_116_116" id="FNanchor_116_116"></a><a href="#Footnote_116_116" class="fnanchor">[116]</a>
the which doe make their visitation in secret (as you doo vnderstande in the
chapter where I spake of them). These doo visite the prisoners and demaund a
note of the names of all them that are condemned, and the cause wherefore: and
although that some of their sentences are confirmed by the king and his
counsell, yet they will see them againe in the presence of these iudges that did
condemne them, or such as did gouerne in their absence, for to be informed of
them the faults of euerie one: whereby he may see and vnderstand whether his
sentence of condemnation bee done with iustice or not. This diligence being
done, they doo choose out among them fiftie condemned men, such whose faults are
most odious, and commande the iayler to put all things in order for to doo
execution on them: the which being done, they do examine them a new, and looke
vpon the causes and faults, to see if by any meanes they can saue them. And if
they do finde in any of them any iot of discharge, they do apart them from the
rest, and straightwayes command three pieces of ordinance to be shot off, which
is to giue warning to bring forth them that shalbe executed.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">[119]</a></span>
Then againe, when they doo bring them forth, they doo a new enter into counsell,
to see if they can saue any of them: and when not, they command other three
peeces of ordinance to be shot off, to cause them to be brought out into the
fielde, and yet before they do breake vp their counsell, they doo turne and see
once againe all their faults, to see if that by any meanes possible there might
bee some remedie to saue them. If they do finde any, or any suspect of indicion,
they do returne out of the fielde that person, and sende him againe to the
prison. Some doo returne with an euill will, for that they had rather die at
once, then for to suffer the straightnes and crueltie of the prison. In the
meane time while they are perusing their causes, and concluding the same, they
do cause these condemned prisoners to sit vpon heaps of ashes, and do giue them
to eate. So when all y<sup>t</sup> these diligences are concluded, and they can
find no remedy to saue any of them according vnto iustice, they doo commande
three peeces of artilery more bee shot off, then do they execute iustice
according vnto their sentence giuen them.</p>
<p>The deathes that they do execute is hanging, setting vppon stakes,
quartering, and burning: but there is none that is burned, but such as are
traitors to the king. When the last three of artilerie is shot off, then the
belles do ring, and a great rumor is in the cittie, for that this execution is
done but seldome. The day of execution all their shops are shut in, and there is
none that doth worke vntill sun be set, which is after that the executed men are
buried, the which is done with the companie of much people. The next day after
this is done, the visitors do make the second visitation, which is of the
theeues (a thing verie much abhorred amongst them): and such as they doo finde
culpable, hee is whipped throughout the common streetes with great shame, with a
borde hanging about his necke (as aforesaide), whereon is written his fault: and
therewith they are carried throughout<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">[120]</a></span>
the streetes three or foure dayes. They do beate them on the calues of their
legges, with a broade and thicke cane of foure fingers broad, and as thicke as a
mans finger, the which they do lay in water before, the more for to torment
them: they are bound with their hands behind them, and their faces downewards to
the earth: two hangmen do execute this whipping of them, the one at one legge
and the other at the other, and it is done with so great crueltie, that after
they haue giuen sixe blowes, they cannot stande vppon their feete, and many
times it chanceth that with fiftie blowes they die. The most part of these
theeues do die in the punishments, and many times there is whipped togither of
theeues two hundred. So that with these and others that are punished in the
prisons (is of a verie truth) that there do die euerie yeare in one of these
principall cities of the prouince more than sixe thousande persons. At these
punishments the iudges are alwaies in presence, and for that they should not be
mooued to compassion, in the meanetime that execution is done, they do occupie
<span class="sidenote">Adulterie is death.</span>
themselues in banquettings or other pastimes. Adulteries are death, and such as
do consent to be coockoldes (which is neuer founde but amongst them of the
basest sort), are punished with exemplar punishments ordained for the same.</p>
<hr class="l15" />
<p class="chapter">CHAP. XIII.</p>
<p class="intro">Of the characters and letters that the Chinos do vse, and of the colleges
and scholes that are in this kingdome, and of other curious things.</p>
<p>It is not from our purpose (now after that we haue told you of the
gouernement of this mightie kingdome) to giue you to vnderstand how that there
be great and famous philosophers, as well naturall as morall, and other things
of great<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">[121]</a></span>
pollicie and curiosity: to tel you now of their characters, and the manner they
haue in writing, and then of the colledges and schooles. Now vnto the first. You
shall finde verie fewe in this kingdome but can both write and reade, yet haue
they not the alphabet of letters as we haue, but all that they doe write is by
figures, and they are long in learning of it, and with great difficultie, for
that almost every word hath his character. They do signifie the heauen, which
they do call Guant, by one character alone, which is this
<img src="images/ch1.jpg" width="27" height="22" alt="Guant" />:<a name="FNanchor_117_117" id="FNanchor_117_117"></a><a href="#Footnote_117_117" class="fnanchor">[117]</a>
the king, whom they doo call Bontay,<a name="FNanchor_118_118" id="FNanchor_118_118"></a><a href="#Footnote_118_118" class="fnanchor">[118]</a>
by this <img src="images/ch2.jpg" width="25" height="25" alt="Bontay" />, and by consequent the earth, the sea, and the rest of
<span class="sidenote">Sixe thousand characters in writing.</span>
the elements. They do vse more than sixe thousand characters different the one
from the other, and they doo write them verie swiftly (as it hath beene seene
many times at the Philippinas, by manie Chinos that are there, and come thither
daily); it is a kinde of language that is better vnderstood in writing then in
speaking (as the Hebrue toonge), by reason of the certaine distinction of points
that is in euery character differing one from the other, which in speaking
cannot be distinguished so easilie. Their order of writing is cleane contrarie
vnto ours, for that they doo beginne their lines from aboue downewards, but in
verie good order: likewise they begin their lines at the right hande and write
towards<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">[122]</a></span>
the left, contrarie vnto vs. They keepe the verie same order in their printing,
as you shall vnderstande, and as may be seene this day at Rome in the librarie
of the sacred pallace. And likewise in that which King Philip hath caused to be
erected in the monasterie of Saint Laurence the royall, and also in other
places; in this order as I haue saide, and of their characters to the which I
referre me, it is an admirable thing to consider how that in that kingdome they
doo speake manie languages, the one differing from the other: yet generallie in
writing they doo vnderstand one the other, and in speaking not. The occasion is,
for y<sup>t</sup> one figure or character vnto them all doth signifie one thing,
although in the pronouncing there is difference in the vowels. The character
that doth signifie a citie is this
<img src="images/ch3.jpg" width="25" height="24" alt="Leombi" />,<a name="FNanchor_119_119" id="FNanchor_119_119"></a><a href="#Footnote_119_119" class="fnanchor">[119]</a>
and in their language some doo call it Leombi, and others Fu, yet both the one
and the other doo vnderstande it to bee citie; the like is in all other names.
And in this order doo communicate with them the Japones, Lechios, those of
Samatra, and those of the kingdome of Quachinchina and other borderers vnto
them: whereas in their speech or language, there is no more vnderstanding then
is betwixt Greekes and Tuskanes.</p>
<p>The king hath in euerie citie colleges or schooles at his owne cost, in the
which they doo learne to write, read, and count, as well as to studie naturall
or morall philosophie, astrologie, lawes of the countrie, or any other curious
science. They that doo teach in these schooles be such persons as excell in
euerie facultie, such as may be found none better, but speciallie in writing and
reading: for that there is none, although he be neuer so poore, but dooth learne
to write and read, because amongst them he is accounted infamous that cannot doo
both. Unto higher studies come a great<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">[123]</a></span>
number of students, and doo trauaile all they may possiblie to profite, for that
it is the best course and surest way to obtaine the name of a Loytia, or
gentleman, or other dignitie: as more plainelie shall bee showed you in the
chapter following, where the order howe they doo giue them the title Loytia
shall bee spoken off, and is amongst vs after the fashion of proceeding or
commencing doctor.</p>
<p>Unto the colleges, as well maiors as minors, the king dooth sende euerie
yeere uisiters, for to see and vnderstande howe the studentes doo profite, and
what the masters bee, with other matters touching their good governement. In
their visitation they doo honour in wordes those whome they finde of abilitie,
animating them to perseuer in the same: and doo put in prison and punish such as
they knowe to haue abilitie, and doo not profite themselues thereof; and such as
haue none, nor will not learne, they put out of the colleges, that others may
occupie their places that better will imploy themselues. They haue great
<span class="sidenote">Paper made of the filme of canes.</span>
abundance of paper, the which is made of the filme of canes, and with great
facilitie: it is verie good cheape: their printed bookes are made thereof: the
most part of it can be written but on the one side, for that it is so thinne:
they doo not write with pennes as wee doo, made of quilles, but with pennes made
<span class="sidenote">Pens made of canes.</span>
of canes, and at the end like a fine brush, like vnto a painters pensill: and
although this bee their order, yet haue they amongst them excellent scriueners,
that grow thereby to bee verie rich. When they write letters vnto anie
principall person, they gilde the margent of the paper, and limbe it, and they
put the letter written into a purse made of the same paper all guilt and
painted, the which they shut and seale, so that the letter is onely contained
therein.</p>
<p>This they doo vse verie much, that although one go to visite another in
person, yet they doo carrie a letter written in their sleeues, and possible
there shall not bee written in the same tenne letters, and that signifieth that
they doo come<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">[124]</a></span>
to kisse their handes; these things are to bee solde at the bookebinders of all
sortes, as well for principall persons and men of authoritie, as for others of
meaner estate for to desire, reprehend, or discommende: and to conclude, for all
thinges that they will desire or haue neede of, yea if it bee to defie anie
bodie, so that the buyer hath no more to doo but to close it vp and seale it to
sende it whither his pleasure is. These and manie other curiosities they do vse,
as you haue heard and shall heare in the discourse of this small hystorie, or at
the least somewhat touched, for that the breuitie that I doo pretend and will
vse, will not permit that I shoulde enter so farre for to declare at large, but
to be briefe in that I shall declare.</p>
<hr class="l15" />
<p class="chapter">CHAP. XIV.</p>
<p class="intro">Of the examination of such whome they preferre to the degree of Loytia,
which is with vs the degree of a doctor: and howe they doo commence them, and
howe they doo beare him companie.</p>
<p>These uisitours of whome wee haue spoken, the king and his counsaill doo
sende them to visite his prouinces; and amongest the greatest things that are
giuen them in charge, is the visitation of the colledges and schooles which the
king hath in all the principall citties, as is saide; the which visitour hath a
particular authoritie for to commence or graduate such students as haue finished
their course, and are of abilitie and sufficiencie to perfourme the same. They
doo make them gentlemen, if they bee capable of anie charge of iustice or
gouernment. And for that the vse of their ceremonies is a thing woorthie to bee
knowne, I will here declare the same order which Frier Martin de Herrada, and
his companions, did see in the citie of Aucheo,<a name="FNanchor_120_120" id="FNanchor_120_120"></a><a href="#Footnote_120_120" class="fnanchor">[120]</a>
at the time of their commencement.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">[125]</a></span></p>
<p>At such time as the visitor hath concluded the visitation of his prouince,
and hath punished the malifactors, and rewarded the good: in the metropolitane
cities, hee doth straight wayes cause proclamation to bee made that all students
and scholers that doo finde themselues sufficient, and haue a corage to be
examined to take the degree of Loytia, the which, although amongst them is
vnderstoode to bee made a gentleman, yet amongst vs is a doctour.</p>
<p>The day appointed being come, they are all presented before the visitour, who
taketh all their names in a scrowle, and appointeth another day for their
examination. This day, for honour of the feast, the visitor dooth inuite all the
learned Loytias that are in the citie, who ioyntly with him do make the
examination with great rigour, alwayes putting forwardes and preferring those
that are skilfull in the lawes of the countrey, by which they do gouerne all
other faculties whatsoeuer, and that they be therewithall good, and vertuous.
And all those that they doo finde with these properties, they do write their
names in an other scrowle, and doo appoint the day of commencement, the which is
done with great ceremonies and much people, in whose presence the visitor, in
the name of the king, doth giue vnto them the ensignes of degree and dignitie to
be a Loytia; that is, a waste or girdle bossed with gold or siluer, and a hat
with certaine thinges on it, as shall be shewed you in the chapter following;
which is a signe and token that doth make the difference from the vulgar people,
without the which none can shewe himselfe in publike.</p>
<p>And although al be called Loytias, I meane those that come to it by letters
or learning, and others by the warres, and others by a gift of the king, yet
they differ the one from the other in estimation. For that those of the royall
counsell, viceroyes, gouernors, and visitors, are made Loytias by disputation in
learning; and the generall captaines, maiors, bailifes, and testators, are a
gift of the kinges in recompence<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">[126]</a></span>
of some good seruice that they haue done. These haue no more preheminence, but
onely that they haue the benefite of their priuileges, and haue the dignitie of
that vocation, but these are neuer preferred to greater honours, as the other
Loytias are, of these you have in euery citie very many.</p>
<p>There be others likewise of great estimation, and are put in the second
degree, and are those that are made by desert in the warres, and are elect and
chosen by the generals by authoritie of the king, for some act or worthie deede
done in the wars, by force of armes or such like, approued by witnesse of great
credite; vnto whom, besides the title and honour giuen vnto them, they doo giue
them great liuings, for that no valiant or worthie deede but is had in
<span class="sidenote">Any good thing gratified.</span>
estimation, and gratified with great liberalitie, which is the occasion that
those which are meane souldiers, are animated to imitate those that be most
principall and valiant. According vnto my promise I will here, with as much
breuitie as may bee, declare vnto you the order of their commencements, and how
they do accompanie them after that they are made Loytias, for that it is a thing
worth the hearing.</p>
<p>The day appointed being come for to commence or giue degrees, all the
Loytias, with the visitor, doo enter into the royall hall whereas they were
examined, al richly apparelled, and being assembled, then do enter in al those
that shal receiue degrees, galantly apparelled without any upper garment, and
before euerie one of them, go the padrines,<a name="FNanchor_121_121" id="FNanchor_121_121"></a><a href="#Footnote_121_121" class="fnanchor">[121]</a>
and after them the graduates with garments very finely made, riding on gennets
very sumptuously couered with cloth of gold and silke, that do carie the
ensignes that shalbe giuen vnto him, the which hee dooth demande of the visitor,
kneeling vpon his knees with great humilitie. Who first sweare them, that in all
offices committed vnto them, they shall with all care and diligence doo iustice
equallie vnto all men, and that they shall not receiue any bribes or presents
whatsoeuer: that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">[127]</a></span>
they shall be true and loyall vnto the king, and that they shall not conspire in
any confederacie or treason against him, and manie other things: which
ceremonies he standeth long about.</p>
<p>This oth being taken, the visitor who presenteth the kings person, dooth put
on them the ensignes aforesaide, with the facultie belonging thereunto, and then
hee and all the Loytias imbrace them presently. This doone, they depart out of
the hal in verie decent order, at which instant all the belles in the citie are
rong, and great store of ordinance and artilerie discharged, which continueth a
good space. Then they carrie these newe Loytias throughout the citie,
accompanied with a multitude of people in manner following.</p>
<p>There go first before them many souldiers, marching in good order, with
drommes and trumpets and other musicall instruments verie melodious: after them
are borne many maces, then follow all the Loytias, some on horsebacke and some
are carried in litter chaires, in most gallant order, after which follow the
Padrines. Then the new commenced Loytias, without any upper garment as before is
saide, all mounted vppon white horses verie richly couered with cloth of golde;
hauing euerie one of them a tippet of taffeta vpon his shoulder, and on his head
a hat with two small tippets hanging downe behinde, much after the fashion of
those that hang on the bishops miter; this is permitted unto none but vnto those
of their orders abouesaide: vpon their hats they haue two branches of golde, or
of siluer and guilt, made like vnto a bunch of fethers: before euerie one of
them are carried sixe frames, couered with satten, and euerie one is carried by
foure men: in these frames are written in letters of golde their disputation,
facultie, and title giuen them for the same, and their armes, with manie other
things which I omit for breuitie sake, because this marching and passing holdeth
eight houres togither. The citizens there keepe this day festiuall, and do
ordeine manie dances and sportes. And the better sort doo celebrate three or
foure daies after,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">[128]</a></span>
banquetting the newe made Loytia, and giuing him ioy of his newe preferment,
euerie man seeking his good will and fauour. From this day forwards hee is of
abilitie to take vppon him any office and gouernement whatsoeuer: and therefore
straight wayes he goeth vnto the court to procure the same, and carrieth with
him the ensignes of his commencement, and is apparelled so that he may be
knowne, wherefore they doo him great honour in the way as hee goeth, and lodge
him in such houses as the king hath appointed in euerie towne for such as they
be. When he commeth to the court, hee goeth and dooth his duetie vnto the
president and vnto the rest of the royall counsell, who euerie one a part, doo
giue him ioy of his new dignitie, and with many words of great curtesie and
praise promise him, as occasion shall serve, to prouide him a place, as they by
their examination doo vnderstande his abilitie, and, againe, as they see his
discreete dealing and care in such matters as they do giue him in charge, so
will they preferre him to better dignitie and honour. So the next day following
they register him in their booke of memorie, which is alwayes in the counsell
chamber; and they remaine there waiting and seruing them vntill they haue
prouided them of some gouernment, which is not long after, for that the kingdome
is great, with manie prouinces and citties, as by this historie you shal
vnderstand.</p>
<hr class="l15" />
<p class="chapter">CHAP. XV.</p>
<p class="intro">How that with them they haue had the vse of Artilery long time before vs
in these parts of Europe.</p>
<p>Amongst many things worthie to bee considered, which haue beene and shalbe
declared in this historie, and amongst<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">[129]</a></span>
manie other which of purpose I omit, because I would not be tedious vnto the
reader, no one thing did cause so much admiracion vnto the Portugals, when that
they did first traficke in Canton, neither vnto our Spaniards, who long time
after went vnto the Philippinas, as to finde in this kingdome artilerie. And wee
finde by good account taken out of their histories, that they had the vse
thereof long time before vs in Europe. It is said that the first beginning was
in the yeare 1330, by the industrie of an Almane,<a name="FNanchor_122_122" id="FNanchor_122_122"></a><a href="#Footnote_122_122" class="fnanchor">[122]</a>
yet howe he was called there is no historie that dooth make mention: but the
Chinos saie, and it is euidently seene, that this Almaine dooth not deserue the
<span class="sidenote">The first inuenting of armor.</span>
name of the first inuenter, but of the discouerer, for that they were the first
inuentors, and from them hath the vse thereof beene transported vnto other
kingdomes, where it is now vsed. The Chinos saie that their first king, called
Vitey, did first inuent the same, and that he was taught the matter how to make
them by a spirite that came out of the earth, for to defende himselfe and his
kingdome from the Tartares, that did much molest him with warres: for, according
vnto the tokens giuen him, (as it dooth appear in their histories,) and the
industrie for the same, it appeareth that it was some spirit, enimie vnto
mankind, onely for to destroy them, as in these daies the experience thereof is
apparent vnto vs. All the which carieth a similitude of the trueth, for that
this king was a great sorcerer and inchanter, as you may well vnderstand by the
herbe that he had growing in y<sup>e</sup> court of his pallace, whereof before
I haue told you. And if this be not credible, because so many yeres are past
since this kings raigne, yet it is of truth, y<sup>t</sup> when these Chinos
went to the kingdom of Pergu,<a name="FNanchor_123_123" id="FNanchor_123_123"></a><a href="#Footnote_123_123" class="fnanchor">[123]</a>
<span class="sidenote">Artilerie 1300 years before us.</span>
and to cōquest y<sup>e</sup> east Indies more then 1500 yeares since, they
caried with them y<sup>e</sup> like instruments of warre, which did serue them
in their conquest: the which conquest being ended, they left behind them
certaine peeces of artilerie,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">[130]</a></span>
which were found afterwards by the Portugals, whereon were grauen the armes of
China, and in what yeare they were made, agreeing iust with the time of the
conquest.</p>
<p>Such artilerie as the frier Gerrarda and his companions did see at their
being there, they say it was of antiquitie, and very ill wrought, and was for
the most part peeces to shoote stones, or murderers: but it was giuen them to
vnderstande that in other prouinces of the kingdome, there be that bee verie
curiouslie wrought and faire, which may bee of such which the Captaine Artreda
did see: who in a letter that hee wrote vnto King Phillip, giuing him to
vnderstande of the secreats of this countrie, amongst which hee saide, the
Chinos doo vse all armour as wee doo, and the artilerie which they haue is
excellent good. I am of that opinion, for that I haue seene vessels there of
huge greatnesse, and better made then ours, and more stronger.</p>
<p>In euerie citie they haue certaine houses, where they make their ordinance
and artilerie continuallie: they doo not plant them on castles (for that they
haue not the vse of them in all the kingdome), but vppon the gates of their
cities, which hath mightie great and thicke walles, and deepe ditches, which
they doo fill with water out of the next riuer, at all times when neede
requireth, which they account the greatest strength in all the kingdome. At
euerie gate of the citie there is a captaine with manie souldiours, that keepeth
watch and warde, night and daie, to suffer no stranger to enter in without
especiall lycence of the gouernour of the citie or towne. By this that I haue
alredie saide, as seemeth vnto me, is apparantlie shewed and declared the
antiquity of artilerie in this kingdome: and howe that they were the first
inuentors thereof. Likewise it dooth plainely appeere that there was the first
inuention of printing, a thing as strange as the other, whose antiquitie in that
kingdome shall be shewed in the chapter following.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">[131]</a></span></p>
<hr class="l15" />
<p class="chapter">CHAP. XVI.</p>
<p class="intro">Of the antiquitie and manner of printing bookes, vsed in this Kingdome,
long before the vse in our Europe.</p>
<p>The admirable inuention, and the subtill ingenie of printing is such, that
for lacke of the vse thereof, should haue beene forgotten the worthinesse of
manie excellent men, and of their deedes doone in the happie daies and times
long past: and manie in these our daies woulde not trouble themselues so much as
they doo, in learning to get honour and promotion, or in feates of warres, if
that their fame should no longer continue in writing then their liues on the
earth. Leauing apart the woonderfull effectes of this subtile inuention, least
speaking thereof I should be ouer tedious, I will heere onlie goe about to
prooue that which this chapter dooth propounde, with some ensamples, whereof
manie are found in their histories, and likewise in ours. It doth plainlie
appeare by the vulgar opinion, that the inuention of printing did beginne in
Europe in the yeare 1458, the which was attributed vnto Toscan,<a name="FNanchor_124_124" id="FNanchor_124_124"></a><a href="#Footnote_124_124" class="fnanchor">[124]</a>
called John Cutembergo: and it was saide of trueth, that the first mould
wherewith they doo print was made in Maguncia, from whence an Almaine called
Conrado<a name="FNanchor_125_125" id="FNanchor_125_125"></a><a href="#Footnote_125_125" class="fnanchor">[125]</a>
did bring the same inuention into Italie. And the first booke that was printed,
was that which saint Austine<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">[132]</a></span>
did write, intituled <i>De ciuitate Dei</i>: wherein manie authors agree. But
the Chinos doo affirme, that the first beginning was in their countrie, and the
inuentour was a man whome they reuerence for a saint: whereby it is euident that
manie yeares after that they had the vse thereof, it was brought into Almaine<a name="FNanchor_126_126" id="FNanchor_126_126"></a><a href="#Footnote_126_126" class="fnanchor">[126]</a>
by the way of Ruscia and Moscouia, from whence, as it is certaine, they may come
by lande, and that some merchants that came from thence into this kingdome, by
the Redde Sea, and from Arabia Felix, might bring some books, from whence this
John Cutembergo, whom the histories dooth make authour, had his first
foundation. The which beeing of a trueth, as they haue authoritie for the same,
it dooth plainlie appeare that this inuention came from them vnto vs: and for
the better credite hereof, at this day there are found amongst them many bookes
printed 500 yeares before the inuention began in Almaine: of the which I haue
one, and I haue seene others, as well in Spaine and in Italie as in the Indies.
The frier Herrada and his companions, when they came from the China vnto the
Philippinas, did bring with them manie printed bookes of diuers matters, which
they did buy in the citie of Ancheo, the which were printed in diuers places of
the kingdome.<a name="FNanchor_127_127" id="FNanchor_127_127"></a><a href="#Footnote_127_127" class="fnanchor">[127]</a>
Yet the most part<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">[133]</a></span>
of them were printed in the prouince of Ochian,<a name="FNanchor_128_128" id="FNanchor_128_128"></a><a href="#Footnote_128_128" class="fnanchor">[128]</a>
whereas is the best print: and as they did report, they woulde haue brought a
great number more, if that the vizroy had not disturbed them, for they haue
great libraries, and very good cheape; but hee suspected that those bookes might
be a meane to giue them to vnderstande the secrets of their kingdome, the which
they doo indeuour to keepe close from strangers. The vizroy vsed a policie, and
sent them word, how that he was certified that they went about buying of bookes
for to carry them into their countrie, and howe they shoulde not spende their
money on them, for hee would giue them for nothing so manie bookes as they
woulde haue, which afterward hee did not performe, possible for the reason
aforesaide, or else he did forget his promise.</p>
<p>At such time as this commandement came vnto them, they<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">[134]</a></span>
had bought a good number, out of the which are taken the most things that wee
haue put in this small historie, for to giue a briefe notice of them and of that
kingdome, till such time as by a true certificate the experience of manie shall
cause more credite thereunto: for that vnto this day, by reason of the small
notice wee haue, we cannot with so great authoritie make it so credible as wee
hope that time hereafter will doo. The which hath moued mee, yea and constrained
me, to leaue to intreat of manie things, which in those parts are to bee
credited, yea and are most true: and for the same I haue beene blamed and
reprehended by such as haue had perfite notice thereof.</p>
<p>And nowe for that I will not go from my purpose, you shall vnderstand in the
chapter following, whereof these bookes that they brought doo intreat, that the
better you giue credite vnto the curiositie and policie of that kingdome, as in
manie places I haue declared, and hereafter will declare.</p>
<hr class="l15" />
<p class="chapter">CHAP. XVII.</p>
<p class="intro">The substance and manner of those bookes that Frier Herrada and his
companions brought from China.</p>
<p>They brought with them a great number of bookes, as wee haue said, that did
intreate of diuers matters, as you shall perceiue in the sequell.</p>
<p>Of the description of all the whole kingdome of China, and the placing of the
15 prouinces, and the length and bredth of euery one of them, and of other
kingdomes bordering vppon them.</p>
<p>Of all tributes and rentes belonging vnto the king, and of all the orders of
his royall pallace, and of his ordinarie pensions that hee giueth, and the names
of all officers in his house, and how far euery office doth extend.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">[135]</a></span></p>
<p>How many tributaries euerie prouince hath, and the number of such as are free
from tribute, and the order and time, how and when they are to be recouered.</p>
<p>For the making of ships of all sorts, and the order of nauigation, with the
altitudes of euery port, and the quantitie of euery one in particular.</p>
<p>Of the antiquitie of this kingdome of China, and of the beginning of the
world, and in what time and for whome it beganne.</p>
<p>Of the kings that have raigned in this kingdome, and the order of their
succession and government, with their liues and customes.</p>
<p>Of the ceremonies they vse in doing sacrifice vnto their idols (which they
hold as gods), and the names of them: of their beginnings, and at what time they
shoulde make their sacrifices.</p>
<p>Their opinions of the immortalitie of the soule, of the heauen, of hell, of
the manner of their funerals, and of their mourning apparel that euery one is
bounde to weare, according as he is alianced unto the dead.</p>
<p>Of the lawes of the kingdome, and when and by whome they were made; and the
punishment executed on those which violate the same, with manie other matters
touching their good government and policie.</p>
<p>Manie herbals, or bookes of herbes, for phisitions, shewing how they should
be applied to heale infirmities.</p>
<p>Many other bookes of phisicke and medicine, compiled by authors of that
kingdome, of antiquitie and of late daies, containing in them the maner how to
vse the sicke, and to heale them of their sicknes, and to make preseruatiues
against all sicknesses and infirmities.</p>
<p>Of the properties of stones and mettals, and of things natural that haue
vertue of themselues; and wherefore pearles, gold, and silver, and other metals,
may serue for the vtility of man, comparing with the one and the other the
vtilitie of euerie thing.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">[136]</a></span></p>
<p>Of the nomber, and moouings of the heauens: of the planets and stars, and of
their operations and particular influences.</p>
<p>Of such kingdomes and nations as they haue notice off, and of particular
things that are in them.</p>
<p>Of the life and behauiour of such men, whom they holde for saints, where they
lead their liues, and where they died and were buried.</p>
<p>The order howe to play at the tables, and at the chests, and how to make
sports of legerdemaine and puppets.</p>
<p>Of musicke and songs, and who were the inuentors thereof.</p>
<p>Of the mathematicall sciences, and of arithmeticke, and rules how to use the
same.</p>
<p>Of the effectes that the children doo make in their mothers wombs, and how
they are euery moneth sustained, and of the good and bad times of their birth.</p>
<p>Of architecture, and all manner of buildings, with the bredth and length that
euerie edifice ought to haue for his proportion.</p>
<p>Of the properties of good and bad ground, and tokens how to know them, and
what seede they will beare euery yeare.</p>
<p>Of astrologie naturall, and judiciarie, and rules to learne the same, and to
cast figures to make coniectures.</p>
<p>Of chiromancia and phisiognomia, and other signes and tokens, and what euery
one doth signifie.</p>
<p>The order how to write letters, and how to give euerie one his title,
according to the dignitie of his person.</p>
<p>How to bring vp horses, and to teach them to runne and trauaile.</p>
<p>How to deuine vpon dreames, and cast lottes when they beginne any iourney, or
take any thing in handes, whose ende is doubtfull.</p>
<p>Of apparell worne in all the kingdome, beginning with the king, and of the
ensignes or coates of armes of such as doo gouerne.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">[137]</a></span></p>
<p>How to make armour and instruments of warre, and howe to firme a squadron.</p>
<p>These bookes, and many others that the fryers brought, out of the which (as
afore saide) haue been taken all such thinges as haue beene and shall be
declared in this historie, interpreted by persons naturally borne in China, and
brought vp in Philippinas with the Spaniards that dwell there, who affirme that
they haue seene great libraries in cities where they abode, but especially in
Ancheo and Chincheo.</p>
<hr class="l15" />
<p class="chapter">CHAP. XVIII.</p>
<p class="intro">The order that these Chinos obserue in making bankets, and in celebrating
their festiuall daies.</p>
<p>For that in some parts of this historie wee haue touched the bankets that the
Chinos do make, it shall not bee amisse to declare here the order they vse
therein, for that they are curious, and differ verie much from our order and vse
in their banquetting, the which we haue perceiued as well by their feeding as by
many other thinges.</p>
<p>Amongest these Chinos, more than amongest any other people of the world, are
vsed bankets and feastes, for they are rich and without care, and also without
the light of heauen, albeit they do confesse and beleeue the immortalitie of the
soule, and the rewarde or punishment in an other worlde, according vnto their
workes in this life (as we haue saide). All that euer they can, they doo giue
themselues vnto the contentment of the flesh, and vnto all maner pastimes,
wherein they liue most delicately, and in verie good order. Their custome is,
although they haue a hundred guestes, yet euerie one must sit and eate at a
table by himselfe. Their tables be verie fine, gilt and painted full of birdes
and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">[138]</a></span>
beastes, and other varieties verie pleasant vnto the eye. They do not vse to put
table clothes on them, but onely a forefront of damaske, or some other silke, on
euerie one of them, which hangeth downe to the ground; and on the foure corners
they doo sette manie little baskettes curiously wrought with golde and siluer
wyre, full of flowers and knackes of sugar, made with great curiositie, as
elefantes, grayhoundes, hares, and all other kinde of beastes and foules, gylt
and painted: in the middest of the table they doo sette the victualles in
maruelous good order, as flesh of diuerse sortes, fowle, and fishes: of the
which they make diuers manners of brothes passing well dressed, and are serued
in fine earthen dishes of great curiositie, and of siluer (although these they
vse verie seeldome, except for the viceroyes): they haue no neede of table
clothes nor napkins, for they eate so delicately, that they doo not touch the
meate with their handes, but with little forkes of golde or siluer, with the
which they eate so cleanly, that although it be verie small that they eate, yet
will they let nothing fall: they drinke often, but a little at a time, and
therefore they vse verie little cuppes.</p>
<p>At these bankettes and feastes, there are present alwayes women gesters, who
doo play and sing, vsing manie prettie gesters to cause delight, and make mirth
to the gestes: besides these they haue diuerse sortes of men with other
instruments, as tomblers and players, who doo represent their comedies verie
perfectly and naturally: in these bankets they spende the greatest part of the
day, by reason of so manie diuersities of meates that they serue in. They passe
manie times a hundreth sundrie dishes, when that the estate of the person that
is inuited, or of him that maketh the banket, dooth require. As may shew the
report of the Augustine fryers, in the beginning of the second part of this
historie: where one doth tell of bankets that were made him by the Insuanto, a
gouernor of the prouince of Chincheo,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">[139]</a></span>
and the uiceroy of Ancheo, and of the gallant deuices they had to driue away the
time so long as the banket lasted. Unto euerie one of their guestes they doo set
a table, euerie table standing one along by an other, making a difference of the
number of them, according vnto the qualitie of the persons: vpon the first table
(where sitteth he that is inuited) they set the victualles readie dressed,
sweete meates, or march-panes,<a name="FNanchor_129_129" id="FNanchor_129_129"></a><a href="#Footnote_129_129" class="fnanchor">[129]</a>
which is the last seruice: and on the rest, although they be twentie, they set
great store of diuerse kindes of meates, all rawe, as capons, ducks, teales,
hennes, peeces of salt and martlemas biefe, gammons of bacon, and many other
thinges. All these doo remaine vppon the tables till the banket be ended, and
the guestes departed: then doo the seruantes of him that made the banket take
all these rawe meates, and carrie them before their guestes till they come vnto
their houses or lodges, where they doo leaue it with great ceremonies. When they
doo make any banket to a viceroy or to any embassadour, it is with so great cost
and sumptuousness, that they spend a great substance therein. These bankets do
commonly indure twentie daies together, continuing vntill the last day as
royally and as plentifully as the first day.</p>
<p>They do celebrate all their festiuall dayes in the night, which is ordinarily
their newe moones; and they doo solemnize them with much musicke and newe
inuentions. But more particularly they doo celebrate the first day of the yeare,
which is, after their account, the first day of the moneth of March: on this day
they apparell themselues verie costlye and sumptuouslie, both men and women, and
doo adorne themselues with all their iewelles and newe toyes, and doo hang their
houses and doores with carpettes and clothes of silke and cloth of golde, and
dresse them vppe trimme with roses and other flowers, for at that time there is
great store in that country: likewise they doo sette at all<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">[140]</a></span>
their doores great trees, on the which they doo hang manye lightes, and all the
triumphall arches that bee in the streetes (which bee verye manie, as wee haue
sayde) are decked with bowes this day: wherein they put manie lightes, and set
full of canapies of cloth of gold, damaske, and manie other sundrie sorts of
silkes.</p>
<p>Their priestes doo assist them in these feastes very richly apparelled, and
doo offer sacrifice vpon their altars vnto the heauen, and vnto their idolles,
and they sing many songes.</p>
<p>This day dooth all people generally sport themselues with great singing and
sounding of instruments, in the which they are very cunning. Such instruments as
the Augustine fryers did see, were lutes, gytternes, vyalles, rebbukes,
wayghtes, virginalles, harpes, and flutes, and other instrumentes which wee doo
vse, although they doo differ something in the fashion of them, but yet easie to
be knowen. They do tune their voyces vnto their instrumentes with great
admiration: they haue all commonly very good voyces. In these feasts they do
make many representations of great pastime according vnto nature, with
vestiments that they haue for the purpose. All the dayes that these feastes do
indure, their tables be full of diuerse sorts of meates, as well of fish as of
flesh, and of all sortes of fruites, and excellent good wine, the which they
make of the palme tree, with certaine mixtures, which maketh it have an
excellent good taste. All the day, they and their priestes do eate and drinke so
much till they can no more. They haue it for a thing most certaine amongest
them, that looke how they are in disposition that day, so shall they passe the
whole yeare, eyther sorrowfull or merrie. I omit the feastes which they make at
marriages, and at any good successe, though they be in great number and very
sumptuous, because I would not be tedious: in all things they couett to auoyde
melancholy.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">[141]</a></span></p>
<hr class="l15" />
<p class="chapter">CHAP. XIX.</p>
<p class="intro">How they salute one another in this countrie, and of some part of their
ceremonies.</p>
<p>There is no nation in all the worlde, be it neuer so barbarous, that hath
been found out vntill this day, without a manner of courtesie, or some ceremony
of salutation in their meetinges and visitinges, or when they do assemble in any
particular businesse: whereof wee haue large notice by auncient histories, and
sufficient experience in that wee haue seene and vnderstoode in these kingdomes
and prouinces which in our dayes hath beene discouered: although herein (as I am
fully perswaded) those of this kingdome do exceede all nations of the world (as
is affirmed by them that haue had the experience), for they haue so many
ceremonies and vsages of courtesie and ciuilitie amongest them, that they haue
bookes to teach them only how they should behaue themselues in making difference
of persons. Of all the which, such as shall seeme expedient to giue notice of, I
will declare in this chapter, using therein the breuitie that this historie
requireth.</p>
<p>They esteeme it a great discourtesie, not to salute one an other when they
see or meete one an other, although the acquaintance betwixt them be but small.</p>
<p>The salutation that the common people do vse is, when they do meete the one
with the other, to shut the left hande, and to couer it with the right, ioyning
therewith their breastes together, with much bowing their heades downewardes,
signifying that loue and amitie is as firme betweene them as their handes are
fast, and that their friendshippe is not alonely in the ceremonie, but also in
the heart: the which they giue to vnderstande by woordes at the same time. But
amongest courtyers and gentlemen they vse an other manner<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">[142]</a></span>
of courtesie, which seemeth vnto them of much more curiositie, that is: at such
time as they doo meete, they make a little staye, then they caste abroad their
armes, and claspe their fingers together, remayning in compasse, humbling
themselues manie times, and contending one with an other about their parting for
to prosecute his waye; and the higher estate they are of, the more is their
contention. When that anie meane person doth meete with a principall man, who
for dignitie or for any other occasion dooth acknowledge superioritie, straight
wayes hee dooth stay with great silence, declining his head, till such time as
he is past by, although the most part of them dooth it more for feare than for
courtesie: for that experience hath taught them, that he that dooth it not, is
straight wayes punished and whipped cruelly.</p>
<p>When that any of these commeth to speake with any Loytia, at the entering in
at the hall whereas he is, hee kneeleth downe, declyning his head and looking
vpon the ground: and on this sort he goeth vpon his knees till hee come into the
middest of the hall, and there he stayeth and declareth his petition by worde of
mouth, with an humble and meeke voyce, or else presenteth it by writing: and
hauing receiued answere, hee dooth returne on his knees backwardes, without
turning his backe to the Loytia, vntill hee bee quite out of the hall. And if
they which doo meete or visite one an other be equall in dignity, they shew
great courtesie on both sides, contending who shall surpasse in courtesie and
wordes: wherein they are verie ceremonious. When one doth goe to visite an
other, he that is visited, after the visitation done, doth bring the other vnto
the streete doore. This custome is vsed most amongest the common people, being
equal in degree, or differing little. Likewise they vse one thing verie strange,
and neuer heard of amongest other nations, that is: if that one doo come out of
<span class="sidenote">A strange kind of courtesie.</span>
the countrie, to visite an other that is in the citie or towne (although he be a
nigh kinsman, and long time acquainted), if that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">[143]</a></span>
knocking at the doore or in the streete hee doo meete with him whome he dooth
come to visite (hee being not well apparelled), although he speake vnto him, yet
will hee not make any aunswere, nor any resemblance that euer he sawe or knewe
him before: but straightwayes returneth home to his house in all haste possible,
and doth apparell him selfe with the best apparell that he hath, and then he
goeth foorth and receiueth his guest and friend, dissembling as though he had
not before meete nor seene him.</p>
<p>This ceremonie amongest them is infalliblie kept, for that it is amongest
them an auncient tradition, and founded vppon their religion. They giue great
intertainement vnto their guestes, and make them straightwayes a beuer<a name="FNanchor_130_130" id="FNanchor_130_130"></a><a href="#Footnote_130_130" class="fnanchor">[130]</a>
or collation with manie sortes of conserues and fruites, and good wine, and an
other kinde of drinke, that is generally vsed thorough out the whole kingdome,
and is made of diuerse physicall hearbes, good to comfort the heart, the which
they warme when they drinke thereof.</p>
<p>These ceremonies they vse when that one neighbour dooth visite an other. But
when that one of the towne dooth meete with a stranger that hee dooth knowe, and
hath beene in the towne certaine dayes, and he not seene him, then hee of the
towne dooth aske of the other if that hee hath eaten any thing: if he aunswere
no, he dooth by and by, without any delay, carrie him to the next victualling
house, whereas hee dooth banket him deliciously: for in euerie towne there is
good opportunitie for the same, by reason that in the market places and
streetes, and in the suburbes, there is great store of victualling houses, that
doo keepe tabling verie orderly, and for little cost: for there (as we haue
sayde) all kinde of victualles are verie good cheape. But if the stranger dooth
aunswere that he hath eaten, then dooth the citizen or townesman carrie him to
an other kinde of victualing houses,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">[144]</a></span>
where are to be had al sortes of conserues and iunkettes, fruites and
marchpanes, and there dooth hee make him a banket with great love and good will.
Of the women as well strangers as towneborne, or of what degree soeuer, they
haue great respect, but especially of the married women: vnto whome if any man
giue an ill or dishonest woorde, he is accounted infamous: and likewise if he
doo not offer to them courtesie, and giue them place or way when they passe the
streetes, which is seeldome seene. But when they doo passe they behaue
themselues so discreetly that they giue no occasion that anye shoulde misuse
them: towardes strangers they vse verye great courtesie: but especially the
principallest: as you shall perceiue in the relation of the seconde part of this
historie, where it shall be declared by experience.</p>
<hr class="l15" />
<p class="chapter">CHAP. XX.</p>
<p class="intro">Of the great closenesse that the women of this kingdome do liue in, and
with what condition they permit common women.</p>
<p>The principall intent that this king and his gouernors haue, as is gathered
by their lawes, is to preserue their common weale from vices; for the which he
dooth set downe great penalties, and executeth the same without any remission;
and least any should offend they vse great vigilancie, and do iudge that the
libertie and dishonestie of the women is most preiudiciale thereunto, and is the
occasion that their common wealth falleth to decay, being neuer so well
gouerned: therefore they haue ordained many preseruatives and remedies by their
lawes and customes to preuent the same, which is the only occasion (that
although it is so long since this kingdome first began, and againe, being so
great as you may vnderstande), yet in this one point there is lesse<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145">[145]</a></span>
inconuenience or preiudice than in any other countrey of lesse antiquitie and
fewer people. So that a dishonest woman is knowen by name, although it be in a
great citie, the which is seldome seene, and a rare thing. And the best way they
haue to preuent this is, that all people that haue daughters are commaunded by
expresse order, that they shall bring them vp (after they haue the vse of
reason) in their owne houses very close, and not be seene, but alwayes to doo
something to auoide idlenesse, for that it is the mother of all vices, whereby
it may take no roote in them. This lawe dooth comprehende married women, and is
kept in such sort that the wiues of the viceroyes and gouernours do obserue it,
yea they say that the queenes themselues doo obserue it, and that they are
alwayes spinning golde, silke, or flaxe, or doing some other exercise with their
handes, esteeming all idle persons woorthie to be hated and contemned: so that
the children being brought vp in this manner, seeing the good example of their
mothers, is the occasion that this vertuous exercise, worthie to be imitated, is
conuerted vnto a dayly and perpetuall custome, in such sort, that they think it
a perpetuall torment to commaunde them to be idle. These ordinarie and
voluntarie exercises haue the women of this kingdome in such sort, that it is
newes and a strange thing to meete a woman in the streetes of any citie or
towne, neither at the windowes, which is a signe that they liue honest. If it so
fall out that of force they must go abroad, as to the buriall of parents and
kinsfolkes, or to visite any one being sicke, or vpon any like occasion, then
are they carried in litter chaires where they are seene of none, as we told you
before: but other superfluous visitations or meetings of gossips are not there
vsed. Albeit tendering the conseruation of this honest crewe, and to eschewe
greater euils in the common wealth, they permit common women as a necessarie
thing: yet they do allow them in such sort, that their euill example may not be
hurtfull vnto the honest state<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">[146]</a></span>
of them which liue chast. And therefore they do build for them houses out of the
cities and townes in the suburbes, giuing them straight commandement there to
remaine in the said houses, and not to straggle and go abroad at all. And whilst
they liue there they are prohibited, vppon paine of death, to enter into the
gates of the citie or any part thereof.</p>
<p>Such women as doo vse this facultie are nothing esteemed amongst them, for
they are for the most part of the basest sort, as strangers, slaues, or such as
haue beene bought of their mothers being yoonge, which is a kinde of perpetuall
bondage, yea a great crueltie which is vsed amongst them there, and yet suffered
amongst them. You shall vnderstande, that such as are poore widowes and driuen
by necessitie, cannot sustaine themselues, may for the supplying of their want,
sell their children and binde them to perpetuall seruitude, the which is
permitted in such sort, that there are amongst them rich merchants that deale in
no other thing: and all the maiden children that they buy so bee brought vp with
great care, and taught to plaie and sing, and other things appertaining vnto
pleasure. Then after, when they are of yeares, they carrie them vnto the houses
aforesaid ordained for common women. The first day that they doo dedicate her to
this ill office, before shee is put into this common house, they carrie her
before a iudge, which the king hath ordained for euerie house appertaining to
any cittie or towne appointed to bee their keeper, and see that there bee no
euill rule kept amongst them: and this iudge dooth place her in the house
himselfe, and from that day forwards her master hath no more to doo with her,
but to go euerie moneth vnto the iudge to recouer his tribute, which is a
certaine summe set downe by the iudge, by agreement made betweene them both, and
hee appointeth besides this the time when hee shall be paide for her, and for
that was spent in her bringing vp and teaching.</p>
<p>These women be very much haunted, and passe away the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">[147]</a></span>
time maruellous pleasantly by reason of their singing and playing, which they
doo with great cunning: and according vnto the report of the Chinos, they
apparell themselues with great curiositie, and paint themselues. They haue
amongst them many blinde women, that are free and not bonde: these are trimmed,
dressed, and painted by others that haue their sight; and such as haue spent all
their youth in these houses, can not goe foorth so long as they liue, as is
commaunded by a lawe publike, least by their dishonest demeanure they should be
an occasion of some harme and an euill example to others. Whatsoeuer profite
dooth remaine vnto these women when they haue payed their maister, they giue
vnto the iudge their superiour, who doth keepe it faithfully and carefully, and
giueth a good account thereof euerie yeare vnto the uisitors. And afterwardes
when these women waxe olde, it is repaied vnto them againe by order of the said
iudge. But it is bestowed in such sort, that they shall not lacke, neither haue
vrgent necessitie. But if it so fall out that they should lacke, they will giue
them a stipend to maintaine them, onely for to dresse and trimme the blinde
women, or else they will put them into the kinges hospitall, a place ordeyned
for such as cannot helpe themselues.</p>
<p>The men children which they buy, and are solde to supplie their necessitie,
in the order aforesaide, of the women, they put to learne some occupation, and
after that they are expert therein, they doo serue a master in the same trade
for a certaine time; the which being expired, their masters are not only bound
to giue them their libertie, but also to provide them of wiues and to marrie
them, prouiding also for them houses and necessaries wherewith they may get
their liuing. Which, if they doo not of their owne free will, they are compelled
by iustice to doo, whether they will or no. And they for a token of
greatefulnesse must come vnto their masters the first day of the yeare, and
other dayes appointed, and bring them some present. The children of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">[148]</a></span>
these be all free, and subiect to no bondage for the benefite doone vnto their
father for their bringing vp.</p>
<hr class="l15" />
<p class="chapter">CHAP. XXI.</p>
<p class="intro">The fashion of their ships, as well of those that passe the seas, as of
those that doo roade riuers, which are manie and great: and howe they doo
prouide themselues of fish for all the yeare.</p>
<p>There is in this kingdome a great number of shippes and barkes, with the
which they sayle all a long their coastes, and vnto ilandes neere hande, and
into their riuers, the which doo runne cleane through the most part of all their
prouinces: and there dwelleth so much people vpon these riuers in shippes and
barkes, that it seemeth to be some great citie; there is so many of them that
they do esteeme that there is almost as many people that dwell vpon the water as
vpon the lande.</p>
<p>They make them slightly and with small cost, for they haue in all partes of
this countrie great aboundance of tymber, iron, and other thinges necessarie for
this vse: but in especiall a kinde of glew, wherewith they doo dawbe and trimme
their shippes, that is much more tougher and stronger then the pitch which wee
vse, which after it is layde on, sticketh fast and maketh their shipping as
harde as stones; the aboundance whereof, and the great number of ship-wrightes,
and againe for that there is not on the lande roome enough for the people to
inhabite, being so many in number, causeth them to build so great a number of
shippes and barkes. They vse their shippes and barkes of many fashions, euery
one hath his proper name. Such ships as they haue to saile long voiages be
called Iuncos, but for the warre they make huge and mightie vessels, with high
castles, both on<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">[149]</a></span>
the prowe and sterne, much after the fashion of them that come out of the
Easterne Seas, and vnto those with which the Portingales sayle into the East
India. They haue these in so great number, y<sup>t</sup> a generall may ioine
together in 4 dayes an armie of more than 600. Those which they do commonly vse
for burden and to lade, are much after y<sup>e</sup> same fashion and greatnes,
and smal difference there is betweene them, but that they are lower both before
and at the sterne. There is an other sort of lesser vessels, and are much like
vnto pinases, and haue foure great ores on ech side, whereat row sixe men at
euery ore and foure at the least. These are excellent good to rowe in and out
ouer their bard hauens, or into any place where is litle water: they do call
them Bancoens. There is an other sort that is more brode than these, which they
call Lanteas, and carie eight ores on a side, with sixe men at euerie ore. Of
these two last sorts of vessels pirates and rouers at the sea do commonly vse
(for in those seas there be very many), for that they be very nimble to fly and
to giue assalt as occasion doth serue. They haue an other sort of vessels y<sup>t</sup>
are long, like vnto a galley, but more square, being very brode and neede little
water: they do vse them likewise to transport merchandise from one place to an
other: they are swift and run vp the riuers with smal force of the armes. Many
other sorts of barks they haue, besides the aforesaid, some with galleries and
windows painted and gylt, but chiefely those which the uiceroyes and gouernours
doo make for their recreation. Of those sortes of shipping afore sayd, which
they call Iuncos, the king hath in al his prouinces great armies, and in them
souldiers with their captaines to defend the coastes, that as well all ships of
their owne countrie, as those that doo come from other places to traficke with
them, may goe and come in safetie, and not bee spoyled and robbed of the roauers
that be there abouts. In the riuers there are pynases well equipped appointed
for the same purpose. And the king doth out of his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150">[150]</a></span>
rentes pay all these ordinarie souldiers, and that with great liberalitie.</p>
<p>The pitch wherewith they doo trimme their shippes (as we haue sayde) is
founde in that kingdome in great aboundance; it is called in their language
Iapez, and is made of lyme, oyle of fish, and a paste which they call Vname:<a name="FNanchor_131_131" id="FNanchor_131_131"></a><a href="#Footnote_131_131" class="fnanchor">[131]</a>
it is verie strong and suffereth no wormes, which is the occasion that one of
their shippes dooth twise out last one of ours: yet dooth it hinder much their
sayling. The pumpes which they haue in their shippes are much differing from
ours, and are farre better: thay make them of many peeces, with a wheele to draw
water, which wheele is set along the shippes sides within, wherewith they do
easily clense their shippes, for that one man alone going in the wheele, doth in
a quarter of an houre cleanse a great shippe, although she leake verie much.</p>
<p>Many men be borne and brought vp in these shippes and barkes (as is
aforesayde), and neuer in all their liues haue beene on lande, and doo knowe
none other occupation wherewith to liue, but that which they doo inherite of
their fathers, which is, to goe in one of these shippes or barkes, carrying and
recarrying of merchandise from place to place, or to ferrie people ouer the
riuers. They haue in them their wiues and their children, and haue like
neighborhood amongst them on the riuers as in their cities and townes, of whom
they stand in little need, for they do bring vp within their ships all things
necessarie for their sustenance, as hens, duckes, pigeons, and other foules good
to be eaten: and if they do lacke any thing, they haue it in victualing houses
and shops, which they haue amongst them on the same riuers in great abundance:
and of other superfluous thinges such as may bee founde in a citie, they are
well furnished: as of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151">[151]</a></span>
many sorts of silkes, amber, and muske, and other things more curious then
needefull. They haue also in their shippes, pots with little orange trees and
other fruits, and gardins with flowers, and other herbes for their recreation,
and in the wide shippes pooles of water, wherein they haue great store of fish
aliue, and yet doo dayly fishe for more with nettes. This kingdome is the best
prouided of fish of any that is knowen, by reason of the great number of these
barkes, as also because they haue many fisher men at sea and in the riuers, that
continually fish with nettes and other engines for the same purpose: and doo
carrie the same fishe (in infinite number) aliue into their pooles fiue hundreth
leagues vp into the lande by the riuers, which they doo with great ease in
shifting the water euerie day, and doo feede them with thinges fit for the
nature of the fish.</p>
<p>The chiefe and principallest time of fishing in this countrie, is in three
monethes of the yeare, which is Februarie, March, and Aprill, at such times as
are the spring tides, which do bring the fish out of the mayne sea into the
riuers, and there they do spawne and leaue their young: then these fisher men,
who doo liue by that facultie, doo take them and put them into their pondes, and
feede and nourish them in the ships till they come to bignesse to be solde.</p>
<p>Unto these fishermen repayre many barkes from diuerse partes of the countrie
to buye their fishe, and doo bringe with them wicker baskets lyned with a
certaine thicke paper for that purpose, and annoynted with oyle, so that the
water can not goe out: wherein they doo put their fish, and do shift them euerie
day, and feede them as aforesaide. All people doo buye of this fish, although
they bee verie small and leane, and doo put them in their pondes which euerie
one hath in his house (as common vse in all that countrie is), whereas in a
small time they waxe great, fitte to be eaten. They doo feede them with a paste
made of cowes doung, buffes doung, and pigins doong.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">[152]</a></span></p>
<p>Likewise they doo throwe of these small fishes into the mootes of their
cities, which is the occasion that they are so full of fish. But all that breede
in them do appertaine vnto the gouernors or iudges of the cities, so that none
without their expresse commandement dare fish for them. These gouernors and
iudges doo vse much to recreate themselues vppon the riuers, and haue for the
same purpose barkes made close, and chambers in them verie curiously wrought,
with windowes and galleries likewise hanged with rich clothes, and many other
thinges for their contentment and pleasure.</p>
<hr class="l15" />
<p class="chapter">CHAP. XXII.</p>
<p class="intro">A curious order that these Chinos haue to bring vp ducks in great
abundance, and with small cost: and of a pleasant and ingenious order of fishing
which they vse.</p>
<p>The great number of people that is in this countrie, and not permitting any
idle people to liue therein, is the occasion that it doth stirre vp the wits of
poore men (being constrained thereunto by necessitie, the inuenter of manye
thinges) to seeke new inuentions to get their liuing, to relieue and supply
their necessities. So that many of this kingdome, seeing the whole countrie so
throughly inhabited and tilled, that there is not one foote without an owner,
they do take them vnto the riuers (which are verie great), and there they do
make their dwellinges in ships and barkes (as is aforesaide), where they have
their whole families vnder borde to defende them from the sunne and rayne, and
inclinations of the heauens. There they do vse the occupation that they do
knowe, or that which they did inherite of their father, and many misteries to
liue by, verie strange: whereof the most principall<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153">[153]</a></span>
is to bring vp in some of their barkes so great quantitie of duckes, that they
sustaine a great part of the countrey therewith; and the vse thereof is as
followeth.</p>
<p>They haue cages made of canes so bigge as the vpper most holde of the barke,
in the which may be foure thousand duckes at once. They haue in certaine places
of these cages made nestes, where these duckes do almost euery day laye egges,
the which they take: and if it be in the sommer, they doo put them in buffes
doong, or in the doong of those duckes, which is verie warme, where they leaue
them so many dayes as experience hath taught them that they will come foorth.
Then they doo take them out of the doong, and do breake them one by one, and
take a little ducklin, the which they do with so great cunning that almost none
of them doth perish, which is y<sup>t</sup> which causeth great admiration vnto
some that go to see it: although they bee but few, for that it is an auncient
custome vsed for long time in that countrie. And for to haue the fruition of
this benefite all the yeare, in the winter they must vse an artificiall helpe:
to giue a little warmenes vnto the doong for the bringing forth of their egs,
they do vse then an other inuention as ingenious as the first, and that is this:
they take a great number of canes tied one by another, whereon they do laye the
doong, then vppon that they doo lay their egges, and do couer them verie well
with the same: this being done, they put vnder the canes straw, or some other
like thing, and set it on fire, but in such sort that it dooth not burne, but
keepeth a naturall heat all the time, till they thinke that they are readie to
be taken out. Then doo they take and breake them, as aforesaide, so that their
pultrie dooth increase in such number as though they were antes. Then doo they
put them into an other cage for the same purpose, wheras be old duckes brought
vp for no other purpose but to couer the little ones vnder their winges and
keepe them warme: and there they doo feede them euery day, till such time as<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154">[154]</a></span>
they can feede themselues, and go abroad into the fieldes to profit themselues
in the companie of the olde duckes. Many times they haue in number aboue twentie
thousand, yet do they maintain them with a small cost, and it is in this order:
euery morning they do giue them a small quantitie of boyled rice, then do they
open a doore of the cage, which is towardes the riuer, and doo put a bridge of
canes that doth reach vnto the water: then doo they come foorth with so great
haste one vpon an other, that it is a pastime to see them. All the day after
they do passe the time vpon the water, and in the fieldes of rice vpon the land,
wheras they do feede: the owners of the rice doo giue vnto the owners of the
duckes somewhat to let their duckes go into their fields, for that they do
destroy all the grasse and other weeds in it, and hurt nothing of the rice.</p>
<p>When that the euening draweth on, then they of the barke do make a sound with
a taber or such like, y<sup>e</sup> which being heard of his duckes, they throwe
themselues with great speede into the water, and swimme straight vnto their owne
barke, whereas their bridge is readie put for them; and euerie flocke doth know
his owne barke by the sounde, without missing at any time, although there be
many flockes together. For euerie barke doth vse a different sound the one from
the other, to the which the duckes are vsed, and their ears full thereof, so
that they neuer fayle their owne barke.</p>
<p>This manner of liuing is greatly vsed in all that countrie, and verie
profitable, for that it is a victuall most vsed amongst them, and is esteemed as
a thing of great sustentation and of small price, by reason that at al times
there is breeding of them and of small cost.</p>
<p>Likewise in this country they do vse a kinde of fishing, that is of no lesse
industrie then the bringing vppe of these duckes, and a thing to be scene. The
king hath in euerie citie founded vppon the riuers, houses wherein euerie yeare<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155">[155]</a></span>
is brought vp many cormorantes or sea rauens, with whome they doo fishe in those
monethes that the fish dooth spawne, and that is in this maner following. They
take the cormorantes out of their cages, and carrie them vnto the riuer side,
whereas they haue many barkes ordeyned for their fishing, and they are halfe
full of water. Then they take their cormorantes, and with a corde they do binde
their mawes, in such sort that no fish can fall into it: then they do cast them
into the riuer to fish, the which they do with such good will and couetousnesse,
that it is a woonder to see; they throwe themselues into the water with great
swiftnesse, and diue, whereas they do fill their throate with fish. Then they
come foorth, and with the like hast they go vnto the barkes that are halfe ful
of water, and the fish which they have taken they put in that water, which is
put there for that purpose, that the fish may not die; the which being done,
they returne againe vnto their fishing as they did before.</p>
<p>In this order they do indure their fishing foure houres together, in such
sort that the one doth not trouble the other; and when y<sup>t</sup> their
boates with water are ful of fish, then do they vnbind them, and turne them
againe into the riuer for to fish for themselues, for they haue neede thereof,
for that alwayes the day before that they will fish they keepe them from their
ordinarie victualles, which is a litle <i>millio</i>, that they may y<sup>e</sup>
better do their office. So after a while that they haue filled their bellies and
recreated themselues, they take them out of the water and carrie them vnto the
ordinarie places, whereas they are kept; and euerie third day during the time of
this fishing, they do take them forth for the same exercise, which for them is
so great pastime, that they would it should indure all the yeare.</p>
<p>In these three monethes they do take so much fish, that they do prouide the
whole kingdome for all the yeare; as in the chapter past it hath beene tolde
you, which is the occasion that they are as well prouided of fish as of any
other<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156">[156]</a></span>
thing: so that, if they please, they may eate euerie day fresh fish, although
they are farre from the sea.</p>
<hr class="l15" />
<p class="chapter">CHAP. XXIII.</p>
<p class="intro">Of the curtesie that the king of this mightie kingdome doth vnto the
ambassadors that come to him from anie other king, prince, or comonaltie.</p>
<p>We should in the chapter following intreate of the ambassage that king Philip
of Spaine, with the Christian zeale that he had, to sende vnto the king of this
kingdome, who being mooued by certaine causes and reasons, did referre it till a
better occasion, and we do beleeue that it will be offered shortly. Therefore
now it shall not be from our purpose to declare in this chapter the honour and
curtesie that this king doth vnto the ambassadours of kings, princes, or any
other prouince, that doth come vnto him, in what sort soeuer it be; and for that
it is of great curiositie, it shall be necessarie to declare it with the
circumstance wherewith it is done.</p>
<p>All such as doo enter into this kingdome, with the title of ambassadour, be
it from a king that is a friend or enemie, they are respected, intreated, and
made of, with so great care and diligence, as though they came themselues in
person that doo send them. Unto whome, besides the obseruing the law of nations,
which is obserued and kept among all kings in the worlde, in especiall that
their persons shall not receiue neither incurre any danger, although their
ambassage bringeth discontent or harme vnto the king; besides all the which,
there is granted vnto them great and particular priuiledges. When that he doth
enter into the kingdome, by any of the prouinces whatsoeuer, the iudge or
gouernor of the first towne dooth in person go forth to meete and receiue him,
and giue him his welcome, with great complement of words<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157">[157]</a></span>
and ceremonies. All the loytias, captaines, souldiers, and the inhabitants of
the towne, doo accompanie the iudge or gouernour, when that they go to receiue
him. But at his disembarking to come a shore, they will not suffer him to set
his feete vppon the ground (although it be but a little way that he should go),
but hath at the waters side in a readinesse eight men, with a chaire made of
yuorie, or of some other pretious thing, with the curteines of ueluet, damaske,
or cloth of golde: which for the like oportunitie, they haue in euerie cittie or
principall towne appointed by the king, wherein they do carrie him to his
lodging. Likewise they haue in euerie citie and great towne throughout all the
kingdome, a principall house, and sufficient for to lodge such like personages.
It is also vsed to lodge such iudges as are sent by the king to execute his
commandement, when they passe by anie of such cities or townes. There is in
euery one of these houses a lieutenant, and he hath in it maruellous and
excellent household stuffe, as hangings, beddes, seruants, and all other
necessaries, not only to lodge one ambassador, but many, if they should there
meete, and not one to disturbe another. So as aforesaide, they doo beare him
company (either on horsebacke, or in a chaire, which is the ordinarie carriage
amongst them) till hee come vnto this house, whereas they do leave him with much
curtesie and many ceremonies, alonelie with them that waite vppon him and serue
him. And also a captaine with a thousand or two thousande souldiers for to garde
him continuallie, and to beare him companie till hee returne againe out of the
kingdome.</p>
<p>Then the next day following, the iudge or gouernour that did receiue him
dooth go and visite him. And after that they haue demanded of him such ordinarie
thinges as is vsed in such like visitations, then doo they learne of his estate,
and of the prince that hath sent him, and in summe, the effect of his comming
and ambassage: then doo they straightways at the houre dispatch a post vnto the
gouernour or<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">[158]</a></span>
vizroy of the prouince, who is alwayes resident in the chiefe or metropolitan
citie thereof, and hee at the same instant dooth dispatch another post with that
message vnto the king and his counsel. And he dooth sende order vnto the
ambassador, either to stay, or a safe conduct for him to go vnto the place
whereas hee is. Likewise hee sendeth order vnto the iudge, how hee shall
intreate that ambassador, which is giuen according vnto the relation sent him,
wherein he did vnderstande the state of the king and prince that sent him.
Likewise the number of souldiers y<sup>t</sup> shall beare him companie, and of
all other thinges needefull for him in his iourney: all the which is set downe
in order, and in particular, as what they shall giue euery man to eate for him
and his seruants, and in what townes, and howe hee shall be lodged. His safe
conduct is brought him, written vppon a whited table (after the fashion as we
haue tolde you heere before in manie places), and is with great letters, wherein
is contained from what king that ambassador is sent. This table is borne alwayes
before him, wheresoeuer hee dooth go. But that pasport, which is sent him
afterwards from the royall councell, with facultie, that hee may go vnto the
court, is after another sort: for that it is written in parchment and gallantlie
lymned, and with the kings seale of golde hanging at it, which is neuer giuen
but at such like occasion, or for some prouision giuen to a vizroy.</p>
<p>Looke what is spent vppon this ambassadour in all his iourney, and vppon them
that doo beare him companie for all necessaries, is vppon the kings cost and
charges, and is paide by the kinges treasurers in euerie place whereas they doo
go. Generallie in all partes, they doo make him great feastes and banquets, with
pastimes and presents, that day that hee dooth enter into the cittie of Taibin
or Paquin, whereas the king is.</p>
<p>There goeth foorth to meete him without the citie, all the gentlemen of the
court, with the royall councel and president,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159">[159]</a></span>
who, according vnto the saying of the Chinos, goeth forth with little lesse
maiestie and companie than the king: who, if the ambassadour be from a king that
is mightie, they giue him the right hand, if not they giue him the left hand:
and in this sort they go, ether talking with himselfe, or, by interpreters,
demaunding of him of his health, and of his trauail in comming, and other
thinges, till hee come into the court of the pallace, whereas he is lodged; and
there they doo leaue him, with some to beare him companie, and hee dooth returne
vnto his house with all this company aforesaid. But when they do depart from
him, they doo giue him power in the name of the king, to make a certaine number
of loytias, and to set at libertie a certaine number of prisoners, such as are
condemned to die, and other good deeds particular.</p>
<p>Those that doo enter in this kingdome with the title of an ambassador, they
cannot do him any griefe, for anie delight or euill that he doth, although they
can make good proofe thereof. And for that it is of a truth, you shall
vnderstande the proofe by experience. There was sent vnto this king, one
Bartholomew Perez, a Portugall, and his company, by order of the vizroy of the
India, with an ambassage from the king Don Manuel of Portugall, and they were
accused before the vizroy of the prouince of Canton, by the ambassadors of the
king of Malaca, that were there present, who were bounde vnto the court to treat
of matters of their king; they did testifie that the ambassage that the
Portugall did bring was false, and they were spies sent from the vizroy of the
India for to view the fortresses of the citie, that they might come afterwards
and take it, as they had done in many places of the India: they perseuering
still in the euill and mischieuous intent, did will the vizroy to apprehend
them, and to punish them as such spies did deserue, offering themselues to giue
good information for the same.</p>
<p>Who, after that he had well considered thereof, and consulted<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160">[160]</a></span>
with the loytias of the citie, and with his counsailors, they commanded that
they should be apprehended and put in straite prison, whereas their declarations
were taken with great care, deceit, and pollicie: and by reason that in them
they found contrarieties: some for feare confessed much more then that which was
demanded, and other saide that it was of truth; so that by their confessions,
according vnto the lawes of the countrie, they were condemned to die, and sent
their iudgment vnto the roiall councell for to confirme the same, with intent
and great desire for to execute the same. The which being seene by the roiall
councell, and considering with what title they entred into that kingdome, did
not onely make voide the sentence and would not confirme the same, but did send
commandement vnto the vizroy to set them at libertie, and to returne freely back
againe vnto the India from whence they came, and that hee shoulde furnish them
with all things necessarie in aboundance, til they were entred into the same,
although in this time the ambassadors of the king of Malaca, who were in the
court, did still perseuer in their malicious intent.</p>
<p>In which commandement, although it were true all that which the foresaide
ambassadors did testifie, and that they for feare of death did confesse it, yet
it is sufficient that they entred into his kingdom with the title of ambassador,
whereby they should receiue any harme. But now let vs returne to our purpose. So
after this ambassador hath refreshed himselfe of his iourny, and receiued many
banquets and orations of the gentlemen of the court: vpon a day appointed he
goeth to speake with the king, accompanied with all the gentlemen of the court,
and with the president of the councell, who doth giue him audience in one of the
three rich hals aforesaide, at all times as his businesse doth require. So when
that all his busines is dispatched and gratified with many gifts, he returneth
backe againe from whence he came; and looke with what curtesie they did receiue
him at his comming, the like they doo vnto him at his returne.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161">[161]</a></span></p>
<p>But if an ambassador doo come from any common wealth of the said kingdome,
they do not giue him the intertainement abouesaid, but cleane contrarie
thereunto, for that he dooth enter into the citie, accompanied onely with the
iustice, whose charge it is to lodge him in such houses as the king hath
ordeined to the same effect, and to giue him all that is necessarie, takeing of
him the summe and effect wherefore he doth come: and he doth giue relation
thereof vnto the president of the councell, and the president doth giue the king
to vnderstand therof: then doo they appoint the day of audience, with this
condition, that when he dooth go thither, hee must go on foote, or else on horse
back without a bridle, with onely a halter on his horse head, in token of
humility, and acknowledging to be a subject. The day of his audience, he commeth
forth obseruing the order and condition aforesaid, accompanyed with the iustice.
And when hee doth come into a great place, which is right against the pallace of
the king, he staieth there till an officer of the king doth come vnto him (who
is master of the ceremonies), and hee dooth cause him to proceede forwards, and
dooth shew him the place whereas hee must first kneele downe, with his handes
ioyned togither in token of adoration or worship: and all the time of this
ceremonie, his eis must bee fixed on that part where as they say the king is. In
this sort hee goeth onwards his way, making in it other fine adorations like
vnto the first, vntill such time as he do come into the first hall of the
pallace, which is at the staires heade, whereas the president is set with great
majestie, and doth represent the kings person: who after that hee hath hearde
the effect of his ambassage, dooth sende them away without answering one word at
that time; but after that hee hath giuen the king to vnderstande, hee dooth
sende him answere by that iustice, who hath the charge to lodge him, and to
prouide him of all things necessarie for the time that hee is in the court.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162">[162]</a></span></p>
<hr class="l15" />
<p class="chapter">CHAP. XXIV.</p>
<p class="intro">Of the ambassage that the king of Spaine did send vnto the king of this
kingdome, and the occasions that did mooue him therevnto, as also wherefore it
was declared.</p>
<p>For to conclude this small historie, in the which I haue declared, in summe,
all such things as I haue vnderstoode of this kingdome of <i>China</i> vnto
this, I meane such as I might wel set forth, leauing a great number more, of the
which I haue particular note: some for that they are vnknowne, and others for
that they will cause admyration because they haue not beene seene. And according
vnto the counsell of the wise, they should not be intreated of, vntill that time
that experience dooth make them more credible. And againe, I doo hold it for a
lesse euill, to be reprehended for breuitie (as some haue beene), then to bee
prolix and tedious in the declaring, although it bee hurtfull vnto this worke,
from the which I doo take away much that I might put in. Nowe letting all passe,
I will in this last chapter declare of the letter present, and ambassage,
wherewith the king of Spaine did sende mee in the yeare of our Lorde one
thousande one hundred and foure-score: for that in company of other religious
men of my order, I should passe from his mightie kingdome of Mexico to China,
and to present it vnto the king of that countrie in his name: of all the which I
will declare that which I doo vnderstande and know, not exceeding the limits of
fidelitie, by reason that the ambassage was not ended, nor no conclusion in
effect of that which was pretended, but doo hope in the deuine maiestie, and
with the care and diligence that is put therein by the king of Spaine, shortlie
to haue a conclusion of that they desire, for the which the letter and the rest
was sent.</p>
<p>Beeing considered of by the Spaniards (such as were<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">[163]</a></span>
dwellers in the Ilands Phillippinas, which by another name are called the Ilands
of the Ponent or West) the thinges of great valour and riches, as of golde and
silkes and many other thinges which is brought from the kingdome of China, and
out of their ports, and how those which brought it did sel it for a small
quantitie in respect as they did esteeme it, and being certified by the saide
Chinos of many other things which were in the firme land, wherof some of them
haue beene made mention in this historie: being mooued with the conuerting of
these soules, and with the profite that might come of trafike that they might
haue with the Chinos, it was concluded by the gouernour and principals of the
citie of Manila, with the iudgement of the prouinciall of the order of Saint
Augustine, and of many other religious men that were both graue and wise, such
as were the first, that in those parts did preach the Gospell, and did baptize a
great number of the dwellers therein, and did many other thinges, of the which I
might say much, if it were to my purpose, and that my part were not therein: so
that I say it was concluded amongst them to sende vnto the Catholike king graue
personages, vnto whome intire credite might be giuen, for to giue relation what
they vnderstoode of that kingdome, and also of the euident necessitie (that all
those ilands that were his) had for their conseruation to holde to friendes the
Chinos their borderers, whereof might growe vnto them great benefites and
profites: and likewise to request him (if it were his pleasure) to sende an
ambassador to the king of that kingdome, the better to confirme their
friendship, and to carrie with him some things which he vsed in his countrie,
which would be maruellous well esteemed of the Chinos, and be a way vnto the
preaching of the Gospel, and bee a beginning that a farther contraction may
growe betwixt the Christians and Chinos, of the which shall follow the aforesaid
profite vnto other countries, by the great quantitie of things, as well of
riches as of other curiosities that shalbe brought from<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164">[164]</a></span>
thence. After they had well considered with great deliberation, who should be
the person that they shoulde send vpon so long a iourney, for to request his
maiestie of the aforesaid: in the ende they did agree vppon for to desire the
prouinciall of the Augustine friers, who was called Frier Dilho de Herrera, a
man of great learning and of great experience touching matters of those ilands,
for that hee was one of the first discouerers of them: they requested him for
the loue of God and the good seruice to his maiestie, and the benefite that
might come thereby vnto these ilands, that he would take vpon him to go with
this petition, for they were fully perswaded for that he had trauailed so manie
places of those ilands, as also for his office and vocation, there was none that
better coulde put in effect their desire, and perswade with his maiestie the
great importance of that ambassage: and manie other things necessarie touching
the gouernement of those ilands. This determination was liked well of them all,
and that they had chosen well in sending of the prouinciall, who incontinent
departed from the ilands in a shippe that was prepared for Noua Hispania, which
was in the yeare of Christ 1573. At his imbarking, hee was accompanied with the
gouernour, and all those of that citie, of whom hee was maruellouslie well
beloued for his holinesse and good condition. Desiring him with all diligence to
procure to returne, with as much breuitie as was possible, vnto those ilands,
whereas they so much loued him, and had neede of his presence.</p>
<p>He did promise them to make all the speede possible, and in paiment of the
trauel that he did take vpon him, for the benefite and profite, he requested
them al that they would pray vnto God to giue a good voyage: they promised him
to doo it, the which they did performe with particular care. Then did the master
command to weigh ankers, and to set saile, which was in the moneth of Nouember
the same yeare: and with reasonable wether they arriued at the new Spaine,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165">[165]</a></span>
and came vnto the cittie of Mexico, and from thence they went and embarked
themselues in the North Seas; who with prosperous winds the 13 day of August,
the yeare following, they ariued in San Lucar Debarameda, in Spaine, and caried
me in his company. From thence, the day following, we departed from Syuel, from
whence wee departed forthwith toward Madrid, whereas his maiestie was at that
present, and we came thither the fifteenth day of September in anno 1574, the
same weeke that they had newes of the losse of the Goleta.<a name="FNanchor_132_132" id="FNanchor_132_132"></a><a href="#Footnote_132_132" class="fnanchor">[132]</a>
Wee went straightwayes to kisse the kings hands, and caried the letters which we
brought from his gouernor and citie: by whom both we and the letters were
receiued with his accustomed benignitie, and did heare the petition with great
satisfaction, for that the desire was holy and profitable, and told vs that he
would command his counsell to vnderstand in the same with a particular
consideration, and with so much breuitie as the thing required: and gaue vs
thankes for the great trauell and long iourney which we tooke vpon vs in his
seruice, for to giue him notice of the discouering of this great kingdome, and
of other things touching the Ilands Philippinas. He straightwayes commanded that
we should be prouided for of all things necessarie for our sustentation for the
time that we should there remaine, and that we should go and giue account of all
things (for the which we came thither) vnto the counsel of the Indies, who was
Don Iuan de Obando, vnto whom his maiestie did recommend the consideration to be
done with great care, and to consult vpon the same. After that they had comuned
with the roiall counsell of the Indies touching that which should be requisite
and conuenient, which was done as it appeared in effect, for that they gaue vs
facultie in a few dayes after of all things that was requested from the said
ilands, except that which did touch the ambassage vnto<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166">[166]</a></span>
the king of China, as a thing of greater importance, and requested longer time
to consider of the same: so that they did referre it till they had a better
occasion. So that with this resolution and with fortie religious men, and manie
commissions from his maiestie touching the good gouernement of that new
kingdome, wee departed from Syuell in the moneth of Ianuarie, the yeare
following, in 1575, whereas I remained by his order and for certaine respects.
But the aforesaid prouinciall did imbarke himselfe with his fortie religious
persons, and departed in the moneth of Iuly with a faire winde and merrie
passage, till they came vnto Newe Spaine, and from thence into the South Sea,
vntill they came in sight of the ilands: whereas the wether did alter, and they
were forced by the furie thereof to ariue at an iland inhabited with Gentiles,
by whome they were all slaine, and none escaped but onely an Indian natural of
the ilands, which wee carried from thence in our companie for Spaine. He
afterwards came vnto Manilla, and gaue them to vnderstand how they were all
slaine, and how the Gentiles did teare all the papers and commissions in peeces,
and of all that happened to them.</p>
<p>This beeing knowne by the gouernor, and by the rest that dwelt in the ilands
(after that they had done the rytes, with the funerall griefes, as iustice
required in such a case), they finding themselues in the same necessitie that
before they were in by reason of the losse of the aforesaid prouinciall and his
companions, and also of the letters and prouisions sent from his maiestie, they
forthwith in the same determination did write newe letters, in requesting that
which in part the king had granted (although they had no knowledge thereof);
they did also therein write touching the ambassage that they did request for the
king of China, adding thereunto new occasions, wherby they should be moued to do
them so much fauour as to send the ambassador afore requested, which was a thing
of great importance for all those<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">[167]</a></span>
ilands. When that these letters came in conformitie with the others before sent,
the king did ordaine for gouernor of those ilands, a gentleman, who was called
Don Gonsalo de Mercado y Ronquillo, a man of great valor and discretion, one
that had serued the king as wel in the Peru as in Mexico with great fidelitie;
who vnderstanding the earnest request wherewith those of the ilands did aske the
ambassage, and how much it did import to haue it (as a man then elected for
gouernor of those ilands, and a matter that touched him very much), did put the
king and his counsell in memorie of the same: and in conclusion, they answered
that hee should foorthwith depart with the souldiers that were prouided for
those parts, for that it was conuenient so to be doone by reason of great
necessitie that they had of them in the said ilands; and as for the ambassage,
for that there was no such great necessitie nor haste, it should be intreated of
at more leasure, when that the counsell will aduertise themselues of al that
shalbe conuenient touching that matter, and that they would consult and confer
with his maiestie that he may, as the right owner of them, command that which
shuld be to the seruice of God and his benefite. So with this answere the said
gouernor departed.</p>
<p>It happened that in the moneth of August, in the yeare following, before that
this gouernor was ariued at the ilands, there came newe letters from thence of
supplications, requesting with greater instance, that which before at other
times they had requested, sending with their petition the whole relation of the
entrie of Frier Martin de Herreda, prouinciall of the Augustine friers and his
companions, into the kingdome of China, and of such things as they had seene and
heard of (as may be seene at large in the said declaration, which is in the
second parte of this booke). This being seene by his maiestie, he was resolued
to send the ambassage which so many times they haue requested; this chanced at
that time that he began to go vppon Portugall, a time of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168">[168]</a></span>
trouble, but yet a great token that it was the will of God, in whose hands (as
the wise man saith) are the hearts of kings. For the appointment of one for to
go on this ambassage, the king did remit it vnto his roial counsel of the
Indies, whose president was Don Antonio de Padilla y Meneses, who had
communicated with me diuers times, touching matters of that kingdome and of
Mexico, whereas I was alwayes resident euer since I was seuenteene yeares of
age, and by reason of matters that was committed vnto me out of that country,
was the occasion that I did vse to visit him the oftener: the which large
conuersation and the good wil that hee did beare me, did perswade him that I
could put in execution the ambassage of his maiestie, for that his will was that
some religious person should do it: and they being fully perswaded that my good
will and desire was for the saluation of those soules, and in all respects
willing to serue his maiestie: all the which, with the knowledge that I had of
that large nauigation,<a name="FNanchor_133_133" id="FNanchor_133_133"></a><a href="#Footnote_133_133" class="fnanchor">[133]</a>
and the qualitie of that countrie and people, was a great helpe to the
accomplishing in effect the will of his maiestie, and desire of those that dwelt
in Philippina.</p>
<p>So after this charge being committed vnto me, and his maiestie readie to
depart on his voiage for Portugal as aforesaid, he did remit my dispatch vnto
the lords of the royall counsell, who were at that time the Licenciado Gasca de
Salaçar, and Doctor Gomez de Santisteuan, the Licenciado Espadero, the
Licenciado Don Diego de Zuniga, the Doctor Vaillo, the Licenciado Eua, the
Licenciado Gedeon de Hinonsosa. By whose commandement I depart from the court
vnto Syuell, where as order was giuen that all such things should be prouided
that I should carrie vnto the king. Whereas I was procuring the same certaine
dayes, and for that they were many the which I should carrie, it was not<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169">[169]</a></span>
possible by any meanes that they should be made readie against the departure of
the fleete. Then the Licenciado Gasca de Salacar aforesaide, who was at that
present resident in the contractation house of Syuel, gaue his maiestie to
vnderstand thereof, who was at Badaioz occupied in matters touching the kingdome
of Portugal as aforesaid, and requested him to giue order what his pleasure was
to be done therein: who commanded that the fleete should depart, and that I
should stay till such time as all things were made and concluded that I shoulde
carrie with me for the king of China, as in ample manner as hee had commanded.
And when that all things were in good order, that they should cause a shippe or
galoon to bee made readie, wherein I should made my voyage, for to ouertake or
meete at the Newe Spaine such shippes as euerie yeare dooth depart for the
Ilands Philippinas, which is at Christmas time: this commandement was delayed
vntill the beginning of Lent, as well for that the thinges were manie that
shoulde bee made, and coulde not be dispatched in the time, as also for a
generall sicknesse that was amongst them in Spaine, called the cattarre or
murre. Then after that all thinges were in order, by the commandement of the
Licenciado Gasca, hee deliuered vnto me the kinges letter, and all other
thinges. The which, for that they were manie, and againe I haue beene tedious in
this chapter, I doo not declare it; for that the prudent lector may of himselfe
conceiue, if hee doo weigh the magnanimitie of the Catholike king that dooth
sende them, and the mightinesse and richnesse of him to whome it is sent, of the
which we haue declared enough in this small historie. I would I could
particularly declare it vnto you, as also the copie of the letter that his
maiestie did send vnto that Heathen or Gentile king, a thing worthie of the
author: but for that it came not to effect, neither had I anye licence of him
that all onelye might grant it: and againe, in place whereas I could not aske
it, therefore I dare not, for that I<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170">[170]</a></span>
will not excede the limits of fidelitie which I owe vnto my prince. But it is
sufficient that the letter and the present sent by his maiestie vnto the king of
that countrey was to no other intent, but to procure him and all his subiects to
acknowledge the true God, and to exhort them to receiue our Catholike faith, and
to giue them to vnderstand the error wherein they are, and how ignorant they are
of the knowledge of the true God, the creator of heauen and earth, and of all
the creatures of the world visible and invisible, Sauiour and redeemer of all
such as with a true knowledge doo beleeue in him and obey his holy lawe,
declared by his worde, and confirmed by his deuine tokens, and other thinges in
effect.</p>
<p>So being dispatched, I prosecuted my iourny, and order, till I came vnto the
kingdome of Mexico, whereas I found a certaine inconuenience touching a matter
needful in that voiage, whereof his maiestie, in the commission he gaue me,
willed me to be well aduertised, and, if it were needfull, to giue him notice
thereof before I did passe any farther.</p>
<p>The vizroy of that kingdome, who was the Earle of Couma,<a name="FNanchor_134_134" id="FNanchor_134_134"></a><a href="#Footnote_134_134" class="fnanchor">[134]</a>
thought it good that I shoulde returne vnto Lysborne, whereas the king was at
that instant, and to giue him to vnderstand of the difficultie that was found,
in a meeting that the vizroy had caused to bee made of the most grauest
personages of all that kingdome, about the prosecuting of that ambassage.</p>
<p>With this resolution, I departed from that kingdome, and returned to Spaine,
and left the present in Mexico, in the power of the kings officers, till such
time as order was giuen what should be done therewith.</p>
<p>I found his maiestie in Lisborne, whereas I did deliuer him the letters that
were written touching the same matter, and did declare vnto him my iudgement
touching the meeting aforesaid: who incontinent did take the charge vpon him to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171">[171]</a></span>
seeke occasion, for to put in effect his most Christian intent and zeale; the
which I doo beleeue he had procured, and will by al waies possible: and that
very shortly we shall see in that kingdome planted the Catholike faith, and
their false idolatrie banished. And I hope in God it will bee very shortly, for
that there be within that kingdome religious men, of the order of Saint
Augustine, and barefoote friers of Saint Francis, and of the order of Jesus, or
Jesuits, who are called there the fathers of Saint Paule: of whom there is
placed fiue or sixe in the citie of Xanquin, whereas the vizroy doth dwell, and
hath erected a couent in that citie ever since the year 1583, with a church,
whereas they doo say masse ordinarily. And it is said, of a truth, that they
haue got license of the saide vizroy for to passe freely thorough out all the
whole kingdome of China. But if it bee so, you must thinke that hee did it after
that he had consulted with the king, and doone by his authoritie: otherwise I am
perswaded he durst not grant any such license.</p>
<p>At this present dooth there go out of Spaine, by the order and commandement
of his maiestie and his royall counsell of the Indies, a companie of religious
men, of the order of Saint Dominicke, for to aid and helpe the rest that are
there to conclude this enterprise, from whom can proceed nothing but that which
tends to great effect, by reason of their great zeale and learning, and the
better if that they doo ioyne together in charitie as seruants to one Lord and
master, and as they which are bounde to doo all one worke. By which meanes, with
the fauour and helpe of Almightie God, putting to their diligence and industrie,
they shall easily conquest their hearts and good willes, and shall frustrate the
diuell from the possession that so long time he hath possessed in that kingdome,
and reduce them to their true Lord by creation and redemption. It will not bee a
small helpe, the manie and evident tokens which the Chinos doo giue of desire of
their saluation; for as it is said that they haue read in their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_172" id="Page_172">[172]</a></span>
bookes, that from the occident shall come the true and perfite law to direct
them to heaven, where they shalbe angels. And they, seeing that those religious
people which are come into their kingdome, doo come from the occident, they are
perswaded, without doubt, that the law that they doo declare vnto them is the
truth; by which meanes shall redowne vnto them great goodnesse. They are greatly
affectioned vnto the commandements of the Catholike faith, and vnto the
catechisme, which is translated into their language, and is abrode in manie
parts of that kingdome, which is the occasion (as the fathers of the companie
that are in the citie Xuquien dooth write) that many principal persons are
conuerted vnto the Catholike faith, and others, being holpen by the heauens, and
encited by the ensample of them, doo demande the holy baptisme, which is left
undone because they will not cause any vprore in the countrie. And againe, when
they shall better conceiue thereof, they may receiue it with more firme faith.</p>
<p>God, for his mercie, cause to go forwards, and with his diuine fauour, this
good worke, for his honour and glorie, and exalting his holy faith; and that so
great and infinite a number of soules, redeemed by his pretious blood, might be
saued, and to put in the hart of Christian kings to proceed forwards in that
which he hath begun: putting alwaies in their breasts a greater augmentation, to
the concluding of the same, and to put apart from him all such perswasions as
shoulde cause him to leaue it off, which the diuell will procure by all the
wayes and meanes that he may. But against God and his diuine will there is
neither power nor wisedome.</p>
<p class="center p4">THE END OF THE FIRST PART.</p>
<hr class="l30 p6" />
<h2>FOOTNOTES:</h2>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">
[1]</span></a> Purchas's <i>Pilgrimes</i>, vol. iii, p. 35, 36.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_2_2" id="Footnote_2_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">
[2]</span></a> Purchas's <i>Pilgrimes</i>, vol. iii, p. 5.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_3_3" id="Footnote_3_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_3"><span class="label">
[3]</span></a> Barros, dec. <span class="smcap">III</span>, liv. ii, cap. 6.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_4_4" id="Footnote_4_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_4"><span class="label">
[4]</span></a> ... Mui prospero em honra, e fazenda, cousas que poucas vezes
juntamente se conseguem, porque ha poucos homens que por sus trabalhos as
merecem pelo modo que Fernão Peres naquellas partes as ganhava. Barros, dec. <span class="smcap">
III</span>, liv. ii, cap. 8. Goes, p. iv, cap. 24. Osorius, lib. xi, p. 317 et
seq.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_5_5" id="Footnote_5_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_5"><span class="label">
[5]</span></a> Barros, dec. <span class="smcap">III</span>, liv. vi, cap. 2, has
further particulars concerning his regulations. Concerning his person and
manners the same author says: "Como era cavalleiro de sua pessoa, muy pomposo,
glorioso e gastador, todos suas obras eram com grande magestade, etc." In
Osorius (lib. xi, p. 319 <i>b</i>) he appears more faulty and blameworthy.
"... Andradii, viri sane fortis sed temerarii, et plurimum a mente fratris
abhorrentis ... deinde in tyrannidem erupit: rapuit quæ voluit, intulit vim
ingenuis virginibus, quibus voluit: multa præterea signa insiti furoris dedit."</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_6_6" id="Footnote_6_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_6"><span class="label">
[6]</span></a> For the elaboration of the route of the friars, rendered
difficult of solution by the changes in the form of names, the writer is
indebted to the kind assistance of his learned friend Dr. Neumann, professor of
Chinese in the University of Munich.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_7_7" id="Footnote_7_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_7"><span class="label">
[7]</span></a> Martin de Rada, otherwise called Herrada, for an account of whom
and his companions, see Introduction.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_8_8" id="Footnote_8_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_8"><span class="label">
[8]</span></a> Manilla.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_9_9" id="Footnote_9_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_9"><span class="label">
[9]</span></a> Cochinchina.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_10_10" id="Footnote_10_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_10"><span class="label">
[10]</span></a> Hainan.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_11_11" id="Footnote_11_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_11"><span class="label">
[11]</span></a> Birman Empire.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_12_12" id="Footnote_12_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_12"><span class="label">
[12]</span></a> Bernier, in his <i>Lettre à Colbert sur l'étendue de
l'Hindoustan</i>, describes the Patans as "peuples mahometans, sortis du costé
du Gange vers Bengale, qui avant l'invasion des Mogols dans les Indes avoient
sceu se rendre puissans dans plusieurs endroits, et principalement à Dehly et
faire plusieurs Rajas des environs leurs tributaires. Ces Patans ... haïssent
mortellement les Mogols, souvenans toujours de ce qu'ils ont été autrefois,
avant qu'ils les eussent chassez de leurs grandes principautez et les eussent
obligez de se retirer deça delà, loin de Dehly et Agra dans des montagnes où ils
se sont habituez."</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_13_13" id="Footnote_13_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_13"><span class="label">
[13]</span></a> Moguls.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_14_14" id="Footnote_14_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_14"><span class="label">
[14]</span></a> Capital.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_15_15" id="Footnote_15_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_15"><span class="label">
[15]</span></a> Samarcand.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_16_16" id="Footnote_16_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_16"><span class="label">
[16]</span></a> Loo Choos.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_17_17" id="Footnote_17_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_17"><span class="label">
[17]</span></a> Cleanness.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_18_18" id="Footnote_18_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_18"><span class="label">
[18]</span></a> Germans.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_19_19" id="Footnote_19_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19_19"><span class="label">
[19]</span></a> See note, page 7.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_20_20" id="Footnote_20_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_20"><span class="label">
[20]</span></a> Dimocarpus leechee.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_21_21" id="Footnote_21_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21_21"><span class="label">
[21]</span></a> From fanega, <i>Span.</i> A measure for grain, varying in
capacity in different parts of Spain and Portugal. It contains on an average one
and three-fifths of an English bushel.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_22_22" id="Footnote_22_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22_22"><span class="label">
[22]</span></a> Panic-grass.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_23_23" id="Footnote_23_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23_23"><span class="label">
[23]</span></a> Martas zibellinas-sables.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_24_24" id="Footnote_24_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24_24"><span class="label">
[24]</span></a> The Spanish <i>Cuarto</i> equals four maravedis, and is of
about the same value as a French sou, or something less than an English
halfpenny.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_25_25" id="Footnote_25_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25_25"><span class="label">
[25]</span></a> Misspelt for Cansi. Probably Sin-gan-fu, capital of the province
of Chen-sy is here referred to.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_26_26" id="Footnote_26_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26_26"><span class="label">
[26]</span></a> Misspelt for Taybinco, meaning Ta-Bing-kwo, the kingdom under
the great Bing (Ming) dynasty.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_27_27" id="Footnote_27_27"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27_27"><span class="label">
[27]</span></a> Query li.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_28_28" id="Footnote_28_28"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28_28"><span class="label">
[28]</span></a> Misspelt for Malacca. This sentence shows Olam to be Yun-nan.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_29_29" id="Footnote_29_29"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29_29"><span class="label">
[29]</span></a> After a careful collation of the following illspelt and vague
enumeration of the provinces of China with those given by Semedo, Heningius,
Heylyn, and in a very early map of the country, as well as with some elucidatory
passages in the text, the following explanations are offered as to their
respective significations. The Paguia here mentioned is evidently Pe-che-lie.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_30_30" id="Footnote_30_30"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30_30"><span class="label">
[30]</span></a> Fo-kien.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_31_31" id="Footnote_31_31"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31_31"><span class="label">
[31]</span></a> Yun-nan, see note page 21.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_32_32" id="Footnote_32_32"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32_32"><span class="label">
[32]</span></a> Quang-see.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_33_33" id="Footnote_33_33"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33_33"><span class="label">
[33]</span></a> Chen-sy.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_34_34" id="Footnote_34_34"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34_34"><span class="label">
[34]</span></a> Chan-si.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_35_35" id="Footnote_35_35"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35_35"><span class="label">
[35]</span></a> Kiang-see.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_36_36" id="Footnote_36_36"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36_36"><span class="label">
[36]</span></a> Hou-quang.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_37_37" id="Footnote_37_37"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37_37"><span class="label">
[37]</span></a> This name which is spelt in the same manner as that given in the
second volume to the city of Fo-cheu, would seem to mean the province of
Kiang-nan, as that province is not otherwise represented in the list.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_38_38" id="Footnote_38_38"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38_38"><span class="label">
[38]</span></a> Ho-nan.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_39_39" id="Footnote_39_39"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39_39"><span class="label">
[39]</span></a> Chan-tung.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_40_40" id="Footnote_40_40"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40_40"><span class="label">
[40]</span></a> Koei-tcheou.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_41_41" id="Footnote_41_41"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41_41"><span class="label">
[41]</span></a> Che-kiang.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_42_42" id="Footnote_42_42"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42_42"><span class="label">
[42]</span></a> Se-tchuen.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_43_43" id="Footnote_43_43"></a><a href="#FNanchor_43_43"><span class="label">
[43]</span></a> Evidently Canton, by comparison with the list in next chapter.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_44_44" id="Footnote_44_44"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44_44"><span class="label">
[44]</span></a> Quinsay or King-sze, means "the capital."</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_45_45" id="Footnote_45_45"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45_45"><span class="label">
[45]</span></a> Peking.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_46_46" id="Footnote_46_46"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46_46"><span class="label">
[46]</span></a> Tay-ping-fu.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_47_47" id="Footnote_47_47"></a><a href="#FNanchor_47_47"><span class="label">
[47]</span></a> One of the five ports opened to England by the treaty of Nanking
in 1842.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_48_48" id="Footnote_48_48"></a><a href="#FNanchor_48_48"><span class="label">
[48]</span></a> Ho-chow, in the province of Shen-si.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_49_49" id="Footnote_49_49"></a><a href="#FNanchor_49_49"><span class="label">
[49]</span></a> The Tartar province of Leao-tung, in which the wall commences,
has also the name of Quantonz: see Gutzlaff's Map of China and Biot's <i>
Dictionnaire des noms anciens et modernes des Villes, etc., dans l'Empire
Chinois, fo. 86.</i> From this it is evident that our
author is now considering the work in its course from east to west, and not from
west to east, as in the commencement of this paragraph.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_50_50" id="Footnote_50_50"></a><a href="#FNanchor_50_50"><span class="label">
[50]</span></a> This is evidently Se-tchuen, as given in p. 22; for although it
is not strictly correct to say that the great wall terminates in Se-tchuen, yet
that province borders on the ancient province of Shen-si sufficiently near to
justify the conclusion that it is here referred to, the whole of the
geographical information gained by the writers at this early period being
necessarily but vague and indefinite.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_51_51" id="Footnote_51_51"></a><a href="#FNanchor_51_51"><span class="label">
[51]</span></a> <i>Sic</i>, hot.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_52_52" id="Footnote_52_52"></a><a href="#FNanchor_52_52"><span class="label">
[52]</span></a> Germans.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_53_53" id="Footnote_53_53"></a><a href="#FNanchor_53_53"><span class="label">
[53]</span></a> A mis-print for Barbosa. Duarte Barbosa, or Barbessa, a native
of Lisbon, wrote in Portuguese an account of his travels in the south of Asia;
but according to Antonio, they have only appeared in type in an Italian
translation. An abridgement of his narrative is given in <i>Ramusio</i>, tom.
i, p. 288. Subsequently Barbosa accompanied Magellan in his voyage round the
world, and shared the melancholy fate of that great navigator in the Island of
Zebu in 1521.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_54_54" id="Footnote_54_54"></a><a href="#FNanchor_54_54"><span class="label">
[54]</span></a> Mexico.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_55_55" id="Footnote_55_55"></a><a href="#FNanchor_55_55"><span class="label">
[55]</span></a> <i>Saxii.</i>This has been
supposed to mean the province of Canton, the names of the other provinces having
been pretty well identified. The writer may have considered that the finest
porcelain was made at Canton, as it was usually exported from thence to Europe;
but the chief seat of the manufacture is, in fact, the province of <i>Kiang-see</i>.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_56_56" id="Footnote_56_56"></a><a href="#FNanchor_56_56"><span class="label">
[56]</span></a> <i>Chincheou.</i> One of the chief districts of <i>Fokien</i>,
often named for the entire province.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_57_57" id="Footnote_57_57"></a><a href="#FNanchor_57_57"><span class="label">
[57]</span></a> This and the following details of the striking similarity which
exists between the ceremonial of the Buddhist and Roman Catholic religions, are
verified by later travellers and resident missionaries, but there is no evidence
from history to show that the former derived these peculiarities from the
latter.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_58_58" id="Footnote_58_58"></a><a href="#FNanchor_58_58"><span class="label">
[58]</span></a> The work here referred to was printed in black letter at Evora,
1569, 4to., under the title, "Tractado em que se contam muito por estenso as
cousas da China, con suas particularidades, y assi do regno dormuz."</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_59_59" id="Footnote_59_59"></a><a href="#FNanchor_59_59"><span class="label">
[59]</span></a> <i>Laocon Izautey.</i> The following particulars evidently
relate, not to the Confucian or national religion of the Chinese, but to the
sect of the <i>Tao-sse.</i> Grosier tells us, that "the sect of the Tao-see
was founded by a philosopher named <i>Lao-kiun</i> or <i>Lao-Tse</i>, who
came into the world in the year 603 before the Christian era." Grosier's <i>
China</i>, vol. ii, p. 203. It is impossible to identify all the names given in
this legend of Chinese superstition. <i>Paosaos</i> (see next page) is
probably the same with <i>Poosah</i>, the name generally given to the Chinese
idols. The <i>Sichia</i>, who are said to have come from <i>Trautheyco</i>,
towards the west [Thibet? <i><a href="#Footnote_60_60">see note next page</a></i>],
are probably the disciples of the sect of <i>Foe</i>, also noticed by Grosier.
"This sect, still more pernicious and much wider diffused throughout China than
the preceding, came originally from India."—Vol. ii, p. 215. The description
here given of the <i>religious people</i> who <i>live without marrying</i>
and <i>wear no hair</i>, tallies exactly with the practice of the Bonzes or
priests of <i>Foe</i> of the present day.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_60_60" id="Footnote_60_60"></a><a href="#FNanchor_60_60"><span class="label">
[60]</span></a> This would seem to be Kwan-she, the same as Kwan-yin, the
goddess of mercy of the votaries of Foe.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_61_61" id="Footnote_61_61"></a><a href="#FNanchor_61_61"><span class="label">
[61]</span></a> This would appear to be Thibet (for there is no Chinese form
that we can recognize as corresponding with the word), and Thibet is the country
from which those points of belief are derived.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_62_62" id="Footnote_62_62"></a><a href="#FNanchor_62_62"><span class="label">
[62]</span></a> This superstitious practice is described in much the same terms
by Grosier. "The commonest way is to burn perfumes before an idol, and to beat
the earth several times with the forehead. Upon the altar which supports this
idol, there is always a kind of horn, filled with small flat sticks, upon which
are traced a variety of unintelligible characters. Each of these small sticks
conceals an answer. The person who consults, lets fall, at random, one of these
small sticks, the inscription of which is explained by the Bonze who accompanies
him. When no Bonze is present, they have recourse to a paper fixed up to the
wall of the pagoda, to discover the enigmatical meaning of the word. This manner
of consulting is very common in China."—Grosier, vol. ii, p. 235.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_63_63" id="Footnote_63_63"></a><a href="#FNanchor_63_63"><span class="label">
[63]</span></a> Pwan-koo, the Adam of the Chinese.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_64_64" id="Footnote_64_64"></a><a href="#FNanchor_64_64"><span class="label">
[64]</span></a> Better known as Teen-Hwang.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_65_65" id="Footnote_65_65"></a><a href="#FNanchor_65_65"><span class="label">
[65]</span></a> Also called Te Hwang.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_66_66" id="Footnote_66_66"></a><a href="#FNanchor_66_66"><span class="label">
[66]</span></a> Also named Laoutsze.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_67_67" id="Footnote_67_67"></a><a href="#FNanchor_67_67"><span class="label">
[67]</span></a> Also named Fuh-he-te.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_68_68" id="Footnote_68_68"></a><a href="#FNanchor_68_68"><span class="label">
[68]</span></a> Also named Shin Nung.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_69_69" id="Footnote_69_69"></a><a href="#FNanchor_69_69"><span class="label">
[69]</span></a> The Chinese pray <i>to</i> the dead, but the practice of
prayers <i>for</i> the dead and the doctrine of the creation of man out of
nothing by Tien, alluded to at page 50, are not found in other writers; if
therefore our author is correct, these may possibly have been relics of early
Christian teaching.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_70_70" id="Footnote_70_70"></a><a href="#FNanchor_70_70"><span class="label">
[70]</span></a> This expression is introduced by the English translator.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_71_71" id="Footnote_71_71"></a><a href="#FNanchor_71_71"><span class="label">
[71]</span></a> Severely.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_72_72" id="Footnote_72_72"></a><a href="#FNanchor_72_72"><span class="label">
[72]</span></a> This is the well-known lignum aloes of commerce. In some remarks
by the late H. T. Colebrooke, Esq., on a paper of the late Dr. Roxburgh's
recently read at the Linnean Society, occurs the following observation: "The
Portuguese <i>pao de aguila</i> is an undoubted corruption, either of the
Arabic aghaluji, or of the Latin agallochum; and it is by a ludicrous mistake
that from this corruption has grown the name of lignum aquilæ, whence the genus
of the plant now receives its botanic appellation, <i>aquilaria agallocha.</i>"
Roxb.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_73_73" id="Footnote_73_73"></a><a href="#FNanchor_73_73"><span class="label">
[73]</span></a> It is thus spelt also in Steven's <i>Spanish Dictionary</i>. <i>
Query</i>, cayolizan, a Mexican shrub, giving a perfume like incense.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_74_74" id="Footnote_74_74"></a><a href="#FNanchor_74_74"><span class="label">
[74]</span></a> Rough.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_75_75" id="Footnote_75_75"></a><a href="#FNanchor_75_75"><span class="label">
[75]</span></a> A mill. Wickliffe's translation of the Bible: Matthew xxiv, has:
Two wymmen schulen be gryndynge in oo querne; oon schal be taken and the tother
left.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_76_76" id="Footnote_76_76"></a><a href="#FNanchor_76_76"><span class="label">
[76]</span></a> This sketch of the early annals of China is not altogether
correct; but agrees in the main with that given by <i>Du Halde</i>. The names
of the sovereigns are strangely misspelt; but the order of succession, and the
years of their respective reigns, render it not difficult to identify them. <i>
Vitey</i> does not seem to be the commonly reputed founder of the Chinese
monarchy <i>Fo-hi</i>, but either his great successor <i>Hoang-tie</i>, who
had 25 sons, or the celebrated Emperor <i>Yao</i>, whose reign lasted 100
years, and commenced <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 2357. <i>Tzintzon</i> is
evidently the <i>Chi-Hoang-ty</i> of Du Halde, who built the great wall, and
reigned <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 237. <i>Aguisi</i>, his son, is named
by Du Halde <i>Cul-chi.</i> The <i>Anchosan</i> of our author is clearly the
first emperor of the dynasty of Han, named <i>Han-Cao-tsou</i> by Du Halde.
The years of the reigns which follow correspond very exactly with those of the
several emperors of the Han dynasty; but the names are all spelt differently.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_77_77" id="Footnote_77_77"></a><a href="#FNanchor_77_77"><span class="label">
[77]</span></a> <i>Spanish.</i> Vara-A yard.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_78_78" id="Footnote_78_78"></a><a href="#FNanchor_78_78"><span class="label">
[78]</span></a> A third.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_79_79" id="Footnote_79_79"></a><a href="#FNanchor_79_79"><span class="label">
[79]</span></a> Position, from <i>Span.</i> Estado.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_80_80" id="Footnote_80_80"></a><a href="#FNanchor_80_80"><span class="label">
[80]</span></a> For the names of the following provinces, see note, p. 22.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_81_81" id="Footnote_81_81"></a><a href="#FNanchor_81_81"><span class="label">
[81]</span></a> More properly "Mace". "The only coin in general use throughout
China is the <i>le</i> or cash. Its intrinsic value may be about one-twelfth
part of an English penny. The nominal names are those called <i>fun</i>, <i>
tsien</i>, and <i>leang</i>, denominated by foreigners <i>candareen</i>, <i>
mace</i>, and <i>tael</i>, bearing respectively to each other a decimal
proportion."—Murray's <i>China</i>, vol. iii, p. 93.</p>
<p>The mace is usually estimated at about 8<i>d.</i>, and the tael 6<i>s.</i>
10<i>d.</i> sterling.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_82_82" id="Footnote_82_82"></a><a href="#FNanchor_82_82"><span class="label">
[82]</span></a> <i>Span.</i> Quilates-carats.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_83_83" id="Footnote_83_83"></a><a href="#FNanchor_83_83"><span class="label">
[83]</span></a> More properly "tael".</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_84_84" id="Footnote_84_84"></a><a href="#FNanchor_84_84"><span class="label">
[84]</span></a> <i>Spanish.</i> Millo or mijo-millet.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_85_85" id="Footnote_85_85"></a><a href="#FNanchor_85_85"><span class="label">
[85]</span></a> <i>Spanish.</i> Panizo-panic-grass.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_86_86" id="Footnote_86_86"></a><a href="#FNanchor_86_86"><span class="label">
[86]</span></a> This word is spelt the same in the original. Query blankets,
from <i>Portuguese</i> Chim-Chinese, and mantas-blankets.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_87_87" id="Footnote_87_87"></a><a href="#FNanchor_87_87"><span class="label">
[87]</span></a> Prevent.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_88_88" id="Footnote_88_88"></a><a href="#FNanchor_88_88"><span class="label">
[88]</span></a> The military and non-military in China are usually distinguished
by the terms <i>ping</i> and <i>ming</i>. The <i>pon</i> seems to refer to
the <i>ping</i> or regular troops, and the <i>cum</i> to the <i>ming</i>
or people; being only a species of local militia.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_89_89" id="Footnote_89_89"></a><a href="#FNanchor_89_89"><span class="label">
[89]</span></a> Falchions?</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_90_90" id="Footnote_90_90"></a><a href="#FNanchor_90_90"><span class="label">
[90]</span></a> Billhooks?</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_91_91" id="Footnote_91_91"></a><a href="#FNanchor_91_91"><span class="label">
[91]</span></a> Bombs.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_92_92" id="Footnote_92_92"></a><a href="#FNanchor_92_92"><span class="label">
[92]</span></a> Loo chooans.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_93_93" id="Footnote_93_93"></a><a href="#FNanchor_93_93"><span class="label">
[93]</span></a> Mis-spelt for Narsinga.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_94_94" id="Footnote_94_94"></a><a href="#FNanchor_94_94"><span class="label">
[94]</span></a> Mis-spelt for Bengala.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_95_95" id="Footnote_95_95"></a><a href="#FNanchor_95_95"><span class="label">
[95]</span></a> Query, Java.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_96_96" id="Footnote_96_96"></a><a href="#FNanchor_96_96"><span class="label">
[96]</span></a> Pekin.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_97_97" id="Footnote_97_97"></a><a href="#FNanchor_97_97"><span class="label">
[97]</span></a> Tsong-tuh.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_98_98" id="Footnote_98_98"></a><a href="#FNanchor_98_98"><span class="label">
[98]</span></a> Laoye. See Chap. xiv on the title of Loytia.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_99_99" id="Footnote_99_99"></a><a href="#FNanchor_99_99"><span class="label">
[99]</span></a> Possibly this word is confounded with Colao or Chung-tang, a
minister of state.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_100_100" id="Footnote_100_100"></a><a href="#FNanchor_100_100"><span class="label">
[100]</span></a> More properly To't'ung.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_101_101" id="Footnote_101_101"></a><a href="#FNanchor_101_101"><span class="label">
[101]</span></a> More properly Po-ching-sz, or, as Du Halde has it,
Pou-ching-ssee.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_102_102" id="Footnote_102_102"></a><a href="#FNanchor_102_102"><span class="label">
[102]</span></a> More properly Too-tuh, adjutant-general.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_103_103" id="Footnote_103_103"></a><a href="#FNanchor_103_103"><span class="label">
[103]</span></a> More properly Ngan-tcha-see.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_104_104" id="Footnote_104_104"></a><a href="#FNanchor_104_104"><span class="label">
[104]</span></a> More properly Hai-tao. Respecting these offices see Du Halde,
vol. ii, fol. 32, 33.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_105_105" id="Footnote_105_105"></a><a href="#FNanchor_105_105"><span class="label">
[105]</span></a> Standard-bearer.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_106_106" id="Footnote_106_106"></a><a href="#FNanchor_106_106"><span class="label">
[106]</span></a> More properly Paou-yin.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_107_107" id="Footnote_107_107"></a><a href="#FNanchor_107_107"><span class="label">
[107]</span></a> This and the preceding title seem to be the same as those
similarly spelt on page 103.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_108_108" id="Footnote_108_108"></a><a href="#FNanchor_108_108"><span class="label">
[108]</span></a> Perhaps the Koo-ta-sze, or treasurer.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_109_109" id="Footnote_109_109"></a><a href="#FNanchor_109_109"><span class="label">
[109]</span></a> Perhaps the Che-tsze, or secretary.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_110_110" id="Footnote_110_110"></a><a href="#FNanchor_110_110"><span class="label">
[110]</span></a> Taou, tae, the intendant of circuits.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_111_111" id="Footnote_111_111"></a><a href="#FNanchor_111_111"><span class="label">
[111]</span></a> More properly Kwan-paou, commissioner of customs. See
Morrison's <i>View of China</i>, p. 94.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_112_112" id="Footnote_112_112"></a><a href="#FNanchor_112_112"><span class="label">
[112]</span></a> Perhaps Te-paou, a police runner.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_113_113" id="Footnote_113_113"></a><a href="#FNanchor_113_113"><span class="label">
[113]</span></a> More properly Yuen-chae, a police constable.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_114_114" id="Footnote_114_114"></a><a href="#FNanchor_114_114"><span class="label">
[114]</span></a> Perhaps Ching-tang, assistant officer in a prise.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_115_115" id="Footnote_115_115"></a><a href="#FNanchor_115_115"><span class="label">
[115]</span></a> Shin is the Chinese for the verb "to judge", and with the word
officer added to it will be "a judging officer". Thus also leu-law, prefixed to
che-to rule, or govern, may be the origin of the term Leuchi. This construction
is, however, entirely conjectural.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_116_116" id="Footnote_116_116"></a><a href="#FNanchor_116_116"><span class="label">
[116]</span></a> See note on page 113.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_117_117" id="Footnote_117_117"></a><a href="#FNanchor_117_117"><span class="label">
[117]</span></a> This character is so vague as to be scarcely recognizable. The
proper Chinese word for heaven is tien. The word here given may perhaps mean
tsang, <i>the azure sky</i>, which is sometimes used metaphorically for
heaven. At the same time the modern Chinese character for Keen, also pronounced
Kan <img src="images/fch1.jpg" width="25" height="26" alt="Keen" />, which is likewise a very old word for heaven, appears
somewhat to approximate in form to the character given in the text.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_118_118" id="Footnote_118_118"></a><a href="#FNanchor_118_118"><span class="label">
[118]</span></a> Evidently hwang te, the character here given corresponding with
the modern Chinese character Hwang.<img src="images/fch2.jpg" width="25" height="29" alt="Hwang" /></p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_119_119" id="Footnote_119_119"></a><a href="#FNanchor_119_119"><span class="label">
[119]</span></a> This character would seem to be intended for ching,—a walled
city, the correct form of the character being
<img src="images/fch3.jpg" width="25" height="23" alt="Ching" />.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_120_120" id="Footnote_120_120"></a><a href="#FNanchor_120_120"><span class="label">
[120]</span></a> Fucheou, the capital of Fokien.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_121_121" id="Footnote_121_121"></a><a href="#FNanchor_121_121"><span class="label">
[121]</span></a> <i>Padrinos</i>, <i>Span</i>.—Literally sponsors.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_122_122" id="Footnote_122_122"></a><a href="#FNanchor_122_122"><span class="label">
[122]</span></a> A German.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_123_123" id="Footnote_123_123"></a><a href="#FNanchor_123_123"><span class="label">
[123]</span></a> A misprint for Pegu.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_124_124" id="Footnote_124_124"></a><a href="#FNanchor_124_124"><span class="label">
[124]</span></a> Mis-translated from the Spanish "Tudesco", a German. The reader
will readily recognize the name of Johann Gutemberg or Ganzfleisch, of Mentz,
who disputes with Laurens Koster, of Haarlem, the honour of having invented and
first practised the art of printing with moveable types.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_125_125" id="Footnote_125_125"></a><a href="#FNanchor_125_125"><span class="label">
[125]</span></a> Conrad Sweynheim, who, in partnership with Arnold Pannartz,
published in 1465, at the Monastery of Subiaco, near Rome, the <i>Lactantii
Opera</i>, 4to., the first work printed in Italy. The <i>De Civitate Dei</i>
of St. Augustine, was printed by the same printers at Subiaco two years later.
It is now known that the first book printed in Europe with metal types, was the <i>
Mazarine Bible</i>, printed by Gutemberg and Fust, at Mentz, in 1455.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_126_126" id="Footnote_126_126"></a><a href="#FNanchor_126_126"><span class="label">
[126]</span></a> Germany.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_127_127" id="Footnote_127_127"></a><a href="#FNanchor_127_127"><span class="label">
[127]</span></a> Printing without moveable types does not go back, even in
China, beyond the beginning of the tenth century of our era. The first four
books of Confucius were printed, according to Klaproth, in the province of
Sze-chuen, between 890 and 925, and the description of the technical
manipulation of the Chinese printing press might have been read in western
countries even as early as 1310, in Raschid Eddin's Persian history of the
rulers of Khatai. According to the most recent results of the important
researches of Stanislas Julien, however, an ironsmith in China itself, between
the years 1041 and 1048, <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>, or almost 400 years
before Gutemberg, would seem to have used moveable types made of burnt clay.
This is the invention of Pi-sching, but it was not brought into application. See
Humboldt's <i>Kosmos</i>, translated by Otté, fol. 623. Moveable types are now
no longer used, for as Sir John Davis observes, vol. ii, p. 222, "the present
mode of Chinese printing with wooden stereotype blocks is peculiarly suited to
the Chinese character, and for all purposes of cheapness and expedition is
perfect". A complete set of the materials used by the Chinese in the process of
printing, may be seen in the Museum of the Royal Asiatic Society. In the note on
page 121 of Hakluyt's <i>Divers Voyages</i>, edited for the Hakluyt Society by
J. Winter Jones, Esq., the following description is given of a book printed in
1348: "The earliest work of which we have been able to obtain an account, from
one having had the opportunity of personally inspecting it, bears date the
eighth year of the last period of the reign of Shun Te, or <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> 1348. Mr.
Prevost, our informant, who is at present engaged in cataloguing the splendid
collection of Chinese books in the British Museum, has favoured us with the
following description of the book. The title is 'Chin Tsaou Tsëen Wan, or the
Thousand Character Classic'. It is one of the most popular works in China, and
consists of exactly one thousand different characters, not one being repeated.
It is composed in octosyllabic verses, which rhyme in couplets; each verse
presenting to the student some useful Chinese notion, either in morals or in
general knowledge. The object of this work is to teach the written character,
both in its semi-cursive and in its stenographic form, termed Tsaou, or
grass-writing: the text is, therefore, printed in parallel columns, alternately
in the Chin, or correct, and the Tsaou, or cursive character. The author lived
in the first half of the sixth century. This work, when seen by Mr. Prevost, was
in the possession of Colonel Tynte." The Editor has also in his own possession a
Chinese bank note, printed, or rather stamped, in the fourteenth century.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_128_128" id="Footnote_128_128"></a><a href="#FNanchor_128_128"><span class="label">
[128]</span></a> Hou-quang.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_129_129" id="Footnote_129_129"></a><a href="#FNanchor_129_129"><span class="label">
[129]</span></a> A sort of confection made of almonds, sugar, etc.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_130_130" id="Footnote_130_130"></a><a href="#FNanchor_130_130"><span class="label">
[130]</span></a> Bever, probably from bevere, <i>Ital.</i>, to drink, a small
collation between dinner and supper.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_131_131" id="Footnote_131_131"></a><a href="#FNanchor_131_131"><span class="label">
[131]</span></a> <i>Vname</i>, is probably <i>Yew ma</i>,—pitch, or the
resin of the pine. In Morrison's <i>Dictionary</i>, "tar" is translated <i>Pa
ma yew</i>: but the Editor finds nothing analogous to <i>Ja pez</i>, which is
probably now obsolete.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_132_132" id="Footnote_132_132"></a><a href="#FNanchor_132_132"><span class="label">
[132]</span></a> The Goletta of Tunis was taken from the Spaniards by Sinan
Pacha, admiral of Selim II, on the 23rd of August 1574.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_133_133" id="Footnote_133_133"></a><a href="#FNanchor_133_133"><span class="label">
[133]</span></a> Mistranslated for "the extensive knowledge which I had of
navigation."</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_134_134" id="Footnote_134_134"></a><a href="#FNanchor_134_134"><span class="label">
[134]</span></a> Misspelt for Corunna.</p>
<p> </p>
</div>
<pre>
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